THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECOED OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
• iPoston Pub
Sui>erkitende:r
THE
^ 5 DEPARTMENT
^ OF
STATE
BULLETIN
V
PUBLIC
Yol. XLIX, Nos. 1253-1279
July 1-Decemher 30, 1963
INDEX
Jv/rnber
Date
of Issue
Pages
1253
July
1,
1963
1- 36
1254
July
8,
1963
37- 76
1255
July
15,
1963
77-112
1256
July
22,
1963
113-152
1257
July
29,
1963
153-188
1258
Aug.
5,
1963
189-232
1259
Aug.
12,
1963
233-276
1260
Aug.
19,
1963
277-312
1261
Aug.
26,
1963
313-348
1262
Sept.
2,
1963
349-384
1263
Sept.
9,
1963
385-^20
1264
Sept.
16,
1963
421-452
1265
Sept.
23,
1963
453-488
1266
Sept.
30,
1963
489-528
Jumber
Date 0/ Issue
Pages
1267
Oct.
7,
1963
529- 568
1268
Oct.
14,
1963
569- 608
1269
Oct.
21,
1963
609- 652
1270
Oct.
28,
1963
653- 692
1271
Nov.
4,
1963
693- 724
1272
Nov.
11>
1963
726- 764
1273
Nov.
IS,
1963
765- 804
1274
Nov.
25,
1963
805- 840
1275
Dec.
2,
1963
841- 880
■\21Q
Dec.
9,
1963
881- 908
1277
Dec.
16,
1963
909- 952
1278
Dec.
23,
1963
953- 988
1279
Dec.
30,
1963
989-1024
m
mi
h '-i
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Publication 7754
Released December 1964
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INDEX
Volume XLIX: Numbers 1253-1279, July 1-Decembers 30, 1963
Abu Simbel, temples of, 18
Academy of Sciences, Soviet, 404
ACDA. See Arms Control and Disarmament Agency,
U.S.
Adams, Walter, 297
Adenauer, Konrad, 116, 697
Advertising material and commercial samples, inter-
national convention (1952) to facilitate importa-
tation of, Cyprus, 109
Advisory Commission on International Educational
and Cultural Affairs, 57, 169, 297, 684, 743, 864
Advisory Committee on the Arts, 57, 438
Advisory Committee on International Book Programs,
933
Advisory Committee on International Business Prob-
lems, 542
Advisory Committee on International Organizations,
The Technical Cootieration Programs of the United
Nations System, released, 97
Aerial photography in Africa, importance of (Pearcy),
1018
Afghanistan :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 410
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34.j, 410, 450, 647
U.S. cooperation with (Kennedy), 535
Visit of King and Queen to U.S., 92, 235
Africa :
Cartography, importance of (Pearcy), 1014
Communist interest and techniques to undermine
freedom in (Williams), 929, 931
Decolonization, problems in (Stevenson), 333
Development Bank, proposed establishment (BiBg-
bam), 719
Economic and social development in (Fredericks),
289, 785
Education, need for expansion : Anderson, 87 ;
Fredericks, 289
Foreign aid program, need for (Williams), 436
Newly independent nations, problems of (Manning),
G44
Peace Corps program in (Kennedy), 171
Political developments (Fredericks), 783
Portuguese territories :
Self-determination, problems of: Gardner, 505;
Williams, 434
U.N. Security Council resolution, 309
U.S. position: Fredericks, 784; Husk, 360; Steven-
son, 303, 308
Africa — Continued
Role of U.S. private organizations (Williams), 436
Self-determination of African states: Cleveland,
4G3 ; Williams, 434
Students in U.S. and Soviet Union, number of (Wil-
liams), 930
U.S. policy: Fredericks, 284; Williams, 432, 932
Women, role of (Williams), 636
African Development Bank, U.S. approval for pro-
posed establishment of, 719
African Unity, Organization of:
Objectives of (Fredericks), 786
U.S. support (Fredericks), 285, 287
Agency for International Development :
Exports, relation of AID program to (Kennedy),
597, 598
Foreign aid program, administration of: Kennedy,
254 ; Rusk, 21
Haiti:
AID mission closed in, 297
Airport construction, loan agreement suspended
for, 144
International aviation policy, statutory responsibil-
ity (Kennedy), 161
Purpose and role of: Bell, 832; Kennedy, 808
Agricultural Act of 1949 (7 U.S.C. 1427), 664
Agricultural Act of 1961 (7 U.S.C. 1282), 664
Agricultural surpluses, U.S., use in overseas programs:
Agreements with: Bolivia, 172; Brazil, 524, 606;
Colombia, 418 ; Cyprus, 150 ; Dominican Repub-
lic, 381, 802 ; Ethiopia, 74 ; Greece, 878 ; Guinea,
950 ; Indonesia, 150, 172 ; Iraq, 524 ; Japan, 150 ;
Korea, 110, 172, 418; Pakistan, 34; Peru, 606;
Portugal, 230; Syrian Arab Republic, 984;
Tunisia, 606; United Arab Republic, 689, 722;
Viet-Nam, 346, 906
Food for peace shipment, FT 1963, report to Con-
gress on, 403
Korea, U.S. grain provided, 101
U.S. exports to Europe (G. Johnson), 547
U.S. studies abroad, use of foreign currency to fi-
nance, 169
Wheat export to Soviet Union and Eastern Europe
proposed: Ball, 935; Kennedy, 600; Rusk, 810,
815
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act
(1954) :
India, agreement amending agreement under title
III, 110
7 U.S.C. 1707, 664
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMEEE 19G3
1027
Apiculture:
AdvanciHi UH-hiiology, effects of: Kennedy, 58; Free-
man. 00, &4 ; Rui<k, 001
Communliit China. probleaiB In (Uilsman). 387
Cuba, ImiJortance of sugar jiroductlon (Martin), 577
EEC tarKrt price on grain, i)robleni of (Goeeett),
•2SH
Lem develoi)od countries, problems of development
procoM In (RoBtow), 4iJ6
Mexico, agrarian reform program In (Martin), 960,
001
Xewl for Increased production In (Kennedy), 780
I'acUlc Islands trust terrltorj- (Godiug), 225
Ilole. 8C01M? and effects of Industrialization on (Free-
man), 00
Trade In agricultural products (see also Commodity
trade problems) :
U.S.EKC trade, problems ((Jossett), 293
World trade ( Herter), 602, 603
Agriculture, De|>artment of :
Ckttton sales abroad, propram for (Kennedy), 252
Food and Agriculture Exposition-Symposium oi)ened
at Amsterdam, 094
The World food Budget, published, 63
Agrousky. .Martin, 340
Ahmed, Cihulnm, 377
AID. 8co Agency for International Development
Air navigation and transport. See Aviation
Air rates, iutemationni, U.S. views on, 247
Air Transport Association, International, 247
Aircraft See Aviation
.Virmail, universal ixwtal convention (1957) provision.s
re, Trinidad and Tobago, 273
Alalni. Mobsln A., 249
Albania :
Communist China. U.N. membership proposal (Ste-
venson), ".'w
Telecommunication convention (lO-jO) international,
with aimexes, 762
Algeria :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 297
Border dispute, cease-flre agreement with Morocco,
U.S. approval, 787
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 884
Soviet arms shlptiiont from Cuba and Egypt, question
of (RuMlc),817
TrentlPH, agrwments, etc., 34, 229, 380, 605, 984
AlKprian'.Moroccan dispute (Rusk), 817
Allen, Fmncls O., 4.'>0
Alien, Ilnrold W., 1M5
Alliance for Progress:
AppniprlaMiin rwluiilons, dangers of:
Clay. 47tl; Collin. 517; .lohnson, WO; McNamarn,
400; Uiwk. 400. r.71, .'■!«». 1003
Export markets, development of (Kennedy), 598
liStln America :
.V iits In: Kennedy, 401, 808, 901; L.
■1
' continued support (L. Johnson), 912
Mexico (MarUn),001
Alliance for Progress — Continued
Need for strengthening (Rusk), 814
Objectives and review of: Ball, 832; Battle, 412;
Bingham, 719; Harriman, 945; Kennedy, 900;
Martin, 579, 581 ; McXamara, 401 ; Rostow, 424 ;
Rusk, 401
2d annual review of, lA-ECOSOC Ministerial Rep-
resentatives, 800, 937
Technical assistance programs, importance of
(Rusk), 21
American Institute of Indian Studies, U.S. grant to,
99
AMVETS (American Veterans of World War II and
Korea), 433, 434
Anderson, Jlrs. Eugenie, 87, 138, 141, 142
Anderson, George W., Jr., 310
Angola :
Self-determination, U.S. support (Stevenson), 304
Antarctica :
Inspection, purpose and appointment of observers
for, 513, 932
Telecommunications, Antarctic Treaty countries
meeting on, final communique, 107
ANZUS (Australia, New Zealand, U.S.), U.S. support
(U. Johnson), 81
Apartheid (see o?«o Racial discrimination) :
Problems of : Fredericks, 784 ; Gardner, 505 ; Steven-
son, 333 ; Williams, 435, 931 ; Yost, 337
U.S. position : Fredericks, 286; Kennedy, 534 ; Plimp-
ton, 758 ; Stevenson, 769
Arab-Israeli conflict (Rusk), 24
Architects, Pan American Congress of, 801
Argentina :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 884
Democracy, maintainence of (Martin), 700
Treaties, agreements, etc., 73, 74, 229, 230, 345, 410,
450, 484, 524, 647, 689, 722, 761, 801, 8."}8
Visit by Gov. Harriman, purpose of (Rusk), 814
Armaments (see also Disarmament, Missiles, and Nu-
clear weapons) :
Control and reduction of :
International law, importance of (Foster), 829
Soviet-U.S. possible negotiations re (Rusk), 195
U.S. position : Foster 7, 824, 825 ; Stevenson, 753
Cuban arms cache discovery in Venezuela, 913
Nuclear arms race, halt to (Cleveland), 966
Portugal, U.S. position on military supply to (Steven-
son), 307; test of Security Council resolution,
309
Race:
Dangers of and need to halt (Foster), 828
National security, effect on (Kennedy) , 237
Outer space, problems in : Gardner, 371 ; Steven-
son, 1006
Solution of (Kennedy), 4
Safeguard against risk of war : Kennedy, 532 ; Rusk,
493
South Africa, U.S. sales forbidden to: Stevenson,
335; Yost, 337
1028
DEFABTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Armed forces :
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Near East, Soviet position re forces in, 85
Soviet Union, in Cuba, 360, 361
Treatment in time of war, Geneva conventions
(1949), relative to: Cameroon, 950; Malagasy
Republic, 648; Saudi Arabia, Senegal, 273; So-
mali Republic, 648; Tanganyika, 273; Trinidad
and Tobago, 950
Armed forces, U.S. :
Berlin, Soviet interference with U.S. convoys to, 812,
815, 818
Germany, question of U.S. forces in (Rusk), 357, 729
Indian technicians, training of, 246
Korea, Communist aggression against U.S. soldiers
in, 283
Military cemeteries, agreement with Belgium correct-
ing discrepancies re, 838
Overseas, number and cost of maintaining: McNa-
mara, 917 ; Rusk, 496, 729, 995
Viet-Nam, role in : Heavner, 397 ; Manning, 458
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. :
Assistant Director, confirmation, 906
Background and goals of : Foster, 7, 824 ; Williams,
433 ; Tyler, 94
Arts, Advisory Committee on the, appointments, 57, 438
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia (see also ANZUS
Council, Pacific, Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza-
tion, and individual countries) :
Communist activities : Hilsman, 44 ; Kennedy, 499
Economic and social development (Hilsman), 390
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, 30
Education, need for (Anderson), 87
Immigration quota, problem of (Kennedy), 299
U.S. policy : Hilsman, 386 ; U. Johnson, 78
Atlantic alliance. See North Atlantic Treaty Organi-
zation
Atlantic community («ee also Atlantic partnership and
North Atlantic Treaty Organization :
Background and purpose of: Kennedy, 120, 121, 122,
123 ; Rostow, 537
Role of Peace Corps ( Kennedy) , 115
Atlantic parliamentary assembly, proposed (Schaet-
zel), 734
Atlantic partnership:
Review of : Kennedy, 120 ; Rusk, 726
Role of U.S. and united Europe in: McGhee, 958;
Schaetzel, 736
U.S. position: Bundy, 627; McGhee, 954; Rusk, 729;
Schaetzel, 731
Atlantic undersea test and evaluation center, U.S.-U.K.
agreement for establishment in Bahama Islands
of, 722
Atmospheric nuclear tests, international concern (Har-
riman), 282
Atmospheric nuclear weapon test ban. See Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty
Atomic Energy Agency, International :
Desalting sea water, U.S. delegation to conference
on, 563
Deputy representative (Hefner), confirmation, 566
Atomic Energy Agency, International— Continued
Role in nuclear power station established in India,
143
Safeguards system extension for international nu-
clear control, U.S. position (Smyth), 1019
Statute of:
Current action : Ivory Coast, 905
Amendment of art. VI.A.3 : Afghanistan, Argen-
tina, 647 ; Germany, 450 ; Italy, 372 ; Libya, 565
U.S. support (L. Johnson), 1019
Atomic Energy Commission, U.S. :
Pacific Islands trust territory, health survey con-
ducted in (Goding), 219
Uranium 235, additional quantities recommended,
167
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of :
Agreements re civil uses of: Belgium, 905;
EURATOM, 450, 762; India, 143, 345, 802; Ire-
land, 345 ; Japan, 345, 647 ; Panama, 110 ; Philip-
pines, 345 ; U.K., 310
India, negotiations and text of agreement establish-
ing nuclear power station in, 143, 340
International cooperation, U.S. supports (L. Johnson),
1019
Safeguards system, U.S. favors extension of
(Smyth), 1019
Uranium 235, U.S. makes additional quantities avail-
able, 167
Atoms for peace program, success of (Smyth), 1020
Australia :
ANZUS, U.S. support (U. Johnson), 81
Communication with U.S. via Commonwealth Cable,
969
Economic comparison with Communist China (Hila-
man), 391
Prime Minister visit to U.S., 51
Treaties, agreements, etc., 74, 150, 229, 245, 761, 802,
877, 950
U.S. scientific attach^, appointment, 150
Austria:
Educational exchange agreement with U.S., an-
nounced, 100
Persecutee Fund, deadline for filing claims, 550
Treaties, agreements, etc., 150, 485, 524, 722
Automotive traffic. See Road traffic
Aviation :
Air rates, international :
Air transport association, international rate
agreement, 511
Rates, routes, and capacity problems (Johnson),
510
U.S. views, 247
Air transport, relationship between Industry and
government (G. Johnson), 512
Aircraft, U.S. supplying Laos, Soviet views, 500
Airport construction agreement with Haiti sus-
pended by U.S., 144
Coordinator for International Aviation, appointment
(Ferguson), 186
Cuban air service, status of (Martin), 576
INDEX, JTTLT TO DECEMBER 1963
1029
Aviation — Continued
lult-miitlanal jwllry. U-S. :
Prlni-lpli-w of (O. Johnnon), TMS
8«tn-lury Hu.sk aHslgned leadership In (Ken-
nedy). 1(50
Treatlem aBrwuients, etc :
Air navlKntlon e<iulpnH'nt, agreement with Ger-
many re leuHe of, 381
Air nnvlgiition services, joint Bnancing of, agree-
ments :
Kuroe Islands and Greenland, amendment of
iinnex III, entry Into force, 150
Air services transit agreement, international
( liM5), Jamaica, 701
Air transiiort services agreement with: Mexico,
.•{71, -IIH; New Zealand, 172
rarrlage by air. convention (1929) for unification
of ifrtain rules re : Belgium, Cyprus, 877 ; Den-
mark. Iceland, .34; Morocco, 877; Norway, 34;
riirtugal, 877 ; Sweden, 34 ; Uganda, 877
Civil aviation, international, convention (1944)
on:
Convention on offcn.ses and other acts commit-
ted on board aircraft: China, Congo (B),
Germany. Guatemala, Holy See, Indonesia,
Italy. Japan, Liberia. Panama. Philippines,
Sweden. I'.K.. I'.S., Upi>er Volta, Yugoslavia.
CS.S
Protocol amending art. .')O(a) re ICAO Council
membership, Italy, 701
Protocol amending arts, on sessions of ICAO
Assembly : Panama, Tanganyika, 761
Protficol relating to amendment to increase
number of parties requesting extraordinary
Assembly meeting: Australia. Finland, Ire-
land. Ivory Coast, Niger. Norway, Portugal,
South Africa, Sweden, Tanganyika, Thailand,
U.K., 701: U.S., 877: Upper Volta. 761
Ratified by the President a'57
Ijinding and Imusing fee exemptions for U.S. mili-
tary aircraft, agreement with India, .''>24
U.S. alrrrafts, agreement with Saudi Arabia re
loan of, 273
Bader, Henri. 006
Ilnhama I.xlanils. treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 722
I<alanc4> of payments:
Exjiort fX|ianslon program, U.S.:
AII> devpln|iment of (Kennedy), .TOS
Effort of, 200
Foreign aid cuts, effect of (ColBn). 518
IBRI). roleof (Hall). 020
IMF, U.S. withdrawals to finance deficits authorlze<l.
2r.«. 4(Ki
Propoiic<I amendment to facilitate u.se of foreign
rurrcncli-)! (Kenne<ly), 2(>l
U.S. «tatu» of and cfffirts to improve: Kennedy, 2."i0,
BOB. r.n«, 01 1 ; Husk, .im, ooo
Wheat wile to Rmlet Union and Knstem Europe.
effort of (Kennedy). (MM)
Hall. riiH.rge W., .11.',. .lix, fini, k,s.3. <)Xi
Baruch, Bernard, 93, 356, 432
Battle Act, puriwse of, 666
Battle, Lucius D., 411, 864
A Beacon of Hope: The Exchange-of-Pcrsons Program,
published, 743
Belgium :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 484, 485, 648, 689,
761, 838, 877, 905, 984
Visit of A'jce President Johnson, 630, 850
Bell, David E., 830, 1000
Ben Bella, Ahmed, 884
Berlin :
Berlin wall, question of (Kennedy), 125
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 885
East Berlin, Soviet restrictions protested by U.S.,
138
Freedom of, U.S. support (Kennedy), 125
German-U.S. discussions (Adenauer, Kennedy), 117
Problems and developments in : Rusk, 812 ; Schaetzel,
735
Reunification, problem of (Kennedy), 127
Soviet interference with U.S. convoys to, 818
U.S. views: McGhee, 819; Rusk, 656
Western position (Rusk), 813
Bermuda agreement, U.S. views (G. Johnson), 512
Betancourt, Romulo, 890
Bingham, Jonathan B., 28, 68, 561, 712
Blagonravov, .tVnatoly A., 405
Blair House, history and significance (Duke), 703
Blumenthal, W. Michael, 72, 297
Board of Foreign Scholarships, 869
Bolivia :
President's visit to U.S., 787
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 229, 345, 647
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 838
U.S. officials seized, U.S. assistance offered for re-
lease, 998
Bonds, U.N., terms and conditions governing issuance
of (General Assembly resolution), 185
Books, Advisory Committee on International Book
Programs, 933
Borton, Hugh, 582
Bourguiba, Habib, 889
Boyd, Alan S., 247
Brandt, Willy, 885
Brazil :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 884
Santos. U.S. consulate closed. 329
Treaties, agreements, etc., 310, 345, 484, 524, 566, 606,
761, 762, 838, 905
U.S. aid (Rusk), 23
Brezhnev, Leonid. 159
Brinkley, David, 499
Brown, W. Norman, 99
Bryant, Farris, 43,45
Buddhists, in Viet-Nam, U.S. position (Heavner), 395,
308
Buffman, William B., 802
Bulgaria :
Anderson, Minister Eugenie, television and radio
broadcast by, 141
1030
l)i;r.\RTMEXT OF STATE BULLETIN
Bulgaria — Continued
"Plastics-USA" exhibit opened, 142
Trade relations with U.S., 141
Travel restrictions for citizens in U.S., 860
Treaties, agreements, etc., 140, 150, 345, 877
Bull, Odd (Lt. Gen.), 521
Bundy, McGeorge, 625
Burma, treaties, agreements, etc., 330, 877
Burundi, Kingdom of :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 647, 689, 950
U.S. Ambassador, appointment, 310, 566
U.S. Legation raised to Embassy status, 566
Butler, R. A., 736
Byroade, Henry A., 525
Cadwalader, John L., 205
Calendar of international conferences and meetings
{see also subject), 33, 102, 206, 302, 378, 439, 552,
649, 710, 799, 870, 971
Camargo, Alberto Lleras, 938
Cambodia, protocol for accession to GATT, Austria,
722
Cameroon :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 109, 150, 172, 450, 950
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 18
Canada :
Calgary, U.S. consulate raised to consulate general,
485
Chairman of Permanent Joint Board on Defense,
U.S. Section (Matthews), appointment, 566
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 890
Edmonton, U.S. consulate closed at, 329
Interest equalization tax proposed, U.S.-Canadian
joint statement, 256
North Pacific Fishery Conference, U.S.-Canada-Ja-
pan, 519, 709
Passamaquoddy-Saint John hydroelectric projects re-
port, 248
Trade and Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadlan
Committee, 8th meeting, delegation to and text
of amended agreement, 297, 548, 689
Trade relations with U.S. (G. Johnson), 543
Treaties, agreements, etc., 273, 345, 485, 606, 648, 688,
689, 761, 877, 950
U.S. relations (Tyler), 93, 97
Canal Zone:
Income tax, agreement with Panama for withholding
from compensation paid to Panamanians em-
ployed within Canal Zone, 802
U.S.-Panama talks, 246
Capital Development Fund, UN, U.S. position (Bing-
ham), 561
Captive Nations Week, 1963, proclamation, 161
Cargo Preference Act, 666
Carr, James K., 563
Carter, Chester C, 186
Cartographic Conference for Africa, U.N., 1014
Cartography, in Africa, definition and purpose
(Pearcy), 1014
Castiella y Maiz. Fernando Maria, 686
Castro, Fidel, 741
Cemeteries, U.S. military, agreement with Belgium cor-
recting discrepancies re, 838
Central African Republic :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 172, 605, 877
U.S. Ambassador, appointment, 310
Central Intelligence Agency, 500
Cereals and Meats, Committees on (GATT), 72
Ceylon :
Oil, U.S. views re proposed legislation on internal
distribution of, 245
Treaties, agreements, etc., 73, 110, 418, 566
Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, 245
Chad, treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 230, 450, 877
Chamizal boundary convention between U.S. and Mex-
ico, texts of convention and memorandum, 199, 201,
450, 480
Charter of the United Nations. See United Nations
Charter
Chayes, Abram, 162
Cheston, Warren B., 150
Chiang Kai-shek, 884
Chiari, Robert F., 246, 888
Chile, treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 345, 689, 721, 984,
1021
China, Communist:
Asia, aggression in : Galbraith, 55, 56 ; Hilsman, 43 ;
Johnson. 79 ; Rusk, 23
Disarmament conference, worldwide, proposed
(Rusk), 359
Nationalism, growth of (Ro.stow), 928
Objectives and behavior (Stevenson), 756, 758
Soviet relations:
Aid, Soviet withdrawal (Hilsman), 357
Sino-Soviet dispute. See Sino-Soviet dispute
Standards of living (Rostow), 427
Status of social and economic development (Hils-
man), 387
United Nations :
Attitude toward (Stevenson), 757
Representation, question of (Stevenson), 755
China, Republic of :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 884
Cotton textiles, arrangement with U.S. re trade, 789
Economic progress, comparison with Communist
China (Hilsman), 390
Need for supporting assistance to (Rusk), 1003
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, question of nonparticipa-
tion (Rusk), 360
U.S. policy toward and relations with : Hilsman, 44 ;
Stevenson, 757
Treaties, agreements, etc., 73, 418, 688, 761, 802
Visit of Minister (without portfolio) to U.S., an-
nouncement of, 403
Yiinff Lo Encyclopedia presented to Library of Con-
gress, 740
Ching-kuo, Chiang, 403
Christensen, William H., 485
Churchill, Winston S., 886
Civil Aeronautics Board, 161
Civil emergency planning committee, agreement with
Canada for establishment of, 950
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1031
CIrllian pcnion« In Ume of war, Geneva conventions
(IWU) n-lntlve to treatment of: Cameroon, 950;
MalaKOHy Rppublic. 048; Saudi Arabia. Senegal,
273 ; Somali Republic. 648 ; Tanganyika. 273 ; Trin-
idad and Tobago, 1)50
Claims :
Austria, filing deadline for persecutees, RTyO
Bulgaria, agreement for compensation of U.S. claims
agalnKt, 140. 150
Ceylon, problem of compensation for American oil
comiMinlet* taken over by. 245
Nethorland.sGerman agreement for compensation to
Nazi victims, 142. 437
Pacific Islands trust territory, problems of land dis-
putes in (Coding), 218
Philippine War Damage Act, Fulbrlght-Hays amend-
ment providing settlement of, 301
Clay. Lucius P.. 470
Cleveland, llnrinn :
Addresses, remarks, and statements:
American democracy. 845
NATO Council meeting re C.X. agenda, 513
Peace ond human rights, 3S. 670
"Toasted breadcrumbs of the future," 12
Dses of diversity, 401. 004
United Nations, 18th General Assembly, problems
and progress, 5.'i3
Visits: Kurope, 92; France, 513
C<iftin, Frank M., 514
Coffee:
International coffee agreement, 1902:
Current actions: Argentina, 73, 801; Australia,
9.10; Bolivia, 647; Brazil, 905; Cameroon, 109;
Chile, 721; Colombia, 109; Congo, 524; Costa
ni.a. .124, 905; Denmark. 73; El Salvador, 109;
Kthlopla. 721; Germany, 524, 089; Guatemala,
l.'O; Haiti, .'■.24; Honduras. 647; India, 605;
Julian. 73; Mexico. 047; Netherlands. 73; Nlea-
riigua. 229; Nigeria. 172; Norway. 905; Panama,
MO ; Soviet I'nion. .524 ; Spain, 524. 905 ; Sweden,
172 ; Switzerland, 524 ; Togo. 721 ; U.S., 172
i;.S. supiKirt and proposed ratification, 109, 271
Cold war :
Communist position (Rostow), 540
Dangers of (Kennedy), 531
Education for mnibatiiig (Ullsman),49
U.N.'s role In (SIsco), 773
U.S. attitude toward ( Kennedy), 4, 095
Cold War Kducatlon, Conference on, 43
Collective securlly («rc aho Mutual defense) :
Aula, Soulh Asia, and Southeast Asia. See ANZUS
ami Southeast Asia Treaty Organization
Euroix-. Urc North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Western Hemisphere. See Organization of American
Stales
Collier. Oershon Bcresford Oneslmns, 001
Colombia :
Aml>a<i.Kador to U.S., credentials, 240
C^tidiiicnrcs on I'reslili'ut Kennedy's death, 885
Treatlea. agrecmenU, etc., 84, 109, 229, 345, 380, 418,
701. 1022
Colonialism, decline of: Fredericks, 783; Stevenson,
304
Commerce, Department of:
Aviation policy, role in (Kennedy), 161
Export expansion program : Kennedy, 252, 660 ;
Rusk, 600
Commission on National Goals, 866
Committee of Liberation (Williams), 435
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, Legal
Subcommittee, U.N., 104
Committee to Strengthen the Security of the Free
World, 477
Commodity Credit Corporation, 660, 602
Commodity trade problems {see also individual com-
modity), proposals and efforts to solve (Frank),
176
Common markets. See names of market
Commonwealth Pacific Cable, 969
Communications {see also Radio and Telecommtmlca-
tion) :
Australia, agreement re naval communication sta-
tion, 150
Protocol in (Duke), 703
Satellites :
Australia, agreement providing space vehicle
tracking and communication facilities, 802
Experimental, cooperation in international testing
of, agreements with : Denmark, Norway, Swe-
den, G47
International program, U.S. support (Kennedy),
904
Outer space, problems re: Kennedy (cited), 1010;
Gardner, 368
Purpose and achievements (Stevenson), 1010
Space radio communication conference, decision
by, 835
Spain, communication facilities and tracking sta-
tions on Grand Canary Island, 172
U.S. views (Gardner), 506
Soviet-U.S. agreement re establishment of direct
communications link:
Negotiations (Tyler), 95
Purpose of: Foster, 828; Rusk, 195, 491
Texts of agreement, 50, 406
Space, Project West Ford, 104, 105
Transmission from U.S. to Australia via Common-
wealth Cable, 969
Communism (see also China, Communist; Cuba; Slno-
Soviet dispute; atid Soviet Union) :
Africa, techniques and failure to undermine free-
dom in : Fredericks, 785 ; Williams, 931
Aggression and subversive activities:
Europe (Rostow), 922
Far East (Johnson), 79
Germany ( Rostow ), 539, 540
Latin America : Kennedy, 903 ; Martin, 577
VIet-Nam : Heavner, 394 ; Manning, 4IJ9
Agricultural production under (Rusk), 992
Dangers and problems of: Hilsman, 43; Johnson,
544 ; Rostow, 923 ; Rusk, 197
1032
DEPABTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Communism — Continued
Disputes among Communist nations (Cleveland),
0G6
Free-world struggle and measures against: Ken-
nedy, 171; McNamara, 919; Rostow, 922, 926;
Rusk, 495
GNP, rate of growth in Communist bloc (Rostow),
430
Laos, Communist violation of Geneva agreement re
independence of (Hilsman),45
Trade union movement, effect on (Kennedy), 123
World objectives : Bundy, 629 ; Harriman, 279 ; Man-
ning, 457 ; Rusk, 492, 493, 728 ; Williams, 434
Condolences on the death of John F. Kennedy, 881-
891
Conferences and organizations, international. See In-
ternational organizations and conferences and
subject
Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville) :
Communist objectives in (Williams), 931
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 172, 450, 688
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 18
Congo, Republic of the ( Leopold ville) :
Communist penetration in labor groups (Williams),
931
Independence of, problems In achieving (Fred-
ericks), 783
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 524, 605, 689, 950
U.N. operations in, financing of : Chayes, 162 ; Plimp-
ton, 179; Stevenson, 769; General Assembly
resolution, 184, 185
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 18
Congress :
Committee hearings on :
Communist nations, restriction of credit proposed
to, 935
Foreign aid funds, restoration urged : Kennedy,
477 ; Rusk, 19
State Department 1964 appropriation request,
(Rusk), 260
Documents relating to foreign policy, lists, 57, 101,
144, 205, 204, 437, 551, 752, 792, 985, 1004
Foreign aid, dangers in proposed reductions in
(Rusk), 812, 816
International organizations, congressional support
for cooperation in, 196
Legislation :
Agricultural Act of 1949 (7 U.S.C. 1427), 664
Agricultural Act of 1961 (7 U.S.C. 1282), 664
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act, 1954 (7 U.S.C. 1707), 664
Battle Act, 666
Cargo Preference Act, 666
Export Control Act, 667
Fulbright-Hays amendment to Philippine War
Damage Act (Department statement and re-
marks by Hilsman), 301
Johnson Act (18 U.S.C. 955) , 661
Congress — Continued
Legislation — Continued
Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of 1051
(22 U.S.C. 1611), 666
Philippine War Damage Act, amendment provid-
ing settlement of claims, 301
Legislation proposed :
Balance-of-payments situation, amendment to ease
(Kennedy), 204
Immigration quotas, 298
Interest equalization tax (Kennedy), 255, 256
Tax reduction and revision program, effect on
balance of payments (Kennedy), 251
Messages, letters, and reports to Congress. See
Kennedy, John F. : Messages
Peace Corps, recommendation for expansion (Ken-
nedy), 170
Senate advice and consent to ratification of :
Coffee, agreement (1962), international, 109
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, limited, 631
Senate approval requested for :
Chamizal boundary convention between Mexico
and U.S., 480
Conventions on forced labor, slavery, political
rights of women (Gardner), 321
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, 314, 316, 496
Congressional Record, quoted re foreign aid (CofBn),
514
Conservation of natural resources, need for (Kennedy),
779
Consular relations :
U.S. agreements with :
Japan, 762
Korea, 762, 878, 905
Vienna convention (1963) on: Ghana, 837
Contiguous zone and territorial sea convention (1958)
on : Australia, 229
Continental shelf, convention (1958) on the: Australia,
229 ; Denmark, 150
Contingency fund, importance of (Rusk), 1004
Cook Islands :
Road vehicles, convention (1954) on temporary im-
portation, 109
Touring, convention (1954) concerning customs facil-
ities for, 109
Copyright convention (1952), universal: Bahamas,
172; Peru, 524; Virgin Islands, 172
Correa Escobar, Jos6 Antonio, 777
COSPAR. See Space Research, International Commit-
tee on
Costa Rica:
Defense of Western Hemisphere, proposed OAS for-
eign ministers meeting for consideration of, 813
Treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 380, 524, 721, 761,
905
Cottam, Howard Rex, 310
Cotton, U.S. program for direct sales abroad (Kenne-
dy), 252
Cotton textiles, long-term arrangement re trade in:
China, 802; Hong Kong, 933; Jamaica, 645, 689;
Japan, 440, 450
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 19 63
1033
Ooart of JuaOce, EEC (Lowenfeld), 374
OoTonant of the League of Nations, 975
Cronklte, Walter. 498
Cuba:
AaaetK blocke<l by U.S. to counter Communist snb-
Toralon. 100, 576
Eownomlc iiroMruw In ( Martin) , 576
Hurrl.-auf Flora UisaHtor, L'.S. aid rejected, 741
KldnupliiK iiKldcnt by Castro's trooi» In British
wattTH (Uu8k),3«2
Situation in (UuMk), 817
Soviet iiiilltao' forces in (Rusk), 300, 361
Trade. fret>-«-orld boycott ( Martin) , 575
Travel to, validated iMJssitorts required for, 92
Treatli-s, atn^Miients, etc., 4H4, 566, 689, 761, 837
U.S. |H>llcy toward: Kennedy, 903; Martin, 574;
Rusk, 494
Venezuela, discovery of Cuban arms cache in, 913
Cuban crisis, U.S. actions in, success and Interpreta-
tions of : Galbraith, ZA ; Kennedy, 894
Cultural rclalioii.s aiul programs (ace aUo Educational
exchange and Exctiange of persons) :
Advisory Committee on the Arts, members and ad
Aoc drama (mnei api)ointed, 438
Consultants ap|>oiuted, 673
Japon-U.S. wufereiice on cultural and educational
intcrc-hnnge. 2d meeting, 582, 659
Presentation program, music advisers appointed, 57
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Cultural agreement with : Iraq, 450
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials,
ugrin-ment and protocol on importation of: Cy-
prus, l(r.> ; Ivory Coast, 524
Ciutoma : ( icc aluo Tariff jwlicy ) :
Commercial samples and advertising material, con-
vention (19.">2) to facilitate importation: Cy-
pnis, 109
Road vehicles, convention (19.54) on temporary im-
|x»rtatlon : Cook Islands, 109; Costa Rica, 761;
Cypnw, 109
Touring, convention (19.'>4) concerning customs fa-
clIitioM for: Cook Islands, 109; Costa Rica, 721;
Cyprus, 109
Cyclone. U.S. aid to Pakistan, 17
Cyprus, treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 74, 109, 110, 150,
273. .•W5. 088, 877
Cyrankli-wicK, Jozef, 888
Czechoslovakia :
Anitrassador to U.S.. credentials, 844
StrugKle for |K>lltlcal Independence (Plimpton), 981
Travel rc«tri<tlons for citizens In U.S., 860
Treaties, agri'<-ments, etc., 34, 74, 34.'>, 721, 701, 702
DAC. «oc Development Assistance Committee
Uabonioy, treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 450, 565, 566,
flOf.
DnvlH. W. Tnie. Jr., 048
Decade of I>evelopment :
ObJiHHlve and problems of : RIngham, 28 ; Stevenson,
270
Political rigbtit. relatlonshl;) to (Tlllett), 145, 148
U.S. MUiFport ( Husk). .'.71
Declaration of Cundinamarca, 941
Defense («ce also Collective security and Mutual de-
fense) :
Armed forces overseas, importance of (Rostow),
925
Expenditures, question of: Foster, 8; Kennedy, 253
Free world, U.S. strategy (Rusk), 992
Greece, agreement re safeguarding of secrecy of
invention relating to defense and for which
patent applications have been filed, 381
India, U.S.-U.K.-India agreement to strengthen air
defense of, 245
Internal defense and security :
Arms control, importance of (Foster), 824
Efforts toward : Bundy, 626 ; Rusk, 490
Problems of (McXamara), 914
NATO:
Efforts toward unity for (Rusk), 192
Soviet threats, role against (McGhee), 955
SEATO, 1963-64 military exercises by forces of, 863
Spain, agreement with U.S. renewed, texts of docu-
ments, 686
Strategy and complexity of deterrence: Foster, 825,
826 ; McNamara, 920
De Gaulle, Charles, 296, 885
Democracy :
Addresses and statements : Anderson, 87 ; Battle,
868 ; Cleveland, 461, 845 ; Galbraith, 52, Martin,
699 ; Rusk, 843, 1000
Problems of:
Africa (Fredericks), 288
Asia (Hilsman), 392
Latin America (Kennedy), 902
U.S. role (Kennedy, cited), 1000, 10O4
Demography. See Population
Denmark :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 73, 150, 273, 345, 485,
647, 761
Visit of Vice President Johnson, 479, 589
Department of Agriculture:
Cotton sales abroad, program for (Kennedy), 252
Food and Agriculture Exposition-Symposium opened
at Amsterdam, 594
The World Food Budget, published, 03
Department of Commerce :
Aviation policy, role in (Kennedy), 161
Export expansion program; Kennedy, 252, 660;
Rusk, 600
Department of Defense, role in international aviation
policy (Kennedy), 161
Department of State. .See State Department
Department of the Treasury :
Cuban assets, controls blocked on, 160
Interest equalization tax proposal, 256
Desalination of water, IAEA conference on, 563
Development Assistance Committee (DAC) :
Activities and resixmsibility of (Rusk), 27, 196
luesa developed countries, aid to : Ball, 621 ; Rusk,
196
1034
DEPARTJIENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Development Association, International. See Inter-
national Development Association
Development Bank, Inter-American. See Inter-
American Development Bank
Development Decade, U.N., progress in (Bingham),
718
Development loans :
Appropriation FY 1964, question of:' Coffin, 518;
Rusk, 1002
Terms of credit liberalized (Ball), 622
Dey Ould Sidi Baba, 522
Dictatorships, U.S. views on (Rusk), 657
Diem, Ngo Dinh, 46
Dillon, Douglas, 613, 883
Diplomacy :
Protocol in (Duke), 703
U.N.'s role (Sisco), 775
Views on modern diplomacy (Sevilla-Sacasa), 997
Diplomatic relations and recognition :
Race discrimination problem, effect of (Duke), 702
Recognition :
Dominican Republic, 997
Ecuador, 282
Honduras, 997
Viet-Nam, 818
Vienna convention (1961) and protocol :
Current actions: Argentina, 837, 838; Cuba, 837;
Czechoslovakia, 34 ; Guatemala, 837 ; Iraq, 905 ;
Jamaica, 110 ; Malagasy Republic, 450 ; Switzer-
land, 905
U.S. views on Vienna convention on diplomatic
relations (Rusk), 156
Diplomatic representatives abroad. See Foreign
Service
Diplomatic representatives in the U.S. :
Nonwhite, treatment of (Rusk), 155
Presentation of credentials: Afghanistan, 410; Al-
geria, 297; Colombia, 249; Czechoslovakia, 844;
Ecuador, 777; Guatemala, 160; Korea, 11; Ku-
wait, 736; Norway, 777; Pakistan, 377; Sierra
Leone, 904; Uruguay, 844; Yemen Arab Re-
public, 249
Soviet attach^, departure from U.S. requested, 137
White House reception of (remarks by Johnson and
Sevilla-Sacasa), 996
Disarmament {see also Armaments, Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency, Nuclear weapons and Outer
space) :
AM VETS continued support for (Williams), 433
Communist China position (Stevenson), 756
Economics of (Foster), 7
Effect on social progress (Bingham), 712
Outer space, U.N. efforts to prevent weapons from
orbiting in, 753
Problems, scope and progress: Cleveland, 554;
Stelle, 793 ; Tyler, 94
Soviet-U.S. proposal and status of negotiations:
Stevenson, 770 ; Tyler, 95
U.S. views: Gardner, 502; Kennedy, 5; Rusk, 571;
Stelle, 794
Discrimination. See Racial discrimination
Diversity, politics and citadel of (Cleveland), 462, 964
Dominican Republic :
Economic and military aid terminated by U.S.
(Rusk), 624
Treaties, agreements, etc., 74, 381, 565, 701, 802
U.S. recognition of new government, 997
Double taxation, agreements and conventions for avoid-
ance on income : Netherlands, 905 ; Sweden, 760, 802
Douglas-Home, Alec, 133, 736, 886
Drugs, narcotic :
Manufacture and distribution of :
Convention (1931) limiting and regulating, Algeria,
984
Opium, regulating production trade and use of :
Convention (1912), Cyprus, 74
Protocol (1953): Madagascar, 721; Turkey, 310,
418
Dryden, Hugh L., 405
Duda, Karel, 844
Duke, Angler Biddle, 700
Dumont, Donald A., 310, 566
Earthquake, Skopje disaster, proposed U.N. aid, 760
East-West Cultural Center, establishment in Hawaii,
264, 684
ECA. See Economic Commission for Africa
ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the
Far East
Echo II, 404
ECLA. See Economic Commission for Latin America
Economic Affairs and Trade, Joint U.S.-Canadian Com-
mittee on :
Agreement amending 1953 agreement, 689
8th meeting, 297, 548
Economic and Social Council, Inter-American. See
Inter-American Economic and Social Council
Economic and Social Council, U.N. :
Documents, lists of, 108, 229, 479, 524, 984
Intensification of demographic studies, research and
training (resolution), 31
Report on 36th session (Bingham), 712
Women employment opportunities (Tillett), 147
Economic and social development (see also Economic
and technical aid, Foreign aid programs, and Less
developed countries) :
Africa. See under Africa
Agriculture, role of (Freeman), 66
Asia (Hilsman),390
Human freedom, importance of (Rostow), 429
Latin America. See Alliance for Progress
Pacific Islands trust territory (Goding), 211, 224,
226
Problems of economic development: Bingham, 712;
Rostow, 422
Progress achieved (Coffin), 516
U.S. views : Frank, 173 ; Stevenson, 265
INDEX, JTJLT TO DECEMBER 1963
1035
Economic and technical aid to foreign countries (.tee
alMo Agency for International Development, Agrl-
cultural 8un)lu8e8. Alliance for Progress. Economic
and Hoclnl development, Foreign aid programs,
Inter-American Development nank. International
Bank. International Development Association, Or-
ganization for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
ment, and United Nations: Technical assistance
programs) :
Africa, importance of mapping technique develop-
ments in (Pearcy). 1010
Aid to: Africa. 'Ki; India. Pakistan. 22; Brazil, 23;
Indone.Mla, United Arab Republic, 24; Poland,
Yugoslavia. 25
Appropriation re<iuest for FY 1904: Johnson, 999;
Rusk. 1002
Jamaica, U.S. agreement with. 838
U.S. iiositlon: Gardner, 507; Rusk. 21
Economic Commission for Africa, U.N., achievements
(Pearcy), 1015
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, U.N.,
Buccess of demographic advisory service. 30
Economic Commission fur Latin America, U.N. :
Achievements of (Frank). 174
Demographic advisers recommended (Bingham), 30
Economic Cooix'ration and Development, Organization
for. 8cc Organization for £k:onomic Cooperation
and Development
E/Conomic Development Loan Fund, Pacific Islands
trust territory, loan to (Coding), 211
Economic policy and relations, U.S. (sec also individual
countrict) :
Domestic economy:
Defense spending and disarmament, effects (Fos-
ter), 7
Foreign aid. etTect of (Bell), 830
Ix>sH develo|H>d countries, effect of exports to
(Rusk). COO
Trade expansion program, Imiwrtance of: Ken-
ne<ly. 5!tfl; Rusk. .'>90
Foreign wonomlc [Miiicy:
Balanre-of-jMiyments problem. See Balance of pay-
ments
Eastern Europe (Anderson), 89
EEC. Srr Euro|)ean I'>-onomlc Commission
Northern Europe (John.son). .ISS
Tariff policy. See Tariff policy, U.S.
Trade Ex|uinaion Act of 1902. Sec Trade Expan-
sion Act
ECnsfX^ See Economic and Social Council. U.N.
•■E<r<'(ement," concept of (Gossett), 292
Ei-undor :
AmbasHndnr to U.S., cre<lentials, 777
liilKary Junta government:
AdmlnlNtralion of (Martin), 700
U.S. rM^tgnltion of, 2X2
Tn-nllen. agreements, etc., 005. 000. 702
Edurntliin (*<r altn Cultural relnllonN and programs.
Educational exchange, and Exchange of ]M?rsons) :
Africa. See Africa
Education — Continued
Agriculture, science and technical advancement:
Kennedy, 58 ; Freeman, 60
Development, need for: Battle, 411, 867; Kennedy,
412
Grants for Indian studies, 99
NATO Research Fellowships, 1964-65, announcement,
998
Pacific Islands trust territory, problems in (Coding),
215, 226
Sonth-West Africa, need for secondary school train-
ing in (Yates), 948
Women, opportunities for and role of: Louchhelm,
705 ; Tillett, 146
Educational and Cultural Affairs, Bureau of, consult-
ants for, 673
Educational exchange program, international (see also
Cultural relations. Education, and Exchange of
persons) :
Advisory Commission survey at Hawaii's East-West
center, proposed, 684
African students In Soviet Union and U.S. (Wil-
liams), 930
Agreements with : Afghanistan, 410, 450 ; Argentina,
410, 450 ; Austria, 100, 150 ; Brazil, 310 ; Ceylon,
110; India, 150; Iran, 741, 838; Japan, 485;
Korea, 110; Paraguay, 485; Philippines, 301;
Sweden, 101, 230 ; Tunisia. 950
Appropriation request (Rusk), 203
Board of Foreign Scholarships, report of, 869
Expansion, recommendation to Congress for, 169
Philippines, fund established by Fulbright-Hays
amendment to Philippine War Damage Act, 301
Review of : Battle, 864 ; Rusk, 742
U.S.-Japan 2d conference on cultural and educational
interchange. 5S2, 659
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, agree-
ment (1950) and protocol on importation of:
Cyprus, 109 ; Ivory Coast, 524
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, U.N.,
U.S. support for preservation of temples proposed
by, 18
EEC. See European Economic Community
Egypt (see also United Arab Republic). 811
Eighteen-Xation Disarmament Committee :
Accidental war, U.S. measures proposed to reduce
risk of (Foster), 828
Direct communications link between Washington
and Moscow, agreement signed at, 50
Disarmament :
Resolution adopted by U.N., U.S. support for:
Stelle. 704; Stevenson. 7.")3
U.S. proposal (Foster), 826
Nuclear arms race, efforts to halt (Cleveland), 9G6
Soviet proposals for discussion at. 86
Eisenhower. Dwight D., 1019 (cited)
El Salvador, treaties, agreements, etc., 230. 418. 762
Electric power, Passamaquoddy-Saint John hydroelec-
tric projects report. 248
Elizabeth R. 886
ia36
DEI'AIiTJIENT OF STATE BULLETIN
I
Emergency Force, U.N. :
Congo, operation in (Chayes), 163
Financing, problems of, 179, 183, 185
Middle East, uses and need in: Chayes, 163; Cleve-
land, 40
Engen. Hans Kristian, 777
Erliard, Ludwig, 885
Establishment, friend.ship, and navigation treaty with
Belgium, 485, G48
Estenssoro, Victor Paz, 778
Ethiopia :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 885
Emperor's visit to U.S., 674
Status of women in (Louchheim), 705
Treaties, agreements, etc., 74, 345, 721
EURATOM. See European Atomic Energy Community
Europe (see aUo Atlantic partnership, European head-
ings, individual countries, and North Atlantic
Treaty Organization) :
Communist subversive activities in (Rostow), 922
Eastern Europe :
Agricultural production, problem of (Rostow), 924
Developments in (Anderson), 87
Economic situation in (McGhee), 822
Nationalism, growth of (Rostow), 928
Trade expansion, U.S. policy re (Rusk), 364
U.S. views (Rusk), 656
Western ideals followed by youth of (Rostow), 929
Wheat sale from U.S. (Kennedy), 660
"Grand design" for (Gossett), 296
Marshall Plan, success of (Cleveland), 847
Missiles, request for MRBM (Rusk), 194
Soviet views re (Harriman), 242, 243
Unification of:
Atlantic partnership, relationship to (McGhee),
958
Germany's role ( Rusk ) , 730
Integration movement (Schaetzel), 731
Problems of (Schaetzel), 733
U.S. support : Bundy, 628 ; Kennedy, 120, 122 ; Mc-
Ghee, 956, 958; Rusk, 192, 728; Schaetzel, 735
U.S. views and policy : McGhee, 956 ; Rostow, 537-
538
Visits to:
Assistant Secretary Cleveland, 92
President Kennedy. 114
Vice President Johnson, 479, 583
Western Europe :
Economic growth: McGhee, 822; Rostow, 924;
Rusk, 600
Exports increased by U.S. (Kennedy), 597
Food and Agriculture Symposium, U.S., opened at
Amsterdam, 594
Role of increased respomsibility (Rostow), 927
■Security through U.S. nuclear strength (Manning),
458
Unity, U.S. role in (Kennedy), 135
European Atomic Energy Community, amendment to
additional agreement with U.S. re peaceful uses
of atomic energy, 450, 762
European Economic Community :
Agricultural policy : Gossett, 294 ; G. Johnson, 547
Geneva tariff negotiations 1960-61 (McGhee), 857
Organizational structure of (Lowenfeld), 372
Poultry dispute:
EEC Council action (Herter) , 605
GATT advisory opinion requested on U.S.-EEO
problem on, 751
Negotiations re, U.S. delegation, 72
U.S. position (Herter), 603
Purpose and status of (Kennedy), 134
Tariff negotiations, U.S. position re: Herter, 602; G.
Johnson, 545
Trade expansion, effect on (Schaetzel), 733
U.K. nonmembership in, question of: Gossett, 291;
Manning, 458
U.S. views (McGhee), 956
Unity, U.S.-German efforts for (Adenauer, Kenne-
dy), 117
European Free Trade Association, 295, 733
European Parliamentary Assembly, EEC (Lowenfeld),
373
Exchange of persons program (sec also Educational ex-
change) :
Expansion between Soviet bloc and U.S., proposed
(Rusk), 493
Women, increase of (Louchheim), 98
Executive orders:
Allowances to certain Government personnel on for-
eign duty, amendment of order 10853 (11123),
802
Trade agreements program, administration of amend-
ed, 167
Exhibit "Plastics-USA" opened in Bulgaria, 142
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance, U.N. (see
also Special Fund) :
Financing, problems of (Bingham), 70, 717
U.S. support (Stevenson), 271
Export Control Act, 667
Export-Import Bank :
Communist nations, credit restriction proposed
(Ball), 935
Haiti, default on loan payment by, 144
Role of (Kennedy), 252
Spain, loans to, 686, 688
Exports (see also Imports and Trade) :
Coffee. See Coffee
EEC-U.S. poultry dispute, status of (Herter), 603
Less developed coimtries, GATT discussions (Her-
ter), 602
U.S.:
Agricultural products to Europe, factors affecting
(G. Johnson), 547
Expansion and promotion program for :
Chiefs of mission role in (Rusk), 290
National conference on, announcement, 378
Progress and importance of : Kennedy, 251, 252 ;
Bell, 831
U.S. Agricultural and Food Expositlon-Sympo-
situn at Amsterdam, 594
rN^DEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 19 63
1037
Exports — Continued
U.S.— CoMllmii'd
Forelfm uld. effect of ( Uusk ) , 000
Soviet I'nion nnd Eastern Europe, proposed wheat
sale to : Ball. 1)3') ; Kennedy, (500, C61 ; Kusk, 810,
815
External debts, Germany, agreement (1953) on: Chile,
1021
Extradition :
Agreements, conventions, and protocols: Brazil, 762;
Israel, Sweden, 70L>, 1022
Venezuela -U.S. agreement to extradite Marcos Perez
Jimenez and texts of notes, 304, 365
"Family of Man" citation conferred (Kennetly), 806
FAO. See IVkkI and Agriculture Organization
Far East. Sec Asia and individual countries
Faroe Islands, agreement on joint tlnaucing of certain
air navigation ser\-ices in, 150
Federal Aviation Agency, 101
Federal employment, views on (Galbraith), 52
Fedorenko. Xlkoial, 104
Ferguson. Allen R., 186
Fernando P6o, visit of Assistant Secretary Williams,
18
Finland :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 761
Visit of Vice President Johnson to, 479, 585
Fish and fisheries :
Appropriation request for U.S. share In International
commissions (Rusk), 201
Fishing and conservation of living resources of the
high seas, convention (1958) on: Australia, 229;
Venezuela, 380
North Pacific fisheries :
Pur seals, protocol amending Interim convention
(1957) on conservation of: Canada, 688, 689,
877 ; Japan, Soviet Union, U.S., 688, 089
International convention for the high seas fisheries
of the North Pacific Ocean, 2d meeting, 519, 709
Northwe-st Atlantic fisheries :
Convention (HMO), international:
Commi.ssion meetings, location of place for, Po-
land. 273
Declaration of understanding. Poland. 172
I*rotocol to re haqi and hood seals: Canada,
Denmark, kvland. Italy. 273; Norway, 273,
984; Poland, Spain, Soviet Union, U.K., U.S.,
273; Frame. Portugal, 310
F(»o<l nnd Agriculture Ex|H)sllion Symiwsium, U.S., for
\Vf.>»tem Kurii|)t>, KH
Fo<k1 and Agrl.ullure Organization, U.N. :
Background and growth of (Cleveland), 12, !,'>, 40
Hunger, role In battle against (Kennedy), 58
Studies by :
Itcvilnprnrnt Through Food, 02
Third World Food Survey, 02
roo«l and Agriculture Ti>chnlcal Information Service
(OECD). appointment of director, 418
Food for peace program :
Haiti, AID program continued in, 297
Purpose and need for : Bingham, 720 ; Freeman, 60 ;
Kennedy, 59 ; Rusk, 991
Report to Congress re FY 1963 accomplishments of,
403
Force, threat or use of (Plimpton), 973, 975, 980
Ford Foundation :
American Institute of Indian Studies, grant to, 99
Howard University, grant to : Battle, 868 ; Rusk, 684
Foreign affairs, protocol and conduct (Duke), 700
Foreign affairs scholars program at Howard Univer-
sity : Battle, 80S ; Rusk, 684
Foreign aid programs, U.S. (see also Agency for Inter-
national Development, Economic and technical aid,
and Peace Corps) :
Africa (Williams), 436
Aid restriction proposed to Egypt, Indonesia, and Yu-
goslavia (Rusk), 811
Appropriation requests for FY 1964 and dangers of
cuts: L. Johnson, 909; Kenne<ly, 399, 477, 809;
McNamara, 400; Rusk, 19. 400, 495, 599, 812,
816, 999
Communism, role against (Rusk), 495
Congressional action, review of (CoflSn), 517
Deputy Inspector General for foreign assistance
(Haugerud) appointment, 230
Domestic economy, effect on : Bell, 830; Kennedy, 808
Expenditures for (Kennedy), 254
Export expansion, AID role (Kennedy), 598
Labor, role of (Cleveland), 846
Latin America, importance of aid to (Clay), 476
Less developed nations, aid to: Rostow, 920; Rusk,
599
Objectives and review of accomplishments: Bell,
831 ; Cleveland, 848 ; Coffin, 514 ; Galbraith, 56 ;
L. Johnson, 80 ; Rusk, 571 ; Stevenson, 771
Role in foreign policy (Rusk), 356
Women's contributions in (Louchheim), 708
Foreign buildings program, appropriation request for
FY 1964 (Rusk), 263
Foreign Claims Settlement Commission, 138
Foreign correspondents. See Press
Foreign Credit Insurance Association, export credit
facilities by (Kennedy), 252
Foreign investment (see also Investment) in U.S. se-
curities abroad, importance and task force study
of (Kennedy), 257, 752
Foreign policy, U.S. :
Briefing conferences:
Broadcasters and editors, 644
Regional : Albany, 436 ; Boston, 377 ; Indianapolis,
777
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy,
lists, 57, 101, 144, 205, 264, 437, 551, 752, 792,
1004
Foreign aid program, role of (Rusk), 1000
Moral values necessary (Rusk), 570
Objectives, principles, and problems : L. Johnson, 78,
592 ; Manning, 454, 639
1038
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULX^TTN
Foreign policy. U.S. — Continued
PoliUcs of (Cleveland) , 846
President Kennedy's goals (Cleveland), 964
Role of U.S. citizens : Cleveland, 845 ; Kennedy, 633 ;
Louchhelm, 681 ; Rusk, 990
U.N. role (Sisco), 774
World freedom, effect of ( Rusk ) , 843
Foreign relations in modern societies, conduct of:
Johnson, 996 ; Sevilla-Sacasa, 997
Foreign Relations of the United States, series :
1942, Volume IV, The Near East and Africa, re-
leased, 34
19^3, Volume I, General, published, 690
1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, East-
ern Europe, the Far East, published, 985
Foreign Service (see also State Department) :
Allowances to certain Government personnel on for-
eign duty, amendment of Executive order 10853,
802
Ambassadors, appointments, and confirmations, 310,
519, 525, 566, 648, 838, 906
Burundi, Legation raised to Embassy, 566
Consulates closed : Santos, Brazil ; Edmonton, Can-
ada ; Manchester, England ; Le Havre, France ;
Cork, Ireland ; Haifa, Israel ; Venice, Italy ;
Penang, Malaya ; Piedras Negras, Mexico ;
Basel, Switzerland ; Cardiff, Wales ; and Sara-
jevo, Yugoslavia, 329
Consulates raised to consulates general: Calgary,
Canada, 485 ; Durban, Republic of South Africa,
450
Examination, announcement, 186
Export expansion program, role of (Rusk), 290, 600
Foreign affairs program at Howard University
(Rusk), 684
Negroes, opportunities for (Manning), 642
Personnel qualifications (Manning), 640
Science attaches, appointments to: Bonn, 150, 906;
Canberra, 150 ; Tokyo, 186 ; London, 150 ; NATO
and ERO, 381 ; Stockholm, 648
Selection Boards, meeting and members of, 525
Foreign students in the U.S. (see also Educational
exchange), 930
Foreign trade. See Trade
Foster, William C, 7, 824
Fowler, Henry H., 752
France :
Bilateral aid expenditures, 27
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 885
De Gaulle, Charles, 296, 885
Germany, importance of reconciliation with (Rusk),
191
Le Havre, U.S. consulate closed at, 329
Nuclear knowledge, question of U.S. sharing (Rusk),
357, 359, 363
Treaties, agreements, etc., 310, 689, 762
Visit of Assistant Secretary Cleveland, 92
Frank, Isaiah, 173
Fredericks, J. Wayne ; 284, 783
Free world, U.S. role in defense of (Rostow), 921
Freedom :
U.S. commitment to: Anderson, 87; Ru.sk, 842
Worldwide efforts for: Cleveland, 39; Rusk, 155,
496
Freedom-From-Hunger Campaign :
Challenges to (Freeman), 67
U.S. support: Kennedy, 59; Stevenson, 270
Freeman, Orville, 60, 883
Freight rates, ocean, adjustment needed (Kennedy),
252
Friendship, establishment, and navigation treaty with
Belgium, 485, 648
Fulbright-Hays Act, 1961, establishment of binaUonal
commissions, 169
Fulbright-Hays amendment to Philippine War Dam-
age Act (1962), 301
Gabon :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 524
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 18
Galbraith, John Kenneth, 52
Garcia-Bauer, Carlos, 160
Gardner, John W., 743
Gardner, Richard N., 320, 367, 501
GATT. See Tariffs and trade, general agreement on
General agreement on tariffs and trade. See Tariffs
and trade, general agreement on
General Assembly, U.N. :
Committee IV (Trusteeship), consideration of ex-
tending apartheid laws to South-West Africa
(Tates), 946
Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary), dis-
cussion of U.N. 1964 budget estimates (MaU-
Uard),871
Committee VI (Legal), consideration of principles
concerning relations among states (Plimpton),
973
Documents, lists of, 73, 380, 479, 523, 565, 876, 983
18th session, agenda, 556, 685
Human Rights, Universal Declaration of (Gardner),
321
Hungary, U.S. support for self-determination of
(Tost), 32
Problems and progress of (Manning), 643
Resolutions :
Administrative and budgetary procedures, U.N.
working group on examination of, 185
Duties of states re outbreak of hostilities (Plimp-
ton), 976
Financial situation of the U.N., consideration by
4th special session re, 178
International law, principles of concerning inter-
national relations, 973
Outer space, cooperation in peaceful uses, 754,
1012
Peace fund, establishment of, 185
Peacekeeping operations, financing of :
In the Congo, 184, 185
General principles to share costs of, 182
INDEX, JTJLT TO DECEMBER 1963
1039
General Assembly, U.N. — Continued
Resululluns — Continued
PortuRuese territories In Africa, self-detennlna-
tl(in and Independence of , 300
South Africa, end to repression of persons oppos-
liiK uparlheld in, 759
U.N. bonds, terms and conditions re ls.suance of,
1.S5
United Nations Emergency Force, 183
UJC.-U.S. preparatory talks for forthcoming meet-
ings, 02
U.N. assessments, action on International Court of
Justice deci.slon (Chaycs), 1G5
U.N. financial situation, concern over (Gardner),
U.S. position: Cleveland, .ISO; Gardner, 501
U.S. representatives, confirmation, 550
General Services Administration, .">(}
Geneva agreement 10C2, Comniuulst violation of Laos
neutrality and Independence (Ililsman), 46
Geneva conventions (1940) relative to treatment of
prisoners of war, wounded and sick, armed forces,
and civilians In time of war: Cameroon, 950;
Malagasy Republic, PAH; Snudi Arabia, Senegal,
273; Somali Republic, C48; Tanganyika, 273;
Trinidad and Tobago, 050
Geneva Disarmament Conference. See Eighteen Na-
tion Dl.sarmament Committee
Geodetic network In Africa, establishment of (Pearcy),
1017
Germany, East :
East Berlin, U.S. position on Soviet restrictions in,
138
Struggle for freedom (Rostow), 539
U.S. iwlicy, 3'>4, S-IS
Germany, Federal Republic of:
Adenauer's contribution (Kennedy, Rusk), 697
Ba<kKruund of modern Germany (Rostow), 536
Berlin. Sec Berlin
Bilateral aid, 27
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 885
France, IniiHirtance of reconciliation with (Rusk),
191
German-Berlin question. Western position on (Rusk),
HIS
Netberland victims of Nazi persecution, compensa-
tion agreement re, 142
Peace Corps program, 171
Reunillciitlon of:
Kxchfinge of views: Adenauer, Kennedy, 117
Soviet |K)sitl<in (Rostow), 925
U.S. KupiKjrt: Kennedy, 120; McGbee, 821; Rusk,
7-28
Role In world politics (Rostow), 536
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 381, 418, 450, 485, 524,
(I.SK. 0S9, 7(i2
U.S. Arnn-d Forces In (Rusk), 357, 729
U.S. -German relations (Adenauer, Kennedy), 114,
117
U.S. science attncbfs, apimlntment, 150, 000
Germany, Federal Republic of — Continued
Visits to :
President Kennedy, 114
Secretary Rusk, 117
Western defense, role in (Rostow), 539
Gettysburg Address Anniversary (Rusk), 842
Ghana:
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 886
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 702, 837
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 18
al-Ghoussein. Talat, 736
Gilpatric, Roswell L., cited, 753
Coding, M. Wilfred, 207, 222
Gold, U.S. holdings, value of (Kennedy), 257
Goldstein, Mortimer D., 405
Gossett, William T., 291
Goulart, Joao, 884
"Grand design" for Europe (Gossett), 29C
Great Lakes, agreement with Canada re pilotage serv-
ices on, 606
Greece, treaties, agreements, etc., 73, 345, 381, 689, 878
Greenland :
Air navigation services, amendment of annex III of
19.56 agreements on joint financing of, 150
Visit of Vice President Johnson to Thule Air Force
Base in, announcement of, 479
Gross national product of aid recipients, effect of U.S.
aid, 26
Guam, industrial property, convention (1883 revised)
for the protection of, 230
Guaranty of private investment. See Investment Guar-
anty Program
Guatemala :
Ambas.sador to U.S., credentials, 160
Treaties, agreements, etc., 150, 524, 605, 688, 722, 762,
801, 837. 984
Gudeman, Edward, 542
Guellal. Cherif, 297
Guerrilla warfare in Viet-Nam, U.S., aid against
(Heavner),395
Guinea, Republic of:
Treaties, agreements, etc., 605, 950
U.S. Ambassador, appointment, 310
Gursel, Cemal, 889
Hackworth, Green Haywood, 205
al-IIafiz, Aniin, 889
Halle Selassie I, 674, 701, 787, 885
Hailsham, Lord, 94
Haiti:
AID closes mission in, 297
Airport construction agreement, suspended by U.S.,
144
Nonpayment of U.N. contributions (Chayes), 165
Treaties, agreements, etc., 524, 689, 762
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 906
Hall, William O., 525
Hallstein, Walter, cited, 377
Hammarskjold, Dag, cited, 40
Harriinau, W. Averell, 159, 240, 278, 800, 814, 937
Hassan II, 888
1040
DEPiUlTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Haugerud, Howard H., 230
Health :
Pacific Island trust territory, developments In public
health (Coding), 217, 219, 227
Peace, role in (Cleveland), 676
Veterans Memorial Hospital, amending agreement
with Philippines re use of, 230
Health Organization, World. See World ' Health
Organization
Heavner, Theodore J. C, 393
Hefner, Frank K., 566
Heller, Walter, 8S3
Henderson, Douglas, 838
Henkin, Louis, 32
Herter, Christian A., 329, 601, 605, 745 (cited), 751
High seas, convention (1958) on: Australia, 229;
Venezuela, 380
High seas fisheries of the North Pacific Ocean, 2d
meeting of the parties to the international con-
vention for the, 709
Hilsman, Roger W., 43, 301, 386, 740
Hodges, Luther II., 378, 883
Holy See. convention on offenses and other acts com-
mitted on board aircraft, 688
Home, Alec Douglas, 133, 736, 886
Honduras :
Economic and military aid stopped by U.S. (Rusk),
624
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, (547
U.S. recognition of new government, 997
Hong Kong, agreement re export cotton textile to
U.S., 933
Hot Springs conference (1943), 14,40
Houphouet-Boigny, Felix, 887
Howard University, Ford Foundation grant to, 684
Human rights (see also Racial relations) :
Disadvantaged grouijs in open society, treatment of
(Battle), 865
Problems, scope, and progress : Cleveland, 38 ; Gard-
ner, 320 ; Rusk, 657
U.N. role in (Cleveland), 555
U.S. position: Gardner, 505; Kennedy, 6, 806; Ste-
venson, 267
Universal Declaration of (1948), (Gardner), 321
World struggle for: Kennedy, 533; Rusk, 654
Human Rights Day, 15th anniversary of (Rusk),
993
Hummel, Arthur W., 685
Hungary :
Credentials at U.N., U.S. position re (Yost), 32
Travel restrictions for citizens in U.S., 860
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 761, 762
Hunger, proposals re elimination of: Kennedy, 58;
Freeman, 00
Huntley, Chet, 409
Hurricane Flora, U.S. aid to Cuba rejected, 741
IAEA. See Atomic Energy Agency, International
IBRD. See International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development
ICAO (International Civilian Aviation Organization)
see Aviation : Treaties
ICC. See International Control Commission for Laos
Iceland :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 273, 380, 524, 689
Visit of Vice President Johnson, 479, 592
ICJ. See International Court of Justice
IDA. See International Development Association
IFO. See International Finance Corporation
Ikeda, Mitsue, 891
Illia, Arturo U., 884
ILO. See International Labor Organization
IMCO. See Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative
Organization
IMF. See Monetary Fund, International
Immigration {see also Visas) :
Nonimmigrant visa fees :
Abolition of, agreement with United Arab Repub-
lic, 418
Reciprocal agreement with Spain, 485
Quota system, recommendation for revision of (Ken-
nedy), 298
Imports (see also Customs; Exports; Tariff policy,
U.S. ; Tariffs and trade, general agreement on ; and
Trade) :
Butter substitutes, quotas established, proclamation,
685
Duties. See tariff policy, U.S.
Treaties, agreements, etc.:
Commercial samples and advertising material con-
vention (1952) to facilitate importation: Cy-
prus, 109
Cotton textile, agreement with Hong Kong, 933
Road vehicles, customs convention (1954) on: Cy-
prus, Cook Islands, 109
Zipper chains, agreement with Japan, 449, 485
Income :
Double taxation, supplementary conventions for the
avoidance of : Netherlands, 905 ; Sweden, 760,
802
Panama, agreement for withholding from compen-
sation paid to Panamanians employed within
Canal Zone, 802
Per capita income rate in India and Pakistan (Bell),
833
India :
American Institute of Indian Studies, 99
Chinese Communist aggression : Galbraitb, 55, 56 ;
Hilsman, 44
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 891
Economic progress compared with Communist China
(Hilsmau), 391
Military aid, U.S.-U.K. policy re, 133
Per capita income rate (Bell), 833
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 143, 150, 245, 340, 345,
524, 606, 689, 721, 762, 802
U.S. aid to : U. Johnson, 81 ; Rusk, 22
Indonesia :
Aid, U.S., proposed restriction of (Rusk), 811
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 891
Malaysia, position re formation of (U. Johnson), 82
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1041
IndoiioAla— ContiDUpd
"Maiihllludo" confederation : HiUnian, 302 ; U. John-
son. 82
Treaties, agreements, etc., 17, 150, 172, 418, 688, 762
U.S. policy (Rusk).2i
InduHlrlal development:
Coiiimuuist Cblna, decline In (Ililsman), 387
Sco|)e and value: Kliiebain, 720; Kostow, 0(17, 672
Indu.Hlrlal i)roiHTty, convention (1H83. as revised) for
protection of: Central African Republic, Chad,
877 ; Congo ( B ) , 4r)0 ; Guam, 230 ; Ivory Coast, 761 ;
Laos. 877; Nigeria, 4.'i0; Puerto Rico. 230; Ruma-
nia. 877 ; Samoa. 230 ; Upper Volta. 877 ; Virgin
Islands, 230
Informntlun activities and programs:
Kxcbange between Soviet bloc and U.S. proposed
(Rusk), 403
News to public, media and volume of (Louchheiin),
6)S2
InneflS-Rrown, Mrs. II. Alwyn, 673
Institute of International Education, 742, 744, 866
Interagency Steering Committee on Intemattoual Avi-
ation Policy, 160
Iuter-.\merlcau Committee on the Alliance for Prog-
ri'Hs, proi)osed establishment of, 039, 945
Inter- American Development Bank:
Financial status (Bingham), 5G2
Latin America, development financing for (Harri-
man ) , 030, !M2
Inter-American Economic and Social Council, Minis-
terial meeting :
2d annual review of Alliance for Progress, 937
U.S. delegation to, 800. 814
Inter- American Highway, agreements with Guatemala
re, 722. 084
Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organiza-
tion, convention on: Algeria, 984; Czechoslovalda,
701 : Tunisia, 110
Inteniational Atomic Energy Agency. See Atomic En-
ergy Agency. International
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment :
Articles of agreement : Algeria, 605 ; Burundi, 647
CamerfKin, Central African Republic, Chad
Congo (B). 172; Congo (L), 605; Dahomey. 172
Gabon. .%24 ; Guinea. 605 ; Malaga.sy Republic,
(M7 : Slall, 605 ; Mauritania. .524 ; Rwanda. 647
Trinidad and Tobago. 565 ; Uganda. 605
Board of Governors meeting. 610
Financial stateii!ent.s. .T,39. .S75
Pur|K)se and ocblevements of (Ball). 620, 623
Terms of credit liberalized ( Ball), 621
International Book Programs, Advisory Committee on,
033
International Civil Aviatlun Orgaiilzntlon. Sec under
Aviation : Treaties
International ColTee Council meeting, 272
International CommiHlliy Trade, Commission on, 176
International Conference on Middle Li-vel Maniwwer,
171
International Control (Commission for Laos, 46, 396,
758
International (>)uncil of Women, 75th conference, 98
iDternational Court of Justice :
South-West Africa, decision on (Tates), 946
U.N. assessments, advisory opinion (Chayes), 162
International Development Association :
Articles of agreement : Burundi, 689 ; Central Afri-
can Republic, 605; Congo (L), 689; Dahomey,
605 ; Malagasy Republic, Mali, 689 ; Mauritania,
605; Rwanda, 689; Trinidad and Tobago, 605;
Uganda, 689 ; Upper Volta, 229
Board of Governors meeting, 610
Less developed countries, aid to (Bingham), 719
Purpose of: Ball, 622; Dillon, 613; Bingham, 562
International Disarmament Organization, proposed
(Tyler), 95
International Finance Corporation :
Articles of agreement : Malagasy Republic, Uganda,
689
Board of Governors meeting, 610
Purpose of (Bingham), 562
International Labor Organization :
(Constitution of, amendment of: Algeria, Burundi,
Jamaica, Rwanda, Trinidad and Tobago,
Uganda, 229
Role of ( Cleveland ) , 846
Women employment opportunities (Tillett), 147
International Law (see also International Court of
Justice and Law of the sea) :
Digest of Internatioiwl Law, release of first volume,
204
Disarmament and peacekeeping, question of (Fos-
ter), 829
International relations, problems of (Plimpton), 977
Need for development and cooperation in : Kennedy,
5, 163 ; Stevenson, 1006
Outer space :
Development of law, need for: Gardner, 367;
Stevenson, 1006
Resolution re principles governing exploration and
use of, 1012
Principles of, concerning friendly relations among
states (Plimpton), 973
Rule of (Chayes), 162
International Monetary Fund. See Monetary Fund,
International
International organizations (see also suhject) :
Appropriation request for U.S. participation in
(Rusk), 264
Calendar of meetings, 33, 102, 206, 302, 378, 439, 552,
649, 710, 799, 870, 971
Copyright convention (1952), universal, application
to. Bahamas, Virgin Islands, 172
Purpose and development of: Cleveland, 12, 13;
Frank, 175
Soviet position (Tyler), 97
U.S. support for international cooperation in (Rusk),
196. 993
1(M2
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
International Telecommunication Union :
Outer space, technical problems re (Gardner), 36S
Kadio conference on space communications, results
of : McConnell, 835 ; Stevenson, 1009
Investment Guaranty Program :
Agreements with: Chile, 9S4; Colombia, 1022; Cy-
prus, 34 ; Ecuador, 606 ; Jordan, 172 ; Malagasy
Kepublie, 310 ; Morocco, 762 ; Nepal, 74 ; Senegal,
110; Sierra Leone, 1022; Tanganyika, 950;
United Arab Republic, 172 ; Viet-Nam, 381
Investment of private capital abroad :
Balance of payments, effect on (Kennedy), 251, 254
Latin America, 943
Less developed countries, need for (Bell), 831
Mexico (Martin), 963
Promotion of foreign investment in U.S. companies
abroad urged (Kennedy), 257
Task force proposed study of (Kennedy), 752
Iran:
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 886
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 741, 838
Iraq:
Real proijerty, foreign ownership, legal requirements,
100
Treaties, agreements, etc., 380, 450, 524, 905
Ireland :
Cork, U.S. consulate closed, 829
Prime Minister, visit to U.S., 737
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 761, 762, 838
Visit of President Kennedy, 128
Israel :
Arab conflict ( Eusk ) , 24
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 886
Haifa, U.S. consulate closed, 329
Syrian incidents (Stevenson), 520
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 345, 689, 722, 762,
1022
Italy :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 887
Foreign Minister, visit to U.S., 636
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 273, 345, 485, 688, 761,
762
U.S.-Italian relations (Kennedy, Segm),136
Venice, U.S. consulate closed, 329
Visit of President Kennedy, 134
ITU. See International Telecommunication Union
Ivory Coast :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 887
Treaties, agreements, etc., 484, 524, 761, 905
Jackson, Elmore, 513
Jacobson, Jerome, 272, 274
Jacobsson, Per, 610, 613
Jamaica :
Immigration from, recommendation for nonquota
status (Kennedy), 300
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 229, 380, 565, 689, 721,
761, 762, 838, 905
Japan :
Bilateral aid increased, 27
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 891
Japan — Continued
Cotton textile, long-term arrangement with U.S. and
texts of notes and correspondence, 440, 441
Cultural and educational interchange conference with
U.S., 2d meeting, 582, 659
Economic progress : Hilsman, 390 ; Rusk, 600
North Pacific Fishery Conference, 2d meeting, dis-
cussions with U.S. and Canada, 519, 709
Role among free nations (U. Johnson), 80
Trade :
Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and Eco-
nomic Affairs, 2d meeting, 833
With U.S. (Kennedy), 597
Treaties, agreements, etc., 73, 150, 310, 345, 380, 418,
449, 450, 485, 647, 688, 689, 762
U.S. scientific attach^, appointment, 186
Jefferson, Thomas :
Cited, 993
Memorial orations series inaugurated by Australian
Prime Minister, 51
Jodrell Bank Observatory, 404
Johnson Act (18 U.S.C. 955) 661
Johnson, G. Griffith, 440, 449, 508, 543
Johnson, Lyndon B. :
Addresses, remarks, and statements :
Alliance for Progress, objectives, 401
Diplomatic representatives in U.S., greetings, 996
Food and Agriculture Exposition-Symposium, U.S.,
for Western Europe at Amsterdam, 594
Foreign aid, request for restoration of appropria-
tions, 999
Foreign relations, importance (cited). 990
International Atomic Energy Agency, U.S. support,
1019
Kennedy's goals, pledge to Congress continuation
of, 910
Outer space :
Danish-U.S. cooperation, 590
International cooperation in peaceful uses, need
for (cited), 1007, 1009
Racial equality, need for in U.S. (cited), 994
U.S. relations with : Denmark, 589 ; Finland, 585 ;
Norway, 588 ; Sweden, 583
United Nations policy (cited), 895
Visits to:
Benelux countries, 630, 850
Northern Europe. 479, 583
Johnson, U. Alexis, 78
Johnson, Walter, 169
Joint U.S.-Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs, 297, 548, 689
Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs, 3d meeting of, 833
Jordan, treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 380
Jupiter missile, 84
Karve, D. D., 100
Kashmir, hostilities in 1948 (Plimpton), 980
Keita, Modibo, 787
Kekkonen, Urho K., 587
Kendall, W. Raymond, 57
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1043
Koiinetly, John F. :
Addrrssex, remarks, and Htatementa :
Alliance for Progress, objectives, 401
Cbuiuizal boundary dispute, recommendations ap-
proved for solution to, li>i)
Communication satellites, U.S. support of interna-
tional program re, 004
Ea.1t Germany, U.S. policy re, 354
EuroiM?, common goals, report to Nation, 137
Export expansion, nece.sslty for U.S., 595
"Family of Man" citation conferred, 806
German-U.S. relations, 114
Hunger, proposals for elimination of, 58
Indonesia and foreign oil companies agreement, 17
Irish-U.S. relations, 128
Italian-U.S. relations, 134
Ijitiii America, economic and social progress, 900
Monetary system, international, strengthening and
purpose of, CIO
Mutual security program, restoration of funds
urged, 470
Nuclear test ban treaty :
Negotiations at Moscow (U.K., U.S., U.S.S.R.),
108
Report to the Nation, 234
Senate approval, 498, 631
Science Advisory Committee endorsement and
opinions on, 430
Pan American Congress of Architects, welcome, 801
Passaniaquoddy-Saint John report, receipt of, 248
Peace :
Progress toward, 2, 631, 694
World quest for, .'530
Science, need for international cooperation in, 778
Uranium 235, availability increased for peaceful
u.ses. 107
Viet-Nam, need for U.S. support, 498
Wheat sale to Soviet Union and Eastern Europe,
600
Cited, 904, 907, 068, 1000, 1004, 1010
Correspondence and messages :
Adenauer, Chancellor, on retirement, 097
Afghanistan, U.S. cooperation witli, .".35
Atomic energy, need for International cooperation
In peaceful uses of, 1019
Aviotlon. U.S. |>ollcy, 100
Education, imi)ortance and expansion of, 412
Soviet Union, exchange of messages on July 4, 159
Turkey, congratulations on 40th anniversary of
repul)llc, 7S8
World conference of lawyers, greetings, 102
Death of :
Condolences, 881-891
Apprctiation of ( L. Johnson), 090
Enlogles : Johnxon, Oil ; Uusk. 900 ; Stevenson, 894 ;
Sosa-Itodrlguez, 892; U Thant, 803
Funeral, foreign represcnlatives at, 805
Executive orders. Sec Executive orders.
Kennedy, John F. — Continued
Meetings with :
Heads of State and officials of, remarks and joint
communiques : Afghanistan, 92 ; Australia, 51 ;
China, Republic of, 403 ; Ethiopia, 674 ; Ireland,
737; Italy, 030; Panama, 240; Tanganyika, 144,
198 ; U.K., 132 ; Yugoslavia, 738
Messages, letters, and reports to Congress :
Balance of payments, proposed amendment and
status of, 204, 250
Conventions on labor, slavery, political rights of
women, 322
Foreign aid. request for appropriations, 399
Immigration laws, recommendation for revision of,
298
Nuclear test ban treaty, transmittal of certified
copy, and Senate approval urged, 316, 490
Peace Corps, request for expansion of, 170
Proclamations. See Proclamations.
Visits to:
Germany, 114, 117
Ireland, 128
Italy, 134, 136
United Kingdom, 132
Kennedy, Robert F., 601
"Kennedy round" (see also Tariffs and trade, general
agreement on : International negotiations, 1964) :
Progress and future developments (Gossett), 291
Proposed negotiations at Geneva, 72, 291
Kenya :
Land reform program, success (Pearcy), 1018
Progress of women, 707
Khan, Ayub, 891
Khrushchev, Nikita, 79, 160, 889
Kim, Chung Yul, 11
Klutznick, Philip M., 30
Korea :
Communist incidents in U.S. demilitarized zone, 2S3
Military armistice agreement, 10th anniversary of,
246
Korea, Republic of :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 11
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 887
Grain provided under P.L. 480, 101
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 172, 418, 450, 762, 878,
905
Kubitschek, Juscelino, 938
Kuwait:
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 736
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 273, 310, 418, 689
Labor :
Declaration of Cundinamarca, program for collabora-
tion of labor unions (Harrinian), 941
Forced labor, convention for abolition of U.S. views
and text of (Gardner), 321, 326
International Labor Organization, role of (Cleve-
land), 840
Organized labor. Importance of (Cleveland), 845
Women, role of (Tillett) , 147
1044
DEPARTltENT OP STATE BULLETIN
Labor Organization, International. See International
Labor Organization
Land reform in Africa, success of (Pearcy), 1018
Laos :
Aircraft, Soviet charge U.S. illegally supplying, 500
Communist China position (Stevenson), 758
Condolences on Pre.sident Kennedy's death, 887
Independence and neutrality of :
Communi.st violation of Geneva agreement (HUs-
man), 45
U.S. -U.K. position, joint communique, 133
Treaties, agreements, etc., 380, 877
U.S.-U.K.-Soviet talks (Harriman), 242
Latin America (see also Alliance for Progress, Orga-
nization of American States, and individual
countries) :
Agricultural production, problems of (Harriman),
940
Communism in and efforts against : Kennedy, 903 ;
Martin, 577
Cuban subversive activities in (Rusk), 817
Economic and social development, progress and
problems: Kennedy, 900; Rostow, 424, 428;
Rusk, 814
Education, expansion of: Anderson, 87; Battle, 411;
Kennedy, 412
Foreign aid program, importance of (Clay), 476
Inter-American foreign ministers meeting proposed,
U.S. support for ( Rusk ) , 813
Investment of foreign capital in, importance of
(Harriman), 943
Military governments in, U.S. policy re (Martin),
608
Peace Corps in ( Kennedy ) , 171
Soviet-Cuban relations, effect of (Martin), 574
Trade problems and policy (Harriman), 944
U.N. Economic Commission for, 30, 174
U.S. policy (Martin), 581
Latin American Free Trade Association, 962
Latin American Institute for Economic and Social
Planning, 270
Latvia, National Day greetings (Rusk), 932
Lauterpacht, Hersch, 976
Law, international. See International law and Inter-
national Court of Justice
Law of the sea (see also Geneva conventions and
Safety of life at sea), conventions on, 150, 229,
380
Lebanon, treaties, agreements, etc., 380, 418, 762
Lemass, Sean F., 737
Less developed countries (see also Newly independent
nations) :
Agricultural and industrial development, need for:
Frank, 176 ; Rostow, 428
Balance-of-payments problems (Ball), 620
Debt structure of (Ball), 621
Economic and social development, U.S. position and
views: Bell, 831; Goldstein, 472; Rostow, 424,
6C8 ; Rusk, 191, 494, 656
Less developed countries — Continued
Foreign aid, importance and sources of: Ball, 620;
Bell, 833; Rostow, 926; Rusk, 992; Stevenson'
271
GATT discussions re reduction of barriers on ex-
ports from (Herter),602
IMF role in economic development (Goldstein), 472
National markets, need for (Rostow), 669
Scientific and technological development, progress In
(Bingham), 713
Security of, U.S. commitment to (Rostow), 925
Sino-Soviet bloc economic aid to (Williams), 930
Trade :
Canadian-U.S. trade policies re, 550
International responsibility re problems (G. John-
son ) , 543, 547
Trade expansion, efforts toward: Herter, 601;
Rusk, 600
U.S. position and views: Bingham, 715; Prank,
176
U.S. aid (Rusk), 1002
Women, advancement of (Tillett), 148
Liberia :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 887
Treaties, agreements, etc., 150, 345, 381, 484, 088
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams to, 18
Library of Congress, presentation of Yung Lo Encyclo-
pedia to, 740
Libya, treaties, agreements, etc., 380, 505
Liechtenstein, international telecommunication conven-
tion (1959), 381
Linowitz, Sol M., 97
Living standards in Cuba (Martin), 576
Lodge, Henry Cabot, 310, 624
Loeb, James I., 310
Lomax, Louis E., cited, 642
Louchheim, Mrs. Katie, 98, 681, 704, 838
Lowenfeld, Andreas F., 372
Luxembourg :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 484, 950
Visit of Vice President Johnson, 630, 850
Macapagal, Diosdado, 888
Machrowicz, Thaddeus M., 673
Maemillan, Harold, 132, 604 (cited)
Madagascar, treaties, agreements, etc., 721, 873
Mailliard, William S., 871
Majid, Abdul, 410
Malagasy Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 310, 450,
605, 647, 648, 689
Malaya (see also Malaysia) :
Communist aggression, dangers of: Hilsman, 48;
Kennedy, 499
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, 345
Penang, U.S. consulate closed at, 329
Malaysia :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 891
Formation, problem of (U. Johnson), 82
Sabah (North Borneo) and Sarawak desire for In-
clusion in, 542
U.N. Secretary -General's findings, U.S. views on, 542
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1045
Miili. trcntlcs. iiitrwmi'iits, etc., 418, 005, 680
Maniu's, I<»>o|K>ld Damrosch, 57
Muniilng. Robert J., 454, 030
Mao Tse-tuiig (cited), 70
"Mnphllliulo" confederation: Hllsman, 392; U. John-
son, 82
MappliiB. In Africa, Importance (Pearcy), 1014
Mnrltliiie Consultative Organization, Intergovemmen-
tnl, convention (1048) on: Algeria, 084; Czecho-
slovakia, 701 ; Tunisia, 110
Marriage, convention (1902) on : Ceylon, China, Greece,
rhllippines, Poland, 73
Marrow, Alfred J., 073
Marshall. Cicorge Catlctt, 720, 735
Marshall Plan, importance and achievements of: Mc-
Ghee. 9,"5 ; Rusk, 1002
Martin. Edwin M.. 574, 098, 959
Martin. Grnhara A., 525
Martin, Nan, 439
Martin, William n.. 648
Mateos, Adolfo LofK'Z, 199, 887
Matthews, 11. Freeman, .566
Mauritania, treaties, agreements, etc., 524, 605, 689
McConnell. Joseph. 835
McDougal. Myres S.. 32
McGhee. (Jeorge C, 819, 9.54
McGlnty, Thomas F., 418
McXamara, Robert S., .399, 024, 914
Meat.s ami C«'reals, Committees on (GATT), 72
Me<llterranean, nuclear-free zone in, U.S. views re
.Soviet proposal, S3
Menzies, Robert Gordon, 51
Meteorological satellites :
Accomplishments of (Stevenson), 1009
Agreement with U.S.S.R. re exchange of data, 405
Space radio communication conference, decisions
by. K.35
Weather forecasting through use of (Gardner), 368
Mexico :
Chamlzal boundary negotiations with U.S. and text
of convention, 109, 201, 4,50, 480
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 887
E^noniic development, status and problems of :
Martin, O.'.O; Rostow, 423
Pledras Negras, U.S. consulate closed, 329
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34.5, 371, 418, 450, 647, 702
I'.S. relations (Martin), 903
Micronesia. Council of. consideration of political prob-
lems in the Trust Territory (Ooding), 210, 223
Middle flast. Src Near and >Iiddlc Fast
Military airlift, U.S., to Germany (Rusk), 729
Military assistance («cc a/do Mutnnl defense) :
Algeria, Soviet arms from Cuba and Egypt (Rusk),
SI 7
Appropriation requests : Clay, 470, 477 ; Coffin, 517 ;
Rnsk, 1001
Somali Republic:
Aid iiropose<l by U.S., Italy, and Germany
(Williams), 930
Soviet arms ahlpment to (Williams) , 020
Military assistance — Continued
Spain, agreement with, 687
Viet-Nam, aid to special forces, revised, 736
Military cemeteries, U.S., agreement with Belgium
correcting discrepancies re, 838
Military governments in Latin America, U.S. policy
re (Martin), 698
Military space programs, need for (Gardner), 370
Missiles :
Defense and deterrence, problems of : Foster, 825 ;
McNaniara, 915, 916
Europe, need for MRBM's in (Rusk) , 194
NATO multilateral nuclear force. See under North
Atlantic Treaty Organization
Soviet Union, status in ( McXamara ) , 916
Monetary Fund, International :
Articles of agreement : Algeria, 605 ; Burundi, 647 ;
Cameroon, Central African Republic, 172 ; Chad,
Congo (B), 172; Congo (L), 605; Dahomey,
172; Gabon, 524; Guinea, 605; Malagasy Re-
public, 647 ; Mali, 605 : Mauritania, 524 ; Rwanda,
047 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 505 ; Uganda, 605
Board of Governors meeting, 610
Purpose, objectives, and operations of: Ball, 620;
Goldstein, 465
Study of international monetary system proposed
(Dillon), 615
U.S. interest in (Goldstein). 470
Withdrawals by U.S. authorized, 258, 465
Monetary system, international :
Developments of (Kennedy), 259
IMF study proposed (Dillon), 615
Purpose and need for strengthening of: Ball, 619;
Dillon, 613 ; Kennedy, 610
Mongolia, treaties, agreements, etc., 565, 950
Moon, manned flight to, U.S. program (Stevenson),
1011
Moore, John Bassett, 205
Morocco :
Border dispute, cease-fire agreement with Algeria,
787
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 888
Role in settlement of Temen-Saudi Arabia dispute
(Stevenson), 71
Treaties, agreements, etc., 450, 762, 877
Most, Harry, 933
Most-favored-nation treatment to Poland and Yugo-
slavia, question of : Anderson, 90 ; Rusk, 359
MRBM (medium-range ballistic missiles). See Mis-
siles
Mutual defense assistance agreements :
Appropriation request for FY 1964 (Kennedy), 399
Japan's financial contribution for U.S. administra-
tive and related expenses, 310
Norway, agreement amending agreement of 1950,
annex C, 802
Spain-U.S. joint declaration re renewal of, 618
United Kingdom, disposition of equipment and ma-
terials, including machine tools, 485
Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951 (22
U.S.C. 1611), 666
1046
DEPARTJrENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Mutual security program {see also Foreign aid pro-
grams), restoration of aid funds urged : Clay, 476;
Kennedy, 399, 476
NAO. Sec North Atlantic Council
Narcotics. See Drugs, narcotic
NASA. See National Aeronautics and Space Admin-
istration
al-Nasser, Gamal Abd, 890
National Academy of Sciences, 778
National Aeronautics and Space Administration :
"Food in space" exhibit, 594
Soviet Union, implementation of cooperative space
program witli, 404
National Council of the Churches of Christ in the
U.S., 570
National Day of Jlourning, proclamation, 882
National market, elements for creating (Rostow), 667,
669
National origins system, proposed elimination re im-
migration to U.S., 298
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Natural resources, need for conservation of (Kennedy),
779
Navigation, friendship and establishment treaty
(1875) : Belgium, 485, 648
Navigational satellites, decisions by Space Radio Com-
munication Conference on, 835
Near and Middle East (see also individual countries) :
U.N. peacekeeping role and financing problems:
Chayes, 162 ; Sisco, 776
U.S. position (RusIj),24
Negotiations Under the Trade Expansion Act of 1962,
published, 745
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 891
Nepal, treaties, agreements, etc., 74, 450, 762
Netherlands :
Compensation to victims of Nazi persecution, agree-
ment with Germany, 142, 437
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 73, 345, 689, 762, 905
U.S. Food and Agriculture Exposition-Symposium
opened at Amsterdam, 594
Visit of Vice President Johnson to, 630, 850
Neutrality and nonalined nations:
Africa (Fredericks), 284
U.S. policy (Kennedy), 5
^'New Diplomacy" (Manning), 640
New Zealand :
Economic comparison with Communist China (Hils-
man), 391
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 345, 418, 689, 762
Newly independent nations :
Economic and social development, need for (Rusk),
191, 196
Emergence since World "War II (Ru.sk), 154
Self-determination, problems of: Gardner, 504;
Manning, 644; Rusk, 656; Williams, 434
U.S. views (Cleveland), 847
Nicaragua, treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 380, 762
Niger, treaties, agreements, etc., 605, 761
Nigeria :
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110. 172, 381, 450, 484, 762
Vi.sit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 18
Nkrumah, Kwame, 886
Nogueira, Dr. Alberto Franco, 305
Non-self governing territories :
Portuguese territories. See under Portugal
Southern Rhodesia, problems considered by U.N.
Security Council, 559
South- West Africa, U.S. position (Yates), 946
Trust Territory of Pacific Islands: Goding, 2(W;
Santos, 219
North America, open continent (Tyler), 93
North Atlantic Alliance. See North Atlantic Treaty
Organization
North Atlantic Council :
Purpose and importance of: (Rusk), 195, 729
U.S. delegation at special consultations (Paris), 513
North Atlantic Treaty Organization :
Armed forces, growth of (McNamara), 915, 918
Atlantic parliamentary assembly proposed (Schaet-
zel), 734
Cooperation within : Johnson, 593 ; Manning, 457
Council of. See North Atlantic Council
Defense College, civil deputy (Wallner), nominated,
798
Deputy for nuclear affairs proposed (Rusk), 193
German role : Kennedy, 118 ; Rostow, 539
Need for strengthening: Rusk, 192, 193; Schaetzel,
734
Nonaggression pact with Warsaw Pact countries,
question of (Harriman), 241, 243
Norway, role of (Johnson), 589
Nuclear force, multilateral, proposed : German-U.S.
■discussions, 117
Missile fleet, question of (Rusk), 730, 816
Need for nuclear deterrent: Kennedy, Macmillan,
133 ; McGhee, 957 ; Rusk, 192, 358
'Soviet views, 83
U.K.-U.S. discussions, 133
U.S. position and views : Kennedy, 136 ; McGhee,
957 ; McNamara, 916 ; Rusk, 193, 194 ; Schaetzel,
734
Research fellowships offered by (1964-65), an-
nouncement, 998
Soviet Union, question of credit policies toward
(Rusk), 817
Status and objectives: Kennedy, 134; McGhee, 955;
Rusk, 190
Trade expansion negotiations proposed for NATO
countries (Manning), 458
U.S. support (Rusk) , 192, 243
North Borneo (Sabah), desire for inclusion in Malay-
sia, 542
North Pacific Fishery. See under Fish and fisheries
Northwest Atlantic fisheries. See under Fish and
fisheries
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1047
Norway :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 777
Treaties. aKrecments. etc., 34. 273, 345, 647, 7C1, 802,
00.1. t)84
Visit of Vice President Johnson. 470, 588
NS Sai on»io/i. nKnenieiit concerning visits to : Belgium,
SIM: Nclherlimds, 34
Nubian Monuments, Committee for (UNESCO), U.S.
su|ii>ort for preservation of temples, 18
Nuclear energy {see also Atomic energy. NS Savannah,
and Nuclear hcadlngt), IAEA safeguards system
(Smyth). 1010
Nuclear-free zones:
Mediterranean. Soviet proposal re, 83
U.S. support (Stelle»,707
Nuclear Test Ran Treaty, limited :
Communique and text of treaty, 239
Current actions: Afghnnl.-^tan, 34."i; Algeria, 380;
Argentina. .345 ; Australia. 34.'i. S77 : Austria, .'524 ;
Helglum, Rolivia, Brazil. 345 : Bulgaria, 345, 877 ;
Burma. 380. 877; Burundi. 047 ; Cameroon, 4.'i0;
Canada. 345 : Ceylon. 418 ; Chad. 4.'0 ; Chile, 345 ;
China, 418; Colombia, 380: Congo (L), 345;
Costa Ricn. 380; Cyi)rus. 345; Czechoslovakia,
345, 721 ; Dahomey. 4.'iO: Penninrlx. 345; Domin-
ican Republic, 505; Ecuador, (i05 ; El Salvador,
418; Ethiopia. Finland. ,345; Gabon, 524; Ger-
many, 418 : Ghana, Greece, 345 ; Guatemala. C05 ;
Honduras. 345 : Hungary. 34.5, 761 : Iceland, 3S0 ;
India, 31.5. 721; Indonesia, 418; Iran, 345;
Ira<!, 380; Ireland, 345; Israel, Ital.v, 345;
Ivory Coast, 4H4 : Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, 3S0;
Korea. 4.50; Kuwait, Laos. Lebanon, 380;
Liberia, 345; Libya, 380; Luxembourg, 484;
Malagasy Republic, (i05; Malaya, 345; Mall, 418;
Mauritania, ,524; .Mexico, .345; Nepal, 4.50; Neth-
erlands, 345; New Zealand, 345, 089; Nicaragua,
380 : Niger, 005 ; Nigeria, 484 ; Norway, 345, 905 ;
Pakistan, 380; Panama, 505; Paraguay, 380;
Peru, 418; Philippines, 345; Poland, 345, 721;
Rumania, 345, 1021 ; Rwanda, 505; Samoa. West-
ern. 4S4 ; San Marino, Senegal, 5G5 ; Sierra
Leone, ,524; South Africa, 089; Somali Republic.
418; Soviet Union. 310: Spain. .380; Sudan. 345;
Sweden, 380, 1021; Switzerland. 450; Syrian
Arab Republic. 3.S0 ; Tanganyika. 505; Thailand,
34.5, 084; Togo. .505; Trinidad and Tobago, ,380;
Tunisia, Turkey, I'nited Arab Republic, ,345;
United Kingdom, 310; Upper Voita. 4.50; Uru-
guay, .'1.^0; Venezuela, .380; Viet-Nam, 647;
Yemen Arab Republic, 484 ; Yugoslavia, 345
Internal security, effect on (Rusk), 491, 492
Ni-goiiations:
llarrinian mission to London and Moscow and
US. delegation. 109
Statements on : Ilarrlman, 281 ; Stelle. 703
I'.K.U.H. talks, text of couimunl(|ue (Kennedy-
.Macmlllnn). 133
U.S.. U K . USSR, talks at Moscow:
Ri-jKirt on proLTi'ss (Kennedy). 198
Text of communique. 315
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty — Continued
Nonparticipation by:
Communist China : Hilsman, 392 ; Rusk, 360 ; Ste-
venson, 756
Cuba (Martin), 578
Ratifications and entry into force, 658, 689
Report to the Nation (Kennedy). 234
Science Advisory Committee, endorsement and opin-
ions of, 430
Senate :
Approval requested : Kennedy, 406 ; Rusk, 362
Con.sent given to ratification by, 631
Transmittal of treaty to, 314
Significance and objectives : Bundy, 625 ; Foster, 829;
Kennedy, 530, 531; Manninpr, 4.56; Rusk, 350;
Stevenson, 770 ; Tyler, 03 ; Williams, 433
Signing ceremony at Washington ( Ball ) . 315
Soviet position and objectives : Harriman, 241 ; Rusk,
3,58 ; Williams, 433
U.S. views : Rusk, 240, 3.54, 363 ; Kennedy, 5, 6
Nuclear weapons:
Accidental war, measures to reduce dangers of : Fos-
ter, 826 ; Rusk. 3.52. 3G0. 363, 491
Allied nuclear navy, U.S. position (Rusk), 816
China. Communist, capability (Hilsman), 389
Communist aggression, deterrence to (McNamara),
910
Dangers of and need to halt : Cleveland, 966 ; Ken-
nedy, 2, 237
Defense in a thermonuclear world, problems of (Fos-
ter), 825
Indla-U.S. nuclear power station agreement, 143
International controls, U.S. efforts for (Rusk), 350
Mediterranean nuclear-free zone, U.S. rejection of
Soviet proposal re, 83
Military circumstances, use in (Rusk), 193
NATO nuclear force. See under North Atlantic
Treaty Organization
Nuclear deterrent, question of: Manning. 458; Mc-
Ghee. 957 ; Rostow, 530 ; Rusk, 103
Sino-Soviet dispute re thermonuclear war (Rusk),
358
Soviet Union, capability against Western Europe and
U.S. (Rusk), 101
Tests. See Nuclear weapons tests
U.S. superiority (McNamara), 917
Nuclear weapons tests:
Dangers (Kennedy), 7S1
Detection of :
Control posts proposed to prevent surprise attacks
(Rusk), 257, 3G2
Problems of (Rusk), 492
High altitude tests (Stevenson), 104
Limited underground testa permitted under treaty
(Rusk), 242
Treaty, Sec Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Violations, U.S. position re: Bundy, 626; Kennedy,
237
1048
DBIPAKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Nyasaland and Rhodesia, Federation of, provisional
accession of Argentina to GATT, 689
Nyerere, Julius K., 144, 198, SS9
OAS. See Organization of American States
OAU. See Organization of African Unity
Observation Mission, U.N., in Yemen, U.S. support
(Stevenson), 71
OECD. jSre Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development
Oil:
Ceylon, U.S. position re proposed legislation on dis-
tribution of petroleum products in, 245
Indonesia and foreign oil companies reach agree-
ment, 19
Pollution of sea by, convention (1954) for prevention
of: Dominican Republic, 74; Liberia, 484; Pan-
ama, 721 ; Philippines, 9S4 ; United Arab Repub-
lic, 761 ; United Kingdom, 524
ONUC. See Congo, Republic of the : U.N. operations in
"Open Society" (Battle), 865
Opium. See under Drugs, narcotic
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
ment:
Food and agriculture information officer, appointed,
418
Functions of (Rusli), 196
Ministerial Council, meeting at Paris, test of com-
munique, 948
Need for strengthening (Schaetzel), 734
Purpose of ( Rusk ) , 21
Soviet Union, question of credit policies toward
(RusIO, 817
Organization of African Unity :
Objectives of ( Fredericl£s ) , 786
U.S. support (Fredericks), 285, 287
Organization of American States :
Communist subversion, recommendations to counter,
160, 579
Task force, report of ( Battle) , 416
Otepka, Otto F., 816
Outer Mongolia. See Mongolia
Outer space (see also Satellites, earth) :
Activities of amateurs, research, aeronautical serv-
ices, problems of, 836
Arms race, dangers of and efforts to halt: Foster,
828; Gardner, 371
Danish-U.S. cooperation in programs for (L. John-
son), 590
Icelandic contributions in exploration of (L.
Johnson), 594
International cooperation in peaceful uses :
Problems of: Gardner, 367, 368; Stevenson, 1005
U.N. resolutions, 1012, 1013
U.S. position : Gardner, 506 ; Stevenson, 1007
Nuclear weapons test ban. See Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty
Project West Ford, 104, 105
Radio conference on space communications, decisions
of (McConnell),S35
Outer space — Continued
U.N. efforts to prevent weapons from orbiting in,
(Stevenson), 753
U.S. views : L. Johnson, 592 ; Stevenson, 754
U.S.S.R.:
International law, position on (Gardner) , 369
Soviet views on weapons in orbit (Stevenson), 754
U.S. activities in, views on (Stevenson), 104
U.S.-Soviet cooperation :
Statements: Bundy, 627; Cleveland, 678; Ken-
nedy, 532; NASA, 404; Stevenson, 770, 1005
Text of agreement, 405
Vehicle tracking stations agreements (1961) re
establishment and operation of on Canton Is-
land and in Bermuda : United Kingdom, 648
Outer Space, U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of:
Contributions (Stevenson), 1009
Legal Subcommittee, views of (Stevenson), 104
P.L. 480. See Agricultural surpluses
Pacem in Terris, 38
Pacific, U.S. policy in (Hilsman), 386
Pacific Islands, Trust Territory of the, U.S. adminis-
tration, report on (Coding), 207
Pact of Paris (1928), 975
Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza, 886
Pakistan :
All-Pakistan Women's Association, 707
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 377
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 891
Cyclone, New Orleans aid (Rusk), 17
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 273, 380
U.K.-U.S. policy toward, 133
U.S. aid to (Rusk), 22
Palestine, hostilities in 1948 (Plimpton), 980
Pan American Congress of Architects, welcome to
Washington (Kennedy), 801
Panama :
Canal Zone talks with U.S., results of, 246
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 888
Treaties, agreements, etc., 110, 150, 565, 688, 721,
761, 762, 802, 984
Panama Canal, 246
Paraguay, treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 229, 380, 381,
485, 606, 762
Park, Chung Hee, 887
Passamaquoddy-Saint John project, report on, 248
Passports, validation for travel to Cuba, announce-
ment re, 92
Patents, inventions relating to defense for which pa-
tent applications have been filed, agreement for
safeguarding : Greece, 381
Paulus VI, 890
Paz Estenssoro, Victor, 787
Peace :
Europe's role In (Rostow) , 540
General Assembly resolution estabUshing peace fund,
185
Goal of human rights (Cleveland) , 33
INDEX, JTJLT TO DECEMBER 19G3
1049
Peace — Tontlnuwl
Peacekefplng under International law, question of
(Foster). 829
Pioneers, U.S. ( Kennedy ). 631
Problems of and effort.s toxviinl: Bundy, C25; Cleve-
land. 070; Foster, 7; Kt-iiniKly. L', .'VJO, 094; Man-
ning. 644; Rostow. 0'_'7 ; Rusk, 728; Stevenson,
288; Williams, 434
Soviet position (Uarriman), 280
UJJ. role and costs of peacekeeping operations:
Cleveland, 555; Plimpton, 170; Stevenson, 182,
76S
U.S. policy toward International peace (Cleveland),
967
World objective (Kennedy), 6
Pence Corps :
Expan.slon of, need and purpose (Kennedy), 170
Programs :
Africa : Fredericks. 289 ; Williams, 436
Agreements concerning: Panama, 984; Tangan-
yika, 198 ; Uruguay. 722, 762
Role of (Kennedy), 115
Volunteers needtnJ, 993
Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, U.N. Committee on:
Contributions (Stevenson), 1009
I^'gal Sul)oomniittee, views of (Stevenson), 104
Penrcy, G. F-tzel. 1014
P6Tez Jimenez. Marcos, 364
Permanent Court of Arbitration, purpose of and U.S.
delegation, 32
Permanent Joint Board on Defense, U.S.-Canada,
Chairman of U.S. section, appointment, 566
Peru:
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 888
Military Junta in (Martin), 700
Treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 418, 524, 565, 606. 689,
762, 878
Petroleum. See Oil
Pettenssen. Svere, 648
Philippine War Damage Act, amendment to (Depart-
ment statement and remarks by Hilsman), 301
Philippines:
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 888
MalayNia. problem re formation of (U. Johnson), 82
".Maphllindo" confederation: Hilsman, 392; U. John-
Hon. K2
Military defense exercises 1963-64 by SEATO forces
In. 8«3
Trent li'.M. ngre<>mentB, etc., 73, 229, 345, 688, 762, 838,
878. 984, 1022
War damage bill, amendment proriding settlement of
clalniH. .tOl
PhlllliM. Uichnrd I., 74
Phouma, Souvnnna, .500
Plccloni, Attlllo. 036
"PlaHtlcs-USA" exhibit, opened In Bulgaria, 1 12
Plimpton, Frunrls T. P.. 17H, 7.''.S. 973
Plutonium, U.S. support for International control re
use of (Smyth), 1019
Poland :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 888
Most-favored-nation tariff treatment, question ofr
Anderson, 90 ; Rusk, 25, 359
Travel restrictions for citizens in U.S., 861
Treaties, agreements, etc., 73, 172, 273, 345, 450, 721
U.S. policy and aid (Rusk), 25
Polaris submarines, in Mediterranean, Soviet denunci-
ation, 84
Political rights of women :
Convention (1953) on, 722
Inter-American convention (1948) on Paraguay, 381
Progress (Tillett), 146
U.S. views (Gardner) and text of convention, 321,
327
Pollution of sea by oil, international convention (19o4>
for prevention of: Dominican Republic, 74; Li-
beria, 4S4 ; Panama, 721 ; Philippines, 984 ; United
Arab Republic, 761 ; United Kingdom, 524
Pope John XXIII, 42, 59
Popov, Ivan, 138
Population :
Census, intensification of studies re (Bingham), 28
Communist China, problems of (Hilsman), 387
Problems of growth (Freeman) , 66
Population Commission, U.N., 28, 30
Porter, Dwight J., 648
Portugal :
African territories:
Self-determination, problems of: Gardner, 505;
Williams, 434
U.N. Security Council resolution, 309
U.S. position : Fredericks, 784 ; Rusk, 360 ; Steven-
son, 303, 308
Treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 74, 230, 310, 722, 761,
762, 877
U.S. Ambassador, appointment, 310
Postal convention (1959), universal, with final protocol,
annex, regulations of execution and provisions re
airmail: Colombia, 345; Jamaica, Mongolia, 565;
Trinidad and Tobago, 273
Poultry dispute with EEC :
Remarks : Gossett, 293 ; Herter, 603, 605
U.S.-EEC negotiations, 72
Powell, Herbert B., 525
Prebisch, Raul, 944, 945
Press :
Foreign correspondents, value (Harriman), 278
Limitations (Cleveland), 14
Prisoners of war, Geneva conventions (1949) relative
to treatment of : Cameroon, 950 ; Malagasy Repub-
lic, 648; Saudi Arabia, Senegal, 273; Somali Re-
public, 648; Tanganyika, 273; Trinidad and
Tobago, 9.")0
Private enterijrise :
Growth In Africa (Fredericks), 785
Role In economic development process (Rostow), 425
1050
DilPAKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Proclamations by the President :
Blue mold cheese, import regulations amended
(3562), 970
Butter substitutes, quota established (3558), 685
Captive Nations Week, 1963 (3543) , 161
EEC, duty raised on imports from (3564), 969
General Pulaski's Memorial Day, 1963 (3550), 460
National Day of Mourning for President Kennedy,
882
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, ratified by the President,
659
Spain's accession to GATT, protocol for (3553), 550
U.S. tariff schedules made effective (3548), 478
Project West Ford, purpo.se and importance (Steven-
son), 104
Propaganda {see also Communism: Aggression and
subversive activities) : Soviet use and advantage
(Tyler), 96
Property :
Industrial, convention (1883, as revised) for protec-
tion of : Central African Republic, Chad, 877 ;
Congo (B), 4.50; Guam, 230; Ivory Coast, 761;
Laos, 877 ; Nigeria, 450 ; Puerto Rico, 230 ; Ru-
mania, 877; Samoa, 230; Upper Volta, 877;
Virgin Islands, 230
Iraq, law restricting foreign ownership of real prop-
erty in, 100
Surplus, agreement with Iran re use of funds from
sale of, 838
Protocol and the conduct of foreign affairs (Duke) , 700
Public Law 480. See Agricultural surpluses
Public service, hazards of (Galbraith), 53
Publications :
Committee to Strengthen the Security of the Free
World, The Scope and Distribution of United
States Military and Economic Assistance Pro-
grams: Report to the President of the United
States, published, 477
Department of Agriculture, The World Food Budget,
63
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy,
lists, 57, 101, 144, 205, 264, 437, 551, 752, 792, 1004
Economic Commission for Latin America, Towards a
Dynamic Development Policy for Latin America,
174
Food and Agriculture Organization :
Development Through Food, 62
Third World Food Survey, 62
Obscene publications, agreement (1910) for repres-
sion of circulation of: Cyprus, 110
OflBce of the Special Representative for Trade Nego-
tiations, Negotiations Under the Trade Expan-
sion Act of 1962, published, 745
State Department:
A Beacon of Hope: The Exchange-of-Persons Pro-
gram, published, 743
Department of State Bulletin, new cover, 6
Digest of International Law, Volume I, released,
204
Publications — Continued
State Department — Continued
Foreign Relations of the United States, series:
1942, Volume IV, The Near East and Africa,
released, 34
194s, Volume I, General, published, 690
J943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth,
Eastern Europe, the Far East, published, 985
Lists of recent releases, 74, 230, 274, 346, 381, 418,
485, 526, 650, 690, 722, 878, 986, 1022
United Nations :
Lists of current documents, 73, 229, 309, 380, 479,
523, 565, 837, 876, 983
The Technical Cooperation Programs of the United
Nations System, Advisory Committee on Inter-
national Organizations, released, 97
U.S. Advisory Commission on International Educa-
tional and Cultural Affairs, American Studies
Abroad: Progress and Difficulties in Selected
Countries, 169
Tung Lo Encyclopedia, presented to Library of Con-
gress, 740
Puerto Rico, industrial property, convention (1883, as
revised) for protection of, 230
Pulaski Memorial Day (proclamation), 460
Punta del Este, charter of ( Harriman ) , 939
Queen Elizabeth, 886
Racial discrimination :
Apartheid. See Apartheid
Effect on diplomatic relations in U.S. (Duke), 702
Equal rights, question of (Rusk), 994
Foreign relations, effect on : Louchheim, 683 ; Man-
ning, 641 ; Williams, 436
Problems and developments : Anderson, 91 ; Cleve-
land, 41 ; Fredericks, 286 ; L. Johnson, 586 ; Ken-
nedy, 534 ; Plimpton, 758 ; Rusk, 154 ; Sisco, 775 ;
Stevenson, 771
South Africa, U.S. views: Fredericks, 784; Gardner,
505 ; Stevenson, 335, 769 ; Yost, 337
United Nations responsibility and action :
Cleveland, 555 ; Gardner, 320
Radio:
Developments of (Cleveland), 15
Regulations (1959), annexed to 1959 international
telecommunication convention. See under Tele-
communication convention (19.59)
Space radio communications conference, U.S. dele-
gate report on, 835, 904
Timetable schedules and links, provisional, proposed
at Antarctic meeting, 107
U.S. agreements with:
Colombia, communications between amateur sta-
tions on behalf of 3d parties, 1022
Israel, radio facilities, agreement re reciprocal
establishment and operation, 110
Radioactive fallout, dangers of (Kennedy), 236
Rahman, Tunku Abdul, 891
Read, Benjamin H., 274
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1051
Red Sea. Internntionnl adroemcnt re mnlnfennnce of
certain llRhts In: United Arab Rcimbllc, 838
Research fellowships (10G4-O5) offered by NATO, an-
Dounrenient. 1)08
Renter, Richard \V., 40,3
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of, provisional
accession of Art'entina to GATT, 089
Rhodesia, Southern, question of independence, U.S.
views (Stevenson), 559
Rio Muni, visit of Assistant Secretary Williams to, 18
Road traffic, convention (1049) on, with annexes:
Algeria. 34 : .laniaica, 721 ; Lebanon, 418
Road vehicles, private, customs convention (10.'J4) on
temporary importation of: Cyprus, Cool£ Islands,
109
Road.s. Guatemala. aRreement with U.S. for construc-
tion of the Inter-Auierlcan Highway in, 722; ter-
mination of. 0.H4
Rogers. Rutherford D.. 740
Rome Treaty. See Kuropean Economic Community
Roosevelt, Eleanor, cited. 43
Roo.sevelt. Franklin D., 937
Ross, Claude G., 310
Rostow. Walt W., 422, 536, C67, 021
Roth, William Matson, 519
Rowan. Carl T., 580
Royal Lao Air Force, U.S. replaces old aircraft, 500
Rumania :
Travel restrictions for citizens in U.S., 861
Treaties, asreemcnts. etc., 345. 877, 1021
Rush-Bagot treaty, importance of (Tyler), 93
Rusk. Dean :
Addresses, remarks, and statements :
Africa. Portuguese territories in, 361
Ai>l, restrictions proposed for Egj'pt, Indonesia,
I'uKo.slavia, 811
Algeria supplied with Soviet arms from Cuba and
Egypt, 817
Alliance for Progress, need for strengthening, 814
Allied nuclear navy, U.S. position on, 816
Armed forces, U.S., question of reduction in Ger-
many, 3."7
Atlantic partnership, review of, 720
Australia, transmission from U.S. via Common-
wealth r'acilie Cable opened, 969
Berlin, Soviet Interference with convoys to, 812,
815
China, Communist:
Nuclear test ban treaty, nonpartlclpatlon in, 300
Worldwide dl.sarmament conference proposed by,
350
Civil rights bill, support of, 041
Congressional inquiry of Department officials,
question of, 815
Cuba :
Kidnaping Incident in Britl.sh waters by Castro
forces, 302
Situation In, 817
Digest of International Late, acceptance of flrst
volume, 205
Rusk, Dean — Continued
Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued
Dismissal of .Mr. Otepka. question of, 816
Dominican Republic and Honduras, U.S. economic
and military aid stopped to, 624
Eastern Europe, U.S. policy re trade expansion,
304
ECOSOC ministerial meeting attended by Gov.
Harriman, 814
Educational and cultural exchange program, in-
ternational, review of, 742
Eulogy to President Kennedy, 881, 883
Export expansion, importance of. 599
Ford Foundation grant to Howard University for
foreign affairs program, 684
Foreign aid :
Appropriation requests, dangers of reductions,
400. 812, 816, 999
Foreign policy, effect on, 19, 356
Foreign policy, U.S., citizen's role in, 990
France, question of U.S. sharing nuclear infor-
mation with, 357, 359, 363
German-Berlin question. Western position on, 813
Gettysburg Address Anniversary, 842
Inter-American foreign ministers meeting pro-
posed, U.S. support for, 813
Internal defense and security, U.S. position, 490
Latin American, economic and social development
problems in, 814
NATO :
Role in prevention of nuclear surprise attacks,
358
Status of, 190
U.S. support for, 243
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty :
Control posts, stationary or mobile, proposed,
357, 360, 363
Senate approval, 362, 631
Significance of, 350
Signing at Moscow, 314
U.S. views, 240, 363
Pakistan cyclone. New Orleans aid commended, 17
Poland, U.S. most-favored-nation tariff treatment,
350
Racial equality, problems and scope, 154
Rights of man. 654
SEATO, 9th anniversary of, 464
Sino-Soviet dispute, effect on U.S.-Soviet relations,
244
Soviet Union :
Communist China, relations with, 357
Military forces in Cul)a, 260, 361
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, Soviet's motive re,
358
U.S. credit policy toward, 817
Wheat export proposed, 810, 815
State Dei)artment 1964 appropriation request,
Justification to Congress, 200
1062
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Rusk, Dean — Continued
Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued
U.N. Church Center, dedication, 570
Viet-Nam :
Neutralization aspect in, 811, 812, 815
New regime in, 813, 814
Situation in, 359, 810
Yugoslavia, U.S. most-favored-nation tariff treat-
ment, 359
Correspondence and messages :
Adenauer, Chancellor, on retirement, 697
Export expansion program, Chiefs of Mission role
in, 290
Foreign Assistance Act 1963, request for restora-
tion of funds, 399
Greetiug.s to new British cabinet officers, 736
Latvia's National Day, greetings on, 932
Venezuela, agreement with U.S. to extradite Mar-
cos P^rez-Jim^nez and texts of notes, 364, 365
Vice President Johnson's visit to Benelux coun-
tries, 8.54
News conferences, transcripts of, 356, 810
Responsibility assigned in international aviation pol-
icy (Kennedy), 100
TV interview, transcript of, 240
Visits to :
Germany, Federal Republic of, 117
United Kingdom, 133
Rwanda, treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 565, 647, 689
Sabah and Sarawak, question of inclusion in Malay-
sia, 542
Safety of life at sea, conventions on :
1948 convention : Cyprus, 877 ; Nigeria, 381 ; Tunisia,
74
1960 convention : Cuba, 484 ; Paraguay, 606 ; Tunisia,
74
St. John River hydroelectric power development proj-
ect (Passamaquoddy), 248
St. Lawrence River, agreement with Canada re pilotage
services on, 606
Samoa, indu.strial property, convention (1883, as re-
vised) for protection of, 230
San Marino, Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, 565
Santos, Vincente N., 219
Sarawak and Sabah, question of inclusion in Malaysia,
542
Satellites, earth {see also Outer space) :
Communication satellites. See Communications:
Satellites
Meteorological satellites. See Meteorological satel-
lites
Navigational satellites, 835
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Spain, tracking stations and communication facil-
ities on Grand Canary Island, 172
United Kingdom, vehicle tracking station, estat>-
lishment on Canton Island and in Bermuda, 648
Saudi Arabia :
Prisoners of war, Geneva conventions (1949) rela-
tive to treatment of, 273
Temen, U.N. Observation Mission in (text of Security
Council resolution), 71
Schaetzel, J. Robert, 731
Scheyven, Louis, 484
Schweitzer, Pierre-Paul, 610, 613
Science (see also Atomic energy. Nuclear weapons,
Outer space, and Satellites) :
International cooperation in, need and accomplish-
ments : Kennedy, 778 ; Stevenson, 1008
UNESCO. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization
U.S. attaches, appointments to : Bonn, 150, 906 ; Can-
berra, 150 ; Tokyo, 186 ; London, 150 ; NATO and
ERO, 381 ; Stockholm, 648
Science Advi-sory Committee, 430
Science and Technology for the Benefit of the Less De-
veloped Areas, U.N. Conference on the Application
of, appointment of experts (Bingham), 712
Scientific, Educational and Cultural Organization. See
Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization
Seoville, Herbert, Jr., 906
Sea, use of resources of (Kennedy), 780
Seaborg, Glenn T., 168, 564, 1019
SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty Organization
Secretary of State (see also Busk, Dean), role in inter-
national aviation policy (G. Johnson), 509
Security Council, U.N. :
Documents, lists of, 73, 309, 380, 479, 523, 565, 876
Double veto (Plimpton), 981
Limitations on peacekeeping powers of (Plimpton),
980
Resolutions :
Israel and Syrian incidents and text of proposed
resolution, 523
Observation mission to Yemen, 71
Portuguese territories in Africa, 309
South Africa, racial policy problems in and pro-
posed ban on sale of arms to, 338
Role and scope (Cleveland), 42
South Africa, proposed ban on sale of arms to (Ste-
venson), 333
Southern Rhodesia, question of independence (Ste-
venson), 559
"See America Now" program, 1964 (Kennedy), 253
Segni, Antonio, 136, 887
Self-determination :
Africa :
Problems in (Williams), 434
U.N. role (Cleveland), 463
U.S. support (Fredericks), 286, 287
East Germany, U.S. support, 537, 540
Newly independent nations, problems of (Manning),
644
Portuguese territories In Africa :
Security Council, U.N., resolution, 309
U.S. position : Gardner, 505; Stevenson, 304
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 19G3
1053
Self-determination — Continued
South-West Africa ( Yates), »4C, 948
U.S. |H)8itioti and .supijort : Kennedy, 5, 532; Rusk,
(ir>:> ; Stevenson, 303
Senegal, treaties, aKrecments, etc., 110, 273, 565, 689
Settlement of disputes, compul.sory, optional protocol of
sli;nature tu : Australia, 229
Sevastyanov, Gennadly G., 137
SevillaSnfTisa. GullliTmo, 997
Shah of Iran, R><6
Shazar, Zaluian, 886
Shen Changhuan, 780
Ships and shipping:
Treaties, agreements, etc.:
IMCO, convention (1948) on : Algeria, 984 ; Czecho-
slovakia. 761 ; Tunisia, 110
Naval vessels, termination of agreement with Can-
ada re furnishing supplies and services to, 648
NS .S'orofinaft, agreement re: Belgium, 984; Neth-
erlands, 34
Pilotage services on Great Lakes and St Lawrence
Klver, amending agreement (1961) with Canada,
606
Red Sea, international agreement re maintenance
of certain lights in : I'nited Arab Republic, 838
Transportation, Inter-American convention on fa-
i-ilitution of: .Vrgentina. Rolivia, Chile, Colom-
bia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, 229
U.S. submarine, agreement with Pakistan re loan
of, 273
Shriver, Sargent, 199
Sierra Ix>one:
Ambassador to U.S., credentials. 904
Treaties, agreements, etc., 524, 1022
SIno-Sovlet bloc {sec alio Communism and individual
countricn) :
Aid to foreign countries (CofBn), 516
Eastern Europe, Soviet domination (Anderson), 88
Indonesia, relations with (Ru.sk), 24
Less developed countrle.s, economic aid to (Wil-
liams), O.'iO
Slno-Soviet dispute, U.S. views : Anderson, 90 ; Harri-
man, 244, 2.S0: Ullsman. 388; U. Johnson, 82; Mar-
tin. 577 : Rostow, 924 ; Rusk, 191, 244, 493
Siple, Paul A., 1.50
SIsco, Joseph J., 773, 802
Skopje earthquake disaster, proposed U.N. aid to, 7.59
Slave trafflr, white, apn^ement (1904) for repression:
Algeria, 9.S4 ; Cyprus, 273 ; Madagascar, 878
Slavery, convention (1I»20) on abolition of :
Current action, Kuwait, 273
Text of agreement, .323
U.S. views (Gardner), .320
Smith, Renjamln A. II, 519, 709
Smyth, Henry D., 1019
Smythe, Mabel .M., 25»7
Social Security System, agrM-niont with Philippines re
coverage for Filipino employees of U.S. armed
forces, 838
Soekamo, Acbmed, 17, 891
Solomon, Anthony M., 1022
Somali Republic:
Arms shipment from Soviet Union (Williams), 929,
930
Historical and geographic background (Williams),
929
MilitxTry aid proposed by U.S., Italy, and Germany
(Williams), 930
Treaties, agreements, etc., 418, (548
Sosa-Rodriguez, Carlos, 892
South Africa, Republic of :
Apartheid :
Communist opposition to (Williams), 931
Policies of: Gardner, 505; Stevenson, 333; Wil-
Uams, 435 ; Yost, 337
U.S. position (Fredericks), 784
Consulate at Durban raised to Consulate General,
4.50
Military etiuipment, U.S. termination of sale of (Wil-
liams), 435
Sanctions, question of (Stevenson), 336
Treaties, agreements, etc., (589, 761, 762
South America {see also Latin America), purpose of
Gov. Harriman's visit to (Rusk), 814
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization :
Military defense exercises 1963-64, 863
Ninth anniversary (Rusk), 464
U.S. role (U. Johnson), 81
Southern Rhodesia. See Rhodesia, Southern
South-West Africa, U.S. position (Yates), 946
Soviet bloc countries :
Cuban economy, subsidization of deficits in (Martin),
575, 577
Exchange of information and persons with U.S. pro-
posed (Rusk), 493
Soviet Union {see also (Communism and Sino-Sovlet
bloc) :
Agricultural production, problem of (Rostow), 924
Armed forces, size of (McNamara), 915. 918
Attach^, U.S. requests departure of, 137
Berlin, interference with U.S. convoys to, 818
Communication, direct link with U.S., purpose and
text of agreement, 50
Communist China, withdrawal of technical assist-
ance to (Rusk), 357
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 889
Cuba, military forces in (Rusk), 360, 361
Detente policy ( Rostow ), 925, 928
East Berlin, U.S. protest Soviet restrictions in, 138
Exchange of persons and information with U.S., pro-
posed (Rusk), 493
Eastern Europe, relations with (Anderson), 88
Foreign policy, failures of (Cleveland) , 849
Free world, subversive activities in (McNamara),
920, 924, 925
Ideologies, comparison with U.S. (Kennedy), 531
Israel and Syrian incidents, U.S.-U.K. resolution in
Security Council vetoed by, 520
1054
DEPARTJIENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Soviet Union — Continued
Mediterranean nuclear-free zone, exchange of notes
re Soviet proposal, S3
Missiles, status of (McNamara), 916
Nationalism, growth of (Rostow), 928
North Pacific fur seals, protocol amending conven-
tion (1957) on conservation of, 688
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (see also Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty: Negotiations):
Talks at Moscow with U.S. and U.K., progress on
(Kennedy), 198
Views and objectives of (Harriman), 241
Nuclear weapon capability (Rusk) , 191
Outer space. Sec under Outer space : U.S.S.R.
Peace, views on, 160
Racial relations in U.S., views on (Rusk), 155
Sino-Soviet dispute. See Sino-Soviet dispute
Treaties, agreements, etc., 74, 273, 310, 524, 689, 762
Travel restrictions for U.S. citizens in, 855
U.N. peacekeeping operations, payment of assess-
ments for (Plimpton), 179
U.S. relations with: Bundy, 629; Harriman, 279;
Kennedy, 3, 696 ; Manning, 457 ; Rusk, 244, 994 ;
Sisco, 774
Visits, State and oflicial, conduct of (Duke), 701
Voice of America broadcasts to (Rusk), 493
Wheat sale from U.S.: Ball, 935; Kennedy, 660;
Rusk, 810, 815
World domination, goal of : Manning, 457 ; Rostow,
921 : Rusk, 728
Space. See Outer space and Satellites
Space Communications, Extraordinary Administrative
Radio Conference on, results of (Kennedy), 904
Space Research, International Committee on, accom-
plishments and objectives (Stevenson), 1008
Spain :
Defense agreement renewed with U.S. (texts), 686
Export-Import Bank loans to, 686, 688
GATT, protocol for accession to, proclamation, 550
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 273, 310, 380, 381, 485,
524, 606, 648, 689, 905, 906
Special Fund, U.N., U.S. views (Bingham), 68, 716
Special Representative for Trade Negotiations :
Confirmations : Blumenthal. 297 ; Roth, 519
Functions of (Herter), 601, 602
GATT advisory opinion requested on U.S.-EEC poul-
try dispute, 751
Negotiations Under the Trade Expansion Act of 1962,
published, 745
Notice of public hearings for 1964 GATT trade nego-
tiations, 745
Tariff schedules in effect, 329
Trade Information Committee, regulations of, 330
' Specialized agencies, U.N., role of (Cleveland), 15
State Department (see also Agency for International
Development, Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency, Foreign Service, and Peace Corps) :
Appointments and designations, 74, 186, 230, 274, 310,
381, 566, 648, 685, 802, 906, 1022
State Department — Continued
Appropriation request, justification to Congresa
(Rusk), 260
Assistant Secretary of State, confirmation (Porter),
648
Aviation, international policy, role in (Johnson), 509
Civil rights bill, support of (Manning), 641
Congressional inquiry of Department officials, ques-
tion of (Rusk), 815
Educational and Cultural Affairs, Bureau of, con-
sultants appointed, 673
Foreign policy briefing conferences. See under
Foreign policy
News releases, volume of (Louchheim) , 682
Office for Special Representational Services, estab-
lishment, 525
Office of Community Advisory Services established,
838
Otepka, Otto F., question of dismissal of (Rusk), 816
Publications. See under Publications
Special assistant to the Secretary of State, designa-
tion (Read), 274
Trade Negotiations, Ambassadors and Special Rep-
resentatives for, confirmations : Blumenthal,
297 ; Roth, 519
Visits, State and official, policy on (Duke), 701
State visits, customs and problems of (Duke), 701
Statistical Commission, U.N., purpose and aims (Bing-
ham), 28
Stelle, Charles C, 793
Stevenson, Adlai E. :
Addresses, letters, and statements:
Apartheid, problems of (cited) , 435
Economic and social development, 265
Israel and Syrian incidents, 520
Memorial tribute to President Kennedy, 883, 894
Outer space :
International cooperation, importance of, 1005
U.N. efforts to prevent weapons from orbiting In,
753
U.S. reply to Soviet charges, 104
Portuguese territories in Africa, U.S. position,
303
South Africa, racial problems of and proposed ban
on sale of arms to, 333-335
Southern Rhodesia, question of independence, U.S.
views, 559
United Nations :
Growth and accomplishments of, 766
Responsibilities of, 181
U.N. Church Center, dedication, 573
Yemen, U.N. Observation Mission to, 71
Strategic-hamlet program in Viet-Nam : Heavner, 396 ;
Hilsman, 48, 391
Stutts, Captain Ben W., 246
Subversive activities. See under Communism
Sudan, treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 762
Suffrage, women's progress in (Louchheim), 705
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1055
Sugar :
Joternatlonol sugar agreement (1958) :
Ciirrcut actions: ArKi-iitina, 722; Jamaica, 689;
Swaziland, r.24 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 689
Protocol for the prolongation of the: Argentina,
Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China,
Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia,
Denmark, Dominican Kepublic, Ecuador, El Sal-
vador, France, Federal Kepublic of Germany,
Ghana, Guatemala, lialti, Hungary, India, In-
donesia. Ireland, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Leb-
anon, Mexico, Morocco, Netherlands, New Zea-
land, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Panama, Paraguay,
Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, South
Africa, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, U.S.S.R.,
U.K., I'.S.. 761
Sukarno, Achmed, 17, 891
Supporting assistance, appropriation request (Rusk),
1003
Surveying. See Cartography
Swaziland, International sugar agreement (1958), 624
Sweden :
Educational exchange agreement with U.S., 101
Tax convention with U.S. for avoidance of double
taxation, 760
Treaties, agreements, etc., .34. 172, 230, 380, 485, 647,
088, 689. 761, 762, 802, 1021. 1022
U.S. science attach^, appointment, 048
Visit of Vice President Johnson, 479, 583
Switzerland :
Basel. U.S. consulate closed at, 329
Treaties, agreements, etc., 74, 418, 450, 485, 524, 506,
080, 905
U.S. AmbaH.sador. conflrmation, 048
Visit of Assistant Secretary Cleveland, 92
Syncom II, 1010
Syrian Arab Republic:
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 889
Israeli Incidents (Stevenson), 520
Treaties, agreements, etc., 3S0, 084
Szymczak, Matt S., 073
TakeuchI, RyuJI, 441, 449
Tanganyika :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 889
Treaties, agreements, etc., 54, 108, 273, 484, 505, 689,
701, n.-.o
Visit of President Nyerere to U.S., 144, 198
Tarai)iir Atomic Power Station, .340
TarItT riassUlcallon Act of 11)02. purpose of, 329
Tariff CommLsslon, U.S. :
E.scape-<-lause restrictions on clinical thermometers,
report on, Presidential decision, 046
Function of (Ooa.sett), 2W
Tariff reductions, announcement of public hearings
on, 00-1, 745
Tariff Disparities Subcommittee of GATT Trade Nego-
tiations Committee, 72
Tariff policy, U.S. (tec oho Customs, Tariffs and trade,
general agreement on. and Trade) :
Blue mold cheese. Import regulations amended, 970
Tariff policy, U.S. — Continued
Butter substitutes, establishment of import quotas
for (proclamation), 085
Clinical thermometers. Presidential decision re duty
on imports of, (>40
Disparities of (Gossett), 292
EEC ( see also European Economic Community ) , duty
raised on potato starch, brandy, dextrine and
trucks imported from, 909
Most-favored-nation tariff treatment, Poland and
Yugoslavia, question of : Anderson, 90 ; Rusk, 359
1904 tariff negotiations. See Tariffs and trade, gen-
eral agreement on : International tariff negotia-
tions, 1964
Revised tariff schedules, effective date and text of
proclamation, 329, 478
Trade Expansion Act of 1902. iSec Trade Expansion
Act
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on :
Agreements, declarations, procfes-verbal, and
protocols :
Accessions to, current actions on :
Argentina, provisional : Australia, 74 ; Brazil,
484 ; Cyprus, 689 ; Czechoslovakia, 74 ; Israel,
Japan, New Zealand, Peru, Rhodesia and
Nyasaland, Tanganyika, 089; Turkey, 74;
Uganda, 801 ; Yugoslavia, 484, 524
Cambodia : Austria, 722
Dahomey, provisional, 500
Israel : Austria, 722 ; Spain, 648
Japan : Spain, 648
Portugal : Austria, 722 ; Spain, 648
Spain: Austria, 485; Belgium, 689; Canada,
Denmark, 485; France, 689; Germany, 485;
India, 689; Italy, 485; Netherlands?, South
Africa, 689 ; Spain, 381 ; Sweden, Switzerland,
485 ; Uruguay, 089 ; U.S., 310
Switzerland, provisional : Brazil. 566 : Cyprus,
Kuwait, 689 ; Portugal, 74 ; Spain, 689 ; Ugan-
da. 801
Tunisia, provisional : Chile, Cyprus. Tangan-
yika. 689; Uganda, 801; Yugoslavia, 560
United Arab Republic, provisional : Ceylon, 506 ;
Chile, 689; Cuba, 560; Cyprus, Greece, Haiti,
Kuwait, Sweden, Tanganyika, 689 ; Yugo-
slavia, 566
Yugoslavia, provisional : Austria. Brazil, Tan-
ganyika. United Arab Republic. 524
Annecy protocol of terms of accession to: Uganda,
877
Article XIV, special protocol modifying: Uganda,
877
Article XVI : 4, declarations re provisions of, entry
Into force : Uganda, 801
Article XXIV, special protocol relating to: Ugan-
da, 877
Australia, protocol replacing schedule I : Uganda,
877
Brazil, new schedule III, protocol on establish-
ment: Spain, 047 ; Uganda, 801
1056
DEPARTSTENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on — Continued
Agreements, declarations, etc. — Continued
Ceylon, protocol replacing schedule VI : Uganda,
877
French text, protocol of rectlflcation to: Spain,
648 ; Uganda, 722
Geneva tariff conference (1960-61) :
European Economic Community negotiations
(McGhee), 957
Protocol re : Spain, 648 ; Tanganyika, 484
Organization for Trade Cooperation: Uganda, 722
Organizational amendments to, protocol of:
Uganda, 722
Part I and articles XXIX and XXX, protocol and
proc&s-verbal of rectification : Spain, 647 ; Ugan-
da, 722
Parts I and II and articles XXVI and XXIX, pro-
tocol modifying : Uganda, 877
Poland, declaration and relations between con-
tracting parties and Poland : Uganda, 801
Preamble and parts II and III : Spain, 648 ; Ugan-
da, 722
Protocol modifying certain provisions of : Uganda,
877
Provisional application of, with annexes and sched-
ules and protocol of: Cameroon, Central Afri-
can Republic, 34; Chad, 230; Congo (B), 34;
Cyprus, 273; Dahomey, 565; Gabon, 34;
Jamaica, 905; Kuwait, 34; Malagasy RepubUc,
Mauritania, Senegal, 689; Upper Volta, 34
Kectiflcation, protocol of: Uganda, 877
Rectifications and modifications to, lst-3d proto-
cols: Uganda, 877
Rectifications and modifications to texts of
schedules :
lst-3d protocols : Uganda, 878
4th-9th protocols : Spain, 606 ; Uganda, 722, 878
Spain's accession, protocol (proclamation), 550
Supplementary concessions to :
3d-8th protocols : Spain, 606
6th protocol : Uganda, 801
10th protocol : Japan, New Zealand, 418 ; Spain,
648
Torquay protocol : Uganda, 878
International tariff negotiations, 1964 :
Ministerial meeting at Geneva, 72, 292, 602
Less developed countries, proposal to aid
(Prank), 176
Purpose and objectives : Bingham, 714 ; Harri-
man, 944 ; Herter, 603 ; Kennedy, 597 ; Schaet-
zel, 733
Negotiations Under the Trade Expansion Act of
1962, 745
Notices of public hearings on 1964 trade negotiations
and articles for consideration, 745, 746, 749
Poultry dispute, advisory opinion requested on U.S.-
ECC problem, 751
Tariff schedules, revised, approved, 329
Task force, OAS, report of (Battle) , 416
Taxation :
Double taxation, conventions for avoidance of. See
Double taxation
Income tax, agreement with Panama for ^^^thhold-
ing compensation from Panamanians employed
in Canal Zone, 802
Interest equalization tax proposed : DiUon, 618 ; Ken-
nedy, 255
Taylor, Maxwell D., 47, 624
Teachers, shortage of (Battle), 415
Technical assistance and cooperation. See Economic
and technical aid to foreign countries
Tejera-Paris, Enrique, 365
Telecommunication (see also Communications and
Radio) :
Antarctic Treaty countries, meeting and text of final
communique re, 107
Telecommunication convention (1959), international
Current actions : Albania, 762 ; Cameroon, 150
Colombia, 34 ; Guatemala, 801 ; Indonesia, 762
Liberia, 150 ; Liechtenstein, 3S1 ; Peru, 565
Philippines, 1022 ; Poland, 450 ; Portuguese Over-
seas Territories, 34
Radio regulations (1959), with appendixes, an-
nexed to international telecommunication con-
vention (1959): Gabon, 34; Ireland, 838;
Liberia, 381 ; Luxembourg, 950 ; Nepal, 762 ;
Nigeria, 110 ; Sudan, 762
Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision 1958) an-
nexed to international telecommunication con-
vention (1952) with appendixes and final pro-
tocol : Liberia, 381 ; Nepal, 762
Telecommunication Union, International. See Inter-
national Telecommunication Union
Telstar satellites, 1010
Tennessee Valley Authority, success and value of
(Galbraith), 54
Territorial sea and contiguous zone, convention (1958)
on, Australia, 229
Terry, Fernando Belaunde, 888
Textiles. See Cotton textiles
Thailand :
Communist aggression (U. Johnson), 79
Military defense exercises 1963-64 by SEATO forces
in, 863
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 761, 984
Tillett, Mrs. Gladys A., 145
Timberlake, Clare H., 436
Timmons, Benson E. L. Ill, 906
Tin, U.S. interim modification and long-term disposal
program, 56, 945
Tin Council, International, 56, 945
Tiros satellites, 1009
Tito, Josip Broz, 738, 890
"Toasted breadcrumbs of the future" (Cleveland), 12
Tobacco, U.S. negotiations with EEC at Geneva, 72
Togo, treaties, agreements, etc., 565, 721
Tolman, Carl, 186
Tour6, Ahmed S^kou, cited, 638
rNDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1067
TracklnK stations agreements with U.S. . space vehicle
tracking and communication facilities, estabUsh-
ment anil oixTation of : Australia, 802 ; Spain, 172 ;
United Kingdom, C48
Trade (»<e alto Agricultural surpluses, Customs, Eco-
nomic |>olicy, Exi)orts, Imi)ortii, and Tariff policy) :
Balance-of-paymentfl problems. Bee Balance of pay-
ments
Barriers, reduction of :
Negotiations proposed (Herter), GOl
U.S. position: Lowenfeld, 37G; Schaetzel, 733
Commodities. Sec Commodity and individual com-
modity
Cuba, free- world boycott (Martin), 575
Ex|>ansion of, efforts for :
Addre.s-ses and statements: Bell, 831; Bingham,
714; Frank, 173; Kennedy, 121, 595, 598; Rusk,
5St9, 600
Eastern Europe, U.S. policy toward : Anderson, 90 ;
Rusk, 364
German-U.S. support (Adenauer, Kennedy), 117
International trade Increased (Lowenfeld), 377
Special Representative for Trade Negotiations of
the U.S. See Special Representative for Trade
Negotiations of the U.S.
U.K. nonmembership in EEC, effect of (Manning),
458
U.S. firms assisted to expand export markets
(Rusk), 600
Jaf>an. Src Japan
Most-fnvored-nation basis for world trade (Herter),
602
Trade agreements. See Trade agreements
Trade Expansion Act. See Trade Expansion Act of
1962
U.S. trade relations with :
Bulgaria (Anderson), 141
Canada (G. Johnson), 543
EEC, technical problems of negotiations with (Cos-
sett), 294
Trade agreements:
Public htarings, notice, 330, 331
With:
Argentina, effectiveness of U.S. schedules, 450
Belgium, termination of commerce and navigation
agreement, (J48
China, arrangement re trade in cotton textiles, 789,
802
Iceland, trade agreement replacing Schedule II of
ini."?, 0.89
Jamaica, arrangement re trade In cotton textiles,
ftl.'i, 689
Japan :
Arrangement re trade In cotton textiles, 450
ZIpiHT chain export tn U.S., 449
Parngnay, reciprocal trade agreement (194C)
amended, 172
Sr>alM. tcTiiilnntion of 1927 agreements and 1946
understanding, 000
Switzerland, effectiveness of U.S. schedules, 418
Trade Agreements Program, administration of ( Execu-
tive order), 167
Trade and Development, U.N'., conference on :
Objectives (Bingham), 714
Preparatory Committee, meeting of (Frank), 173
Trade and Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadian Com-
mittee on, 8th meeting, 297, 548, 689
Trade Expansion Act of 1962 :
Authority granted to President under (Herter), 291,
602
Export expansion program (Kennedy), 596, 597
Most-favored-nation clause : Anderson, 90 ; Rusk, 25-
Negotiations Under the Trade Expansion Act of 1962,
published, 745
Review of (Gossett), 291
Significance and goals : Herter, (K)2 ; Kennedy, 252 ;
Stevenson, 270
Trade Information Committee:
Text of regulations, 330
Tariff reductions, proposed public hearings on, 294,
G04, 745
Trade Negotiations Committee, GATT, meeting, pur-
pose of and U.S. delegation to, 72, 603
Trade union movement (Kennedy), 123
Trademarks, convention (1884) on, termination of
agreement with Belgium, 648
Training and Research Institute, U.N., establishment
(Bingham), 714
Travel :
Areas restricted in U.S. for foreign nationals :
Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, 860 ; Po-
land, Rumania, 861 ; U.S.S.R., 855
Cuba, validated passports required for travel to. 92
Pacific trust territory, free entry to and from U.S.
(Coding), 211, 213
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Road, traffic, convention (1949) on, with annexes:
Algeria, 34 ; Lebanon, 418
Road vehicles, private, customs convention (1954)
on temporary importation : Cook Island, 109 ;
Costa Rica, 761 ; Cyprus, 109
Touring, convention (19.^4) re customs facilities
for : Cook Islands, Cyprus, 109
U.S. efforts to attract tourists (Kennedy), 253
Travel Control Law and Regulations, 92
Treasury, Department of the :
Cuban assets, controls blocked on, 160
Interest equalization tax proposal, 256
Treaties, agreements, etc.. international (for indiridual
treaty, see subject), 34, 73, 109, li50, 172, 229, 273,
310, 345, 380, 418, 450, 484, 524, 565, 605, 647, 721,
762, 801, 837, 877, 905, 950, 984, 1021
Trinidad and Tobago :
Iminigration. recommendation for nonquota status
(Kennedy), 300
Treaties, agreements, etc., 229. 273. 380, 565, 605, 689,
7G2, 9.50
Truce Supervision Organization, U.N., 521
Trust territories. U.N. (sec also Non-self-governing
territories). Pacific Islands: Coding, 207; Santos,
219
1058
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN'
tubman, William V. S., 638 (cited), 887
^inisia :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 889
National Union of Tunisian Women, 707
Treaties, agreements, etc., 74, 110, 345, 566, 606, 689,
762, 905, 950
Mnkin, Grigory, 164
Mrkey :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 889
40th anniversary of Republic, U.S. congratulations
on, 788
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 74, 310, 345, 418
?VA. See Tennessee Valley Authority
^ler, WilUam R., 93
I.A.R. See United Arab Republic
J Nu, cited, 461
I.S.S.R. See Soviet Union
J Thant, 178, 542, 563, 893
Idall, Stewart, 883
Iganda :
Council of Women, 706
Treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 450, 605, 689, 722, 877
Inder water nuclear weapon test ban. See Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty
Inderdeveloped countries. See Less developed coun-
tries
FNEF. See United Nations Emergency Force
JNESCO. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, U.N.
Inion of Soviet Socialist Republics. See Soviet Union
Inited Arab Republic :
Abu Simbel Temples, U.S. support for preservation
of, 18
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 890
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 345, 418, 524, 689, 722,
761, 838
U.N. sends Observation Mission to Yemen, text of
Security Council resolution (Stevenson), 71
U.S. aid to (Rusk), 24, 811
Inited Kingdom :
Bilateral aid, 27
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 886
EEC, problem of nonmembership in (Manning), 458
Greetings to new cabinet officers (Rusk), 736
Kidnaping incident by Cuban troops in British
waters (Rusk), 362
Manchester, U.S. consulate closed at, 329
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. See Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty : Negotiations
Southern Rhodesia, relations with (Stevenson), 560
Treaties, agreements, etc., 245, 273, 310, 485, 648, 688,
689, 722, 761, 762
U.S. deputy scientific attach^, appointment, 150
Visit of U.S. officials to :
Assistant Secretary Cleveland, 92
President Kennedy, 132
'nited Nations :
Accomplishments, problems, and role of :
Cleveland, 38, 848; Gardner, 502; Kennedy, 5;
United Nations — Continued
PUmpton, 978 ; Sisco, 773 ; SteUe, 796 ; Stevenson,
267, 766
Administrative and budgetary procedures of, contin-
uation of the working group on the examination
of (GA resolution), 185
African participation in, 287, 289
Capital Development Fund, 561
Charter. See United Nations Charter
Church Center, dedication (Rusk, Stevenson), 570,
573
Citadel of diversity (Cleveland), 462
Communist China :
Attitude of (Stevenson), 757
Veto of membership ( Stevenson) , 755
Consolidation, need for (Mailliard), 872
Decade of Development. See Decade of Development
Documents, lists of, 73, 108, 229, 309, 380, 479, 523,
565, 837, 876, 983
Economic and Social Council. See Economic and
Social Council, U.N.
Economic commissions. See Economic Commissions
Financing of :
Bonds, terms and conditions governing issuance of
(General Assembly resolution), 185
Budget estimates 1964 discussed by Committee V
(Mailliard), 871
Delinquent members and responsibility for: Mail-
liard, 872 ; Plimpton, 178
Peacekeeping operations :
General Assembly resolution, 185
International Court of Justice opinion (Chayes),
162
U.S. concern and position : Cleveland, 463, 555,
847, 967 ; Gardner, 503 ; Kennedy, 534 ; Steven-
son, 182, 768
Finland, role of (Johnson), 587
General Assembly. See General Assembly
Hungarian credentials at, U.S. reserves position on
(Yost), 32
Inadequate staff for oi)eration (Cleveland), 463
Ireland's role in (Kennedy), 132
Labor, role of (Cleveland), 846
Membership responsibilities (Stevenson), 269
Memorial tribute to President Kennedy (Sosa-
Rodriguez, U Thant, Stevenson), 892
NATO, Assistant Secretary Cleveland attends ses-
sion to discuss U.N. affairs, 513
Outer space, U.N. registration required for vehicles
launched into space (Stevenson), 104
Security Council. See Security Council
Specialized agencies, 15
Technical assistance programs :
South- West Africa rejects aid (Yates), W7
Special Fund. See Special Fund
The Technical Cooperation Programs of the
United Nations System, Advisory Committee
on International Organizations, released, 97
Truce Supervision Organization, report of (Steven-
son), 521
ITOEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1059
United Nations — Continued
U.K.-L'.S. prelliulunry talks re forthcoming U.N.
meetings, 02
U.S. views and support: Cleveland. 55C; Mailliard,
873 ; Rusk, 1001 ; Stevenson, 181
United Nations Charter:
Human richts provision (Rusk), 655
International law, principles of concerning relations
among states (Plimpton), 973
Principles of: Rusk, 197; Stevenson, 757
United Nations Commission on the Status of Women,
17th session of, report (Tillett), 145
United Nations Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer
Space. Sec Outer Space, U.N. Committee on
United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop-
ment. See Trade and Development, U.N., confer-
ence on
United Nations Economic and Social Council. See
Economic and Social Council
United Nations Economic Commissions. See Economic
Commission
United Nations Educational, Scientlfle and Cultural
Organization, U.S. support for preservation of
temples proposed by, 18
United Nations Emergency Force in the Middle East:
Activities and financing of: Cleveland, 40; Chayes,
103; Plimpton, 179
General Assembly resolutions, 183, 185
United Nations Poimlntion Commission, purpose and
objectives (UlnBhnm).28
United States Arms Control and Disarmament. See
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S.
United States citizens and nationals :
Bolivia, efforts to release U.S. officials seized in, 998
Claims. See Claims
Cuba, validated passports required for travel to, 92
Foreign policy, role in : Anderson, 91 ; Louchheim,
681 ; Rusk, 990
Peace, Importance of Individual Interest In (Ken-
nedy), 0
Universal copyright convention (1952). See Copy-
right convention
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, objectives of
(Gardner), 321
Upper Voltn, treaties, agreements, etc., 34, 229, 450,
688, 701, 877
Uranium 2.35:
Avallnbillty Increa.sod for peaceful uses: Kennedy,
107 ; Scaborg, 108
U.S. proposals (Stelle), 795
Urlbe Botcro, Eduardo, 249
Uruguay :
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 844
Treaties, agreements, etc., 229, 380, 089, 722, 762
Valencia, Gulllermo Leon, 885
Vanler, Georges P., 890
Vatthana, Sri Savang, 887
Venezuela :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 890
Cuban anna cache discovery in, 013
Venezuela — Continued
Defense of Western Hemisphere, U.S. supports pro-
posed OAS foreign ministers meeting for con-
sideration of, 813
Extradition, agreement with U.S. re Marcos P6rez
Jimenez and texts of notes, 304, 365
Fishing and conservation of living resources of high
seas, convention (1958) on. 380
Veterans Memorial Hospital, amending agreement with
Philippines re use of, 229
Vienna conventions on consular and diplomatic rela-
tions. See under Consular relations and Diplo-
matic relations
Vlet-Nam :
Buddhists, U.S. position, 398, 499
Communist aggression and subversion, efforts
against: Hilsman, 45, 389; Kennedy, 499; U.
Johnson, 79, 81
Military coup in and neutralization of (Rusk), 811,
813, 814
Recommendations to the President (McNamara, Tay-
lor, Lodge), 624
Situation in: Heavner, 393; Kennedy, 498; Manning,
4.-)S ; Rusk, 359
Special forces, U.S. aid revised, 736
Strategic-hamlet program in: Heavner, 396; Hils-
man, 48, 391
Treaties, agreements, etc., 346, 381, 647, 906
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 310
U.S. position: Bundy, 628; Heavner, 303; Manning,
4.'59 ; Rusk, 810
U.S. recognition, 818
Viet-Nam, North, aggression and subversion in Viet-
Nam. See Viet-Nam : Communist aggression
Virgin Islands, treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 230
Visas :
Nonimmigrant visa fees :
Abolition of, agreement with United Arab Reptib-
lie, 418
Reciprocal waiver of, agreement with Spain, 485
Pacific trust territory, free entry to and from U.S.
(Coding), 211
Visits, State and official, policy on (Duke), 701
Voice of America, broadcasts to Soviet Union (Ru.sk),
493
Voltz, Captain Carleton, 246
Vote, world progress for women (Louchheim), 705
Wales, Cardiff, U.S. consulate closed at, 329
Wallner, Woodruff, 798
Walske, M. Carl, 381
War:
Inadvertent, measures to reduce: Foster, 826; Rusk,
493 ; Tyler, 94
U.S. and Soviet positions: Kennedy, 4; McNamara,
916 ; Rostow, 925 ; Rusk, 493
War damage claims, legislation amending the Philip-
pine War Damage Act. 301
Warsaw Pact, question of nonaggression treaty wiBi
NATO (Harriman) , 241, 243
1060
DEPABTMENT OF STATE UXJUSBItS
Water desalinization, IAEA General Conference on,
7th session, and U.S. delegates announced, 563, 564
Weather :
Forecasting and research, international coopera-
tion ( Stevenson) , 1009
Meteorological program with Soviet Union, 405
Satellites. See Meteorological satellites
Westerfield, Samuel Z., Jr., 310
Western alliance:
Policy agreement within (Manning) , 457
U.S.-U.K. talks re problems of (Kennedy, Macmil-
lan), 133
Unity, basic ideals (Johnson), 593
Western Europe. See Europe : Western Europe
Western Samoa, treaties, agreements, etc., 484, 950
West Ford project, 104, 105, 369
Wharton, Francis, 205
Wheat agreement (1962), international, current ac-
tions: Argentina, 2.50; Brazil, 524; Costa Rica,
905; El Salvador, 2.30; Germany, 172; Guatemala,
524; Iceland, 524; Peru, 878; Philippines, 878;
Tunisia, 905
Wheat sale to U.S.S.R. : Ball, 935; Kennedy, 660;
Rusk, 810, 815
Whiteman, Marjorie, 201
WHO. Sec World Health Organization
Williams, G. Mennen, 18, 432, 636, 929
Williams, William W., 1.50
Willis, Frances E., 245
Wilson, W. Wyatt, 17
Wirtz, Willard, 883
WMO. See World Meteorological Organization
Women :
Equal opportunities and individual challenges
(Louehheim), 98, 704
Political rights :
Convention (1953) on:
Brazil, ratification deposited, 838
Entered into force effective date, 722
Inter-American convention (1948) on, Paraguay,
381
U.N. progress report on status of (Tillett), 145
World Affairs Conference, 436
World Bank. See International Bank
World Conference of Lawyers, greetings to (Kennedy),
162
World Court. See International Court of Justice
World Food Congress :
U.S. views (Stevenson), 270
Washington meeting, remarks: Kennedy, 58; Free-
man, 60
World Food Program, background and status of
(Cleveland), 12, 679
World Health Organization :
Regulations No. 1 (1948) re diseases and causes of
death: Burundi, Congo (Leopoldville), Mon-
golia, Tanganyika, Western Samoa, 950
Sanitary regulations, amendments pertaining to Reg-
ulations No. 2 (19.51) , 110
World Health Organization :
World health, role in (Cleveland), 680
World Magnetic Survey, 404
World Meteorological Organization, world weather sys-
tem, U.S. support (Stevenson), 1010
Wyatt, Wilson, 17
Yang, Chia-lo, 740
Yates, Sidney R., 946
Yemen ;
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 249
Nuclear test ban treaty, 484
Status of women in, 706
U.N. Observation Mission in, U.S. support (Steven-
son), and text of Security Council resolution, 71
Yost, Charles W., 32, 337, 522, 759
Yriart, Juan Felipe, 844
Yuan Tung-li, 740
Yugoslavia :
Condolences on President Kennedy's death, 890
Most-favored-nation tariff treatment, question of :
Anderson, 90 ; Rusk, 25, 359
President Tito visit to U.S., 738
Sarajevo, U.S. consulate clo.sed at, 329
Skopje earthquake disaster, U.S. aid (Yost), 760
Treaties, agreements, etc., 345, 484, 524, 566, 688
U.S. aid, proposed restriction of (Rusk), 811
Yung Lo Encyclopedia, 740
Zahir, Mohammed, 92, 535
Zawadzki, Aleksander, 888
Zemenld Observatory, 404
INDEX, JULY TO DECEMBER 1963
1061
I /
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
MA'
Vol ZLIZ, No. 1253
Jvh/ 1, 1963
TOWARD A STRATEGY OF PEACE
Address by President Kennedy 2
THE ECONOMICS OF ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT
by William C. Foster 7
"THE TOASTED BREADCRUMBS OF THE FUTURE"
by Assistant Secretary Cleveland 12
THE FOREIGN AID PROGRAM FOR 1964
Statement by Secretary Rusk 19
I
For i/ndea see inside book cover
The Economics of Arms Control and Disarmament
by William C. Foster
Director^ U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency *
It is indeed encouraging to observe that a
group of distinguished citizens and community
leaders of the north Middle West have taken 2
days from their busy schedules to study and dis-
cuss the problems of arms control and disarma-
ment. We are grateful to the University of
Wisconsin and the Joluison Foundation for
sponsoring this conference. In doing so, they
are contributing to public understanding of a
fundamental problem that confronts us. Peace
is the great luifinished business of our genera-
tion, as it has been for all preceding genera-
tions, and a just and lasting peace will eventu-
ally be achieved only if our policy proposals
have the benefit of the consideration and coun-
sel of thoughtful men and women in all sectors
of our national life.
Some of my ablest associates have come here
to discuss with you what we are doing in Wash-
ington, at the United Nations, in Geneva, and
at research centers throughout the country.
They will delve into some of our current prob-
lems and in doing so will, I am sure, gain the
freshness of insight and clarity of perspec-
tive that often result from a trip outside
Washington.
They have come to learn, as well as to inform,
and they will give eager attention to the ideas,
suggestions, and critiques which are expressed
in the course of these deliberations. For this
' Address made before a briefing and colloquium on
arms control and disarmament sponsored by the
Johnson Foundation and the University of Wisconsin,
in cooperation with the U.S. Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency, at Racine, Wis., on June 6.
is a developing field and the challenge is vast.
We need the assistance of American business-
men and scholars, scientists and professionals.
Our door is always open ; we welcome new ideas.
Last year we spent about $4 million on con-
tract studies. Over and above these, we re-
ceived first-rate assistance from publislied and
unpublished material produced under other
auspices. We regard these 2 days of discussion
at Wingspread as a two-way street ; we expect to
take home as much as we brought with us.
In discussing some of our problems, you will
not« that they cannot be isolated compartments
but must be faced in relation to many other as-
pects of our foreign relations and of our de-
fense program. Indeed, one of the reasons an
independent agency was created to deal with
arms control and disarmament was the fact that
the subject matter with which we deal cuts
across the concerns of many different Govern-
ment agencies, each of which has a special re-
sponsibility and a special form of expertise.
It is our job to coordinate these efforts and to
develop for the President's consideration poli-
cies and programs which harmonize our long-
range national desires with the steps we must
take to meet immediate necessities.
I ask you to remember, however, that arms
control and disarmament are not only distant
and remote goals. They are also subjects of
ongoing international conferences which are in
the center of the diplomatic stage. These nego-
tiations have an immediate impact upon our
relations with our allies, with the nations on the
other side of the bargaining table, and with
nonalined countries. Positions taken at these
JXTLT 1, 1963
conferences affect these relations and sometimes
affect them dramatically.
Our studies in arms control have current
values to us also because they impart new in-
sights into the management of our military
resources.
I ask you to remember, too, that the arms
race grows more intense every year and that,
at each new stage of technology, control and dis-
armament become more difficult. The need for
action, therefore, is urgent.
So that there will be no misunderstanding
among us, I should like to make clear that I do
not advocate arms control and disarmament at
any price. My Agency is as much concerned
with maintaining the national security of our
nation as any other department or agency in
Grovemment. Indeed, the enabling act which
established the U.S. Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency states that arms control and
disarmament policy, and I quote, "must be con-
sistent with national security policy as a whole."
Obviously any agreement on measures of arms
control and disarmament must be accompanied
by those measures of verification that would
pro\ide us the assurance that such agreements
are being adhered to.
I shall address myself today to the subject of
the economics of arms control and disarmament
within the framework of that understanding.
Mitconcaptlont on Role of Defense Spending
Regrettably the subject has not often been dis-
cussed since our Agency was established. It is
one which I believe has a very direct interest
to all of us, including individuals and communi-
ties in this part of the country. It is my hope
that increased discussion will lead to the re-
moval of any doubt that arms reduction and
disarmament are strongly to our economic ad-
vantage. We should be able as informed citi-
zenry to recognize that adjustment, even though
temporarily dislocating, is not to be shunned if
it clearly enhances our general welfare.
You will not be deprive-d of hearing from my
•aeociates developments in all other aspects of
arms control and disarmament in which the
Agency is involved. However, I would urge
you in the question-and-response periotl to feel
free to question me at will on any aspects of
the activities of the Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency. I will be pleased to try to
answer all questions raised in the period allotted
me.
One might ask if this is the time to talk about
the economics of arms control and disarmament.
It has, as you know, very pertinent implications
for maintaining demand, production, income,
and jobs in the economy.
I think it is the time. When could it be bet-
ter to consider the role of defense expenditures
in the economy than when there is a sort of na-
tional searching of the economic soul ? It pro-
vides a unique occasion to overcome any
misconceptions which may be developing as to
that role and its meaning for the economic ad-
justments to disarmament.
I am referring to inclinations to rationalize,
in one way or another, our huge defense ex-
penditures as necessary or desirable for the
maintenance of production, employment, and
incomes in the economy. To those who already
may have succumbed to these inclinations, the
present debate on taxes and on general economic
policy offers the temptation to pose this ques-
tion : If we cannot fully utilize our resources
expending some $55 billion for defense, how
shall we avoid substantial additions to the
unemployment of men and machines under
disarmament?
This, of course, is a provocative question al-
though it is not yet a matter of public debate
or discussion. The economic consequences of
disarmament as a question still lie mostly on
the surface of men's thoughts and feelings.
But to the extent that the issue is raised, reac-
tions often indicate deep concern and skepticism,
not relief and optimism. Does this reaction re-
flect simply fear of painful dislocations of ad-
justment? Or does it in any way reflect a more
deep-rooted fear of longer range economic dif-
ficulties? Are we, in other words, in danger of
developing a sense of pennanent economic de-
pendence upon large defense expenditures?
I believe we could be vulnerable to such
danger. There are many reasons for this, in-
cluding recent economic history. The greatest
depression of our country ended only with our
entrance into World War II. In the postwar
period we have seen — coincidentally with huge
8
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BCIiiETIN
expenditures for defense — levels of production,
employment, and income greatly exceeding
those of the prewar period. Thus one might
conclude that the economy is better off with a
large measure of defense spending than with-
out it.
Moreover we have been able to finance our
own defense expenditures in such a way that
their burden on the individual has not been too
apparent. I am not suggesting that we have
paid for the defense program primarily by defi-
cit financing. We have been paying for it very
largely out of current income. Our taxes are
high. But we have not foimd it necessary or
desirable for some time to increase taxes — at
least at the Federal level — and we have managed
to maintain stability in prices. Finally, we
have been able to provide the individual with an
increasing real disposable or aft«r-tax income.
This has been accomplished even with a less
than satisfactory rate of economic growth. In
these circumstances it is difficult for our society
to sense any profound tangible denial as the
result of the defense program. It is not in the
nature of man to question too sharply his en-
vironment as long as things continue to get even
a little bit better.
The magnetic attraction of defense spending
as a supposed economic panacea is enhanced
also by the extent to which a significant segment
of the population has developed a fairly direct
economic interest in it. Some 6 percent of the
civilian labor force is employed in providing
defense goods and services or in defense-
related activities in the Government. In addi-
tion, in niunerous areas of the Nation, the in-
comes of many persons depend, for the moment,
quite directly on the disbursements of local de-
fense facilities. These direct and indirect
dependencies are by no means momentary ; for
many persons they have evolved over a consider-
able number of years. That these people should
find it difficult to envisage an equally satisfac-
tory economic future in a defense- free economy
is quite understandable.
The relatively high wages paid in defense
industry and the relatively greater prosperity
of defense-oriented areas tend further to cul-
tivate the notion that defense business is eco-
nomically healthy. Geographic competitive in-
terest in defense contracts is intensifying. One
can expect that areas now heavily dependent
upon defense facilities or installations might
find it difficult to perceive opportunities for
economic development in directions other than
defense.
All this suggests our vulnerability to the
danger of developing a sense of permanent eco-
nomic dependence upon defense spending.
That danger is present. Moreover, it is of pro-
found significance for our future welfare. It
threatens our sense of economic values. It poses
a threat to our capacity to recognize and deal
with the real problems of the economy in this
new age of supertechnology. It threatens to
weaken confidence in our free enterprise system
and our resistance to the evils of the so-called
"warfare state." These, in turn, threaten our
position of prestige and leadership in the world.
Alternatives to Defense Spending
What action shall we take, then, to impede
the drift toward a sense of indefinite economic
dependence on the arms race ? Certainly much
greater analysis and public discussion of the
real issues are in order. Thought needs to be
given to the role arms spending plays in the
economy and to the alternatives to such spend-
ing in a disarmament environment.
Initially one might inquire whether there
is any reason to change the view long accepted
by reasonable men — and traditionally accepted
in American thinking — that arms and armies
do not make good economic investments. It
need take no second thought to recognize that
weapons and military services do not, by and
large, serve our material needs and wants. Ad-
mittedly there are surface economic benefits. I
certainly do not wish to minimize the contribu-
tion to the so-called "state of the arts" that de-
rives from research and development on weap-
ons. On the other hand, current studies suggest
that caution is in order in evaluating the ac-
tual contribution which military research and
development make to the evolution of new prod-
ucts and processes in the civilian sector. In
any case, few would argue that the money
spent for such research and development plus
that spent for procuring and maintaining the
weapons— a total amount equal to about one-
JTJLY 1, 1963
9
third of the entire Federal budget — is at all
commensurate with that contribution.
There should be little difficulty in concluding
that, if the economic returns on defense spend-
ing are marginal, such spending represents a
dissipation of resourees. Manpower and ma-
chines employed on defense could be employed
for purposes which would provide economic
returns of substance. It clearly is not true, as
some of the discussion on defense spending ap-
pears to assume, that military programs absorb
only manpower which otherwise would be idle.
Thus military spending cannot be justified sim-
ply as a means of maintaining high levels of
production, income, and employment.
For production, income, and employment are
a function of demand for goods and services.
Such demand arises from a capacity to spend —
either by individuals, businesses, or public en-
tities. Our capacity to spend today for non-
defense goods and services clearly is limited
by what we spend for defense goods and serv-
ices. As I have noted, we have been financing
the defense eflFort primarily out of current in-
come rather than by the creation of additional
debt. In the absence of defense spending we
would be disposing that portion of income
which goes for defense for some pattern of per-
sonal consumption and private and public in-
vestment which would create demand for the
services of men and machinery. Not only
would we create thereby output, income, and
employment, but we would also create goods
and ser^■ices which would add to our general
welfare.
Some may be disposed to say that the signifi-
cance of defense demand is that it is certain.
The past decade would seem to bear them out,
although many defense producers and employ-
ees would be inclined to note that that certainty
relates only to the total pie and not to its indi-
vidual parta As for myself, I see greater pos-
sibility for certainty in nondefense patterns of
spending than in defense spending. There is
no reason why, for example, we could not use-
fully devote on a continuing basis a higher
proportion of our resources to such needs as
education, public health and welfare, transpor-
tation and communications, natural resources,
and uri)an development I find a certainty of
continuous improvement in our education,
health, and welfare infinitely more significant
from the economic and social long-range view-
point than an improvement in our weapons.
Moreover, I see the same certainty in regard
to personal consumption. The proportion of
personal disposable income going for consump-
tion has been quite consistently in the range of
92 or 93 percent in the years since the Korean
war. In the years prior to that war the pro-
portion tended to be slightly higher.
Some may wish to argue that defense spend-
ing generates greater employment than other
forms of spending. I shall not endeavor to
prove otherwise, but I should be interested to
listen to any convincing evidence that shows
that a billion dollars spent for defense produces
greater employment than a billion dollars'
worth of the production of nondefense goods.
Limitations of Defense Spending
It would appear, in fact, that defense spend-
ing of the type we now have has no intrinsic
merit in terms of its ability to create production
and income as compared to other forms of de-
mand. For one thing, there is an inherent limi-
tation on the widening of investment in the
weapons industry in response to new procure-
ment demands. A substantial portion of the
plant and capital equipment used in the indus-
try is already owned by the Government. It
can be shifted around in accordance with the
dictates of the procurement program. The un-
certainty of the defense business mitigates
strongly against the willingness of the weapons
producer to risk large amounts of his own
capital.
Defense demand also absorbs, relative to its
contribution to national income, a far too high
proportion of skills and talent in the economy.
This is particularly true in the case of scientists
and engineers, who are drawn to defense work
by the higher salaries which are offered. It is
unquestionably true that inability to compete
for the services of these persons has affected
substantially the application of research and
development in the industrial sector.
There would also appear to be unavoidable
economic waste in the defense effort. This re-
sults from the factors of uncertainty and in-
10
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
stability in weapons procurement. It is difficult
for a weapons producer to gear his labor force
to the point of optimum cost. Therefore over-
manning tends to be frequent. Large amounts
of money also are dissipated in competing for
defense contracts. Sums over $100 million can
be spent by the "losing" firms collectively in
bidding for a particularly lucrative contract.
Sudden changes in military programs result
in severe local economic dislocations which may
take years to overcome. The geographic dis-
tribution of defense contracts itself tends to
create imbalance in the economy in regard to
the dispersion of employment and income and
in regard to economic development.
The discussion thus far might tend to pro-
voke the response, "All that is well and good.
Yet how could we manage to replace the defense
effort in the economy without serious economic
repercussions ?" I would reply, first, that if we
can apply to the resolution of that problem only
a modicum of the talent which we have applied
to defense and space problems, we should man-
age the replacement with only minor and tem-
porary discomforts. Defense spending either
is a good thing economically or it is not. If it
is not, the sooner our national security interests
permit us to reduce or eliminate it the sooner
shall we be able to enjoy the benefits of allocat-
ing our resources to more productive use.
Our national security interests do not now
permit us to rid ourselves of defense spending.
Then, how is our attitude toward it pertinent,
you may ask. I am not suggesting, of course,
that we bear the financial burden of defense
ungraciously. Rather, I am suggesting that we
should guard ourselves against developing a
permanent taste for such spending. There al-
ways will be enormous difficulties in surveying
our own interests objectively in disarmament.
Any self-delusion on the economic aspects
could only add significantly to the responsibili-
ties of the Government to insure properly the
country's interests.
I should also like to add that the sooner we
fully appreciate the long-term economic bene-
fits to be derived from disarmament, the sooner
shall we be able to plan intelligently for an
adjustment process. Such a process will
involve not only the conscientious efforts of the
Government but the imagination, initiative, and
foresight of the private sector as well. Much
of the success of our post- World War II con-
version was due, I believe, to the fact that it
was carefully and long planned and it was
carried out in an atmosphere of hope and ex-
pectation. A buoyant psychology on the part
of business and consumers could, in itself, do
much to facilitate the transition away from
a defense-oriented economy. It is not too
early for the private sector to begin serious
consideration of how to use effectively the
resources released by disarmament. This
would be particularly appropriate in those cases
where resources are now devoted exclusively to
military research and development. Such con-
sideration would facilitate greatly the rapid
application of new technology in civilian
industry. This, I am sure, would result in
substantial improvements in products and
processes.
President Kennedy has stated our willing-
ness to engage with the Soviet Union in a
"peace race." ^ Thus far there is little evidence
that the Soviets are ready to meet this
challenge. But if or when they do, it would
behoove us to be adequately prepared on the
all-important economic front — prepared psy-
chologically as well as physically to make the
economic adjustments such a transition would
require and which are within our means to
carry out successfully.
' For text of an address by President Kennedy before
the U.N. General Assembly on Sept. 25, 1961, see
Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619.
JULT 1, 1963
11
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY KECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol. XLIX, No. 1254-
July 8, 1963
PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS
hyA ssis tant Secre tary Cleve land 38
THE CHALLENGE TO FREEDOM IN ASIA
hy Assistant Secretary Hilsman ^3
ON OUR QUARREL WITH SUCCESS
iy Ambassador John Kenneth Galbraith 52
WORLD FOOD CONGRESS MEETS AT WASHINGTON
Remarks hy President Kennedy and Address hy Secretary of Agriculture Orville L. Freeman 58
For index see inside hack cover
Peace and Human Rights
hy Harlan Cleveland
Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs ^
For the past 2 days you have been discussing
that remarkable document— Pacem in Terris —
which has produced such interest, praise, and
even excitement around the world.
Tlie reactions were global and various. But
to someone operationally concerned with the
problems of peace, the most interesting thing
about Pacem in Terris was its linkage of a phi-
losophy about the nature of man under God
and a philosopliy about man's operational ef-
forts to keep peace in the world under the
United Nations.
It is not for me, either as a Government offi-
cial or as a Protestant, to add another interpre-
tation to the growing literature on Pope Jolin's
last and most intriguing state paper. But a
reading of that paper does .stimulate a political
scientist to some secular and personal thoughts
' .\ililre.s.s made on June 15 (press release .317 d.ate(l
June 14) nt a dinner concluding the Midwest Confer-
ence on Peace and World Order, si)onsored by the Chi-
cago World Teace Center and held at St. Xavier's
College, Chicago, 111.
about the nexus of peace and human rights.
Before we ask what it means to make human
rights operational in a world of 100 sovereign-
ties and several hundred thousand political
jurisdictions, it is worth just a moment to recall
some things which you and I first learned as
long ago as we can remember — about events
which you know so well they are deep in your
bones — words which most Americans can al-
most recite by heart.
"We run the risk of losing our way if we do
not keep reminding ourselves of what is per-
manent. Mr. Justice Holmes once said: "We
need education in the obvious more than inves-
tigation of the obscure." I doubt if there has
ever been a time when that observation was
more blazingly relevant than right now. So,
in service to the obvious, I recite the hallowed
words of the Declaration of Independence of
the 13 States:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men
are created equal, that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among
these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 12S4 PUBLICATION 7S70 JULY 8, 1963
Tbp Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication liiHued by the OlUce
of Media SorvlceH. Bureau of Public Af-
falrn. provldeH tbe public and Interested
aRenclcH of tbe Qorernment witb Informa*
tlon on developments In the Held of for-
eign relations and on tbe work of the
Department of .Stale and the Foreign
Service. Tbe Bulletin Includes selected
press releases on foreljrn policy. Issued
by tbe White ITouse and the Department,
and statements and addresses made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other offlcera of tbe Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of International affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation Is included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States la or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial In the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
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Use of funds for printing of this pub-
lication approved by the Director of the
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NOTE : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and items contained
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38
DEPARTSIENT OF STATE BULLETIN
And the immediately following sentence
says:
That to secure these rights, Governments are insti-
tuted among Men, deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed.
Governments, then, in the view of the Found-
ing Fathers, are constituted for the explicit
purpose of securing the unalienable rights of
men — men who are born equal. That is to say,
our political system is built on a truth that has
to do with the nature of man. A revolution
was promptly fought to make that moral pre-
cept operational.
A short while later it became evident to many
that the Constitution adopted by the new na-
tion emerging from that revolution was not
explicit enough about the rights of member-
ship in the human race.
The framers of the first 10 amendments to
the Constitution — the Bill of Rights — were
saying that the right of all men to "Life, Lib-
erty and the pursuit of Happiness" had to be
protected from explicit forms of infringement
by government — and hy explicit guarantees of
freedom of worship, of speech, of press, and of
assembly.
Much later, our grandfathers got around to
the idea that human slavery is rather inconsist-
ent with human rights, and the practice was
abolished. We even got around to the idea
that if men had inherent rights, maybe women
had them, too.
Still later, the idea gained ground that free-
dom to starve — or freedom to sleep on a park
bench — or freedom to die of a curable disease —
were not among the "rights" of man. And so
we have seen in recent decades more and more
"social legislation," that is, political action to
expand human opportunity.
These were the major breakthroughs as the
occupants of our family tree converted into
political action the moral precept rendered in
the Pacem in Terns with these simple but still
revolutionary words: "All men are equal by
reason of their natural dignity."
• Other nations, of course, have taken com-
parable steps to make this moral precept opera-
tional in their own societies. Indeed, the com-
bined influence of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence and the Bill of Eights is still perhaps
the most revolutionary influence in our own
postwar world. The cry for human freedom
was briefly outshouted by the shriller battle cry
for national freedom. But around the world —
through Asia and Africa and Latin America
and back home to Birmingham and Chicago
and Washington — mankind is calling for the
previous question, the question of individual
human rights.
The Four Freedoms
The doctrines of Jefferson — and of the less
elegant French revolutionists who were his con-
temporaries— were proclaimed for "all men."
But they were pursued within national socie-
ties. Only in our own time have these uni-
versals been pursued universally.
In his message on the state of the Union in
1941 — 11 months before Pearl Harbor — Presi-
dent Roosevelt looked ahead to a world "found-
ed upon four essential human freedoms."
As you recall, the first two — "freedom of
speech and expression" and "freedom of every
person to worship God in his own way" — were
restatements of the first amendment.
The third was "freedom from want" — which,
said President Roosevelt, "translated into
world terms, means economic understandings
which will secure to e^■ery nation a healthy
peacetime life for its inhabitants — everywhere
in the world."
And the fourth, of course, was "freedom
from fear" — "which, translated into world
terms, means a world-wide reduction of arma-
ments to such a point and in such a thorough
fashion that no nation will be in a position to
commit an act of physical aggression against
any neighbor — anywhere in the world."
The moral precept of an innate human equal-
ity was left implicit in the Four Freedoms. But
when it came to drafting the United Nations
Charter a few years later, it was made very ex-
plicit indeed.
"We tlie peoples of the United Nations," says
the preamble to the charter, "determined ... to
reaffirm faith in the fundamental human rights,
in the dignity and worth of the human person,
in the equal rights of men and women ... do
hereby establish an international organization
to be known as the United Nations."
JULY 8, 1963
39
Now what of tlio linkage on the mtemational
level between precept and practice — that nexus
between the plane of morality and the plane of
political action?
Linkage Between Precept and Practice
In VM'.i the Hot Sprinjrs Conference laid the
groundwork for the Food and Apiculture Or-
ganization, the first international organization
designed to promote freedom from want.
Others followed rapidly. Some of them .started
out mainly to provide for the exchange of in-
formation, to conduct studies, and to arrange
meetings and conferences. But gradually they
all have taken on an executive function as op-
erators of action programs — to survey resources,
to lielp finance and staff training institutions, to
wipe out malaria, to fight trachoma, to improve
the diets of children, to reduce urban slums, to
make pure water run in village wells, to train
teachers and to teach literacy, and to do many
other practical things in the world of the here
and now. Millions of dollars, advanced tech-
niques, tens of thousands of people, and several
dozen new international institutions are now
at work doing something about freedom from
want.
Not many people stood up and took notice
back in 1960 when Dag Hammarskjold, in his
typical manner of understatement, observed :
". . . born as an instrument for multilateral di-
plomacy, the United Nations has grown into an
operational agency of significant dimensions
. . ." witli a "list of responsibilities ... in the
economic and social field." ^ But he was point-
ing to a phenomenon of first-rate importance in
world affairs. I prefer to put it this way : The
United Nations has acquired a capacity to act
in the interest of freedom from want.
A similar development has taken place of
course, in the peacekeeping field. Peacekeep-
ing— by police action — became operational at
the time of Korea. It has been intensely opera-
tional for the past 7 years in the Middle East,
where members of the U.N. Emergency Force
patrol the Gaza Strip and the Israeli-Egyptian
border 24 hours a day by foot, jeep, and heli-
copter. It was so operational for 2i/^ years in
• U.N. doc. B/3394.
the Congo that 127 officers and men of tlie U.N.
Force died to defend the territorial integrity t
of the Congo, to prevent civil war, to resist mob
violence, and to bring near-order out of near-
chaos.
Approximately 48 hours ago a United States
Air Force C-130 put down at El Arvish in the
Gaza Strip to pick up a contingent of soldiers
serving with the Emergency Force in the Mid-
dle East and airlift them to tiny Yemen — to see
that an agreement reached by mediation would i
be carried out on the spot.^ Thus in one more
case has peacekeeping passed from rhetoric to
practice.
The machinery for keeping the peace is still
far from extensive — and far from adequate.
But it is a start in the direction of making op-
erational the bold words of the charter about
freedom from fear of war.
Freedom From Want, a Human Rights Issue
If you stand back and look at the United
Nations system, you see that it includes noble
words on three subjects. One category is
peacekeeping and peaceful change, including
the movement of colonies toward self-determi-
nation and independence. Another group of
words focuses on economic and social develop-
ment in,5ide each countrj'. And a third theme
is the achievement and guarantee of liuman
rights.
On the first of these, United Nations peace-
keeping machinery and the decolonization of
a tliird of the world in 17 years bear witness to
much effort to match the words with action.
In economic and social development, too, an
impressive variety of operations marries actions
to aspirations: Out of every 20 persons em-
ployed by the United Nations system, 17 are
engaged trying to raise the standards of life
in the world's less developed areas. While the
United Nations has since developed a rudimen-
tary capacity to act in support of freedom from
fear and freedom from want, it has not so far
developed such machinery to match with inter-
national action the words about individual
rights.
Given the fact that human riglits are sup-
pressed in principle by the authorities control-
• See p. 71.
40
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIK
ling nearly one-third of humanity and that most
others, not the least our own, have preferred to
pursue human rights through national action,
the absence of international action is not exactly
surprising.
But perhaps the reason the development of
the charter looks thus unbalanced is that we are
used to thinking of human rights as something
separable from peace and bread, something
that has to do with courts and lawyers and
voting rights. Now we know that when we
speak of human rights henceforth we should
mean not just the riglit to be free from racial
discrimination, not just the riglit to be inde-
pendent and choose one's own form of govern-
ment, not just the rights to register and vote
and speak and pray and openly meet; we are
speaking also of freedom from want and free-
dom from fear. We cannot yet know exactly
what to do about this insight. But some of
the implications are surely clear.
The first implication is this: If we fail to
grasp the central position of human rights in
human aifairs, we risk a dangerous confusion
here at home.
This is the year when patience ran out for
tlie Negro American. The barriers against
exercise of his constitutional rights are now to
be dismantled and carted into oblivion. The
remaining "Wliite Only" signs on public ac-
commodations and schools in the South are to
be tossed on the rubbish heaps — where they
long ago belonged. And out of this ordeal we
can emerge a stronger and more united nation
than ever before. The fact that the national
conscience is being cleansed beneath the glare
of klieg lights makes the exercise excruciatinglj^
painful; but it also will help insure that the
cleansing is thorough and final.
But is this the last lap, this effort to remove
some obvious public forms of discrimination?
Is it the final time around for the Bill of
Rights? Is access to a good education and to
good housing and to good jobs — especially in
the great urban centers across the Nation — just
•a matter of striking out the restrictive cove-
nants and striking down the covert agreements?
Wliat happens when tliey have all been
stricken ?
"Wliat happens will be a new form of tragedy
if there are not enough schools and enough
jobs and enough housing to go around. We
will have, in short, the old case of the "haves"
and the "have nots" — a question of economic
elbowroom for a growing population with
rising expectations. And what a misadventure
it would be if, having struck down the outward
signs of racial discrimination, we were to find
tliat the new economic problem looks suspi-
ciously like the old race problem, because so
many of the "haves" are white and so many of
the "have nots" are not.
The precondition to domestic tranquillity is
that we grasp the fact that freedom from want
here at home — freedom from want of adequate
schools, adequate housing, adequate job oppor-
timities, adequate medical care — is also a human
rights issue, one which requires not another
round of civil rights cases but an upward spiral
of economic growth.
"Wliat I have said about our internal aifairs
applies as well to our international affairs.
Wliat carries the label "human rights" is but a
small piece of our foreign policy : the drafting
of human rights conventions; U.N. seminars on
human rights; the granting of fellowsliips for
the study of civil rights law and procedure ; con-
ferences on criminal law, women in political
life, labor standards, and the like.
In this whole area we are abandoning a 10-
year-old tradition of aloofness. Americans are
participating actively in the drafting of inter-
national recommendations and conventions in
the field of human rights.
Beyond these useful, often symbolic, activ-
ities, the label "human rights" fades away, but
its relevance pervades many other international
operations.
We have the technical capacity to cancel out
the intolerable indignity that half of mankind
is still hungry ; "the conviction that all men are
equal by reason of their natural dignity" surely
requires the elimination of hunger from this
planet.
The nation-building work of international
agencies — the building of institutions inside the
developing countries to heal the sick, grow more
food, teach the illiterate, promote free trade
unions, and resettle refugees — is a work of enor-
mous import in any but the narrowest concep-
tion of human rights.
JULY 8, 1063
41
To reform ancient and burdensome taxes, to
change oppressive land-tenure arrangements,
are surely exercises in the politics of human
rights, not merely in the science of productivity.
And who can miss the relevance to human
rights of population pressure whicli has caused
many developing countries to start debating the
proper role of public policy in personal deci-
sions about family size?
Klieg-Light Diplomacy
Beyond the work of the specialized agencies,
we might well search out and identify the
human rights aspects of a number of issues that
come before tlie United Xations in the guise of
political problems. Of course they are political
problems, but only because human rights are the
stuff of politics.
This summer the Security Council, wliich is
charged with keeping the peace between nations,
will be called to consider as a peace-and-security
issue the question of apartheid in South Africa
and the equally burning question of Portuguese
territories in Africa. But in their essence these
are problems of human rights — the rights to
participate in one's own government and the
right to determine with others the destiny of
the group — rights which in papal logic flow
quite naturally from the "natural dignity" of
man.
Equally the repression of captive societies,
still so permanent and so repugnant a feature
of Soviet policy and practice, is no less an issue
of hmnan rights for lack of a court in which
the oppressed can complain of their oppression.
The United Xations Charter proclaims "the
dignity and worth of the human person" and
"the equal rights of men and women and of na-
tions large and .small." Can the United Nations
as an organization do something about the vali-
dation of these values ? Of coui-se it can. It can
switch on a floodlight and expose the area in
question to the conscience of the world.
I^et no one believe that this is a pointless exer-
cise, unrelated to political reality. Under the
klieg light of world opinion, a nation's prestige
is engaged; and since national power is not
unrelated to national prestige, governments are
influenced by world opinion — even though it is
hard to prove because they seldom admit it.
The blended conscience of men of good will may
wink at injustice in the dark; but when the
lights are on, a good conscience must speak or
desert its possessor. No government anywliere
is quite immune to the moral indignation of
those — including its own citizens — who watch
it at work.
Surely the further development of this still
primitive organization, to which we have given
the presimiptuous name "United Nations," will
feature a wider and more effective use of klieg-
light diplomacy.
No nation can wholly escape a roving inter-
national eye. But the maturing reaction of
world opinion to Little Eock and Oxford and
Birmingham and Tuscaloosa demonstrates
something very important: that even the most
emotional drumbeaters for civil rights, thou-
sands of miles fi'om the scene, are quick to per-
ceive the difference between a countrj' which is
having racial trouble because it is unwilling to
make progress and a country which is having
racial trouble precisely because it is making
progress — because its courts and its National
Government and most of its people in most of its
communities have decided that 100 years of pa-
tience is long enough.
Peace the Ultimate Goal of Human Rights
Much of this Pope John XXIII saw clearly
and expressed "fervently" — or was it "vehe-
mently"?— in Pacem in Terris. When the rest
of us, who survive him, perceive that what is
going on all over the world is a struggle for
peace and human rights — and that these two
imiversal drives are intimately related to each
other because tliey derive directly from the in-
ner nature of man — then the artificial mental
barriers which divide domestic affairs from
foreign affairs come tumbling down and we see
at last, \\\ all its simplicity, the universality of
our dilemma.
We see that peace and human rights are not
onl}' the related goals of mankind: we see that
peace is the ultimate goal of human rights.
We see that peace can be the natural condition
of the world only when human rights are rea-
sonably secure for all. And we see that prog-
ress in human rights, broadly conceived, is the
longest yet surest road to peace on earth.
42
DEPAHTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
This philosophy is — it must be — the starting
point of American foreign policy.
Just last Monday [June 10] at the commence-
ment exercises at American University, Presi-
dent Kennedy put it as succinctly as it can be
put: "Is not peace," he asked, "basically a mat-
ter of hiunan rights ? " *
Any nation which struggles and negotiates
and relates itself to others under the banner
of peace and human rights will prevail, for its
goals have gone beyond nations to the nature
of man himself. It will, of course, be our steady
purpose to escalate the battle for peace and hu-
man rights.
I was asked to speak to you this evening about
what you in your own commmiities can, as a
practical, day-to-day matter, do about world
affairs and the formulation of foreign policy.
Without saying so until now, tliis is exactly
what I have been trying to do. For when you
move hiunan rights ahead by an inch in your
' Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 3.
State, in your city, in your community, you have
helped to formulate our foreign policy and you
are up to your ears in world politics.
That was what Eleanor Roosevelt was trying
to say when she was asked to help celebrate the
10th anniversary of the U.N. Declaration of
Human Rights. She was no professor of phil-
osophy. But to this woman of the greatest
practical wisdom, it was all very clear.
"It is not just a question of getting the
[human rights] covenants written and ac-
cepted," she said. "It is the question of actual-
ly living and working in our countries for free-
dom and justice for each human being. And I
hope that is what we will dedicate ourselves to
in the next ten years and that each of us will
have the feeling that they must do something
as individuals . . . each of us must do something
because this is one of the basic foundation stones
if we are ever to achieve what the United Na-
tions was established to achieve — an atmosphere
in which peace can grow in the world."
The Challenge to Freedom in Asia
6y Roger TF. Hilsman
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^
I am vei-y pleased to have a part in the 1963
Conference on Cold War Education, organized
in this growing and progressive State of
Florida. Governor [Farris] Bryant and all
who have worked on this conference deserve our
lasting appreciation. The kind of future we
shall have in this country, and in the world,
depends in large measure on how well we under-
stand our problems and how wisely we deploy
our strength and our resources to meet them.
But understanding — the goal of this confer-
ence— comes first.
' Address made at the 1963 Conference on Cold War
Education at Tampa, Fla., on June 14 (press release
318, revised).
What is it that we must understand ? First,
obviously, we must understand the nature of
the Communist threat, for it is not a simple
threat, but a subtle and complicated one. And,
second, we must understand what we Americans
can do to meet this threat and the qualities of
mind and heart we need to meet it.
Wliat I propose to do today is to talk, first,
about the nature of the threat and the way the
Communists operate; second, what we can do
to cope with it, including the qualities we
Americans need to be successful in this; and,
finally, to illustrate all of these points by two
specific trouble areas on the front lines — Laos
and Viet-Nam.
I
JULY 8, no 6 3
43
Nature of the Danger
As to the nature of the danger, the ideology
of communism is a threat to the United States
today mainly because it is joined with the popu-
lation, resources, and militarj' strength of the
countries of the Soviet Union and Communist
China, because it is joined witli two bases of
power.
But the fact that ideology has been joined to
these two bases of power should not be misin-
terpreted : the threat is not just military ; it is
also political. And of the two, the political
threat is probably the more pervasive. This is
true because this nation and its allies have made
sure that their military defenses are adequate
and up to date.
The political threat is also serious because of
the Communists' skill in manipulating all the
elements of power — political, economic, and
psychological as well as military. They use
these instruments with considerable sophistica-
tion, playing first one then another according
to the opportimities open to them in any given
situation. Mao Tse-tung has described this
alternation of tactics and instruments as "talk/
fight; talk/fight," and it describes the technique
ver}' well. This sudden alternation between
talking and fighting is designed also to induce
a maximum amount of confusion, instability,
and trouble in the free world. One of the latest
examples of their use of this tactic occurred
last October in the Cliinese Communist attack
along tlie Indian border, followed by their with-
drawal beginning a month later.
The immediate goal of the Communists is, of
course, to capture the in-between nations, those
smaller and weaker nations which today are
struggling again-st odds to remain independent.
If the Communists can capture such free na-
tions, turning them against the United States
and making them feel that it is the U.S. which
poses the danger or forms an obstacle to their
goals, then the Communists could win without
using militarj- power. Moreover, the Commu-
nists have waged an unremitting attack on the
foundations of our way of life, just as they are
a threat to freedom elsewhere in the world.
Although they argue over differences in em-
phasis as to how the Communist world should
carry out its attacks on free men, their common
goal is plain enough : to further the destruction
of the values all free men cherish.
In Asia the greatest danger to independent
nations comes from Communist China, with its
700 million people forced into the service of
an aggressive Comm'jnist Party. We can't ig-
nore that problem, and we don't ignore it.
Communist China lies in direct contact with, or
very close to, a whole series of free nations
ranged in an arc from Afghanistan, India,
Pakistan, and Nepal in South Asia; through
Burma, Malaya, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos,
and Viet-Nam in Southeast Asia; and on up
through the Republic of China, on its island
base of Taiwan, to Japan and Korea. Indo-
nesia, the Philippines, Australia, and New
Zealand are also alive to the threat posed by
the Communist Chinese.
All these free nations must deal with the
facts of Communist China and its ambitions.
No matter what response each has made, be it
nonalinement or alliance with friendly nations,
they all are aware that the aim of the Chinese
Communists is to gain predominant control in
Asia and eventually to secure the establishment
of Communist regimes throughout the world.
The reaction of each nation is determined by its
own material circumstances and, sometimes
more importantly, by its own national
psychology.
The United States is determined that com-
munism shall not take over Asia.
For this reason we do not recognize Commu-
nist China and seek in all possible ways to limit
the ability of Communist China to implement
its threat to obtain hegemony in the Far East
We recognize the Republic of China as the legal
government of China and support its position
in the United Nations. We are aware that the
economic and social progress on Taiwan,
carried out by free Chinese, stands in stark
contrast to the failures of the mainland Com-
munist government. Also the existence on Tai-
wan of a well-trained and -equipped force of
600,000 men. dedicated to the fight against com-
munism, must have a restraining effect on any
expansionist ambitions of the Communist
Chinese. Furthermore the spirit of the people
of the Republic of China, and of their leader,
President Chiang Kai-shek, who have conducted
44
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
a 40-year struggle against Communist imperi-
alism, is an inspiration to free peoples eveiy-
where.
We stand ready to help peoples who want to
help themselves to maintain their independence.
Sometimes this involves outright alliance, as
with the Republic of China, Japan, South
Korea, and, through the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization, with the Philippines, Thailand,
and Pakistan. If any of these nations is at-
tacked the United States is committed to help
defend it. Our contribution to security in the
Far East also takes other forms, forms designed
to meet threats of varying nature.
These threats are never simple ones ; some are
extremely subtle and sophisticated. If we are
to meet these threats successfully, certain
qualities of mind must be stressed and certain
dangers avoided. Governor Bryant, in a re-
cent address, referred to the danger that the
"timid American" poses for our democracy. I
think he is quite right. I have often had a
similar thought, which I would like to empha-
size in what I have to say today.
What has often occurred to me is that, if the
United States is not only going to meet the
Communist threat but carry off the difficult task
of helping to create a new and stable world in
the process, then Americans are going to need
very steady nerves.
By this phrase "steady nerves," I mean not
only not being timid but two additional quali-
ties: first, the capacity for cold, deliberate
analysis in order to know when to act and when
to bide one's time ; second, the imemotional self-
discipline and self-control that enables one to
act effectively as a result of that analysis. I
mean the kind of self-control that enabled
President Kennedy to use United States power
with such coolness and skill as he did during the
Cuban crisis. In negotiations, also, extraordi-
nary qualities of mind and will are demanded,
among which the element of cold calm in deal-
ing with complex situations is increasingly im-
portant. President Kennedy was speaking of
,this in his inaugural address^ when he said:
"Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us
never fear to negotiate."
The quality of "steady nerves" is needed in
" Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175.
both of the fundamental tasks before us. For
there are two separate tasks.
One is the meeting of crises ; the other is the
slower, but more positive, task of nation build-
ing, of helping to build a system of stable,
strong, and independent states which have
solved the problem of both political and eco-
nomic development.
Viet-Nam and Laos
The cases of Viet-Nam and Laos, both in the
area for which I have some responsibility, pro-
vide illustrations of problems both of crisis
handling and of nation building.
Laos is a small country of perhaps 2 million
people. Many of its people live in remote val-
leys, are loyal primarily to their clans, and
know little of the world. They and their coun-
try are important because they stand between
the Chinese and North Vietnamese Communists
on the north and the independent, free countries
to the south, which ardently desire to remain
free. The Communists would like to gain
power in this landlocked country in order to
be able to apply increasingly greater pressure
on the countries to the south. The tool of the
Communists is an organization known as the
Pathet Lao, trained, supplied, inspired, and
reinforced by the North Vietnamese Commu-
nists, the Viet Cong. The problem of contact
between the Pathet Lao and the Viet Cong is
extremely simple; one merely walks or drives
a truck across the border. There are roughly
250 miles of border between Communist China
and Laos and 600 miles of border between Com-
munist North Viet-Nam and Laos.
Up to 1961 the non-Communist Lao had been
reasonably successful in holding off the Com-
munists. But, by 1961, strong military pres-
sure from the Pathet Lao, backed up by the
North Vietnamese Communists, threatened to
upset the balance and to bring the flames of
war to Southeast Asia. The U.S. had three
choices: (1) to leave Laos to its fate, (2) to
commit American troops to the defense of Laos,
or (.3) to seek a political settlement tliat would
preserve Laos as an independent nation, one
that could not be used by the Communists for
further penetration of Southeast Asia.
In June of 1961 President Kennedy met with
JULY S, 1963
45
Premier Klinislicliev in Vienna.' Tlie only
point on whicli agreement was reached at tliis
meeting: was tliat tliere should be a neutral and
independent Laos. This agreement was tanta-
mount to changing tlie struggle for Laos from
a primarily military matter to a political and
psychological stniggle. Xo one believed that
the Communists would be satisfied with true
neutrality for Laos or that they would stop
seeking to establish Communist control, liut an
attempt was to be made to establish a viable
government under a neutral leader, Prince Sou-
vanna Phouma, and gradually to concentrate
predominant military and civil power in his
government. A conference in Geneva of 14 na-
tions laid down tlie general outline of how this
neutral and independent Laos was to be pre-
served.* Thus Communist China and Commu-
nist North Viet-Nam, as well as the Soviet Un-
ion, committed themselves to the concept of a
neutral and independent Laos. A sincere etfort
by all nations concerned to cooperate with the
Lao to maintain a truly neutral country would
contribute significantly to peace in Asia.
However, the Commimist side has consistently
blocked the implementation of the Geneva
Agreements. If the Patliet Lao persist in their
attempts to wreck the Geneva Agreements and
to destroy the neutral base of the Souvanna
government, a new situation of extreme danger
will present itself.
The Communists are well organized and they
know well the techniques of subversion. But
the free world, despite the difficulties of the Lao
situation, has considerable experience also in
political, economic, and psychological warfare.
Moreover, we have the great advantage that it
is the overwhelming desire of the Lao people
to be neutral and independent. The Pathet
Lao can advance only by violence that is clearly
in violation of the Geneva Agreements. They
have betrayed this fact by their recent open at-
tacks on the neutralist forces of General Kong
Le in the Plain of Jars. Tlie outcome of the
struggle may well depend upon whether or not
' For tpxt of a Joint communique, see ibid., June 2C,
11)61. p. »09.
* For texts of n tlerlnrallon on the neutrality of Laos
and an accompnnyinc jirotoool, see ihiit.. Auk. 1.3, 19C2
p. 259.
the International Control Commission, set up
by the Geneva Accords ° to supervise the im-
plementation of the agreements, will be able
to perform its function. Even the limited suc-
cess of the ICC to date has made it a primary
target of Pathet Lao attack.
For those who demand clean, quick victories,
Laos will pose a particularly frustrating prob-
lem. It is not a neat, tidy situation. If the
goal of a neutral, independent Laos is ever to
be achieved, it will only be through the un-
wavering endurance of all parties who genu-
inely support the Geneva Agreements. In this
connection it is a source of satisfaction that
Premier Souvanna Phouma in a recent state-
ment denounced the Pathet Lao for the illegal
introduction of Viet Cong troops and weapons
into Laos. The United States will continue to
do its part in respecting the Geneva Agree-
ments, in supporting those forces which seek
to promote a genuinely neutral Laos, and in
trying to persuade all parties that the success
of the Souvanna Phouma government is in the
best interests of all the neighbors of Laos.
In South Viet-Nam the origin of the threat
to a free nation's integrity is the same as in
Laos : Communist North Viet-Nam, or the Viet
Cong. As one condition for the Geneva settle-
ment of the Indochina war in 1954, which set
up a divided Viet-Nam, the Viet Cong, then
known as the Viet Minh, was to witlidraw from
South Viet-Nam and cease its attempts to take
over the south. Thousands of Communist
troops were sent back to North Viet-Nam. But
others remained in the south to continue or-
ganizing secretly for what the Communists, and
many others, thought would be the early col-
lapse of the new free Vietnamese Government
under President Diem. President Diem showed
considerable skill in dealing with an internal
situation that was extremely complex and un-
tidy. Various religious sects, with their own
private anuies, had to be pacified. A gangster-
like organization, the Binh Xuyen, which had
enjoyed control of the police, had to be subdued
by force. President Diem had to develop a uni-
fied army, a loyal corps of civil servants, a pro-
° For texts, see American Forcir/n Policii. Ht.'iO-
1955: Basic Documents, vol. I, Department of State
publication 6446, p. 775.
I
46
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
gram of social and economic refonn with wliich
to reacli the people, and to develop a sense of
national cohesion. Working for him, Diem had
the renowned intelligence and energy of the
Vietnamese people, their pride in their tradi-
tion and historic accomplishments. He had
also a small though talented corps of officials,
many of whom had left North Viet-Nam when
the Communists took over. The people of
South Viet-Nam wanted only to be allowed to
live in peace under a progressive government.
Facing the impressive political and military
machine which the Viet Cong had developed,
the infant Republic of Viet-Nam had need of
strong external support, both moral and mate-
rial. At a time when the odds seemed high
against the survival of this new government,
the United States stepped in to express with
practical aid its confidence in the free Viet-
namese.
Those who predicted doom were confounded.
A unified army was developed. Steps were
taken to develop a civil bureaucracy adequate
for the needs of the new Viet-Nam. Social and
economic programs began to be implemented.
Agriculture revived. The educational system
expanded. The concept of a free Eepublic of
Viet-Nam began to be understood.
By 1958 there seemed reason to believe that
the Republic of Viet-Nam before long would be
able to eradicate what was left of the Commu-
nist organization in the countryside. At this
juncture, a decision was made in Hanoi, the
capital of Communist North Viet-Nam, that
such progress of a non-Communist Viet-Nam
could not be tolerated. The infiltration of ter-
rorists who had been in training in the north
was accelerated. A program of violence was
begun which steadily increased in savagery.
Keeping in mind ]\Iao Tse-tung's dictum that
"Political power grows out of the barrel of a
gun," these Viet Cong began a campaigii of
extraordinarily inhuman terrorism. The first
target was the people themselves. The patient,
poor farmers of Viet-Nam were given the
choice either of supporting the Viet Cong by
providing supplies and recruits or of suffering
violence against their person or members of the
family. By starting in areas where the govern-
ment could not yet provide adequate protection.
the Viet Cong met with considerable success in
its campaign to control the population. Along
with the terrorists came the political organizers
to persuade, to indoctrinate, and always to re-
mind the people of the ugly consequences of a
failure to cooperate. The inspiration for all of
this came from the experiences of the Viet
Minh against the French and ultimately, of
course, from the example of the Chinese Com-
munist movement of Mao Tse-tung. Another
important target of Viet Cong terror was the
civil servants of the republic, the teachers,
health workers, malaria control teams, the vil-
lage and district chiefs who were bringing the
government's program for the people to the
people. Hundreds of these civil servants, often
working alone and virtually unprotected in the
countryside, have been murdered by this Viet
Cong terror. Their sacrifice must not be for-
gotten for it was made for all free men.
The small detachments of army troops or of
self-defense corps, stationed in isolated sections,
also were favorite targets of the Viet Cong ter-
rorists. True to Mao's subversive warfare
tactics, the Viet Cong invariably attacked these
small outposts with superior numbei-s. Lack of
adequate communications often prevented the
lonely outpost from calling for help. If a call
for help was received, lack of swift transport
often precluded rescuing units from arriving
before the destruction had been completed.
By 1960 the situation had so deteriorated that
it seemed possible the Viet Cong would be able
to establish a territorial base in South Viet-
Nam, the next step in the Mao formula for a
successful "national liberation movement." At
this point President Kennedy sent General
Maxwell Taylor to South Viet-Nam to confer
with the Vietnamese Government and to ob-
serve the situation for himself. General Taylor
reported that the Vietnamese people retained
the will to fight communism and that, given
more extensive support, had a chance to defeat
the Viet Cong.
Wliile this support has come predominantly
from the United States, a number of otlier coun-
tries have provided significant support, moral
and material.
The first requirement of the struggle today
is to pull the teeth of the Viet Cong terrorist
JULY 8,1963
47
campaipn. This can best be done not so much
by killinjx terrorists but by depriving them of
the opportunity to coerce tiie farmers into pro-
viding supplies and recruits. This can only be
done by providing practical protection to the
farming population. The technique which has
been adopted to achieve this protection is the
construction of fortified villages, called stra-
tegic hamlets. This technique was used suc-
cessfully in Malaya against the Communist
movement there. The same concept had been
applied successfully in the late 1790"s by the
Manchu dynasty of China against the A^Hiite
Lotus sect, a fanatical group whose use of terror
resembled closely the methods of the present-
day Viet Cong.
The fimdamcntal purpose of a strategic
hamlet is to give the farmers the means to
defend themselves against terrorist attack. In-
stead of living in isolated houses, or groups of
houses, the farmers gather together in a larger
village. Strong defense works are built with
the aid of the army. A village self-defense
militia is organized, given training, and armed
with simple weapons. Basic defense plans are
worked out. Where possible, radios are in-
stalled so that a village can send out an immedi-
ate call for aid in the event of attack. The
widespread use of helicopters to send out rescue
missions has meant that aid has most often come
in time to beleaguered villages.
Once a strategic village has been established,
the government can then move in with programs
of aid for the villagers, confident that a far
higher degree of security can now be given the
teachers, nurses, and administrative personnel
sent out by the government. The villagers loam
that successful resistance to the Viet Cong is
possible. They see also the practical efforts of
the government to improve their lot, and thus
become more enthusiastic in their support of the
fight against 1 lie Viet Cong.
Simultaneously, the Vietnamese Army is
seeking out the terrorists, destroying their
jungle training camps and crude munitions fac-
tories, going into remote swamp and forest areas
where for years the terrorists have been all but
immune from attack. The important role of
the helicopter in all this has be^n publicized ex-
tensively. But an officer of an allied nation.
knowledgeable in the problems of terrorist war-
fare, once told me that for all the new develop-
ments in weaponry and transport this anti-
guerrilla war is still primarily a war of tlic
brains and the feet. By this he meant that as
wily as the Communist terrorist is, and as hard
and as inured to privation, his opponent must bo
able to outthink him and outlast him.
"Wliile army operations against the terrori.-t
organization are part of the answer, the hoari
of the struggle is in the strategic village.
Thorough and intelligent implementation of
this program will lea^^e the terrorist as a fish
out of water. Rejected by the people, he will
be exposed to relentless pursuit by the arnitMJ
forces. All but the hard-core Communists
among the terrorists will be more and more
attracted to the side of the government. An
amnesty program has already been instituted
by the Vietnamese Government to encourage
defection.
These programs are making good progress,
and thei'e is every reason to believe that the Viet
Cong will be defeated. One barometer of grow-
ing GVN strength against the Communists is
the increase in voluntary intelligence from the
population. In one province, long a Viet Cong
stronghold, government forces were actually
tipped off in advance to three-quarters of the
Viet Cong attacks last month. Last week the
number of Viet Cong defectors reached an all-
time high of l7l. Vietnamese rice exports,
halted completely in the fall of 1961, are now
normal. We expect a long struggle, but we are
confident of the outcome.
The struggle in Viet-Nam gains the headlines
in today's newspapers. But throughout Asia,
new nations, in varying degrees, are facing the
challenge of creating progressive, yet stable,
societies in a world of uncertainty. American
policy aims to provide our experience, our en-
thusiasm, and, insofar as our resources permit,
our material aid to this great enterprise of na-
tion building.
Given the broader framework of your discus-
sions here on the subject of cold war educa-
tion, I think it might be useful to draw certain
implications from what I have been saying, im-
plications valid over the whole range of our
world problems. I have set these down in the
48
DEPART^fEXT OF STATE BULLETIN
form of five points wliich I want to leave with
you as a conclusion and a summing up.
Education for the Cold War
First, we must remain strong. Strong mili-
tarily and economically, and strong morally.
Our will to sacrifice when necessary must be
steadfast. We know that the Commimists are
led by their dogma to underestimate the
strength and will of democratic peoples. As we
remain strong and determined, we shall make
clear to the Communists that their challenges
to free men can never succeed in the long run.
Equally important is the fact that the confi-
dence of all free peoples that communism can be
resisted and defeated depends to a large extent
on their knowledge that our strength and will
and our helping hand are equal to the task. As
I stressed at the outset, steady nerves are more
than ever before a vital component of this
struggle.
Secondly, free-world power and diplomacy
must be matched together and used in just the
proper proportions and quantities, with careful
thought, skill, and precision. In the prenuclear
age some errors, some bumbling, could perhaps
be tolerated without disastrous consequences.
But ever since man has learned the secret of
nuclear fire, learned this long before there is any
assurance that he can control it, a major error
or misstep, a serious accident, could result in
the almost instantaneous incineration of the
population centers of the world and the mutila-
tion and poisoning of large areas of the earth.
Just as our power must be applied in exceed-
ingly precise amounts, and in full knowledge of
the ability and will of the opponent to bring to
bear his power, so must our policy objectives be
defined with the greatest care and accuracy. If
these objectives are defined imwisely, unrealisti-
cally, or unclearly, we may expose ourselves to
unnecessary setbacks, even to disaster.
Precision, wisdom, realism : these require the
utmost in cool and unemotional judgment and
what I called earlier cool, deliberate analysis.
Tough minds, analytical minds, are required to
carry this nation through the dangerous era in
which we live. Our minds must be keen enough
to recognize that no situation is simple; that
untidiness is characteristic of most problems;
that there are no shortcuts to success, no neat,
swift solutions anywhere. Today the critical
issues we face demand of all of us the capacity
to live in a complex world of untidy situations
and yet do what is required of us with steady
nerves and unflinchuag will.
Thirdly, while we are combating Communist
imperialism in all its forms, we must remember
that it is not enough to be against sometliing
and that in the last analysis success depends
upon our ability to build, to construct, to con-
tribute to man's spiritual and material welfare.
We are cooperating with many free peoples in
great efforts at nation building, while the Com-
munists try to tear down, in order to impose
their hold and their system on the world.
Fourthly, there is a larger need for tolerance
in international life. Happily there is a grow-
ing understanding among us of the diverse ways
by which different peoples seek to obtain happi-
ness and security in a troubled world. In pass-
ing I also wish to observe that, remembering
our own unfinished business in fulfilling the
ideals of the American Constitution, we must
be tolerant of the shortcomings we may see in
other societies. While we are justifiably proud
of our institutions and our freedoms and stand
as leaders in the democratic world, our prestige
and influence in the world suffer whenever we
fall short of our own ideals.
Finally, we must have knowledge, deeper and
wider knowledge than we have ever had before,
of oui-selves and of other peoples, their motives
and their hopes. With knowledge we can gain
the understanding and the insight on which wise
policy must be based. President Kennedy ex-
pressed this idea in a speech at San Diego State
College in California last week : No country can
possibly move ahead, no free society can pos-
sibly be sustamed, unless it has an educated
citizenry whose qualities of mind and heart per-
mit it to take part in the complicated and in-
creasingly sophisticated decisions which are de-
manded not only of the President and the Con-
gress but of all the citizens, who exercise the
ultimate power.
This thought of the President is a fitting
close to my observations. If American freedom
is to survive and to grow in peace, it is because
people like you here at this conference boldly
JULY 8, 1963
49
take the responsibility of laiowing and learning
and persuading others to pursue this quest. I
congratulate you for the important contribution
which your activities here are making to the
security of our nation and to the peace of
mankind.
U.S. and U.S.S.R. Sign Agreement
for Direct Communications Link
WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT, JUNE 20
WhUe House press release dated June 20
Today (in Geneva) the representatives of the
Governments of the United States and the
U.S.S.R. at the 18-Nation Disarmament Con-
ference signed an agreement which will estab-
lish a direct communications link between their
respective capitals. This age of fast-moving
events requires quick, dependable communica-
tions for use in time of emergency. By their
signatures today, therefore, both Governments
have taken a first step to help reduce the risk
of war occurring by accident or miscalculation.
Tliis agreement on a communications link is a
limited but practical step forward in arms con-
trol and disarmament. We hope agreement
on other more encompassing measures will fol-
low. "We shall bend every effort to go on from
this first step.
TEXT OF AGREEMENT
Memorandum of Understanding
Memorandum of Understanding Between the United
States of America and the Union of Soviet Social-
ist Republics Regarding tue Establishment of a
Direct Communications Link Signed on June 20,
10C3 AT Geneva, Switzerland
For use In time of omerRency, the Government of the
United States of America nnd the Government of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have agreed to
establish as soon as technically feasible a direct com-
munications link between the two Kovernments.
Kiich Koverniiieiit shall bo responsible for the ar-
rannfMieiits fur the link on Ha own territory. Each
KoverniiK'iit shall lake the necessary steps to ensure
<-ontinuous functloninR of the link and prompt delivery
to its head of government of any communications re-
ceived by means of the link from the head of govern-
ment of the other party.
Arrangements for establishing and operating the link
are set forth in the Annex which is attached hereto and
forms an integral part hereof.
Done in duplicate in the English and Russian lan-
guages at Geneva, Switzerland, this 20th day of June,
19C3.
1
For the Government of the
Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics :
For the Government of the
United States of America :
Charles C. Stelle
Semyon K. Tsabapkin
Acting Representative of Acting Representative 0/
the Union of Soviet So- the United States of
cialist Republics to the America to the Eighteen
Eighteen Nation Commit- Nation Committee on Dia-
tee on Disarmament armament
Annex to Memorandum
Annex to the Memorandum of Understanding Be-
tween THE United States of America and the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Reoabdinq the
Establishment of a Direct Communications Link
The direct communications link between Washington
and Moscow established in accordance with the memo-
randum, and the operation of such link, shall be gov-
erned by the following provisions :
1. The direct communications link shall consist of:
A. Two terminal points with telegraph-teleprinter
equipment between which communications shall be
directly exchanged ;
B. One full-time duplex wire telegraph cir-
cuit, routed Washington-London-Copenhagen-Stock-
holm-Helsinki-Moscow, which shall be used for the
transmission of messages ;
C. One full-time duplex radio telegraph circuit,
routed Washington-Tangier-Moscow, which .shall be
used for service communications and for coordination
of operations between the two terminal points.
If experience in operating the direct communications
link should demonstrate that the establishment of an
additional wire telegraph circuit is advisable, such
circuit may be established by mutual agreement be-
tween authorized representatives of both governments.
2. In case of interruption of the wire circuit, trans-
mission of messages shall be effected via the radio
circuit, and for this purpose provision shall be made at
the terminal points for the capability of prompt switch-
ing of all necessary equipment from one circuit to
another.
3. The terminal points of the link sh;ill be so
equipped as to provide for the transmission and recep-
tion of messages from Moscow to Washington in the
Russian language and from Washington to Moscow in
the English language. In this connection, the USSR
shall furnish the United States four sets of telegraph
60
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
terminal equipment, including page printers, trans-
mitters, and reperforators, with one year's supply of
spare parts and all necessary special tools, test equip-
ment, operating instructions and other technical litera-
ture, to provide for transmission and reception of
messages in the Russian language. The United States
shall furnish the Soviet Union four sets of telegraph
terminal equipment, including page printers, trans-
mitters, and reperforators, with one year's supply of
spare parts and all necessary special tools, test equip-
ment, operating instructions and other technical
literature, to provide for transmission and reception
of messages in the English language. The equip-
ment described in this paragraph shall be exchanged
directly between the parties without any payment
being required therefor.
4. Tlie terminal points of the direct communications
link shall be provided with encoding equipment. For
the terminal point in the USSR, four sets of such
equipment (each capable of simplex operation), with
one year's supply of spare parts, with all necessary
special tools, test equipment, operating instructions
and other technical literature, and with all necessary
blank tape, shall be furnished by the United States to
the USSR against payment of the cost thereof by the
USSR.
The USSR shall provide for preparation and delivery
of keying tapes to the terminal point of the link in the
United States for reception of messages from the
USSR. The United States shall provide for prepara-
tion and delivery of keying tapes to the terminal point
of the link in the USSR for reception of messages from
the United States. Delivery of prepared keying tapes;
to the terminal points of the link shall be effected
through the Embassy of the USSR in Washington (for
the terminal of the link in the USSR) and through the
Embassy of the United States in Moscow (for the ter-
minal of the link in the United States).
5. The United States and the USSR shall designate
the agencies responsible for the arrangements regard-
ing the direct communications link, for its technical
maintenance, continuity and reliability, and for the
timely transmission of messages.
Such agencies may, by mutual agreement, decide
matters and develop instructions relating to the techni-
cal maintenance and operation of the direct communi-
cations link and effect arrangements to imiirove the
operation of the link.
6. The technical parameters of the telegraph circuits
of the link and of the terminal equipment, as well as
the maintenance of such circuits and equipment, shall
be in accordance with CCITT [Comity consultatif in-
ternational tflegraphique et tel^phonique] and CCIR
[Comity consultatif international des radio communi-
ications] recommendations.
Transmission and reception of messages over the di-
rect communications link shall be effected in accord-
ance with applicable recommendations of interna-
tional telegraph and radio communications regulations,
as well as with mutually agreed instructions.
7. The costs of the direct communications link shall
be borne as follows :
A. The USSR shall pay the full cost of leasing the
portion of the telegraph circuit from Moscow to Hel-
sinki and 50 percent of the cost of leasing the por-
tion of the telegraph circuit from Helsinki to London.
The United States shall pay the full cost of leasing
the portion of the telegraph circuit from Washington
to London and 50 percent of tlie cost of leasing the por-
tion of the telegraph circuit from London to Helsinki.
B. Payment of the cost of leasing the radio tele-
graph circuit between Moscow and Washington shall
be effected without any transfer of payments between
the parties. The USSR shall bear the expenses relat-
ing to the transmission of messages from Moscow to
Washington. The United States shall bear the ex-
penses relating to the transmission of messages from
Washington to Moscow.
Prime Minister of Australia
Visits Washington
White House press release dated June 21
The White House announced on June 21 that
the Right Honorable Sir Robert Gordon Men-
zies, Prime Minister of Australia, will pay an
informal visit to Washington July 8-10.
The Prime Minister will call on President
Kennedy and will be guest at a Presidential
luncheon in the Wliite House on July 8. The
following day he will confer with officials at
the State Department, where Secretary Rusk
will host a luncheon in honor of Sir Robert and
his wife, Dame Pattie Menzies. The Prime
Minister last visited Washington and conferred
with President Kennedy in June 1962.^
Sir Robert arrives in the United States on
July 2. On July 4 he will inaugurate a new
series of Tliomas Jefferson ]\Iemorial Orations
on the grounds of Monticello. This will be the
first occasion on which an oration has been given
at Monticello on Independence Day. Pre^nous
orations have been delivered by foi-mer Presi-
dents Roosevelt and Truman.
' For text of a joint communique released on June 20,
1902, see Bulletin of July 16, 1962, p. 116.
JULY. 8, 1963
51
On Our Quarrel With Success
hy John Kenneth Galbraith
Ambassador to India^
A commencement address such as I am giving
today could, at first glance, seem a rather formi-
dable responsibility. It comes at a rather criti-
cal moment in the life of the audience. It is
delivered and heard under conditions of consid-
erable solemnity. To be at all acceptable the
speech must contain advice on some fairly por-
tentous subject — the prospect for mankind, the
proper choice of a career, or, at the very mini-
mum, the importance of repaying to a hopefully
receptive society some of the investment that,
however unwittingly, it has made in the listen-
ers. This could seem a task of some unction.
That it is not so regarded is doubtless because
no one in the whole of modern history seems
ever to have been guided by what he heard in a
commencement speech. Indeed it is not on
record that anyone ever admitted to having re-
membered what was said in a commencement
speech. Nor is it absolutely certain that anyone
has, in fact, ever listened.
So it has come about that, although during
this week and next these orations are being
ground out on what amounts to an assembly
line basis — here and there a stripped model or
a compact, many more rich with chrome, quad-
ruple headlights, soft upholstery, ingenious ac-
ces.sorics, and double bumpers — it all signifies
very little. For this we may be devoutly thank-
ful. Of all the nightmares cui-rently available
to Americans, there is none so hideous as the
possibility that they might one day begin to
heed all the advice that their orators offer them.
Yet I am here as your commencement
' Address made nt commencement exercises at the
University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Mass., on June
9 (press release 308 dated Juno 7).
n
speaker. I cannot escape my task even thoug]
it is so largely liturgical. So in a great com^
mencement day tradition, I am going to say a \|
word or two about government and the public 1(1
service. This will lead me on to what I judge tt i
be one of the more important trends in the de-
bate on public policy in our day. My intentior
is analytical, not hortatory. I do not expect tc
influence your life or that of anyone else.
Indeed I will omit the usual plea that yoK.
consider the public service as a career. That is
entirely up to you. If you are primarily inter-
ested in making money, you should go into busi-
ness and make money. No one need beg fon
talent on behalf of the public service. At leasW
beyond a certain minimum, money is a poor sub-
stitute for work that is interesting and engross-
ing, and in these respects the public service is —
or can be — far superior to any private business^
As compared with the public service — or, fon
similar reasons, colleges, universities, and re-
search organizations — private enterprise must?
have a substantial income differential in its
favor.
In this connection, and speaking wholly as ani
individual, I am dubious of recent proposals to
raise salaries of top executive, judicial, andi
legislative officers of the Federal Government to
tycoon levels. People in the lesser ranks of ai
private corporation think of the top company
brass as separated from themselves by unimagi-
nably high incomes. So do people at large. In
the past there has been no such sense of aliena-
tion in the Federal Government, and it would
be unfortunate were it to exist in the future. ''
The upper levels of the permanent civil service
and the lesser political posts are presently sub-
ject to a considerable financial pinch. This
52
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIN
should certainly be relieved and generously.
Elsewliere we should be more gradual. Even at
present rates there is no visible shortage of can-
didates for the Supreme Court or Congress or,
one suspects, for the Cabinet or our embassies.
Nor is there evidence that higher talent would
be improved proportionately with pay or at all.
In senior govermnent posts we want the kind of
man who thinks that public service is worth
modest standards of pay.
Some Hazards of Public Service
There are some changes in the public service,
or in attitudes toward public policy, which,
from the limited perspective of these last 214
years, do seem to me important. As I have
just suggested, the great case for the public
;ervice is the interest of the work — the sense of
iccomplishment that it offers. This sense of ac-
complishment and the resulting public recogni-
ion are in danger. This does merit attention.
One danger comes from the overorganization
)f government and the excessive subdivision of
asks so that the individual no longer has any
'eal sense of his relation to results. Increas-
Jigly, public policy is made, or anyhow con-
sidered, in vast oleaginous meetings where each
larticipant speaks for his own bureau, office, or
special area of knowledge and many serve only
)y being present. This is not calculated to en-
lance interest. Papers, telegrams, press releases
ire all the product of a highly organized proc-
'ss of group thought. The individual has, as a
•esult, the same relation to results as a tobacco
eaf to one of the new homogenized cigars. The
speeches of the modem public official are a par-
icular case in point. Their production com-
bines the literary and other talents of a small
irmy and they invariably sound as though they
lad been written by one. The homogenizing
process in the public service tends to exclude the
ough, controversial, and uncompromising par-
icipant for, naturally enough, he is a great
misance.
As compared with 25 years ago, the Federal
'jovernment now lays a much stronger restrain-
ng hand on the individual who has a clear view
)f what he would like to accomplish and a
itrong desire to do it. The abrasive contro-
'^ersy which characterized the Roosevelt bu-
reaucracy has all but gone. So has the art of
broken field running by the man who knew pre-
cisely where he wanted to go and who was
skilled at finding the holes in the formidable
phalanx composed of those whose mission in life
is to resist action and, where possible, also
thought. Instead we have much greater empha-
sis on order, discipline, and conformity. In any
great organization these are not wholly to be
deplored. They are admirable on questions of
nuclear politics. But the Federal Government
has urgent need to recognize and foster indi-
vidual responsibility and achievement on mat-
ters of public policy. Tliis is the claim of the
public career.
The further hazard which anyone entering
the public service must face in our time is the
modern compulsion to quarrel with success.
This is a serious matter and one that is not well
imderstood. Those who are associated with suc-
cessful public policy need to be aware of the
danger they run. Those who are not so associ-
ated will also be rewarded by understanding.
They can expect that political and public opin-
ion will now be rallied rather effectively against
whatever works, and they can count themselves
well out of it. Or they may wish to join the
hue and cry.
The Risk of Accomplishment
All students of this modern compulsion to
quarrel with success must begin, I believe, with
the Tennessee Valley Authority. It was the
first major accomplishment of the architects of
this curious form of controversy. It remains
in many ways the classical example of the phe-
nomenon I am here isolating.
The TVA was launched 30 years ago this
spring. From the beginning it seemed clear
that this was an innovation of prime importance.
And so it turned out. Industry came to the
valley. Agriculture improved. Power con-
sumption increased. Commerce flowed on the
clear waters of the once muddy and unpredict-
able stream. Living standards rose. And the
word spread. In time a visit to Knoxville or
Muscle Shoals went automatically on the
agenda of every visitor to the United States.
The letters "TVA" were known in Bolivi^i,
Ethiopia, and the Ukraine. Halfway around
rtTLT 8, 1963
691-«52— 63-
53
the world the Governments of Bihar and Ben-
pal set up the Damodar Valley Corporation in
frank imitation. Nothing undertaken by the
United States in this century was quite such an
unqualified success.
Tlie reaction was highly adverse. The TVA
became our most alarming phenomenon. There
were formidable efforts to curb the experi-
ment— even to sell it off, as (according to Mr.
Emmet Hughes) President Eisenhower
yearned to do. Of course the TVA survived
these efforts. But it was firmly agreed that
nothing of the .sort would ever be attempted
again. One such experiment, if really success-
ful, is enough.
T^'^A is no isolated example of a successful
quarrel with success. In the years following
World War II the GI bill of rights was hailed
as an inspired instance of what the Government
could do to enlarge educational opportunity.
Tens of thousands seized the chance; the Nation
is still profiting from the investment. It
worked so well and was so much praised that
we strongly resolved against any permanent
effort of equivalent magnitude in the field of
education.
Tliere is also the case of the farmers. In
recent decades they have responded to assured
prices and income with unparalleled improve-
ments in capital plant, technology, and efficiency
and output. This great agrarian success has
been celebrated by men of all opinions and all
parties, including quite a few who have never
seen a farm. The Communists have conceded
that this performance improves dramatically
on their own agricultural accomplishment. The
consequence has been a large-.scale demand for
the elimination of the price supports and con-
trols which were the fulcrum of this achieve-
ment. This attack has been conducted with real
vigor. At the moment it seems to be making
.some headway.
The reaction to the success of the farm econ-
omy has had a more general counterpart. Since
World War II economic perfonnance in the
United States, as also in Western Europe, has
been favorable. Employment has been high;
the business cycle has .shown little of its old
violence; there has been no indication that
.Marx's promise of increasingly adverse per-
64
formance by maturing capitalism would soon i
be redeemed. All of tliis has been in marked
contrast with the rather dismal economic show-
ing in much of the period between the two wars.
There can be no serious question as to what
made the difference. Capitalism did not reform
itself. That reform was needed was never a
major contention of the average capitalist.
There was a determined public effort to correct
the shortcomings of the economic system. If it
did not provide needed income and employment,
compensatory action was taken by the state.
Individuals were assured of substitute employ-
ment or income when private opportunities
were deficient. The economy was assured pari
pas.ni of a substitute flow of purcliasing power.
At the same time taxes were used to arrest pre-
vious tendencies to an excessive concentration
of income, and larger state expenditures added
a further stabilizing influence. Special steps
were taken to bolster the position of weaker
groups. Private enterprise became the bene-
ficiary of a vast amount of state-sponsored
technology.
The results once again have been predictable.
The success of the economy has been much ap-
plauded. The attack on the measures responsi-
ble for the success has been unrelenting. The
tax, fiscal, welfare, and other public policies
promoting improved performance have been
received with profound alarm. There is a wide-
spread feeling that we cannot risk any more
such accomplishment. As a result, steps to im-
prove medical care, strengthen and extend
unemployment compensation, improve fiscal I
management by the Government or to enlarge
Government responsibility in such fields as, say,
urban transport are being stoutly resisted. A J
friend of mine thinks that, in the great struggle i
of our time, we are cautious about discouraging
the Russians. I doubt if this is the explanation.
The Cases of Cuba and India
However, it is in foreign policy that our
modem quarrel with success becomes most in- |
tense, and I venture to think that over the next I
50 years most of the Ph. D. theses on the phe-
nomenon will deal witli external events.
More than momentary attention may well be
given to the recent case of Cuba. Here in the
DEPAHTMBNT OP STATE BULLETIN
past year the Soviets made a major step across
the informal boundary which they and we (al-
though not the Chinese) have respected since
World War II. By a firm and considered pol-
icy they were persuaded to withdraw. There
was no bloodshed— a matter of some signifi-
cance to those who would have provided the
blood. Moscow, Leningrad, Kiev, "Washington,
New York, and Chicago were not destroyed in
the process. This must have been a source of
satisfaction to permanent residents as well as
larger taxpayers.
This success provoked an attack of unparal-
leled proportions. The reaction of some mem-
bers of the administration of which I am a
member has, I confess, struck me as a trifle
untutored. They have asked the critics if they
really wanted a policy which, by its sanguinary
violence, would have alienated all of Latin
A.merica and most of the other smaller nations
Df the world. And they have wondered if nu-
clear conflict, which in a matter of a few hours
night have reduced the United States from a
Treat power to a distraught group of survivors
Jependent very possibly even for their nutrition
m the bounty of other and less damaged coun-
ries, was really such a good idea. I fear my
iolleagues have not fully grasped the compul-
iion to quarrel with accomplishment. Had they
lone so, they would not have been so surprised.
In the last few months I have been interested
n a lesser quarrel with success concerning India.
For many years the policies of India have been
he subject of considerable concern. We felt,
particularly vis-a-vis China, that India adopted
\n unnecessarily easygoing attitude. Last au-
umn the Chinese invaded India. Indian atti-
udes on China and Chinese communism were
Iramatically revised. No other country in Asia,
)erhaps no other coimtry in the world, is so
lassionately concerned about Chinese ambi-
ions. We went promptly to the support of the
ndians in their moment of need and earned
heir warm gratitude and respect. I think it
air to say that no one a year ago could have
orecast such a dramatic improvement in our
•elations with India. Such has been the success
hat I am told our problems on economic and
lilitary aid to India this year will be particu-
irly difficult. Once again success is causing us
jrious problems.
The Foreign Aid Program
Our most durable quarrel with success, and
one that may merit more minute examination
even than the case of Cuba, is foreign aid. This
has been the unique American contribution to
diplomacy which, it may be added, is a fre-
quently backward craft and one that takes fre-
quent pride in being traditional and unprogres-
sive. It is a contribution vitally related to
circumstance. In a world where the few
wealthy countries have been getting wealthy
and, as a broad generalization, the many poor
countries have been remaining very poor, an aid
program was an indispensable solvent of ten-
sion.
One need reflect for only the briefest moment
on the nature of an international society in
which the people of Latin America, Asia, and
Africa saw their own living standards static or
deteriorating while incomes and output in the
United States (for which they supplied mate-
rials and some markets) went on each year to
higher and higher levels. In such a world our
influence would be negligible, nonexistent, or re-
placed by open antagonism, and one is tempted
to say deservedly so. Our influence is, in fact,
very great. Instead of envy and anger, the
image aroused by the word "America" through-
out the world is one of generosity and compas-
sion. We are thought to be marked, in contrast
with other countries, by our capacity to grasp
the problems of less fortunate people.
Our administration of foreign aid has been
far from perfect. We have underemphasized
education. We have thought it possible to base
effective development on reactionary social
structures. (Men will not produce very effi-
ciently if they know that the product will go in
any case to landlords, tax farmers, and money-
lenders.) Money has on occasion been wasted.
(Without making a case for waste, we may
remind ourselves that it has been a regular
companion piece of development. Tens of mil-
lions were borrowed by American State gov-
ernments and put into canals just before the
railroads made them obsolete. Hundreds of
millions of dollars worth of public subsidy to
the railroads found its way into private
pockets.)
On occasion we have misjudged the larger
purposes of our aid policy and assumed it to
ULT 8, 1963
65
be the servant of narrow ideological pref-
erences. (If wc offer a wide range of choice in
economic structure as the alternative to com-
munism, we can hardly lose. If we insist on
our new of capitalism as the only alternative,
our chances are far less favorable.) And, on
occasion, wo have assumed that questions on
foreign aid could best be answered by men of
inspired general wisdom who were not exces-
sively hampered by experience in the problems
of economic development or of the countries
for which they prescribed.
But the test of a policy is not whether all
problems are solved but whether it performs
its task. The aid program has forestalled what
would have been certain calamity in our re-
lations with the poor countries. It is perhaps
the principal reason why countries such as India
and Pakistan have been spared the painful
travail of the Chinese people. It is one of the
important reasons why they remain committed
to personal liberty and Western institutions.
Had there been no aid programs in this last
decade, the world would have been very dif-
ferent indeed and from our point of view much
less satisfactory.
Once again we have the predictable result.
In the case of the aid programs the quarrel with
accomplishment is especially severe. The
shortcomings are picked out like the trees. The
accomplishments have disappeared like the
forest. The man of sound and secure reputa-
tion, at least of a sort, is the one who tells you
where you can cut a half billion, or a billion,
or two billion. Even the semantics are reveal-
ing. Those who quarrel with success here do
not deny the fact. They tell you where the
cuts can bo made with the least damage.
The notion that we should, as needed, invest
more and do better is gradually receding under
this onslaught. Once again the quarrel with
accomplishment is going very well. However,
it is not serving the United States at all well.
Were it the problem of modern government
that there are few things to criticize, this tend-
ency to quarrel with accomplislunent would be
forgivable. It is evident that modern man
must quarrel about something . But as govern-
ment is currently conducted in the United States
and despite the enlightened influence of many
people from this State, there is still suflBcient
that is wrong and even foolish.
I would be sorry today if I seemed to be
against criticism. Nothing would be further
from my thoughts. I consider it vital for the
effective operation of a democracy and a highly
congenial personal avocation. But I find it hard
to applaud this continuing discontent with ac-
complishment. Radicals of an earlier genera-
tion seemed often to be taking a rather lofty
and even critical view of sales, production,
profits, and the other symbols of business suc-
cass. Businessmen fresh from some considerable
industrial achievement reacted adversely to this
criticism. They thought there might be more
attention to results. But government is also a
serious affair. The resolution of international
disputes without resort to nuclear destruction,
the winning of the confidence and esteem of
other nations, and improvements in the welfare
and well-being of our own people are also
worthy of our effort and energy. I doubt that
the assault on such public achievement has any
more to commend it than the earlier attack on
private accomplislmient.
U.S. Makes Interim Modification
of Tin Disposal Program
Department Statement \
Press release 327 dated June 21
Tlae General Services Administration an- <
nounced today [June 21] an interim modifica-
tion of its program for the disposal of surplus |
tin from the national stockpile in the form of a ,
supplementary offering which will be effective I
during the period June 26-September 30, 1963. j
The maximum quantity of tin which the Gen-
eral Services Administration may sell in any '
week has been increased from 200 long tons to
400 long tons, and the limit on these sales for
til is period has been raised from 2,700 long tons
under the current disposal plan to 4,700 long .
tons. This increase of approximately 200 tons ,
I)er week in the limit on weekly sales will allow
the General Services Administration more flexi-
bility for meeting changing market conditions.
Xo other cliange in the existing terms of the
66
DEPARTJrENT OF 8T.1TB B01.LETIN
current disposal plan, which was made effec-
tive April 1, 1963, for 1 year, is contemplated
at this time.
In accordance with past practices this move
by the United States Government followed con-
sultations between representatives of the U.S.
Government and the International Tin Council
and the governments of the principal tin-
producing counti'ies in advance of the decision
to adopt the supplementary program. It is
also our intention to consult with the Inter-
national Tin Council and interested govern-
ments before the end of the supplemental dis-
posal period.
It continues to be United States policy to take
no action in tlie disposal of United States stock-
piles which would unduly disrupt commodity
markets. The General Services Administration
will continue to operate its disposal plan in the
best interest of the United States Government,
taking into account prevailing market prices,
and in such a way as to avoid serious disruption
of the usual markets of producers, processors,
and consumers.
Music Advisers Appointed
for Cultural Presentations
The Department of State announced on June
14 (press release 320) that Assistant Secretary
Battle has appointed Leopold Damrosch
Mannes, president of the Mannes College of
Music of New York, as chairman of the music
panel which aids the selection of American per-
forming musical artists and groups for over-
seas tours under the recently reconstituted Cul-
tural Presentations Program of the Department
of State, and W. Kaymond Kendall, dean of the
School of Music of the University of Southern
California, as chairman of the academic music
panel.
Following recommendations by the U.S. Ad-
visory Commission on International Educa-
tional and Cultural Affairs, the Advisory Com-
, mittee on the Arts has been reconstituted to give
general policy guidance to the program and to
the panels of experts which have the responsi-
bility of recommending the musical, dramatic,
dance, and other presentations to be sent abroad.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Africa Briefing. Hearing before the Subcommittee on
Africa of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
February 27, 1963. 20 pp.
Developmenta in Technical Capabilities for Detecting
and Identifying Nuclear Weapons Tests. Hearings
before the Joint Atomic Energy Committee. March
5-12, 19G3. 518 pp.
Mexican Farm Labor Program. Hearings before the
Subcommittee on Equipment, Supplies, and Man-
power of the House Agriculture Committee on H.E.
1836 and H.R. 2009. March 27-29, 1963. 349 pp.
To Amend the Arms Control and Disarmament Act.
Hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee on S. 777, a bill to amend the Arms Control
and Disarmament Act in order to increase the au-
thorization for appropriations and to modify the per-
sonnel security procedures for contractor employees.
April 10, 1903. 221 pp.
Foreign Assistance Act of 1963. Hearings before the
House Foreign Affairs Committee on H.R. 5490, to
amend further the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961,
as amended, and for other purposes. Part I, April 5-
10, 1963, 184 pp. ; Part II, April 23-29, 1963, 207 pp. ;
Part III, April 30-May 7, 1963, 241 pp.
Winning the Cold War : The U.S. Ideological Offensive.
Hearings before the Subcommittee on International
Organizations and Movements of the House Foreign
Affairs Committee. Part II. April 30-May 8, 1963.
109 pp.
Continuation of Mexican Farm Labor Program. Re-
port, together with minority views, to accompany
H.R. 5497. H. Rept. 274. May 6, 1963. 18 pp.
The Foreign Service Buildings Act Amendments of
1963. Hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee on H.R. 5207, an act to amend the For-
eign Service Buildings Act, 1926, to authorize addi-
tional appropriations, and for other purposes. May
7. 1963. 21 pp.
Documents on International Aspects of the Exploration
and Use of Outer Space, 1954-1962. Staff report
prepared for the Senate Aeronautical and Space
Sciences Committee. S. Doc. 18. May 9, 1963. 407
pp.
Eighth NATO Parliamentarians' Conference. Report
of the U.S. House delegation to the eighth conference
of members of parliament from the NATO countries,
held in Paris, November 12-16, 1962. H. Rept 300.
May 15, 1963. 40 pp.
Amendments to the Foreign Service Building Act of
1926. Report to accompany H.R. 5207. S. Rept. 178.
May 15, 1963. 15 pp.
Amendment to the Constitution of the International
Labor Organization. Report, together with individ-
ual views, to accompany S.J. Res. 60. S. Rept 179.
May 16, 1963. 28 pp.
Amending Legislation Relating to International Or-
ganizations. Hearing before the Subcommittee on
International Organizations and Movements of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee on H.R. 6283, a
bill to amend the United Nations Participation Act,
as amended, and H.J. Res. 405, joint resolution to
amend the joint resolution providing for U.S. partici-
pation in the International Bureau for the Protection
of Industrial Property. May 17, 1963. 48 pp.
Authorizing the Secretary of the Interior To Market
Power Generated at Amistad Dam on the Rio Grande.
Report to accompany H.R. 4062. H. Rept. 319. May
23, 1963. 5 pp.
JULY 8, 1963
57
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
World Food Congress Meets at Washington
The World Food Congress, sponsored by the
Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations, was held at Washington, D.C.,
Jvme If-18} Following are texts of welcoming
remarks TrwAe on June 4 hy President Kennedy
and an address made on June 6 by Secretary of
Agriculture Orville L. Freeman, who was chair-
man of the Congress.
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY, JUNE 4
White House press release dated June 4 ; as-delivered text
Dr. Sen, President Radhakrislinan,^ Secre-
tary Freeman, members of the World Food
Congress : I welcome you on behalf of the people
of the United States to this country and to its
Capital.
Twenty years ago, in May 1943, the first
world food congress was held. Today we have
gathered to rededicate ourselves to the objec-
tives of that congress, the objective that all
nations, all people, all inhabitants of this planet
have all the food that they need, all the food
that they deserve as human beings. We are
here to renew a worldwide comniitment to ban-
ish hunger and outlaw it.
At the launching of the first world food con-
gress. President Franklin Roosevelt declared
that freedom from want and freedom from fear
go hand in hand,' and that is true today.
During the past 20 years there have been revo-
lutionary changes affect ing those matters in
farm technology, in trade patterns, in economic
development, in world trade. Today the aver-
age farmer in the United States can produce
three times as much as he did in 1945. New
trading blocs have been formed, blocs which can
be used to strengthen the world or to divide it.
This nation and others have provided economic
and teclmical assistance to less wealthy nations
struggling to develop viable economies.
And population increases have become a
matter of serious concern, not because world
food production will be insufficient to keep pace
with the 2-percent rate of increase but because,
as you know, the population rate is too often the
highest where hunger is the most prevalent.
The same central problem that troubled Pi-esi-
dent Roosevelt when he called together the first
world congi"ess in '43 is unfortunately still with
us today. Half of humanity is still undernour-
ished or hungry. In 70 developing nations,
with over 2 billion people, malnutrition is wide-
spread and persistent.
So long as freedom from hunger is only half
achieved, so long as two-thirds of the nations
have food deficits, no citizen, no nation, can
afford to be satisfied. We have the ability, as
members of the human rac«, we have the means,
we have the capacity, to eliminate hunger from
the face of the earth in our lifetime. AVe need
only the will.
In the Food and Agriculture Organization,
which is sponsoring this meeting, we have the
machinery. Under the able leadership of Dr.
Sen, the FAO has embarked on a vigorous and
' For background, see Bulletin of Nov. 12, 1962, p.
752, and Apr. 15, 1963, p. 583.
'B. R. Sen, Director General of the Food and Agri-
culture Organization; Pre.sident Sarvepalli Radha-
krishnan of India.
' For text of President Roosevelt's letter to the open-
ing session of the Uniteil Nations Conference on Food
and Agriculture, held at Hot Springs, Va., May 18-
June 3, 1943. see Bulijetin of May 22, 1943, p. 455; for
his address to the delegates to the Conference, see i})id.,
June 12, 1943, p. 518.
68
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
imaginative program wliicli is now at a lialfway
mark. Through thousands of projects initiated
during the 21/^ years that we have just passed
through, the Freedom-From-Hunger Cam-
paign * has already helped to conquer livestock
diseases, increase crop yields, and multiply
fishery catches.
U.S. Pledges Full Support
The United States pledges its full support for
this campaign through Food for Peace
shipments, Alliance for Progress operations,
the Peace Corps, and the international efforts
directed by the United Nations and the Organi-
zation of American States.
Through our food-for-peace program the
people of the United States have contributed
more than $12 billion of food and fiber to others
during the past 9 years. These donations now
bring food to 100 million people in 100 coun-
tries, including 40 million schoolchildren. We
are grateful for the opportunity that nature has
made possible for us to share our agricultural
abundance with tliose who need it, but the dis-
tribution of the food to the needy is only part of
the job. It can take care of the emergency needs
from floods and famines. It can be used to feed
refugees and needy children. It is a useful sup-
plement to perennially short diets in many parts
of the world, but it is not a permanent solution.
All of our stored abundance, even if distrib-
uted evenly throughout the globe to all of the
undernourished, would provide a balanced diet
for less than a month, and many nations lack
he storage and the transportation and the dis-
ribution facilities. Many people are inhibited
>y traditional eating habits from using food
hat provides rich nourishment. And, perhaps
nost importantly, modem, efficient agricultural
raining and education is too often unavailable
o the very nations that are most dependent
ipon it.
The real goal, therefore, must be to produce
aore food in the nations that need it. Know-
low is not the problem. For the first time in
'he history of the world we do know how to
)roduce enough food now to feed every man,
* For background, see Hid., Jan. 18, 1960, p. 94 ; July
8, 1960, p. 117; Dec. 18, 1961, p. 1020; Jan. 22, 1962, p.
50 ; Oct. 8, 1962, p. 534 ; and Feb. 18, 1963, p. 254.
woman, and child in the world, enough to elim-
inate all hunger completely. Farm production
has undergone a scientific revolution which is
dwarfing the industrial revolution of 150 years
ago, but this means that agricultural depart-
ments and ministries and governments and citi-
zens must make a greater and more systematic
effort to share this knowledge. For the first
time to know how to conquer the problem and
not conquer it would be a disgrace for this gener-
ation. We need to help transmit all that we
know of farm technology to the ends of the
earth, to overcome the barriers of ignorance and
suspicion. The key to a permanent solution to
world hunger is the transfer of technology
which we now have to food-deficit nations, and
that task, second to none in importance, is the
reason for this Congress.
It would be easy to say that this task is too
great for any congress. Most of man has been
undernourished since the beginning of man.
Even today, as the death rate drops, it merely
means that people live longer in hunger and
misery; but a balanced, adequate diet is now
possible today for the entire human race, and
we are gathered to devise the macliinery to
mobilize the talents, the will, the interest, and
the requirements to finish this job.
We realize, of course, that the problem in its
great dimensions neither begins nor ends on the
farm. It involves the whole economic and
social structure of a nation. It involves the
building of new institutions, of training young
people. Above all, it involves and requires the
priority attention of us all in this decade.
Five Basic Guidelines
In the course of your deliberations over the
next 2 weeks I would hope that we would agree
on at least five basic guidelines to be kept con-
stantly in mind.
First : The persistence of hunger during this
decade is unacceptable either morally or socially.
The late Pope John in his recent encyclical
spoke of the conviction that all men are equal
by reason of their natural dignity. That same
dignity in the 20th century certainly requires
the elimination of large-scale hunger and star-
vation.
Second: We must recognize the fact that
UliT 8, 1963
69
fooJ-delicit nations, witli assistance from other
countries, can solve their prol)iem. The Free-
dom-From-Hungrcr Campai^i is based on this
solid premise.
Third: International cooperation, interna-
tional organization, and international action are
indispensal)le. A contracting world grows
more interdei)pndent. This interdependence re-
quires multinational solutions to its problems.
This is not a problem for a single nation. It
is a problem for the entire human race, be-
cause we cannot possibly be satisfied with some
nations producing too much, as the President
of India said, while others produce little, even
though they are both nieml)ers of the great
human race.
Fourth: No single technique of politics, fi-
nance, or education can, by itself, eliminate
hunger. It will require the coordinated efforts
of us all, all of us, to level the wall that sepa-
rates the hungi'y from the well-fed.
Fifth, and finally: World opinion must be
concentrated upon the international effort to
eliminate hunger as a primaiy task of this gen-
eration. Over 1,900 years ago the Roman
philosopher Seneca said, "A hungry people lis-
tens not to rea.son, nor cares for justice, nor is
bent by any prayers." Human nature has not
changed in 1,900 years, and world peace and
progress cannot be maintained in a world half
fed and half hungry.
There are many struggles, many battles, that
the human race now faces. There is no battle
on earth or in space which is more important
than the battle which you have undertaken, nor
is there any st niggle, large as this may be, that
offers such an immediate promise of success.
No congress that Washington has seen in recent
years is, I believe, more important than this.
I know that this conference will not consist
merely of oration but will represent in 2 weeks
a solid determination to develop the means in
this decade to make a dent in this problem which
will give us promise in our lifetime of making
sure that all people in the world have an op-
portunity to eat.
Another problem will come in the next gen-
eration, and that is the problem of how to deal
on a worldwide basis, as well as in this, with
the problem of surpluses; but the first problem
is to produce enougli for all in a way that makes
all available to people around the globe. To
that task I can assure you the United States of
America is committed.
Thank you.
ADDRESS BY SECRETARY FREEMAN, JUNE 5
The United States, its people and its Govern-
ment, extend a most cordial welcome to the
World Food Congress and to each participant
in these meetings.
We welcome this Congress as a fitting oppor-
tunity to pay tribute to those pioneers who
launched this effort to combat hunger at the
conference in Hot Springs just 20 years ago.
We welcome it as an opportunity to give an
additional thrust to the 5-year Freedom-From-
Hunger Campaign, the objectives of which the
United States supports by a wide variety of
economic assistance operations, including Food
for Peace shipments, Alliance for Progress
operations, Peace Corps activities, and support
for the joint efforts of the FAO, the U.N., the
OAS, the Colombo Plan, and other interna-
tional approaches.
We welcome it particularly because of our
high hopes that out of these 2 weeks of delibera-
tions may come definite gains, among them a
renewed inspiration to mobilize every appro-
priate available resource and dedicate it to the
achievement of our common goals, a greater
awarene.ss of the problems involved, and a bet-
ter understanding of effective means for solving
those problems.
As chairman of the World Food Congress, I
wish to pay high tribute to the many dedicated
people who have done so much to prepare for
this Congress and pave the way to its success.
We deeply appreciate the leadership of Dr.
R. E. Sen, the Director General of the Food and
Agriculture Organization, the effective work
of the FAO officials and staff, the support
given by the President and the Congress of
the United States and the many executive de-
partments involved. We especially want to
acknowledge the contributions made by indus-
try and by agricultural organizations, and the
work of citizens, through their religious, serv-
ice, and other vohmtary organizations — includ-
60
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
iiig tlie American Food for Peace Council and
the American Freedom from Hunger Founda-
tion— that have meant so much in helping to
make this a real people-to-people endeavor.
Finally, may I pay tribute to the thousand
individuals who are participating in the Con-
gress. Each of you is here because of your
deep concern about one of this world's major
problems. Each of you is in a position to make
a substantial contribution to its solution. The
success of this World Food Congress depends
on each one of you.
Heterogeneous Nature of the Congress
As we begin our working sessions, I should
like to point out the nature of this gathering,
to emphasize the urgency of its purpose, and
to suggest some approaches to the achievement
of its goals.
Throughout my presentation I should like
to urge that we commit ourselves to a deter-
mined effort to win the campaign for freedom
from hunger — to win that campaign so deci-
sively that we can proceed to enlarge and
broaden our goal so that it will encompass the
positive approach that is the logical corollaiy
to the elimination of any evil or hazard. Free-
dom from the evil of hunger then becomes
freedom for positive good — freedom to enjoy
the better things of life that are possible only
when hunger is conquered, freedom to develop
all those human qualities that characterize man
and distinguish him from the other animals
of this earth that can also suffer from hunger,
freedom to progress toward higher levels of
living, freedom for the kind of life that can
be within the reach of all the people of tlip
world in an age of abundance.
Throughout this discussion I would ask you
io keep in mind the fact that science and tech-
lology have now — in this generation — opened
h.Q door to a potential for abundance for all.
In some nations this abundance has already
Jeen achieved, particularly with regard to food,
;o such an extent that we have not as yet learned
•low to use effectively all that we produce. Let
IS accept this challenge of abundance with a
letermined effort to use all abundance to create
ibundance for aD.
The nature and makeup of this Congress is.
in my judgment, particularly suited to a con-
sideration of this challenge. It is sponsored by
the Food and Agriculture Organization, an in-
ternational agency through which member na-
tions seek to work together toward common
goals. Yet it is truly a people-to-people meet-
ing in the sense that participants have been in-
vited as individuals. Scientists in many fields ;
representatives of governments, universities,
and international organizations; leaders in
farmers' organizations, industry, women's
groups, and other citizen bodies; men and
women from developed and developing coun-
tries— all are here encouraged to discuss com-
mon problems fully and frankly.
The heterogeneous nature of the participa-
tion in tliis Congress is perhaps matched by the
varied nature of the kinds of effort that will be
required to achieve the goal of freedom from
hunger and to progress toward the use of all
abundance to create abundance for all. The
achievement of that goal will require more than
action by governments, more than action by in-
ternational organizations. It will require a
high degree of public understanding and a
mobilization of public opinion. It will require
action by agriculture and by industry, by citi-
zens' groups, by individual leaders.
It will require planning and coordination at
many levels. It will include action by the gov-
ernments of developing nations and of devel-
oped nations. It will include bilateral action
as well as multilateral agreements. It vrill re-
quire experimentation and pilot programs. It
will require flexibility. It will require the kind
of exchange of information and experience that
vsdll enable us to develop, expand, extend, and
adapt those methods, techniques, and programs
that work the best. It will require a prag-
matic and pluralistic approach.
The Measure of Success
There will be no formal, binding document
voted upon, signed, and sealed at this Congress.
The real success of these meetings will not be
measured by any piece of paper, or even by a
volume of published proceedings. The measure
of the success of this Congress will be deter-
mined— in part, but only in part — by the
quality of the addresses and papers presented
TILT 8, 1963
61
hero and tlio maturity, vision, and realism that
will characterize the discussions that take place.
Its success will be measured, most sinrnificantly,
by the extent to which the individual partici-
pants— inspired and informed by their experi-
ence here — are encouraged and stimulated to
take positive action after the Congress is over,
each in his own nation and within his own
sphere of influence, toward plans and programs
that will advance the goals we seek.
These goals are among the most important
and the most urgent of the many goals shared
by all men everywhere, lien have sought
freedom from hunger since before the dawn
of human history. Long before men formu-
lated slogans — indeed, before they had devel-
oped much use for words — they struggled in
response to the primarj* human drive for food.
But if the desire and drive to achieve freedom
from hunger is as old as life itself, there exist
today two new elements of utmost importance.
International Efforts To Combat Hunger
One of these elements is symbolized by tlie
fact that we are meeting here today in a "World
Food Congress to express our common concern
about a universal goal. This represents one of
the brightest liopes of this critical age in which
wo live — the hope that arises because we now
seek, in a conscious and articulate manner, free-
dom from hunger for all men all over the world,
and we seek to find ways in which we can work
toward these goals in cooperation with each
other.
This is something new in historj'. Primitive
man sought food for himself or, at most, for
his family. Later a tribe, still later a nation,
became the unit within which members acted to
acliievo freedom from hunger for the group.
During much of recorded history men and
nations have been forced by the prevailing fact
of scarcity to seek freedom from hunger for
themselves at the expense of their neighbors.
They have struggled against each other for the
fertile valleys and tlie flood plains. They mi-
grated into new, forbidden, si)ai-sely occupied
areas of the world when population pushed too
liard against the supply of food. Countless
wars have been fnuglit (o gain enough territory
to secure enough food to survive.
It was left to our period of history for men
to develop a concern to combat hunger for all '
people throughout the world, to recognize that
survival depends more on cooperation than on
conflict, and thus to launch international efforts
to combat hunger. This fact is one new element
of utmost importance.
The Potential for Abundance
The second new element is likewise a product
of our age. For the first time in history science
and technology have progressed so far tliat we
can envision the day when no one on earth need
suffer for want of material necessities of life.
We can see the possibility of the conquest of
hunger and cold and other physical and natural
liazards for all men everywhere. The fact of
scarcity that has dominated the past can now
be replaced by the potential for abundance that
is the promise of the future.
This dawn of the age of abundance was recog-
nized by those pioneers who met at Hot Springs
20 years ago. They declared that "the goal of
freedom from want of food, suitable and ade-
quate for health and strength of all peoples, can
be achieved." '
Two j'ears ago, when the FAO put out its
basic study on Development Through Food^
this recognition was tinged with even greater
optimism. That publication states: "If action
whicli is well within our means is taken, free-
dom from poverty can be achieved for most of
the world in one generation's time."
And in FAO's publication Third World Food
Stirvey,'^ in a discussion as to whether its targets
for freedom from himger can be reached, I
find this statement : "There should be little room
for doubt on one score: the world could grow
enough food to meet all these needs, if we made
rational use of nature's bounty."
Witliin those nations tliat have come to be
called the "developed" nations of the world this
new potential for abundance has in many re-
spects become a reality — most conspicuously
'For text of the final act of the United Nations Con-
ference on Food and Agriculture, see ibid., June 19,
IfM.-?, p. .T46.
'Development Through Food (1962) and Third
World Food Surrey (1903) ; for sale by the Inter-
national Documents Section, Columbia University
Press, 29C0 Broadway, New York 27, X.Y. (.$l..")Oeach).
62
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIS
in the production of food. Here in the
United States, for example, agriculture has
dramatically demonstrated its productive suc-
cess. Millions of our farmers, spurred by the
incentive and pride of ownership inherent in the
American family-farm economy, have applied
new discoveries and new methods to their own
operations to produce a striking increase in pro-
ductivity that overshadows increases in other
major sectors of our economy. We have pro-
duced food to spare and to share. And our
economists point out that crop production in
the United States could easily be increased by
25 percent by 1967 !
Other developed nations in the world are do-
ing likewise. Economists in the United States
Department of Agriculture have produced a
jtudy entitled The World Food Budget^'' evalu-
iting world food needs, balancing them with
.vorld food supplies, and projecting them into
, he future under certain possible and probable
■ircumstances. They have come up with the
"orecast that, assuming a likely rate of gi'owth
n population and income and a continued
growth of agricultural productivity at the rate
hat prevailed between 1953 and 1960, the de-
'eloped countries of the world, by the year 2000,
vould have a potential for food production at
,lmost double the expected demand ! This pro-
ection dramatically illustrates the potential for
bundance that scientific and teclinological
)rogress offers to the people of the world.
As we examine the rapidly accelerating rate
f progress in these fields we can foresee the
nd of the physical barriers to an age of plenty.
^%t for most of the people that inhabit this
arth abundance is only a dream. But it is a
ream that becomes more insistent and more
npelling every day.
We are meeting here today because we believe
lat, in a world in which abimdance is possible,
11 people have the right to aspire to make that
ream a reality.
We know that in today's world the contrast
•etween those who have enough and those who
'rfte World Food Budget, 196S and 1966 (Foreign
gricultural Economic Report No. 4) ; for sale by the
aperlntendent of Documents, U.S. Government Print-
g Office, Washington 25, D.C. (35 cents).
have too little is too sharp and too disturbing to
be tolerated. A little more than a hundred years
ago Abraham Lincoln told the people of the
United States that this nation could not long
exist half slave and half free. Today, when we
can circumnavigate the globe in far less time
than it would have taken Lincoln to travel from
the east to the west coast of this nation, it is
doubtful whether the community of nations in-
habiting this earth can long exist half hungry
and half well-fed.
The security of the world demands that this
imbalance be corrected. The security of the
world demands that measurable progress be
made without delay. The half of the world that
is hungry is increasing in numbers faster than
the other half. Unless steps are taken to accel-
erate the rate at which growing numbers of
people in developing nations can reach satis-
factory levels of living, the world must face
what the Roman philosopher Seneca referred to
1,900 years ago when he said : "A hungry people
listens not to reason, nor cares for justice, nor
is bent by any prayers."
This is a measure of the urgency of the goals
we seek here.
We meet in this World Food Congress be-
cause we recognize this urgency. Wliether we
live in the "developed" nations, in which abun-
dance is sometimes called surplus, or in the
"developing" nations, in which food deficits
handicap both personal welfare and national
economic development, we are meeting here be-
cause we believe it is in our own interest, as well
as in the common interest of us all, to cooperate
in a campaign against hunger throughout the
world. We meet in order to leani from each
other how the abundance that exists in parts of
the world can be used to mutual advantage to
create abundance for all.
We meet not only to consider a vision of
progress that may be possible but also to study
realistically and practically the problems that
must be solved if that possibility is to become
a reality. Each of the quotations about poten-
tial abundance that I presented earlier is a
qualified one. One of them says that our goal
can be achieved, not that it will be. One says
that poverty can be conquered in this genera-
tion if we take the necessary action. One says
ULY 8, 1963
63
we can reach our targets if we make rational
use of nature's bounty.
Tlio goals we seek are not easily reached.
There are roadblocks in the way of our prog-
ress toward abundance. Many of them are
serious. Some seem almost insuperable. Every
one of the efforts made — by the FAO, by gov-
ernments, singly and in cooperation with each
other, by citizens' groups and voluntary orga-
izations — every one of these efforts has helped
to make us aware of the nature and magnitude
of the obstacles that lie in our way. I there-
fore ask you to consider with me some of the
most serious roadblocks, with a view to finding
practical means by which they can be overcome.
The Role of Agriculture
One obstacle to progress has been an inade-
quate recognition of the importance of the role
of agriculture in economic growth. A new steel
mill seems much more dramatic than an im-
proved rice paddy! Many of the developing
nations have allocated their limited resources to
industrial growth at the expense of agriculture
to a degree that has intensified hunger and
hardship and even threatened all economic
growth.
An examination of our own economic history
here in the United States shows how massive
has been the contribution of agriculture to eco-
nomic growth, particularly when our nation was
in the developing state. It released workers to
industry as it became more productive. It
lowered food costs in relation to income. It
provided an expanding market for industrial
goods. It produced large earnings from the
export of farm products, sustained output dur-
ing economic depressions, and met wartime
needs for food and fiber. It now contributes to
world economic growth by assisting in the eco-
nomic development of other countries.
Agriculture can make comparable contribu-
tions to growth in all of the developing nations.
In fact, it must make such contributions if de-
velopment is to succeed.
Experience has shown how serious are the
consequences when food and agriculture are ne-
glected by a deve]o])ing nation that is pushing
rapidly for indu.strialization. As workers are
drawn from the farms without any accompany-
ing increase in efficiency, an already scarce sup-
ply of food becomes scarcer. As incomes in in-
dustry rise a little, the demand for food in-
creases, and either rationing or inflation are
likely to result imless food can be provided from
an outside source.
Adequate recognition of this roadblock is the
first step toward overcoming it. "VMien it is
fully understood that a major factor limiting
economic development is a low level of agri-
cultural productivity, progi-ams can be planned
to increase that productivity at a proportionate
rate.
The program at this Congress offers much
opportunity for study and discussion of the es-
sential role of agriculture in economic develop-
ment. If, out of this Congress, could come an
increased awareness of its significance, a greater
familiarity with successful agricultural devel-
opment programs and projects, and a determi-
nation to act to make sure that agriculture is
accorded its proper place in planning and pro-
graming for economic growth, this roadblock
could be eliminated.
The Building of Institutions
This leads to a consideration of other road-
blocks in the way of progress in agriculture
and rural development. Too often, here, the
major roadblock is the failure to build the kind
of institutions under which agriculture can
make its major contribution. It seems much
easier to see the need for better seed, fertilizer,
machinery, and irrigation systems than it is to
develop institutions for education, effective mar-
keting, adequate farm credit, and a sound sys-
tem of land tenure and ownership.
Permit me to note, verj' brieflj*, some of the
institutions that have contributed so much to
agricultural progress in the United States. I
do this not because I mean to insist that institu-
tions that work best in my country are neces-
sarily the best for all, nor because I would ig-
nore the vast differences in conditions that pre-
vail, but rather because I believe that some of
these institutions are based on principles that
are valid everywhere, that can be adapted to
meet many diverse conditions.
64
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLBTIK
I think I would rate, at the very top, general
Bducation for all of the people. Unless farmers
ire literate and informed they face almost in-
mrmomitable liandicaps in achieving greater
efficiency and higher levels of living. The one
single "input" that has contributed the most
,0 progress and economic growth in all fields,
lere in the United States, is popular education.
Higher education and research, so well il-
ustrated by our land-grant colleges, have made
iontributions of immeasurable value to our ag-
•icultural development. Our extension system
las brought new knowledge to farmers in their
(wn homes and their own communities. Our
and-grant colleges have already made a good
tart in helping the developing nations, and
extension systems are being developed in many
)arts of tlie world.
Educational institutions from both develop-
ng and developed nations are represented here
. t this Congress. If our deliberations here can
iromote greater exchanges of ideas and knowl-
dge, increased cooperation and assistance, great
trides forward can result.
Further research and new knowledge about
he requirements for adequate nutrition and the
fficient production of various foods to meet
liose requirements will always be needed to
leet our constantly expanding needs and goals.
}ut, in the allocation of scarce resources for ed-
cation, it is important to remember that the
oundation must rest on broad, general edu-
xtional opportunity for all of the people,
larly in our history Thomas Jefferson cau-
ioned the people of this nation that if you ex-
ect to be both ignorant and free, you expect
'hat never has been and never can be. Popular
ducation is a basic requirement on which all
ther institutional development depends.
Economic institutions are also essential ; and,
■ agricultural advance is to maximize its con-
■ibution to higher levels of living, institutions
5r the handling, transportation, storage, proc-
5sing, marketing, and distribution of food must
'so progress as agricultural productivity in-
'•eases. As the cultivators of the land seek to
lise their efficiency and productivity, they need
istitutions that will assure adequate credit on
ivorable terms.
Among the institutions that can help to meet
many development needs are cooperatives, one
form of private enterprise through which mem-
bers can pool their resources to help them-
selves. It is possible that cooperatives can con-
tribute even more in the developing countries
than they have in the United States. Laws
enacted in this country since the 1020's have
encouraged the development of fai'm coopera-
tives, and our foreign assistance legislation
specifically provides for aid in developing co-
operatives abroad.
One institution that has proved its worth by
its results is the system of land tenure that is
based on ownership and control by those who
till the soil and which tlierefore provides the
farmer with a most powerful incentive to im-
proved operations. No other incentive stimu-
lates capital improvements on the land as well
as the farmer's assurance that he owns those
improvements. No other system has been able
to produce the abundance of food that this one
has demonstrated so effectively and dramati-
cally. I commend it as emphatically as I know
how.
In emphasizing the building of appropriate
social and economic institutions as an indispen-
sable part of programs of development, I do
not intend to minimize the importance of the
physical and material things. These are essen-
tial. But they are also easier to come by.
Without the right institutional framework, they
can be, and have been, used to exploit rather
than develop the people themselves. In other
words, physical progress and material resources
do not necessarily, in and of themselves, bring
about abundance for all.
On the other hand, institutional development
can bring abundance to areas where material
resources are scarce. Some of the best fed peo-
ple in the world live in Norway, where the pro-
portion of arable farmland is very low. Some
of the people with the highest standards of liv-
ing in the world live in Switzerland, a country
rich in resources of beauty and people but lack-
ing in resources such as coal, iron, and
petroleum.
If, out of this Congress, there can come a re-
newed awareness of the importance of institu-
tions, a constructive sharing of experience in
institutional development, and a determination
JLT 8, 1963
65
to build the kind of institutions that will most
surely and efFectively build for abundance for
all, then indeed this Congress will have been a
success.
Use of Abundance
A third roadblock alonp (he road of progress
toward plenty is the failure to make the most
effective possible use of existing abundance —
abundance available and at hand — to help to
acliieve greater abundance where scarcity still
dominates. I refer to the abundance of tecli-
nical knowledge as well as to the abundance of
food.
"We in the TVorld Food Congress are chal-
lenged to a major effort to develop methods and
consider plans and programs whereby the abun-
dance of food that exists in part of the world
can be used most effectively to promote the eco-
nomic development that will create abundance
for those where scarcity still dominates. In is-
suing this challenge I want to emphasize a clear
recognition that the contribution of food as part
of an assistance program is never a goal in itself.
The goal of every developing nation is to be
able to stand on its own feet. But food assist-
ance can be a most powerful tool, a most effec-
tive instnmient, in progress toward that goal.
It is a tool that we have at hand if we will only
use it to best advantage.
Many of the developed nations, including the
United States, can and do produce more food
than can possibly be consumed by their own
people. This productivity is increasing. As I
stated earlier, projections indicate that, if
trends in 30 developed nations continue, by the
year 2000 they will bo able to produce nearly
twice the food that their populations can con-
sume. I^t us contrast this with projections for
the developing nations.
Such projections cannot, of course, be made
very specific, because of the tremendously wide
variations in the developing countries and be-
cause of the many differing and unpredictable
factors that will influence rates of growth.
However, it is possible to make certain gener-
alizations on which most will agree.
The most optimistic picture for accelerated
economic growth in the developing nations, in
the aggregate, indicates that they can and will
66
increase their own domestic food production.
But the most optimistic predictions fail to give
any assurance that, in the generation immedi-
ately ahead, they will be able to increase it fast
enough to meet the increasing demand. This
demand will be exceptionally high for several
reasons.
First, the rate of population increase in most
of these nations is very high and will perhaps
go higher before it can be expected to tend to
stabilize. Production will have to increase sub-
stantially in order to just keep up with popula-
tion; it will have to increase still faster if it is
to meet real nutritional needs.
Second, as economic growth proceeds, real in-
comes will increase, and with each increase in
income comes an increased demand for food.
Unless enough food is available to meet the de-
mands created by both increased numbers and
higher incomes, the lack of food will become a
significant factor limiting economic progress.
It is perhaps one of the most fortunate coin-
cidences of history that at a time when the de-
veloping nations of the world are in a takeoff
stage in which more food is desperately needed
if they are to take off successfully — at that same
period the developed nations are producing and
can produce an abundance so great that it is
sometimes embarrassing. It is up to us, from
developed and developing countries alike,
to take full advantage of this fortunate
coincidence.
It will not be easy. We in the United States
are eager to share with others in this conference
the experience we have gained in the distribu-
tion of more than $12 billion worth of food in
our food-for-peacc program during the past 9
years. We have learned that it is not easy to
give away food. We have learned that careful
planning and close cooperation with i-eceiving
nations is essential in order to insure that the
food is used to best advantage both to allay
hunger and to promote local development. We
have learned of the fcai-s of other food-exporting
nations and of our own commercial exporters,
who are concerned lest food that is donated
might diminish commercial demand. AVe have
learned that, however rigorously we avoid any
such result, it is still difficult to allay the fear.
We have also learned how much depends on the
DEl'AUTJIEXT OV STATE BtTIXETIX
I
capacity and ability of the receiving country to
transport, store, distribute, and use the food it
receives to best advantage.
We are only beginning to learn how effec-
tively food aid can be used to promote economic
growth directly. It has long been used, and
should continue to be used, to relieve hunger in
emergencies and to prevent inflation in countries
going through a stage of develoiiment I de-
scribed earlier. Its use in school-lunch and
child-feeding programs is an investment in the
health and vigor of the rising generation and
is in a very real sense a capital investment in
human resources. But it is only recently that
we have begun to develop ways that food can be
used as a direct input for economic growth.
Food is being used with dramatic success as
part payment for work on labor intensive pro-
grams— irrigation, roadbuilding, the building
of schools and other i:)ublic facilities. It is be-
ing transformed into an investment that helps
to build cooperatives and other forms of pri-
vate enterprise. It is being used to help reset-
tlement of farmers on new lands. It can be used
to provide a high proportion of the capital in-
vestment required for the development of many
programs essential for economic growth. Dis-
cussion, consultation, and further experience can
result in the improvement and extension of
these methods of using available food as capi-
tal in improving agriculture and hastening
economic development.
Let us, here at this Congress, determine to
find new and better ways to use to greatest ad-
vantage this instrument of abundance that we
have at hand. Let us determine to overcome
the difficulties that lie in the way of its maxi-
mum use. This is a challenge to both the de-
veloping and the developed nations.
The highly productive nations are challenged
:o find better ways and develop better
methods — by national, multinational and inter-
lational means — by which agricultural abun-
lance can make its most constructive contribu-
ion to the goal of abundance for all.
' The developing nations are challenged to
earn how to handle and use food that they
•eceive, as well as to produce more domestically.
They are challenged to study and evaluate the
echniques, methods, and institutions that have
proved effective in contributing to abundance,
productivity, and economic growth and to
adapt all of these to the needs of their own
people.
Both are challenged to work together and co-
ordinate their efforts toward that end.
Technical Assistance and Trade
There are other tools available to us which
we must perfect and use moi-e effectively. It
is hardly necessary to emphasize to this Con-
gress the importance of the sharing of knowl-
edge and experience under teclinical assistance
programs. People ranging from world-
renowned scientists to young Peace Corps vol-
unteers have done yeoman service in the cam-
paign for freedom from hunger, through
programs carried out by the United States and
many other nations and through international
activities carried out by the FAO and other
international bodies.
And although it is not directly within the
province of this World Food Congress, I be-
lieve it is in order for us all to bear in mind the
importance to the overall achievement of our
goal of the expansion of world commercial
trade. Many of the food-deficit nations depend
on the export of a single exportable food com-
modity, such as coffee, and to them interna-
tional arrangements that would regularize and
stabilize trade in that commodity are crucially
important. To all nations, developed and de-
veloping alike, expanding world trade brings
abundance closer to reality.
Closing the Gap of Ignorance
I would like to conclude by repeating the
challenge faced by this World Food Congress, a
challenge to each one of us who participates in
these deliberations, a challenge to win so com-
plete a victoi-y in our Freedom-From-Hunger
Campaign that we can fix our goal on freedom
for the higher levels of living that can charac-
terize an age of abundance — a challenge to use
all abundance to create abundance for all.
I have suggested that we consider here sev-
eral major roadblocks that stand in the way
of advance toward our goal. I have urged
that we give full recognition to the indispensa-
ri.T 8, lf)G3
67
ble role of food and agriculture in economic
development. I have tried to point out the im-
portiince of learning how to build social, politi-
cal, and economic institutions under which
greatest progress can be made. And I have
urged that we here and now determine to make
full use of the abundance we have — abun-
dance of food and abundance of scientific and
technical knowledge — as effective instruments
to create abundance for all.
The challenges are not easy ones, but they
are supremely important. To meet them we
face not only scientific and technological prob-
lems but also the more formidable barriers that
are social, political, and economic in their
nature.
There are barriers of nationalism — and other
isms — barriers of prejudice, of outworn cus-
toms, of misunderstanding and lack of under-
standing. Most important, and intertwined
with all of these, is the barrier of ignorance.
I should like to emphasize that the barrier of
ignorance applies not only to the illiterate, not
only to those who have not yet learned how to
make two blades of grass grow where one grew
before, although this is serious enough. But
the barrier of ignorance applies as well to the
learned and the powerful — to the statesmen
of the world who have not yet learned how to
put into effect elements of social engineering
that will make it easier to extend the potential
for plenty to all people.
The gap of ignorance that cries most urgentl}'
to be filled today is the gap between man's abil-
ity to create power, on the one hand, and, on
the other, his lack of knowledge of how to con-
trol that power and direct it to the well-being
of all men. For the same power that can de-
stroy a city can light a million homes.
It is our challenge and our responsibility to
close that gap.
I^et us accept that challenge.
Let it never be said of this generation that we
were able to orbit the earth with satellites but
that we were unable to put bread and rice into
the hands of hungry children. I^et it never be
said that a generation that could literally reach
for the stars was unable to reach for — and
gra.sp — the potential for plenty and progress
and peace that is at hand.
68
U.S. Comments on Activities
of U.N. Special Fund
Statemmit by Jonathan B. Bingham ^
We ai-e gratified to not« the completion or
near completion of a considerable number of
Special Fund projects, as well as the fact that
financing has actually been forthcoming for
part or all of the development activities recom-
mended in several completed projects. We will
of course continue to watch very carefully the
extent to which the Special Fund's preinvest-
ment activity results in the necessary followup
investment, since that will be the measure of
ultimate achievement.
The Managing Director [Paul Hoffman] and
his staff, as well as the executing agencies, are
also to be congratulated on the continued im-
provement in the rate of implementation of
projects after approval by the Governing Coun-
cil. Of the 209 plans of operation concluded as
of March 31, 1963, 72 percent have been signed
within 1 year of approval and 29 percent have
been signed within 6 months. The average is
currently slightly under 9 months, and we are
pleased to note ^ that the ^Managing Director be-
lieves further substantial improvements can be
made. In passing, I might note that the W^orld
Bank and the United Nations itself have the
best records in terms of translating approvals
into agreed plans of operations.
We hope that all agencies concerned will make
special efforts to improve their effectiveness in
this regard, particularly those wluch have up to
now failed to meet the 1-year target in a sub-
stantial number of instances.
As we have done previously, we should again
like to urge the Managing Director to consider
the possibility of retaining outside organiza-
tions, not members of the United Nations fam-
ily, as the executing agents for certain projects,
particularly in those fields where there has been
' Made before the Governing Council of the U.N. Spe-
cial Fund on June 3 (U.S./U.N. press release 4216
dated .Tune .5) . Mr. Bingham is U.S. Representative on
the Governing Council.
'U.N. doc. SF/L. 82, par. 68.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
a substantial lag and where the specialized
agency concerned may be overburdened.
In connection with the timelag involved in
putting projects into operation, it is worth
noting that the documentation before us deals
only with the lag between Governing Coimcil
approval and the signing of a plan of op-
erations. From the point of view of a recipient
country which is eager to get on with the job
of promoting its own development, the time that
passes from the moment a project is submitted
for approval until it is actually approved by
the Governing Council is just as important.
Three factors are, or may be, involved here:
the degree to which modifications in the project
proposal may have to be made by the recipient
country in order to meet Special Fund criteria,
the speed with which the Special Fund staff can
process the proposal and prepare it for submis-
sion to the Governing Council, and the avail-
■ ability of resources in the Special Fimd to fi-
nance the project, assuming it meets all the
usual criteria. Thus the speed with which proj-
ects may be implemented depends on the efforts
of the recipient countries themselves, the Spe-
cial Fund and executing agencies, and the con-
tributing nations. Since available resources re-
strict the Managing Director in the submission
af projects to the Governing Council, both in
toto and for any given country or group of
countries, it is all the more important that the
General Assembly's approved target of $100
million in contributions be met as quickly as
possible.
We have already complimented the Special
Fund upon the successful completion of a num-
)er of projects. We believe that the Managing
Director and his staff are also to be compli-
nented for taking the hard decisions necessary
n certain cases to discontinue certain projects
vhere it is apparent that they will not lead to
uccessful development endeavors. Such can-
ellation may be necessary because of unfore-
een substantive difficulties, or it may be neces-
ary because the essential commitments for the
'arrying out of the project on the part of the
ecipient government have, over a period of
, ime, not been met. We are fully in accord
rith the last sentence in Document SF/L.82,
n which the Special Fund comments that in the
few such cases in which these difficulties cannot
be overcome the Managing Director "will have
no alternative, in the best interests of the partic-
ipating governments as a whole, but to rec-
ommend to the Governing Council that the
projects m question be cancelled."
Finally, in connection with operations, it is
also noteworthy, and should be a source of satis-
faction to all concerned, that as of March 31,
1963, 848 internationally recruited experts and
consultants were serving in 172 Special Fund
assisted projects in 81 countries and territories,
an increase of over 50 percent in 6 months.
I should like to turn now to the new program
submitted for Governing Council consideration.
My delegation is highly gratified that the proj-
ects show a marked mcrease in the industrial
area. Whereas our analysis of the progi-am
submitted to the ninth session indicated a de-
cline in emphasis on industrialization as com-
pared to the previous session (a decline from 30
percent of the total to under 20 percent), our
analysis of the current program shows an in-
crease to 31 percent of the total. This is the
first time industry has exceeded agriculture in
fund earmarkings for the current approvals.
However, the industrial earmarkings are
largely for education and training, while the
agricultui-al projects are mainly for surveys and
other preinvestment activities. We hope the
Fund's work in industry will in due course
reach a comparable stage, with more projects
leading to the creation of specific opportmiities
for investment. The proposed project calling
for feasibility studies for the establishment of
an industrial estate in Iran ^ is noteworthy in
this connection.
In this connection, I should like to call at-
tention to a suggestion made by the distin-
guished representative of the Philippines at the
recent session of the Committee for Indus-
trial Development. He pointed out that the
execution of any program of action for the ac-
celeration of economic development through
industrialization requires preliminary surveys
analyzing the market potential, plant location,
availability of raw materials, and supply of
trained labor. He noted that the Managing
Director of the Special Fund had earlier as-
' U.iV. doc. SF/R. 7/Add. 19.
ULT 8, 19G3
69
sured the Committee for Industrial Develop-
ment that the Special Fund would encourage
industry feasibility studies but had added that
sufficient requests of that type from the develop-
ing countries have not been forthcoming. The
few feasibility surveys requested of the Special
Fund have been based entirely on projects
whose local cost component or counterpart
would be financed by governments, since private
entrepreneurs were not eligible for assistance
from the Fund. He therefore suggested that it
might be useful to adopt a procedure whereby
a member govermnent could request a feasibil-
ity survey on the understanding that half of
the expense incurred would be paid by a private
entrepreneur through the government con-
cerned, the other half to be paid by either the
Special Fund or the Expanded Program of
Technical Assistance. Such a procedure would
relieve pressure on government resources and
would stimulate additional activnty in the field
of industrial development. He therefore pro-
posed tliat the Committee should request the
Commissioner for Industrial Development to
consult both the Managing Director of the Spe-
cial Fund and the Executive Chairman of the
Technical Assistance Board to determine the
ways and means by which investment feasibility
surveys of particular aspects or projects in
economic plans and programs could be made
and to recommend what steps should be taken
to bring the availability of that particular form
of assistance to tlio notice of the developing
countries.
This suggestion was warmly received by many
members of the Committee for Industrial De-
velopment, and we believe there is a great deal
of merit in it. We hope tliat the Managing Di-
rector will actively pursue the matter. If it
should prove a practical and desirable activity
for the Special Fund, but not for the Expanded
Program, the minimum figure for Special Fund
projects might have to be furtiier reduced.
In addition, and as a possible further stimu-
lus for Special Fund activity in the industrial
development field, we should like to suggest that
the Managing Director consider more active use
of preparatory allocations so as to provide
needed assistance to governments in preparing
proposals in the industrial field.
A series of financial matters figure very im-
portantly on the agenda of this session, and I
should like now to make some preliminary com-
ments on these subjects. During our last ses-
sion the question of the cash balances of the
Special Fund received considerable attention.
As a result of the extended discussion, to which
many delegations contributed ideas and sugges-
tions, it was generally agreed that a study of
this question was desirable. This has now been
done, and we have studied with great interest
the note of the Managing Director * prepared
for this session. We are impressed with the care
with which all aspects of the problem were con-
sidered. We concur with the conclusions that
he has reached and believe that the combination
of principles suggested meets the foreseeable
needs of the Special Fund while preserving the
financial integrity of the Fund, on which such
stress was placed by most delegations last
January.'
We should like especially to underscore the
Managing Director's repetition of the impor-
tance of paying pledges promptly as an impor-
tant element in permitting the activities of the
Special Fund to proceed vigorously.
As a corollary we once again wish to urge all
governments, particularly net donor govern-
ments, to make their contributions on a convert-
ible currency basis. Only if they do so can
the program be made fully responsive to the
needs and desires of recipient governments.
There is one specific aspect of tlie matter of
currency convertibility which has up to now not
received sufficient attention. I refer to the ad-
ministrative costs of the program, necessarily
incurred by the Special Fund itself and by the
executing agencies. For 1963 the approved ad-
ministrative budget of the Special Fund is $2,-
927,000, and the overhead cost allocation for the
projects approved in January was in excess of
$3,200,000. Presumably a comparable amount
will have to be set aside for the projects to be
approved at this session. These are costs which
should be shared by all net donors. Yet they
* U.N. doc. SF/L. 85.
° For a statement made by Mr. Bingham before the
Governing Council on Jan. 14, 1963, see Bulletin of
Feb. 18, 1063, p. 258.
70
DEPARTJrENT OF STATE BULLETIK
are not so shared today, because these costs must
be met in convertible or readily usable curren-
cies. As a result those governments whose con-
tributions are made in readily usable currencies
are carrying an undue share of the burden of
administrative and overhead costs.
These considerations would seem to compel
the conclusion that all governments, or at least
all net donor governments, should as a minimum
make a sufficient proportion of their contribu-
tions in convertible or readily usable currencies
so as to cover their equitable share of adminis-
trative and overhead costs.
U.N. Sends Observation Mission
to Yemen
Following is a statement made hy U.S. Rep-
resentative Adlai E. Stevenson in the U.N.
Security Council on June 11, together with the
text of a resolution adopted iy the Council on
that day.
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR STEVENSON
U.S./U.N. press release 4222
I should like to explain very briefly the
imderstanding of the United States in regard
to the resolution we have just adopted, particu-
larly in light of other statements tliat have been
made to the Council.
Frankly, it was our hope that the Secretai"y-
General might have proceeded promptly and
without objection on the basis of his reports to
the Council to the dispatch of the United Na-
:ions Observation Mission in compliance with
he request of the parties. Although the re-
5ultant delay was unfortunate, it is apparent
:hat the resolution we have just adopted is gen-
n-ally satisfactory.
I feel that I sliould emphasize, however, that
he disengagement agreement between the
,:)arties involved in the Yemen situation placed
10 limitation upon the duration of the United
S'ations operation to 2 months or any other
inie. The reference to 2 months arose solely
because the Governments of Saudi Arabia and
he United Arab Republic agreed to finance the
operation for 2 months but without prejudice
to the manner of financing thereafter if a
longer operation should prove to be necessary.
As to the question of the duration of the
operation, we consider that the Secretary-
General's report deals with this matter suf-
ficiently and satisfactorily and that the
resolution which we have adopted asks him to
proceed in accordance with the plan set forth in
these reports.
As to the financing of the observer operation,
it is proper, in our opinion, that the Security
Council resolution makes no provision therefor
and merely notes that the parties have agi-eed
between themselves to pay the costs for a lim-
ited time. Accordingly the United States
delegation voted for the resolution and will
welcome the prompt dispatch of observers to
the area as proposed by the Secretary-General.
We wish to express our thanks to him for his
prompt and effective initiative to avoid interna-
tional conflict in this area.
Finally, we wish to thank you, Mr. President,
and the distinguished representative of Mo-
rocco for finding a satisfactory solution which
permits the Secretary-General to commence
immediately the disengagement to which the
parties have agreed and which is of such great
urgency.
TEXT OF RESOLUTION'
The Security Council,
Noting mill satisfaction the initiative of the Secre-
tary-General as mentioned in his report S/529S "about
certain aspects of the situation In Yemen of external
origin", and aimed at achievement of a peaceful settle-
ment and "ensuring against any developments in that
situation which might threaten the peace of the area",
Noting further the statement by the Secretary-
General before the Security Council on 10 June 1963,
Noting further with satisfaction that the parties
directly concerned with the situation affecting Yemen
have confirmed their acceptance of identical terms of
disengagement in Yemen, and that the Governments
of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Republic have
agreed to defray the expenses over a period of two
months of the United Nations observation function
called for in the terms of disengagement,
1. Requests the Secretary-General to establish the
observation operation as defined by him ;
'■ U.N. doc. S/.0.331 ; adopted by the Security Council
on June 11 by a vote of 10 to 0, with 1 abstention
(U.S.S.R.).
tlLY 8. 19C3
I
71
I
2. Urges the parties concerned to observe fully the
terms of disengagement reported in document S/i"298
and to refrain from any action which would increase
tension in the area ;
3. Itequests the Secretary-General to report to the
Security Council on the implementation of this
decision.
Trade Talks Begin in Geneva
The Office of the Presidenfs Special Repre-
sentative for Trade Negotiations announced on
June 18 the names of the U.S. delegates to the
following series of negotiations to he held in
Geneva in preparation for the sixth round of
trade negotiations under the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade.
Trade Negotiations Committee
Tlie May 16-21 ministerial conference of the
GATT ^ set ]May C, 1964, as the opening date of
the negotiations, popularly knoM-n as the "Ken-
nedy round." The ministers established a
Trade Negotiations Committee to conduct the
negotiations and to settle outstanding issues.
Among these problems is the effect of tariff dis-
parities on the procedures for across-the-board
tariff cuts.
The Trade Negotiations Committee will meet
on June 27. The members of the U.S. delega-
tion will be:
W. Jlicliael P.lumenthal, Deputy Special Representa-
tive for Trade Negotiations
Vice Chairmen
.lohn Evans, Economic Minister, U.S. Mission, Geneva
Robert L. McNeill, Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Commerce
Advisers
James H. Lewis, Department of State
Howard Worthington, Department of Commerce
Charles Wootton, U.S. Mission, Geneva
Shortly tliereafter, a Tariff Disparities Sub-
committee will begin meetings. At these ses-
sions, the U.S. delegation will be joined by
Joseph Greenwald and Courtenay P. AVorth-
ington, Jr., Department of State.
' For background, see T$uli.etijj of June 24. 1903. p.
0!>0.
Committees on Cereals and Meats
The ministers also authorized GATT com |,
mittees on cereals and meats to begin the ne- ¥
gotiating of international commodity arrange- '
ments for these products.
The Committee on Cereals will meet oe
June 24 with the following U.S. delegation :
Chairman
W. Michael Blumenthal, Deputy Special Representa
tive for Trade Negotiations
Advisers
John A. Schnittker, Department of Agriculture
Robert Lewis, Department of Agriculture
Anthony R. DeFelice, Department of Agriculture
Fred H. Sanderson, Department of State
Courtenay P. Worthington, Jr., Department of State
Oscar Zaglits, U.S. Mission, Brussels
John Kross, U.S. Mission, Geneva
The Committee on Meats will open discus-
sions on July 1. The United States will be rep-
resented by:
Fred H. Sanderson, Department of State
John Kross, U.S. Mission, Geneva
Negotiations on Poultry and Tobacco
Geneva will also be the scene of negotiations
between the United States and the European
Economic Community on the Community's ac-
tions affecting imports of poultry from the
United States. Another negotiation will deal
with EEC actions affecting imports of tobacco.
The poultry negotiations are scheduled to
start on June 25. The U.S. delegates will be:
Chairnwn
Irwin R. Hedges, Oflice of the Special Representative
for Trade Negotiations
Vice Chairman
Raymond A. loanes, Department of Agriculture
Advisers
John B. Rehm, Office of the Special Representative for
Trade Negotiations
Oscar Zaglits, U.S. Mission, Brussels
The negotiations on tobacco are scheduled to
begin on June 24. The U.S. delegates will be:
Chairman
John Evans, Economic Minister, U.S. Mission, Geneva
Advisers
James W. Birkhead, Department of Agriculture
Douglas W. Coster, Department of State
Richard Mattheisen, Department of Commerce
Charles Wootton, U.S. Mission, Brussels
72
DEPARTJrENT OF STATE BO.LETIN
Current U.N. Documents:
\ Selected Bibliography
\limeographed or processed documents {such as those
isted beloiv) may he consulted at depository libraries
n the United States. V.N. printed publications may
le purchased from the Sales Section of the United
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
ecurity Council
leports by the Secretary-General to the Security Coun-
cil concerning certain developments relating to
Yemen. S/5298, April 29, 1963, 3 pp. ; S/5321, May
27, 1963, 3 pp.
ietter dated May 1 from the permanent representative
of Cuba addressed to the President of the Security
Council concerning charges against the United States.
S/5299. May 1, 1963. 2 pp.
ietter dated May 1 from the permanent representa-
tives of Iraq, Syrian Arab Republic, and the United
Arab Republic addressed to the President of the
Securltv Council regarding charges made by Israel
(S/.5297). S/5300. May 1, 1963. 2 pp.
setter dated May 3 from the Secretary-General of the
Organization of American States addressed to the
Secretary-General of the United Nations transmitting
• OAS documents on the Haiti-Dominican Republic
dispute. S/5307. May 7, 1963. 21 pp.
Qterim Report of the Special Committee on the Poli-
cies of Apartheid of the Government of the Republic
of South Africa. S/5310. May 9, 1963. 30 pp.
.etter dated May 17 from the permanent representative
of the Dominican Republic addressed to the Presi-
dent of the Security Council concerning a telegram
from the Haitian Foreign Minister (S/5314).
S/5315. May 17, 1963. 2 pp.
teport by the Secretary-General on the implementa-
tion of the Security Council resolutions of July 14,
1960. and February 21 and November 24, 1961, con-
cerning the Congo. S/5240/Add. 2. May 21, 1963.
19 pp.
tetter dated May 14 from the Secretary-General ad-
dressed to the President of the Security Council
transmitting the text of a resolution on the question
of South West Africa adopted by the Special Com-
mittee on May 10. S/5322. May 29, 1963. 3 pp.
teport of the Secretary-General to the Security Coun-
cil on the financial implications of the United Nations
Observation Mission in Yemen. S/5323. June 3,
1963. 4 pp.
■eneral Assembly
Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro-
gramme. Progress report on UNHCR regular pro-
grams for the years 19.59 to 1962 and on the former
UNREF programs as of December 31, 1962. A/AC.
96/193. March 21, 1963. 106 pp.
nternational Law Commission. Second report on the
law of treaties by Sir Humphrey Waldocis, special
rapporteur. A/CN.4/1.56, March 20, 1963, 74 pp.;
Add. 1, April 10, 1963, 73 pp.
^leport of the Conference of the Eighteen-Natlon Com-
mittee on Disarmament. A/5408. April 12, 1963.
82 pp.
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space:
Manual prepared by the Indian National Committee
for Space Research on the Thumba equatorial
sounding rocl^et launching site. A/AC.105/10.
April 15. 1963. 50 pp.
Report of the Legal Subcommittee on the work of its
second session (April 16-May 3, 1963). A/AC.
105/12. May 6, 1963. 25 pp.
Letter dated May 24 from the permanent representa-
tive of the Soviet Union addressed to the Secre-
tary-General transmitting a statement entitled
"Dangerous United States activities in outer
space." A/AC.105/13. May 28, 1963. 5 pp.
Explanatory paper prepared by the Secretary-General
on measures of implementing the Draft International
Covenants on Human Rights. A/5411. April 29,
1963. 34 pp.
Letter dated April 30 from the representatives of
Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, and Mexico concern-
ing the spread of nuclear weapons. A/5415. May
2, 1963. 2 pp.
Report of the Secretary-General on cost estimates for
1963 for the U.N. operations in the Congo. A/5416.
May 8, 1963. 27 pp.
U.N. financial position and prospects. A/C.5/974.
May 14, 1963. 23 pp.
Letter dated May 13 addressed to the Secretar.v-Gen-
eral from the permanent representative of Albania
concerning the U.N. financial situation. A/C.5/975.
May 15, 1963. 3 pp.
Note verbale dated May 24 from the Charge d'Afifaires
of Ghana addressed to the Secretary-General con-
cerning the apartheid policies of the Government of
South Africa. A/5422. May 28, 1963. 2 pp.
Report of the Ad line Committee on the Improvement
of the Methods of Work of the General Assembly.
A/.5423. May 28, 1963. 48 pp.
U.N. Conference on Consular Relations. Vienna con-
vention on consular relations. A/CONF.25/12. April
23, 1963. 40 pp.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Coffee
International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes.
Signed at New York September 28, 1962. Open for
signature at United Nations Headquarters, New
York, September 28 through November 30, 1962.'
Notifications received of undertaking to seek ratifi-
eation or acceptance: Argentina, May 15, 1963 ;
Denmark, May 21, 1963; Japan, May 10, 10G3;
Netherlands, May 17, 1963.
Marriage
Convention on consent to marriage, minimum age for
marriage, and registration of marriages. Opened for
signature at the United Nations December 10, 1962.'
Signatures: Ceylon, December 12, 1962; China, April
4, 1963 ; Greece, January 3, 1963 ; Philippines, Feb-
ruary 5, 1963 ; Poland, December 12, 1962.
Narcotic Drugs
Convention relating to the suppression of the abuse
' Not in force.
ULY 8, 1963
73
^
of opium and other drugs. Signed at The Ilafrue
January 23, 1!>12. Entered into force December 31,
1914; for the United States February 11, 1915. 38
Stat. 1912.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Cyprus, May 16, 19C3.
Oil Pollution
International convention for the prevention of pollu-
tion of the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at London
Slay 12, 1954. Entered into force July 26, 10.58; for
the United States December 8, 1961. TIAS 4900.
Acceptance deposited: Dominican Republic, May 29,
1963.
Safety at Sea
Convention on safety of life at sea. Signed at London
June 10, 1948. Entered into force November 19, 1952.
TIAS 2495.
Acceptance deposited: Tunisia, May 20, 1963.
Intemntional convention for the safety of life at sea,
19<i0. Done at London June 17, I960.'
Acceptance deposited: Tunisia, May 20, 1963.
Trade
Declaration on the provisional accession of the Swiss
Confederation to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade. Done at Grt^ueva November 22, 1958.
Entered into force Januarv 1, 1960; for the United
States, April 29. 1960. TIAS 4461.
Signature: Portugal, May 15, 1963.
Proc^s-verbal extending and amending declaration on
provisional accession of Swiss Confederation to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, supra.
Done at Geneva December 8, 1961. Entered into
force December 31, 1961 ; for the United States Jan-
uary 9, 1962. TIAS 49.57.
Signature: Portugal, May 15, 1963.
Proc-is-verbal extending the period of validity of the
declaration on provisional accession of Argentina
to the General Agreement on TarifTs and Trade of
November 18, 1960. Done at Geneva November 7.
1962. Entered into force January 1, 1963. TIAS
5266.
Signatures: Australia, March 13, 1963; Czechoslo-
vakia, April 18, 1963; Turkey, April 24, 1963.
BILATERAL
Ethiopia
Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of 19.54, a.s amendc^l (68 Stat. 4.55; 7 II.S.C.
1701-1709), with exchange of notes. Signed at Addis
Ababa June 11, 1903. Entered into force June 11,
1963.
Nepal
Agreement amending the agreement of May 17, 1960
(TIAS 4477), to provide for additional investment
guaranties authorized by new United States legisla-
tion. Effected by exchange of notes at Katmandu
June 4, lOO."?. Entered into force June 4, 1963.
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Memorandum of understanding regarding the estab-
lishment of a dirfvt coiiimunicali<ins link, with
annex. Signed at Geneva June 20, 1963. Entered
into force June 20, 1963.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Designations
Richard I. Phillips as Director of the Office of News.
(For biographic details, see Department of State press
release 313 dated June 10.)
PUBLICATIONS
' Not in force.
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Oovernmeni Printing Office, Washington So, D.C.
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, which
may be obtained from the Department of State.
Trade — Exports of Cotton Velveteen Fabrics from
Italy to the United States. Agreement with Italy.
Exchange of notes — Dated at Washington July 6,
1962. Entered into force July 6, 1962. TIAS 5186.
2 pp. 50.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Niger. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Niamey February 28 and
April 26, 1962. Entered into force April 26, 1962.
TIAS 5187. 6 pp. 50.
Postal Matters — Parcel Post. Agreement and Detailed
Regulations with Thailand. Signetl at Bangkok May
31, 1962 and at Washington June 7. 1962. Entered
into force October 1, 1962. TIAS 5188. 24 pp. 150.
Peace Corps Program. Agreement with Gabon. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Libreville October 4, 1962.
Entered into force October 4, 1962. TIAS 5189. 5
pp. St*.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Tunisia.
Signed at Tunis September 14, 1902. Entered into
force September 14, 1962. With exchange of notes.
TIAS 5190. 13 pp. 100.
Peace Corps Program. Agreement with Togo. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Lom§ August 1 and Sep-
tember 5, 1962. Entered into force September 5,
1962. TIAS .5191. 6 pp. .50.
Mutual Defense Assistance — Cash Contribution by
Japan. Arrangement with Japan, relating to the
agreement of March 8, 19.54. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Tokyo October 19, 1962. Entered into
force October 19, 1962. TIAS 5192. 6 pp. 5f.
Peace Corps Program. Agreement with Turkey. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Ankara August 27, 1962.
Entered into force August 27, 1962. TIAS 5193. 3
pp. 50.
Trade. Agreement with Paraguay, postiwning the
termination of the agreement of September 12, 1946,
as brought up to date. Exchange of notes — Signed
at Asuncion September 30 and October 1, 1962. En-
tered into force October 1, 1962. TIAS 5194. 3 pp.
74
DEPARTBIENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX July 8, 1963 Vol. XLIX,No. 125^
Agriculture. World Food Congress Meets at
Washington (Freeman, Kennedy) .... 58
American Principles. Peace and Human Rights
(Cleveland) 38
Asia. The Challenge to Freedom in Asia (Hils-
man) 43
Australia. Prime Minister of Australia Visits
Washington 51
Commanism. The Challenge to Freedom in Asia
(Hilsman) 43
Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to
Foreign Policy 57
Cuba. On Our Quarrel With Success (Gal-
braith) 52
Department and Foreign Service. Designations
(Phillips) 74
Disarmament. U.S. and U.S.S.R. Sign Agree-
ment for Direct Communications Link (text
of agreement) 50
Economic Affairs
Trade Talks Begin in Geneva 72
U.S. Comments on Activities of U.N. Special
Fund (Bingham) 68
U.S. Makes Interim Modification of Tin Disposal
Program 56
Educational and Cultural Affairs. Music Ad-
visers Appointed for Cultural Presentations . 57
Europe. Trade Talks Begin in Geneva ... 72
Foreign Aid
On Our Quarrel With Success (Galbraith) . . 52
World Food Congress Meets at Washington
(Freeman, Kennedy) 58
Human Rights. Peace and Human Rights
(Cleveland) 38
India. On Our Quarrel With Success (Gal-
braith) 52
International Organizations and Conferences.
Trade Talks Begin in Geneva 72
Laos. The Challenge to Freedom in Asia (Hils-
man) 43
Presidential Documents. World Food Congress
Meets at Washington 58
Public Affairs. Phillips designated director of
Office of News 74
Publications. Recent Releases 74
Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 73
U.S.S.R. U.S. and U.S.S.R. Sign Agreement for
Direct Communications Link (text of agree-
ment) 50
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents 73
Peace and Human Rights (Cleveland) ... 38
U.N. Sends Observation Mission to Yemen
(Stevenson, text of resolution) 71
U.S. Comments on Activities of U.N. Special
Fund (Bingham) (58
World Food Congress Meets at Washington
(Freeman, Kennedy) 58
Viet-Nam. The Challenge to Freedom in Asia
(Hilsman) 43
Yemen. U.N. Sends Observation Mission to
Yemen (Stevenson, text of resolution) ... 71
Name Index
Bingham, Jonathan B 68
Cleveland, Harlan 38
Freeman, Orville L 60
Galbraith, John Kenneth 52
Hilsman, Roger 43
Kennedy, President 58
Menzies, Robert Gordon 51
Phillips, Richard I 74
Stevenson, Adlai E 71
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: June 17-23
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington 2."),
D.C.
Releases issued prior to June 17 which appear
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 308 of
June 7 and 317, 318, and 320 of June 14.
Subject
Strong sworn in as Ambassador to
Iraq (biographic details).
U.S. jjarticipation in international
conferences.
Noto appointed consultant, Bureau
of Educational and Cultural Af-
fairs (biographic details).
Johnson : "U.S. Foreign Policy in
the Far East."
Cultural exchange (Central Amer-
ica).
One-millionth passport issued.
Interim modification of tin disposal
program.
Visit of Indian parliamentary
delegation.
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
*321
6/17
*322
6/17
•323
6/19
t324
6/19
♦325
6/20
*326
327
6/21
6/21
*328
6/21
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Foreign Relations of tlie United States
1942, Volume IV, the Near East and Africa
The Department of State recently released "Foreign Eelations of the United States, 1942, Yolmnt
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and Turkey. Nearly two-thirds of the volume is concerned with affairs in the Near East, and the rest
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PTTV STATR
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Yol. XLIX, No. 1255
Jvly 15, 1963
U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN THE FAR EAST
hy Deputy Under Secretary Johnson 78
THE UNITED STATES AND EASTERN EUROPE
hy Minister Eugenie Anderson 87
NORTH AMERICA, THE OPEN CONTINENT
hy Assistant Secretary Tyler 93
For index see inside back cover
U.S. Foreign Policy in tlie Far East
hy V. Alexis Johnson
Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs ^
Much esoteric nonsense is often written and
spoken about foreign policy. Perhaps even we
in the Department of State are on occasion
offenders. It is true that the issues are often
complex — it is rare that there are just two sides
to a problem or that the issues are black and
white in good "Western movie fashion — and the
business of carrying out foreign policy can be
complex indeed in this complex world. How-
ever, the fundamentals are really very simple.
These fundamentals are not developed in the
secret recesses of the Department of State or the
National Security Council but rather here in
Lincoln, and in Phoenix and Jacksonville, as
well as in Washington, New York, and San
Francisco. In other words, they are derived
from what we are as a people and how we regard
the other 94 percent of the people of the world.
^ Address made at a conference on foreign affairs at
the University of Nebraslia, Lincoln, Nebr., on Juno
20 (press release 324 dated June 19) .
Our first goal in foreign affairs and the fii
responsibility of any administration in "Wash-
ington is to our own security as a nation and
a people.
However, we as a people recognize that year i
by year, and almost day by day, we can less and
less divorce our security and well-being from
that of the rest of the world. Thus it is not
only from the humanitarian impulses which lie
so deep in our character but also from a hard-
headed look at our own direct interests that we
derive the fundamentals of our foreign policy.
I would list first among these fimdamentals a
community of free and truly independent na-
tions in which every man can live in equality
and dignity, free from hunger, at peace with his
neighbor, and having open opportunity to strive
to attain his aspirations.
We seek these goals in Asia as elsewhere.
This is not just empty rhetoric but the principles
which guide our actions and progi'ams.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 1255 PUBLICATION 7577 JULY 15, 196J
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication Issued by the Office
of Media Services. Bureau of Public Af-
faire, provides the public and Interested
agencies of the Government with Informa-
tion on developments In the field of for-
eign relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected
press releases on foreign policy. Issued
by the White House and the Department,
and statements and addresses made by
the Preisldent and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of international affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation is included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
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are listed currently.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
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Use of funds for printing of this pub-
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NOTE : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and Items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
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is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
78
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Upon superficial analysis these goals would
appear to be easily attained because they are the
same goals Asians seek. They are the same
human goals which have sparked the wave of
nationalism and the revolution of rising expec-
tations still sweeping Asia in these postwar
decades. There is no denying that Asians want
national security, fuller prosperity, equality,
dignity, jieace, friendly relations based on free-
dom and justice, and opportunity for themselves
and their posterity. In this they are no different
from you and me.
Since there is such close identity between our
goals and those of Asians, what then obstructs
the easy attainment of these aspirations ? First,
as far as the Communist aspect is concerned,
Premier Khnishchev has put one answer as
plainly as I could when he said recently, "Marx-
ist-Leninists make no secret of the fact that they
want to win all the people on earth for social-
ism. This we regard as our most important
aim on the world arena." Since, as Mao Tse-
timg put it, "political power grows out of the
barrel of a gun," the use of force to obtain Com-
mimist political control has not been ruled out.
In fact, what the Communists call "wars of na-
tional liberation" are actively instigated toward
this end.
Tliis use of force is not new in Asia. In 1948
five Communist wars of terrorism to seize con-
trol were under way in Asia in addition to the
civil war in China itself. They were in Indo-
nesia, Burma, Malaya, the Philippines, and
what was then called French Indochina. They
were defeated in the first four countries, but in
Indochina Communists were left in control
of North Viet-Nam and two of the northern
provinces of Laos. The aggression against the
Republic of Korea in 1950 was a more naked
use of force, as was the Taiwan Straits crisis of
1958. Of present concern are Laos and South
Viet-Nam and the Chinese Commiuiist pressure
along the Indian frontier.
, Although aggressions and "wars of national
liberation" can be, and have been, deterred or
defeated in Asia, the Commvmist aim of "win-
ning all the people to socialism," by force if
necessary, has not been abandoned. On the con-
trary the Conmiunists are actively infiltrating
their vanguards and operatives wherever they
believe they have opportunity to seize power.
However, we also need to note that even if
communism had never existed many of these
comitries would be wracked by the stresses and
strains of building modern states and societies —
the problems with which our own experience,
past and present, has made us very familiar.
Their relations with each other would also be
beset by their long histoi-y of national rivalries
and in some cases deep-seated hostility. In this,
of course, the countries of Asia are by no means
unique.
Combating "Aggression by Seepage"
I trust that you will not mind my using my
last foreign assignment, Thailand, a marvelous
land of kindly people, as an example of what
has been called "aggression by seepage" by a
prominent correspondent. In the northeast
provinces of Thailand live about 9 million
people, nearly a third of the total population of
the country. The majority of these peoples and
those of Laos are very similar in culture, cus-
toms, and even language. There is also a sub-
stantial Vietnamese minority, for the most part
loyal to Hanoi, living in this sparsely settled,
relatively isolated area of Thailand. For the
past several years Commimist Pathet Lao
agents, supporters of North Viet-Nam's Com-
munist leader, Ho Chi Minh, and even a few
Communist Chinese "agitprop" men have been
working in this area seeking to set up cells and
encadrements. Clearly this was in preparation
for further advance when Laos and the Eepub-
lic of Viet-Nam were to have fallen.
The Thai Government recognized the incipi-
ent danger and attempted to counter it as best
it could with the very small and ill-equipped
police units it had. We, for our part, co-
operated with the Thai Government in its efforts
to open up the area so that the peojile could be-
gin to identify themselves with the nation and
could begin to realize the benefits of progress.
Through our joint programs roads were built
opening up access not only to the hinterlands
but to markets. Thousands of wells were dug,
not only for potable water but also for irriga-
tion. Training programs were enlarged. To-
JULT 15, 1963
7£>
day the situation in the northeast looks much
more promising. The Thai border police are
well officered and trained, and the routes of
infiltration are no longer so open. Special mo-
bile t^ams of Thai teclinicians and officials are
energetically moving into the more remote
and troubled areas. Better education is being
brought to the area. Information teams are
active. Communications are being extended,
not just for security but also for the economic
well-being of the inhabitants. Security too
has been improved both by joint Thai-U.S.
effort and through multinational preparedness
through SEATO exercises.
The real significance of what is going on in
Thailand is, I am convinced, that the free world
is moving ahead with foresight, forged from
bitter lessons learned elsewhere in Asia. Fore-
sightedly, the Thais, with our cooperation, are
moving toward preventing another Viet-Nam
or Laos situation. They are doing so on the
political, economic, and psychological plane,
which calls for much more sophistication,
patience, and understanding on the part of all
of us than when the struggle reaches the mili-
tary plane. It is always very late when the
military plane is reached.
Our policies are based on the premise that
nationalism is healthy and incompatible with
the aims of communism. An independent na-
tional state is not always going to agree with \is,
but neither is it consciously going to serve the
fundamental purposes of communism. We be-
lieve that government rests upon the consent of
those governed, not upon the coercion of those
ruled. We welcome a world of diversity and
abhor enforced conformity. We seek to con-
struct, not destroy. We seek to free men's
minds so that open and honest examinations
and decisions can be made, not to capture men's
minds for exploitation by a single system. In
short, we seek international cooperation, not
world domination.
These are a few of the principles that are be-
ing rediscovered in Asia. They may sound
trite to you and to me — and indeed too often we
have not paid full heed to them. But as the
peoples of the Far East strive to protect the
independence they won and as they move ahead
in exercising their responsibilities, they are dis-
80
covering that communism is not the wave of
the future. They are recognizing the political,,
economic, and psychological appeals for what
they really are.
All too often slow, steady, undramatic prog-
ress is buried in the screaming headlines of
battles, scandals, defeats, and threats.
In Korea we see a strong urge to return to
civilian government, and the people of Korea
want to participate in tlie business of governing
themselves. I am satisfied that they will find a
way of doing so.
What of Japan? Not only has it found its
rightful place in the community of free nations,
but also it is helping others to do so through its
development programs in Southeast Asia,
through its expansion of trade with the lesser
developed nations, through its responsiblei
activities in the United Nations, and through
its foreign student exchange programs. Japan
is a vital example to Asia of the success of a
free-enterprise system in a country with a
paucity of natural resources. Japan's indus-
trial capacity, skilled manpower, functioning
democracy, and willingness to assume a role in
free-world leadership will, I am sure, become
even more important in the immense task of
nation building all through Asia.
Programs of Cooperation
In these days when we are again having our
"great debate" on foreign aid it is perliaps use-
ful to call Japan to mind as just one example of
the returns of what I think properly should be
called our investment in foreign assistance. It
is not possible to measure in monetary terms the
political and military value of free Japan as it
exists today. However, measured in just pure
dollar terms, from 1946 to 1956 we invested
around $2 billion in Japan. Most of this was
just plain food to keep people from starving,
but a lesser part was for economic rehabilita-
tion. As against this, there has been approxi-
mately $18 billion of trade between Japan and
the United States in the last decade, and during
the past 5 years the trade balance in our favor
has been over $1 billion. I perhaps need not
tell this audience that during the past 10 years
we have exported $4.4 billion of agricultural
products to Japan. In addition Japan is di-
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN'
\
rectly repaying $600 million of that postwar
assistance.
As another example of our policy of economic
cooperation with those countries of Asia seek-
ing to move ahead, we might cite India. Dur-
ing the past decade approximately $1.9 billion
of United States economic assistance has been
invested in India's first and second 5-year plans.
During this same period other countries have
invested around $1.5 billion. India provided
from its own resources around 90 percent of the
financing required for the first 5-year plan and
76 percent of that required for the second 5-year
plan, for a total of the equivalent of about
$11,100 million.
In this decade, while the population of India
has increased by 21.5 percent, the national in-
come has increased by 43 percent and per capita
income by 17 percent. Agricultural production
has increased by over 41 percent, and industrial
production has nearly doubled. (We might
note that during this same period per capita
income, and particularly food production, has
actually decreased in Communist China.) Our
trade with India has increased by over 57 per-
cent, but, above all, we and the rest of the free
world are more secure and more prosperous be-
cause India has been able to move forward in
freedom and prosperity.
Our policy also embraces military cooperation
with countries desiring to join with us in such a
relationship. We take an active role in the
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, embrac-
ing Pakistan, Thailand, the Pliilippines, Aus-
tralia, and New Zealand, as well as France and
the United Kingdom. We value our ANZUS
treaty relationship with Australia and New
Zealand as well as bilateral relationships with
Japan, the Republic of China on Taiwan, and
the Philippines. However, this leaves room for
us to assist any other free country that wants
to defend itself against aggressive Communist
power. As you know we have responded to the
requests of India and, in cooperation with the
U.K. and some other members of the Common-
wealth, are assisting that country in better pre-
paring itself to resist Chinese Communist
aggression.
At this point a word is perhaps due with
respect to Viet-Nam. Our policy there is based
on several premises. First is the premise that
the South Vietnamese want to defend them-
selves. This has been amply demonstrated by
the more than 5,000 men killed in action during
the past year. Next is the premise that the
fight must be one primarily of the Vietnamese
themselves. It cannot be a war of Americans
against Vietnamese. Thus, important though
our role of advice, transport, communications,
and supply is, it is primarily the role of an out-
sider assisting the Vietnamese themselves. An-
other important premise is that the political,
social, and economic aspects of the struggle are
of equal if not greater importance than the mili-
tary struggle, but in any event all aspects of the
struggle must be orchestrated in a imified whole.
During this process both we and the Vietnam-
ese are learning much. None of us expected or
now expect that victory would be easy or quick.
However, I am satisfied that solid progress is
being made.
The real heart of the program in Viet-Nam
in which all these various elements are brought
together is in the strategic hamlet program. In
these, many Vietnamese not only have the means
for the first time of defending themselves but
are experiencing their first taste of self-govern-
ment, of participation in elections and in civic
affairs. They are receiving benefits in health
and education heretofore not available. They
are working together. They are learning that
a better life does exist and is attainable. And
they are willing to work for it and have shown
their willingness to protect it.
Increasing numbers of Vietnamese are now
willing to furnish intelligence about Viet Cong
operations and individuals; more Vietnamese
are abandoning the Viet Cong cause by taking
advantage of the Government's "Opeji Arms"
campaign. The Viet Cong weapon losses are
increasing, and losses of weapons to the Viet
Cong are decreasing. Viet Cong strongholds
are being penetrated, and less territory is under
exclusive Viet Cong control.
Another aspect of our policy is the encourage-
ment of regional cooperation among the free
countries of the area. As I pointed out at the
outset, this is beset with many obstacles. In any
event, what we can do in this regard is fairly
limited as the impulse must come from within
JULY 15, 1963
81
the area itself. However, we stand ready to
help whenever we can.
In spite of the difficvilties there are encounig-
ing signs of progress. One of the most notable
as well as most recent was the replacement of
the frictions that have existed between Mala^ya,
the Philippines, and Indonesia over the forma-
tion of Malaysia, with the announcement last
week from Manila by the foreign ministers that
the three countries are looking toward a confed-
eration. The Indonesian Foreign Minister has
coined the name "Maphilindo" for this future
grouping, and it may well become a familiar
term to us all. In addition there is the older
Association of Southeast Asian States (ASA)
presently consisting of Thailand, Malaya, and
the Philippines. This is in addition to the
growing cooperation through such U.N. orga-
nizations as ECAFE [Economic Commission
for Asia and the Far East], which is, among
many activities, sponsoring the Mekong River
Project among Thailand, Viet-Nam, Laos, and
Cambodia.
Shadow of Communist China
Back of all of this hovers the shadow of Com-
munist China. None can deny it is a formidable
and dark shadow. However, at the risk of over-
simplilication, let me say that it no longer ap-
pears as formidable or even as black as it did a
few years ago.
When I first returned to Southeast Asia in
1958, Communist China had just announced its
"great leap forward." An almost literal shiver
of fear went through the area that Communist
China would accomplish the miracles of eco-
nomic construction that it set as its goals and
thus by example and influence alone overwhehn
those seeking to pursue the free way. Connnu-
nist China did not accomplish those mii-acles.
Far from it. Per capita food production has
been falling in mainland Cliina as compared
generally with its rise in the free countries of
Asia. Industrial production lagged rather than
"leaping forward," and the rates compare very
unfavorably with the larger free countries, such
as Japan and India, and even with some of the
smaller countries. Students and othere who
went to Communist China wrote home very mi-
favorable accounts. The glowing image faded.
I
In the meanwliile the picture of the two stal-
wart giants — the Soviet Union and Communist
China — marching shoulder to shoulder to con-
quer all that lay before them also has been fad-^
ing fast. Not that both of them are not sti
Conmiimist, but they no longer present that pic-
ture of shoulder-to-shoulder unity in carryingil
out their objectives. Their quarrels have broken
into the open and are indeed deep. (However,
we should remember that, as a Soviet is reputedi
to have said, the quarrel is in many ways over'
how best to bury us.)
All Soviet economic, and apparently most if
not all military, assistance to China has been
stopped. Soviet teclmicians were withdrawn,
and even Soviet consulates have been closed.
Peiping has been using public vituperation to-
ward Moscow and the Kremlin that was for-
merly reserved for the United States. (I might
mention that its vituperation toward India and
its leaders is now in much the same vein.)
Peiping and Moscow are eagerly cajoling or
demanding, depending on the circumstances,
the support of other Communist parties and
regimes throughout the world. Something
new and divisive has undeniably been added
to the world Conununist movement. This holds
dangers as well as opportunities for us. As
far as Asia is concerned I would not want to
minimize the dangers. "Wliile cautious in its
action, the public stance of Conununist China
is more belligei'ently aggressive than that of
the Soviet Union. The Chinese are a people of
enormous native capacity in no basic way in-
ferior to any other people, including ourselves.
The leaders in Peiping have throughout their
rule showTi an ability to profit bj' and correct
their mistakes and now in fact seem to be tak-
ing some steps toward doing so.
However, I remain optimistic over the future.
This is not a careless optimism but one based
rather on fundamental human values that
transcend geography, race, culture, and religion.
I believe that the basic human values embodied
in our policies toward Asia are more compat-
ible with the aspirations of the great peoples
of the area than are those of our enemies. I
also believe that this is increasingly being recog-
nized and imderstood by those peoi^les. If we
remain true to those values we have a right to
be confident of the outcome.
82
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Soviet Proposal of Nuclear-Free
Zone in Mediterranean Rejected
Following is an exchange of notes ietween
tlie United States and the Soviet Union.
U.S. NOTE OF JUNE 24'
Tlie Embassy of the United States of Amer-
ica presents its compliments to the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. and, with ref-
erence to the note of May 20, 1963, of the
Embassy of the U.S.S.E. in "Washington, has
the honor to transmit to the Ministry the views
of the Government of the United States of
America on the proposal that the area of the
Mediterranean Sea be declared a nuclear-free
zone.^
The Soviet Government's note appears to be
devoted primarily to a propagandistic attack
against the presence of United States missile-
laimching submarines in the Mediterranean and
contains a large number of gross misrepresenta-
tions of both the position of the Government of
the United States and the recent histoi-y of the
Mediterranean area. In its note of May 18,
19G3, the Government of the United States
replied to a similar set of groundless charges
contained in the Soviet Government's note of
April 8, 1963,^ and drew the attention of the
Soviet Government to the defensive nature of
the Xorth Atlantic Treaty Organization and to
the reasons for its development. The remarks
made in the note of May 18 apply to the Aledi-
terranean area, as well as to all other areas cov-
ered by the North Atlantic Treaty.
In this connection the Government of the
United States wishes to emphasize that it was
compelled to strengthen the security of its
Allies in the Mediterranean only after their
security had been directly threatened by the
Soviet Union's deployment of an extensive
array of missiles aimed at comitries in the area.
' Delivered to the Ministr.v of Foreign Affairs of the
U.S.S.R. on June 24 b.y the U.S. Bmba.s.sy at Moscow
(press release 331 dated June 24) .
' For text of a Department statement of May 21, see
Bulletin of June 10, 1963, p. 896.
'For texts of the U.S. and Soviet notes, see ibid.,
June 3, 1963, p. 860.
Consequently the United States and the
threatened Mediterranean countries were forced
in their own defense to counteract the striking
power of these Soviet nuclear missiles and
Soviet nuclear-equipped aircraft which were
poised for attack on the region. If it had done
otherwise, the United States would have failed
in its duty to help its Allies to defend them-
selves against a form of nuclear blackmail under
which the Soviet Union could have attempted
to force the Mediterranean countries to suc-
cumb to Soviet dictation or Soviet domination.
This is not an imaginary danger, as may be
seen from a number of provocative statements
by senior members of the Soviet Government
threatening devastating attacks on countries of
the Mediterranean region, including threats to
attack the Acropolis and the orange groves of
Italy. If, as stated in its note, the Govern-
ment of the Soviet Union is in fact "engaged in
peaceful labor and wishes only peace and pros-
perity to other peoples," it has nothing to fear
from the presence of Polaris submarines in the
Mediterranean, which are stationed there solely
to defend the integrity of the coimtries in that
region.
With respect to the proposal in the Soviet
Government's note to declare the Mediterranean
area a nuclear-free zone, the Government of the
United States wishes to recall that, being
thoroughly aware of the catastrophically de-
structive nature of thermonuclear weapons, it
has continuously sought and advanced pro-
posals designed to eliminate or if this were not
possible at least to reduce the danger that such
weapons might be used. Despite a discouraging
lack of progress it continues to pursue this path
unflaggingly and with increased effort. In
doing so, it welcomes the proposals of others.
At tlae risk of stating the obvious, however, it
must be noted that for a measure in the field of
disarmament and arms control to have a bene-
ficial rather than an unsettling and tlierefore
dangerous effect, it must be balanced so that no
state or group of states gain military advantage.
To disrupt this balance can only create a condi-
tion of insecurity that would increase tension
and lead to the danger the measure was designed
to obviate. This principle of balance was in
fact recognized in the Joint Statement of
JtTLT 15, 1963
83
Agreed Principles of September 20, 1961.*
The Note of May 20 of tJie Soviet Govern-
ment seems to be designed precisely and solely
to change the existing military balance at the
expense of the United States and its Allies.
The fact that the Government of the United
States is constantly seeking ways of decelerat-
ing and halting the arms race does not mean
that it is prepared to strip itself of its means of
defense, or to withhold the protection of those
means from its Allies, when the comitries from
which it and its Allies may be threatened main-
tain their armaments at full scale.
SOVIET NOTE OF MAY 20 »
Dnofflclal translation
No. 22
The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics considers it necessary to declare to the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America as follows :
Quite recently the Soviet Government was compelled
to warn against NATO plans to create nuclear forces
which would give the West German Bundeswehr access
to atomic weapons and would unleash a nuclear weap-
ons race which would linow no state or geographic
bounds. Today, the nations of the world are wit-
nesses of the fact that the Government of the U.S.A.
and that of some other NATO members are tailing new
steps in the same direction.
The question concerns the implementation of plans
to place in the Mediterranean American atomic sub-
marines equipped with the "Polaris" nuclear missile
Spanish ports and British military strongholds on
Cyprus and Malta have been designated as possible
bases for these submarines. There have been reports
that the "Polaris" submarines will also use Turkish
Greek, and Italian ports. Two such atomic submarines
have already entered the Mediterranean and are get-
ting "the feel" of the coastal waters of Greece and
Turkey.
The U.S.A. and some of its allies are thus demon-
strating once again that the concern to prevent ther-
monuclear war or even reduce the danger of its oc-
currence Is alien to their policy. Instead of joining
in the efforts of states which, anticipating the realiza-
tion of the program of universal and complete disarma-
ment, are already striving to narrow the sphere of prep-
arations for nuclear war, the predominant powers
In NATO are drawing into the orbit of these prepara-
tions another vast area with a popuIaUon of nearly
300 million people.
* For text, see ibid., Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589.
" Delivered to the Department of State on May 20 by
the Soviet Embassy at Washington.
What does the transformation of the Mediterranean
into a gigantic reservoir, filled with dozens of missiles
with megatons of nuclear power, involve? What will
be the effect of converting the Mediterranean basin
Into a sort of "missiledrome" where each mile of the
sea's mirror-like surface may be used by an aggressor
as a launching pad for nuclear missiles?
First of aU, this wiU immeasurably increase the
threat that the Mediterranean and the adjoining conn-
tries may become the theater of devastaUng military
action. Even the states which have not and do not
want to have anything to do with the aggressive prep-
arations of NATO— and this means the overwhelming
majority of the states in the Mediterranean area—
actually find themselves in a situation where the right
to control their future is appropriated by those who
command the atomic submarines that ply near their
shores. Their security and sovereignty is being under-
mined by the same dangerous policy in which are
caught up the countries that made their territory
available for NATO military bases. The uneasiness
of the Arabs or Yugoslavs, of the Albanians or Cypri-
ots cannot be allayed by assertions that the sending
to the Mediterranean of American missile-bearing sub-
marines is only a "technical" operation to replace the
"Jupiter" missiles stationed In Turkey and Italy with
other improved ones. No, the present replacement of
the stationary American missile bases with floating
ones involves far-reaching poUUcal and miUtary con-
sequences: the specter of a nuclear war, which ap-
peared at first in those countries which actively pa>
ticipate in the military measures of NATO, ia now
being registered on the shores of the whole Mediter-
ranean. The submarines equipped with "Polaris" mis-
siles, navigating along the shores of the Mediterranean
countries, would broaden the area from which a nu-
clear attack could be launched and consequenUy would
also extend the geographic sphere of application of
thus unavoidable retaliatory measures aimed at ren-
dering harmless the bases of the aggressor.
Of course, the countries In which such submarines
would be based, either permanently or from time to
time, would expose themselves to the greatest danger.
But there is not and cannot be any guarantee against
the possibility that the atomic submarine would send
its deadly missile from international waters, and then
would try to hide near the shores of a state which Is
not in the NATO bloc, or that it would send its salvo
directly from the territorial waters of such a state. It
is impossible to exclude the possibiUty of such a course
of events, all the more so since many states of the
Mediterranean basin do not possess any real means to
prevent atomic submarines from entering their waters,
and only a few minutes are needed for something Ir-
reparable to take place.
Bringing into the Mediterranean war vessels of
NATO with nuclear weapons on board forces the states
whose security is threatened by the NATO bloc to Im-
plement effective defensive countermeasures in order
to be able to avert any attempt on the peaceful life
84
DETARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
J,
of their peoples, and not to leave to the NATO powers
a free hand to exploit the Mediterranean as a spring-
board for possible aggression. The peace-loving states
will have no choice but to be ready to launch their
means of paralyzing the travel routes of atomic sub-
marines and also the shores of NATO members, as
well as of countries which permit this bloc to use their
territories for permanent or periodic bases for nuclear
missiles.
It should be clear to everybody that the NATO
stafEs are operating in such a manner that the Mediter-
ranean Sea, the shortest commercial sea route con-
necting the West with the East and a traditional area
of recreation and international tourism, has become
one more area of dangerous rivalry and conflict, a lair
for the bearers of nuclear death.
What will happen to the countries of the Balkan pe-
Qinsula, of North Africa, the Near and the Middle
East — all countries situated along the perimeter of the
Mediterranean Sea or even deep in the hinterland, if
atomic missile-bearing submarines roam along the
shores? Do you think this will increase their security
md improve life for them? Is it possible to believe
that the Greeks, Turks, Italians, French, Spaniards,
as well as other Mediterranean people, will feel more
secure if foreign missiles and atomic bombs, over
which they have no power or control, are stationed on
the very threshold of their homes? Even by an aeci-
lental concatenation of events the peoples of this area
night become the victims of a deadly catastrophe,
igainst their will and desire.
The Mediterranean peoples have had vast experience
luring their history. From the countless conflicts
.vhich shook ancient Egypt, Greece, Rome, and Gar-
bage down to the two World Wars of the present cen-
airy, this area has suffered all the vicissitudes of the
irmed rivalry of states. But even during the Second
World War, which quickly shifted to the African Con-
Jnent and rolled on to the Near and Middle East, there
vas no weapon which in its destructive power could
)e even remotely compared with the one which is now
liding in the waves of the Mediterranean, or which
.vould be used in a retaliatory blow against the aggres-
sor if this sea should be used as a center of operations
ind shelter for an aggressor. If it came to the worst
n our time, the Mediterranean Sea would become the
T)ead Sea in the full sense of the term. Many centers
)f civilization and culture would be threatened with a
'ate similar to that of Pompeii. Even people not bound
)y religious tenets can understand the feelings of mil-
ions of Christians and Moslems concerning the fact
hat, in implementing the designs of the NATO leaders,
itomic weapons lie almost under the walls of the Vati-
can and Jerusalem, Mecca and Medina.
' The governments of the Western Powers are trying
0 justify plans for stationing submarines with Polaris
aissiles in the Mediterranean Sea, by references to the
act that this is an open sea and that providing or not
)roviding harbors for missile carriers is the domestic
oncern of individual states. But by what right are
four or flve states engaged in NATO's policy, obUvloas
to the interests of the other Mediterranean countries,
prepared to open the Straits of Gibraltar to the pas-
sage of atomic weapons? For example, if the govern-
ments of Turkey, Greece, Italy, or Spain permit sub-
marines or surface vessels with atomic weapons on
board to hide in their waters, then this would be tri-
fling with the fate of not only their own country but
would also threaten the security of neighboring
countries.
The U.S.A. and other countries of NATO are not
stinting in assurances that the American Polaris sub-
marines are being sent to the Mediterranean for "de-
fensive purposes" allegedly, and almost for the "de-
fense" of the countries of this region. However, it
will not be an exaggeration to say that out of all the
means created for warfare the American weapon now
being stationed in the Mediterranean is the least of all
suited to serve defensive purposes, but instead is most
suitable for any kind of provocation. The distinctive
feature of the use of atomic submarines as mobile mis-
sile bases consists in the fact that they are counted on
to conceal preparations and a surprise nuclear strike.
Moreover, in the Soviet Union, and also in other
countries probably, people remember the recent state-
ments of high-ranking persons in the U.S.A. with ref-
erence to the fact that under certain clrcimistances the
United States of America may take the Initiative in a
nuclear conflict with the U.S.S.R. The Soviet Govern-
ment likewise could not fail to give attention to the
statements of the leading military figures of the U.S.A.
to the effect that the American submarines now being
sent to the Mediterranean have been "allocated" to
definite targets in the Soviet Union.
It would not be irrelevant to note with regard to the
United States Sixth Fleet, sailing from place to place
m the Mediterranean year after year, that it has been
alleged more than once that its purpose is to help the
Mediterranean powers defend their independence and
security. In the log of the commander of this fleet,
however, there is not a single notation about any opera-
tions in defense of the sovereign rights and independ-
ence of the countries of North Africa or the Near East
On the contrary, the ships of the Sixth Fleet partici-
pated in the preparation for an attack on Syria in 1957,
which was blocked by the decisive action taken, par-
ticularly by the Soviet Union. With the forces of this
fleet the United States occupied the Lebanese coast in
the summer of 195S. American naval vessels covered
foreign intervention m Jordan. Within sight of the
Sixth Fleet the NATO allies of the United States-
England and France, together with Israel — committed
aggression against Egypt and bombed Cairo and Port
Said.
Such are the facts. They throw a sufficiently clear
light on the actual situation.
What, actually, are the American naval vessels seek-
ing in the Mediterranean Sea, thousands of kilometers
from the borders of the United States? What are the
real aims being pursued when, in addition to the sur-
niLT 15, 1963
85
face vessels, atomic submarines are now being sent
there armed with nuclear weapons? The NATO meas-
ures for spreading nuclear weapons to new areas speak
for themselves. The intentions of the United States
are made sufficiently clear, however, by the statement
of American military leaders, who recently argued that
It was essential to station American nuclear weapons
in Canada on the grounds that this would permit diver-
sion of part of the nuclear counterblows from the
United States to Canada in the event of a war. This.
to be sure, was said with reference to Canada, not with
reference to the Mediterranean Sea. But just as there,
so here too, there is now talk about preparations for
an atomic war, carried out under one policy and one
strategy.
Perhaps someone thinks it is almost the height of
military acumen to conceal one's own nuclear missile
bases as far as possible from one's own population cen-
ters and as near as possible to the borders of other na-
tions. But can millions of people living along the
Mediterranean reconcile tiiemselves to the position of
being hostages, into which the leading NATO powers
are trying to place them? It is obvious that there en-
ters into the military plans of these powers — now more
than ever — the calculation that in the event of a con-
flict part of the nuclear counterblows that .should
rightly fall on the aggressor would be diverted to coun-
tries innocently involved in the conflict.
It is impossible to pass over yet another circum-
stance. As is well-known, the General Assembly of
the U.N. adopted a resolution " declaring Africa a nu-
clear-free zone. The purpose of this resolution is to
save the African Continent from the dangers inherent
in a further spread of nuclear weapons.
Of course, no simple coincidence can explain the fact
that the plans of sending American submarines with
"Polaris missiles" to the Slediterranean Sea appeared
simultaneously with projects of creating the so-called
"multinational" and "multilateral" nuclear forces of
NATO, in which a considerable role is played by West
German revanchists and militarists. These are links
of the same policy, of the policy of the absolutely un-
bridled arms race and of the proliferation of nuclear
weapons.
The Soviet iwople are occupied wiUi peaceful labor
and wish only peace and prosiwrity to other nations.
The Soviet Government firmly believes in the principles
of the peaceful coexistence of states. It is prepared
on the basis of these [i)rinciplesl to solve all questions
of its relations with any nation, regardless of social
(lilTorences and witliout any interference in the inter-
nal affairs of other states.
•U.N. doc. A/RES/1652 (XVI).
True to the policy of peace and peaceful coexistence,
the Soviet Union has more than once proposed taking
measures for the prevention of the spread of nuclear
weapons, supporting plans to create nonatomic zones in
various parts of the world, liquidating foreign military
bases in the territories of other states, reducing even
now the armaments and the armed forces of states in
areas where the possibility of a conflict is particularly
great. The Soviet Government is in favor of denying
the use of foreign territories and ports for stationing
any kind of strategic weapons, including sulimarines
with nuclear missiles.
The Soviet Union has presented concrete proposals
on all these questions for discussion at the IS-countty
committee on disarmament at Geneva. Putting these
proposals into practice would have strengthened mutual
trust among countries and would have made possible
the solution of the major problem of our time: univer-
sal and complete disarmament.
But the United States and its allies are now doing
the following : creating a concentrated nuclear force
under NATO and engaging in spreading nuclear mis-
siles over new continents and new oceans ; this raises
new barriers on the road to disarmament.
For the sake of insuring international security, the
Soviet Government proposes that the entire area of the
Mediterranean Sea be declared free of nuclear missiles.
It is ready to undertake the obligation not to deploy
in those waters any nuclear weapons or means for
their delivery, bearing in mind the fact that similar
obligations will be assumed by other powers. If this
area is declared to be a zone free of nuclear missiles,
then, acting jointly with the United States and the
other countries of the West, the Soviet Union is pre-
pared to give reliable guarantees to the effect that in
case of military complications, the area of the Jlediter-
ranean Sea will be considered to lie outside the perim-
eter of utilization of nuclear weapons.
The implementation of these proposals would pro-
mote mutual understanding and friendship in the rela-
tions between countries of the Mediterranean, it would
enable the countries of the Mediterranean basin to de-
vote more strength and resources to the solution of
their economic and social problems. At the same time,
it would represent a very substantial contribution to
the lessening of overall international tension and to
guaranteeing peace in Europe. Africa, and throughout
the world.
The Soviet Government expresses the hope that the
Government of the United States will place the con-
siderations contained in this note under careful study.
Washington, J/oy 20. 196S.
86
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIvLETIN
rhe United States and Eastern Europe
hy Eugenie Anderson
Minister to Bulgaria^
Lot me ask you a question : Have you any idea
what privileged men and women you are? I,
too, have been unusually fortunate. I have
had the honor to serve our country first in Den-
mark, one of our stanch Scandinavian allies,
and now in Bulgaria, a rugged and beautiful
Balkan country in a part of Europe known to
few Americans. I have also lived and traveled
unofficially but widely in India and Asia. Per-
haps because I have lived abroad in these three
sharply differing areas of our conflicted world,
it seems to me that most of us are unaware of
our incredibly good fortune.
You are graduating from college, and this it-
self is a privilege. Today most young people
everywhere passionately desire an education.
For most Americans this goal is attainable,
while in Latin America, Asia, and Africa,
liigher education is but an insistent dream which
:omes true for only a tiny minority.
But there are other, even more basic reasons
why we, as Americans, are privileged.
First, xoe liave inherited the treasure of
freedom.
The independence of our country and the
■ights of the individual were won for us by other
Americans nearly 200 years ago. Yet these
5ame liberties are those for which many peoples
n the world today still strive desperately and
ivhich fewer still have achieved.
We take for granted these infinitely precious
American rights: the freedom to think what
rou will, to say what you think, to believe, or
tot to believe, as you wish ; the freedom to wor-
* Address made at commencement exercises at Carle-
:on College, Nortbfield, Minn., on June 1-1 (press release
514 dated June 11).
ship as you choose, to pursue the truth — wherc-
ever it may lead — in science, history, and all
fields of knowledge; the freedom to create new
art forms, to seek new kinds of beauty ; the free-
dom to associate with whomever you like, to
join together with others for any peaceful pur-
pose, to petition your Government for redress
of wrongs; the right to criticize, oppose, and
change your Government; the right to choose
your own political leaders, to vote them in and
to vote them out; the right to equal justice
under the rule of law ; the right to a fair trial
by jury ; the right to own property and to pur-
sue whatever occupation you may choose; the
right to change your status in life; the right to
an education in public or private schools; the
right to travel, to move freely about in our own
majestic and spacious land, and to see the world
beyond if you will.
Less than half the people in the world today
possess these rights which we hold basic and
should hold sacred. For as Americans the
majority of us inherited these freedoms. We
live by them almost unconsciously. We accept
them casually, often unmindful of their worth.
Secondly, America has achieved a pinnacle of
affluence., never before known in history.
We are deeply privileged in our unprece-
dented material wealth. No other nation on
earth enjoys such ease, such opulence, such
riches. Even more important, our unparalleled
standard of living is available to the majority of
Americans and not just to those on top. True,
Americans have labored with ceaseless energy,
ingenuity, skill, and drive. Out of a wilder-
ness we have created this wealth. Our own
people have built this awesome power, founded
TULT 15. 1963
87
on God-given natural and human resources.
Recently a Bulgarian said admiringly to me,
"If tliere is any paradise on this earth, it is in
the United States of America." I fervently
agree. Yet today we are embarrassed — and we
should be — by our overflowing abundance in a
world where most people do not even have
enough to eat. I cannot forget the deprived
faces of men, women, and children in Asia,
■where hunger, homelessness, sickness, and hope-
lessness are the lifelong fate of millions.
"We Americans are living in a paradise, yes,
but an uneasy one, surrounded as we are by an
ocean of human suffering, with rising seas of
discontent, rebellion, and revolt.
American aflluence is today one of our great
good fortunes, but we will surely lose it unless
we share it, and quickly. I would add that no
other powerful nation in history has given so
generously of its wealth to those in need. Amer-
ica has done much, but we must do more.
Third, the American Revolution remains the
hope of mankind.
The founders of our country came here to
create a new kind of society. These men and
women dreamed of a system based on equality,
reason, freedom, and opportunity. Their
dreams are still the driving force of our democ-
racy. The American Revolution still goes on.
We continue to be committed to American
ideals. We hold an optimistic belief in our own
ability to change our environment. We believe
that change can be peaceful and that it must
advance the general welfare of all mankind.
Fortunately for us, both as individuals and
as a nation, the dj'namism of American life is
still a reality, not only an article of faith.
Where else on this globe than in iVmerica can
one find such diversity, such a pluralistic cul-
ture, and such exuberant growth? Almost as
immense as nature itself — yes, and sometimes
just as wild. But the point is that there must
be continuing evolutionary change, experimen-
tation, discovery, the extension of freedom to
all groups, new possibilities for everyone, al-
ways new hope.
Despite our own sometimes tarnishing fail-
ures, despite years of proi)aganda and depths of
ignorance, the vision of a dynamic, free America
still prevails &round the world. Rarely have I
traveled in any country and told my nation-
ality that the stranger's face did not light up
with an exclamation of wonder, "America!"
Or, as a Himgarian refugee once said to me —
unforgettably, "Ah, America — the country of
infinite possibilities!"
Eastern Europe in Transition
Now I want to talk for a few minutes about
that part of Europe where I am serving. It
seems fitting to discuss developments in Eastern
Europe within the context of our rapidly chang-
ing times, because that area today is in transi-
tion. Most Americans have tended to tliink of
the Iron Curtain countries in static terms. Such
assumptions do not apply today to Eastern
Europe. Significant changes have occurred
and will continue. United States policy, too,
has become more flexible and active vis-a-vis
the Soviet bloc.
Until recently the United States avoided a
close involvement in European political affairs.
We tried to remain only as interested observers
in the gradual process by which European
states fought for, and gained, their freedom and
independence. Yet our heritage inevitably led
the United States to give its encouragement to
Eastern European peoples striving for freedom
from foreign rule. Wliether in freedom or in
subjugation to a foreign power, they have re-
tained their national memories and pride in
their traditions; they have created, defended,
and developed a rich cultural background;
they have cherished their past successes and
suffered from their failures ; and they still main-
tain their faith in individual freedom and na-
tional independence.
Contrary to popular belief. Eastern Europe
today is characterized not by homogeneity but
by disparity, not by identity of policy but by
contrasts. In fact, reality today in Eastern
Europe underscores Moscow's loss of its former
claims to monolithic unity.
Of course, the countries of the Eastern Euro-
pean bloc are still, in the last resort, subject to
the ultimate control of Soviet military power.
The bloc leaders adhere to Soviet foreign policy
and ideology. They are working out with vary-
ing degrees of divergence their internal and
economic development.
88
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtlLLETIN'
For example, Poland permitted in 1956-57 a
reversal of the collectivization process in agri-
culture. Today only about 10 percent of Polish
agricultural land is collectivized, while in Bul-
garia the figure is 90 percent. So also in Po-
land, and to some extent in Himgary, consumers
have fared better as a result of the events of
1956 and of conscious government policy.
Throughout the bloc, including Bulgaria, some
liberalization of internal rule has occurred.
Poland, more than other countries in the area,
shows the benefits of increased freedom. But
there is moimting dissension in Czechoslovakia
these days. Rumania seems to be reluctant to
subordinate its economy to the planning deci-
sions of the Soviet bloc. By way of contrast,
look at Stalinist Albania's anomalous position.
It supports Communist China in its conflict
with Moscow. It defies the Soviet Union and
has no diplomatic relations with it, yet it main-
tains relations with the Eastern European
countries.
Great economic progress has been claimed by
all the Eastern European regimes during the
past years. The governments proclaim that
they have overfulfilled their gross industrial
production plans. Clearly the successful ful-
fillment of economic plans is an attractive sub-
ject to Communist propagandists. Yet, at the
same time, severe, persistent, and chronic food
shortages haunt most of these countries.
United States policy has been and remains
consistent in its desire to see governments in
Eastern European countries — as elsewhere —
which will promote the full independence of
their nations. We wish to see governments
which will guarantee and promote all the es-
sential internal freedoms and which will work
peacefully for normal and constructive relations
with all coimtries.
At the end of the last war, when Stalin
brought down the Iron Curtain, he tried to re-
duce or eliminate all contacts between East and
West. He hoped thus to simplify lus assimila-
tion of the nations of Eastern Europe into the
Communist system. United States policy has
always encouraged the drawing aside of this
barrier. We want Eastern European countries
to associate with us on equal terms.
We should seek new ways to remind the peo-
ples of Eastern Europe, Communists or not,
tliat they are a part of the West and that we look
forward to a day of even closer association. We
want them to know how well the West has pros-
pered with free systems. We want them to be
able to see for themselves that the West is
strong, dynamic, and united. We want them
to know that we are completely dedicated to
world peace but to understand, too, that the
West is also capable of defending itself.
We want them to see how our agriculture is
flourisliing. We want them to compare our
farm system with that of collectivization.
We want them. Communists and non-Com-
munists, to see for themselves that our people
work hard because our incentive under a dem-
ocratic system is always before us: the oppor-
tunity for a higher standard of living, a better
education for their children, more leisure, and
a richer life.
It is heartening that today increasing num-
bers of Americans are visiting Eastern Euro-
pean countries. Some go as tourists out of
curiosity; others to see their families and
friends; still others go to exchange knowledge
in professional fields under private or official
arrangements. We support these contacts.
They help people to understand the problems
of bridging our differences. These scientific,
cultural, and educational exchanges also help to
keep the Eastern European intelligentsia in
touch with important developments in the
United States. I have found in Bulgaria a
profound hunger for communication with
Americans.
We, too, welcome the chance to visit with peo-
ple everywhere in the world. The more Ameri-
cans the world meets, the greater will be the
understanding of American principles. The
more we know of others, the richer we will be.
Economic Relations
And what about our economic relations?
The United States permits trade in nonstra-
tegic goods with Eastern European countries.
At present it is limited, but we look forward to
the day when our relations with these countries
will allow such trade to be more significant.
We want these people to share the benefits of
our industrial and agricultural wealth and
89
kiiow-how. Cultural influences invariably ac-
company and follow trade between nations.
Our policy toward Eastern Europe lias drawn
a distinction between tliose countries which are
independent and are striving for independence
and those which subordinate their interests to
Moscow. Yugoslavia, while a Conununist coun-
try, is not alined with the Soviet bloc despite
Khrushchev's wooing, and the policies it fol-
lows are those which it believes best meet its
national interests. I have already mentioned
some ways in which Poland has liberalized its
internal rule. As a result of the distinctive de-
velopments in these two countries, both have
most-favored-nation tariff treatment for the
goods they export to the United States — that is
to say, the tariff duties levied on their goods are
as low as those on goods coming from any other
country.
I'nder a provision of the Trade Expansion
Act of 1962, Congi-ess required the President to
withdraw "as soon as practicable" most-f avored-
nation treatment from all Communist countries,
in effect, from Yugoslavia and Poland since
they were the only ones enjoying this status.
This requirement goes completely against the
policy toward Eastern Europe followed by
President Kennedy and his predecessoi'S. It
would slam the door in the face of those two
countries which have most emphatically re-
jected Stalinist-type rule and have tried to
evolve policies according to their national inter-
ests. It would mean lumping them together
with all the other Communist countries as if
there were no differences among them. It would
mean discouraging all Eastern European coun-
tries from developing meaningful associations
with the United States. It would ignore our
vital interests in the area, since it would prevent
us from pursuing a constructive policy. In-
stead it would have the effect of reducing our
relations to purely formal diplomatic contacts
of the least effective kind. Instead of demon-
strating our interest in the welfare of the
peoples of Eastern Europe, we would appear to
be writing them off.
The President has already indicated his wish
to see this provision of the Trade P^xpansion
Act amended so that he might have flexible au-
thority to continue most-favored-nation treat-
ment for Yugoslavia and Poland.^ Our vital
interests in Eastern Europe require this author-
ity for the President.
Few of us at the time of Stalin's death could
have predicted that 10 years later the Soviet
Union itself would be involved in a raging ideo-
logical dispute over freedom for the writer and
artist, that Poland would have all but aban-
doned agricultural collectivization, that a Hun-
garian Premier could declare that "whoever is
not against us is with us," and that Albania
M'ould side with Communist China against the
Kremlin. Of greatest moment, however, is the
impact which the Sino-Soviet conflict will have
on the loyalties of Eastern European parties.
The peoples of Eastern Europe are aware of
the disarray in the Communist world. And
whether they know it or not, they have contrib-
uted to their own welfare by the pressure they
have brought against their governments.
"Wliether by passive resistance or occasional
overt action, the people themselves have forced
changes and concessions from their govern-
ments.
We believe that Eastern Europe is today in a
state of flux. No one can predict what will
evolve. Meanwliile we intend to maintain an
active policy which will expand our contacts
with Eastern Europeans. "We persistently wish
to demonstrate that we are concerned with the
welfare of these peoples. We are interested in
their national aspirations for independence.
We want to keep them informed about Western
tliouglit in all areas of science and culture.
The process of change in Eastern Europe is
bound to continue. The ideological rift between
the Soviet Union and Communist China must
necessarily have a strong impact on the Commu-
nist world. The Common Market factor in
European and world trade will add some hard-
ship to the Eastern European countries. Al-
ready they are trying to avoid the anticipated
disequilibrium by integrating their own econo-
mies. At the same time they continue to be
fascinated by the possibilities of trade contacts
witli t he West. In the light of all these shifting
' For text of a statement by Assistant Secretary
William R. Tyler before the House Committee on For-
eig:n Affairs on May 27, see Bulletin of June 17. 1003,
p. 947.
90
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIK
forces, the United States must pursue a complex
policy which can take account of the area's new
dynamics.
We wish to respond to the aspirations of the
Eastern European peoples, which are basically
akin to our own revolutionary ideals. They,
too, dream of being able to enrich their lives, to
enjoy the responsibility of liberty, and to pursue
the goal of happiness. They, too, believe in the
dignity of man.
Let us maintain our confidence in these peo-
ples, who through the centuries have endured
so much. The tides of change which now en-
compass the globe are at work in Eastern Eu-
rope too. Meanwhile the present phase of
ferment throughout the Communist world re-
quires imaginative, active United States poli-
cies. These can be effective only if miderstood
and supported by the American people.
The Responsibility of the Individual
And what of your own personal role in these
years of unremitting change? For ultimately
the carrying forward of American ideals de-
pends on individual Americans : what kind of
ideas move us ; what values we cherish ; whether
a humane morality guides us; with what cour-
age we act; what kind of children we raise;
what sort of schools and communities we sus-
tain; what quality of arts, literature, theater,
and music we create; how we nourish the sci-
ences ; what standards of excellence inspire us ;
whether we relate ourselves as friends and
brothers, regardless of color, religion, or na-
tionality; how we resolve our personal and
national crises; and finally, whether we as in-
dividuals accept America's responsibility to the
world.
There are, of course, many ways in which you
can work for the triumph of American ideals.
But imderlying any life course you may choose
must be an enduring commitment to the cause of
freedom.
I would hope that many of you will discover
that politics is the central means we Ameri-
cans have for preserving freedom, for continu-
ing our unfinished revolution. We can sur-
mount our enormous difficulties at home and
abroad, but only if enough educated men and
women engage themselves in the struggle of
politics. It does not matter which party you
choose. It is imperative to infuse a new re-
sponsibility in both parties. Eecently a na-
tional survey showed that only 4 percent of
Americans belong to any political organization.
How can we hope to improve our democracy if
our political parties are run by such a few!
There are many explosive and compelling
needs and conflicts in America. Indeed the
present confrontation in race relations is of epic
proportions — certainly sharper, deeper, and
broader than any since the Civil War. Now
we must achieve full racial equality not only in
civil rights but in all areas including educa-
tion, housing, and employment. Progress must
be accelerated in all sections of our country —
North and South, East, West, and Middle West,
too. Eesolving this major crisis without fur-
ther violence now — not tomorrow, today — is an
imperative for us all. Our consciences as indi-
vidual Americans cannot continue to carry the
burden of indifference, brutality, and wrong
against our fellow man. Our nation, as the
leader of the free world, cannot afford more
tragedies like Birmingham and Little Rock. I
should add that many Americans are now work-
ing hard to eliminate segregation in those areas,
as elsewhere.
Finally, I submit that American foreign pol-
icy also depends on American politics. It is
important that some of you will enter the Amer-
ican Foreign Service, the Peace Corps, AID.
Indeed I would urge you to consider giving sev-
eral years of your lives to serving your country
abroad. But fully as urgent is the need for in-
spired, courageous men and women at home to
help shape American politics, which in turn
molds our foreign policy.
American politics needs more young leaders
who know the times into which you have been
born. Our country needs more young men and
women who imderstand the infinite worth of
tlie individual and his freedom. We need more
yomig Americans who want to share our liber-
ties, our abundance, our dreams with others.
For it is the unfinished American Revolution
which is still the hope of mankind.
As Lincoln said so well, when pondering the
meaning of our revolution:
"It was not the mere matter of separation of
the colonies from the motherland, but that sen-
JTJLY 15, 1963
91
timent in the Declaration of Independence
which gave liberty not alone to the people of
this country, but hope to the world, for all
future time."
Assistant Secretary Cleveland Visits
Europe To Discuss U.N. Affairs
The Department of State announced on June
27 (press release 338) that Harlan Cleveland,
Assistant Secretary for International Orga-
nization AflFairs, would leave Washington on
June 28 for 10 days of meetings and consulta-
tions on U.N. affairs at London, Paris, and
Geneva.
In Paris, July 1-4, Mr. Cleveland will attend
special meetings of the Organization for Eco-
nomic Cooperation and Development and of its
Development Assistance Committee. In Ge-
neva, July 5-7, he will chair a conference of
U.S. representatives to various U.N. specialized
agencies and speak at a dinner meeting of the
Society for International Development. While
in London, June 29-30 and July 7-8, he will
meet with British officials and take part in talks
covering a wide range of topics expected to be
discussed at the forthcoming meetings of the
U.N. General Assembly and other U.N. bodies.
Mr. Cleveland will return to Wasliington on
July 9.
King and Queen of Afghanistan
To Visit U.S. in September
White House Announcement
White House press release dated Jane 17
As announced earlier [February 21] Their
Majesties the King and Queen of Afghanistan
will make a state visit to the United States in
Scpteml)cr of this year. It is expected that the
royal visitors will reach Washington, D.C., on
Sopteml)er 5. On arrival, they will be greeted
by President Kennedy and high officials of the
United States Government. Following several
days of discussion on matters of mutual inter-
est in Washington between King Mohammed :
Zahir and the President, Their Majesties will
proceed on a tour of the United States. Though ,
their program is still under preparation, it iS'
expected Their Majesties will travel widely in ^
the United States and visit a number of dif-
ferent areas.
The people and the Government of the United i
States are looking forward to extending a warm ,
and cordial welcome to Their Majesties. It is
expected that the visit will serve to strengthen
existing friendly ties between the two countries.
U.S. Warns Validated Passport
Is Required for Travel to Cuba
Press release 334 dated Jnne 26
The Department of State annoimced on June
26 that it has recently received information that
American students have been offered subsidized
travel grants from an agency of the Cuban gov-
ernment— the Federation of University Stu-
dents in Habana — for travel to Cuba during
June and July 1963. Since their travel does
not meet the established criteria, their passports
have not been validated for such travel.
On January 16, 1961, the Department an-
nounced that U.S. citizens desiring to go to
Cuba must obtain passports specifically en-
dorsed by the Department of State for such
travel.^ This requirement is still in effect.
Passports of U.S. citizens may be validated
for travel to Cuba only when their travel may
be regarded as being in the best interests of the
United States, as in the case of newsmen.
The Department warns all concerned that
travel to Cuba by a U.S. citizen without a pass-
port specifically validated by the Department
of State for that purpose constitutes a violation
of the Travel Control Law and Regulations
(title 8, U.S. Code, sec. 1185; title 22, Code
of Federal Regulations, sec. 53.3). A willful
violation of the law is punishable by fine and/or
imprisonment.
' For text of announcement, see Bm-tETiN of Feb. 6,
lOGl, p. 178.
92
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtJLLETIK
North America, the Open Continent
hy William R. Tyler
Assistant Secretary for European Affairs ^
This is one of the happiest events on our cal-
endar. It is not a national holiday, nor a com-
memoration of a great and victorious exploit,
aor is it a memorial to self-sacrifice or valor.
We celebrate today a simple act of common
5ense — a moment of rationality in the liistory
3f nations, a moment to remember, for it con-
tains a spark of hope for the future.
We cannot count tlie gain that our nations
aave derived from the Eush-Bagot treaty, and
it is useless to speculate on the losses which
night have occurred if the treaty had not been
observed. We know that the gains have been
?reat and that the agreement set the pattern
for an open continent, a continent which has
?rown and prospered, morally and materially,
Decause it has been an open continent.
To us who live in the shadow of modern ar-
Tiaments, this commemoration of common sense
eaches an obvious lesson. It urges us to con-
inue our efforts to achieve disarmament on a
tvorldwide scale. It reminds us that a success-
ful treaty can continue to spread its blessings
wer generations long after the doubts and
'oadblocks are forgotten.
Just 17 years ago, Mr. Bernard Baruch
ippeared before the opening session of the
United Nations Atomic Energy Commission
md made one of the most generous offers ever
-nade by a nation. But, even then, it was appar-
■nt that an atomic victory would be a shallow
-ictory. As Mr. Baruch said at that time:
'Let us not deceive ourselves: We must elect
iVorld Peace or World Destruction." ^
The Baruch plan was approved by every
nation in the world except the members of the
Communist bloc. But, without them, the plan
could never go into effect.
The choice before mankind has grown more
stark in the years that have passed. The
primitive atomic weapons had a destructive
force measured in kdlotons — the equivalent of
thousands of tons of TNT. The nuclear
weapons of 1963 consist of a whole range of
sophisticated weapons, the largest of which has
a destructive power that is measured in mega-
tons— millions of tons of TNT. The power to
destroy has increased a thousandfold.
Even more disturbing is the increased speed
of delivery vehicles. The bombers at the end
of World War II had a speed of approximately
300 miles per hour. Today's supersonic
bombers can travel half way around the world
in less than half a day, and today's missiles can
do it in about a half hour.
Requirements for a Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Without adequate verification procedures,
any attempt to limit or control modern weapons
is useless, for violations would be easy and the
party which conforms to the treaty could
quickly find itself at the mercy of the violator.
However, we have not abandoned tlie possi-
bility of finding mutually acceptable grounds
for agreement. In this connection, it would
seem to be obvious that there is one area in
which the United States and the Soviet Union
'Address made at Old Fort Niagara, Youngstown,
N.Y., on June Ki.
' For text, see Bulletin of June 23, 1946, p. 1057.
rULY 15, 1963
692-484—63-
93
have sometliing in common. I refer to the
desire to avoid a workl war. This is not to
say that there appears to he any prospect of the
Soviet bloc ahandoninp its objective of bring-
ing the workl nnder Communist domination.
Likewise, it is also clear that the Western
democracies will never allow the Communists
to do this. But the i-esolution of this problem
is not to be found in all-out war, and the Soviet
Union appeai-s to undei-stand this critical fact.
There would therefore api)ear to be an interest
in both camps in the necessity of preventing
mutual annihilation.
"We have rex-ently created a special agency of
our Government to coordinate work on the dis-
armament problem. Tliis agency, the United
States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency,
was allotted over $6 million during the fiscal
year now ending. In the budget which the
President has submitted to Congress for the
coming yeivr, $1.5 million hius been requested by
the administration. Disarmament is of inter-
est to many departments of government — the
military, the State Department, and the atomic
energy establishments, to name just a few. The
President has final responsibility for policy in
this field, and it is the purpose of the new
agency to see that he is supplied with the advice
that can enable him to pursue a vigorous and
realistic course.
One of the primary challenges which moti-
vates the new agency is the improvement
in methods of verification which can assure us
of treaty compliance. We have wherever jxxs-
sible formulated the neces.sary verification so
as to minimize Soviet fears that verification will
be usexi for purjwses of espionage. For exam-
ple, the Congre,ss over the last sevenvl years
appropriated $00 million to finance improve-
ments in nuclear test detection and identifica-
tion. This research, conducted by our
Department of Defense, has i-e.sulted in scientific
advances which have enabled us to reduce our
inspection requirements for a test ban treaty.
We are now in a position to offer the Soviet
Union two alternative treaties : '' alternative one,
a treaty, with no on-site inspection whatsoever,
banning nuclear explosions in the atmosphere,
* For texts of draft treaties, see ibiil., Sept. 17, 1!)»>2,
p. 111.
imder water, and in outer space — this treaty
would involve no intrusion in the Soviet Union
by outside inspectors (the parties would rely
entirely on their own national capabilities to
detect explosions) ; and alternative two, a com-
prehensive, across-the-board treaty prohibiting
tests in all environments, underground tests as
well as those in the atmosphere, in outer space,
or under water. Such a comprehensive treaty
would be monitored by our national detection
system, plus seven automatic seismic recording
stations on Soviet territory. Because of the
need for determining the true nature of under-
ground disturbances which cannot be positively
identified either as nuclear tests or natural earth
shocks, the United States would require that
the United States, the United Kingdom, and
the Soviet Union accept seven on-site inspec-
tions per year on their territory. The Soviet
Union insists upon limiting such on-site visits
to three a j'ear and refuses even to consider
what the inspections should consist of and how
they should be conducted. It is obvious that
the modalities of inspections are as important
as the number of inspections.
In discussions with Soviet representatives
we have asked tliem to address themselves to
methods of providing verification and at the
same time preventing espionage. We have in-
dicated a willingness to have inspectors blind-
folded while in transit to the site of the inspec-
tion, to have them transported in planes in
which the windows are blacked out and piloted
by Soviet pilots. To these suggestions we have
received no response.
The object of the forthcoming mission of
Under Secretaiy [W. Averell] Harriman and
Lord Hailsham [British Minister for Science]
to Moscow is to convince the Kremlin leaders
of the need for action now, for the hour is grow-
ing late.
I can assure you that the U.S. Government
has not for one instant lost sight of the over-
riding need for the maintenance of security.
The revisions we have made in our position are
revisions which reflect new scientific knowledge.
We do not seek inspection for inspection's sake.
But we do demand that verification be such as
to give us assurance that all parties to the treaty
are observing tiiat treaty. Anything less would
94
DEPARTMEXT OF ST.\TE BULLETIN
involve a dangerous risk to the security of the
free world.
U.S. and Soviet Disarmament Proposals
The test ban treaty is only one of the objec-
tives we pursue in the field of amis control and
disarmament. We have also submitted a pro-
posal for general and complete disarmament in
a peaceful world.
Both the United States and the Soviet Union
have submitted at Geneva draft outlines of a
treaty for general and complete disarmament.^
Each proposal calls for disarmament in three
stages and for the establishment of an Interna-
tional Disarmament Organization to supervise
enforcement. However, this is where the simi-
larity between the two proposals ends.
I shall point out a few of the major differ-
ences.
In the first place, the Soviet Union has tended
too much, in our view, to stress full agreement
on all aspects of disarmament before a single
stage or measure of disarmament may be im-
plemented. We believe that agreement on a
few isolated measures first might allow us rea-
sonably to evaluate how quickly or slowly we
can prudently progress along the road to the
ultimate goal, while at the same time assuring
our security.
The first few steps in a disarmament pro-
gram, if achieved with no mishap, should lead
to confidence in taking the next. Experience
remains the best guide; we learn to walk be-
fore we learn to run. If we gain assurance
from experience that the other side is really
fulfilling its obligations in the primary phases,
we might tentati\-ely experiment further. If
such assurance is not forthcoming, there is no
possibility of further progress. Since assur-
ance cannot be based luerely on promises, the
United States holds that verification through
inspection must be guaranteed. The Soviet
Union has resolutely refused to accept this kind
of verification and has insisted that, in no small
part, the United States must accept the Soviet
Union's word.
Secondly, the first stage of the Soviet Union's
proposal calls for the almost complete elimina-
tion of all means of delivering nuclear weapons,
of all foreign bases, and of the deployment of
all troops abroad. In addition there would be
reductions in conventional armaments, and,
what is more important, such reduction would
be effected within 15 months. Obviously such
a proposal is a very thinly veiled assault on the
entire U.S. and NATO defense system. In
contrast, the U.S. plan calls for across-the-
board 30 percent reduction in all major arma-
ments over a period of 3 years, or 10 percent
per year. In other words, reductions should be
proportional, thereby leaving the present bal-
ance of i^ower undisturbed.
Thirdly, the U.S. proposals call for more ef-
fective measures of control than do those of the
Soviet Union. The nature of the Soviet society,
one of secrecy, makes it imperative that ade-
quate inspection machinery be guaranteed.
Secrecy, we believe, breeds suspicion, and to al-
lay it we must have direct access to evidence of
what is occurring in the Soviet Union.
In our search for the long-range solution I
have been describing we pursue a flexible course
of action :
First of all, we desire to negotiate and agree on
a total plan going all the way to general and
complete disarmament in a peaceful world.
Second, if tliis is not possible, we are willing
to attain the widest area of agreement short of
this that is possible at the earliest possible date.
And third, we are also willing to seek agree-
ment on any single measure or group of meas-
ures that would contribute to the conunon se-
curity of nations and to implement such an
agreement at the earliest possible date.
In this third category we include several
limited measures looking toward the elimina-
tion of the danger of war by accident or mis-
calculation. Only one of these proposals, a pro-
posal to i^rovide direct and speedy communi-
cation between the United States and the Soviet
Union, has found a favorable reaction. Nego-
tiations for the so-called "hot line" have been
proceeding smoothly, and an agreement may
be effected shortly.^
The President of the United States, on June
* For text of a U.S. outline of a treaty on general and
complete disarmament, see Hid., May 7, 1962, p. 747.
= For background and text of a U.S.-U.S.S.R. agree-
ment signed at Geneva on June 20, see ibid., .July 8.
1963, p. .50.
JULY l.'j, 1963
95
10, announced that the United States woukl
refi"ain from conducting any nuclear tests in
the atmosphere so long as other countries would
do likewise."
As tlie United States has made clear, througli
its spokesmen at the United Nations and else-
where, we have no intention of placing weapons
of mass destruction in orbit; we will not pre-
cipitate a race for such weapons.
Soviet Advantage in "Propaganda Game"
Negotiation for disarnianicnt has been a long
and difficult process. During the last 17 years
we have tried to find the key or keys that would
unlock the door. While we believe that the
Soviet Union will eventually come to realize
that its long-range interest lies in disarmament,
it is not clear that this point is yet fully ap-
preciated in the Kremlin.
They are in an advantageous position to play
the propaganda game on this subject. For the
governments of tlie free world are imder con-
stant pressure from citizens, press, and organiza-
tions. All of these are concerned about peace,
and all are alert to spur tlieir governments on
to greater efTorts. Some of the more extreme
groups even advocate unilateral disarmament.
On the Russian side, tliere is no parallel
activity. There is no freedom to demonstrate,
to speak, or to publish in the Communist world.
The few peace organizations which exist are
puppets of the state and are imanimous and
vociferous in their approval of every move made
by tlie Kremlin.
The result is that the Kremlin can get a great
deal of mileage on vague and superficial pro-
posals. It can avoid candid replies to questions
at the negotiating table. Wiiy should it bother,
when the reactions of some of the more naive
segments of the peace movement show that they
are already ahead of the game so far as public
opinion is concerned?
This is, of course, quite the opposite of what
the peace movement desires to accomplish. The
lesson which the peace movement must learn
is that it takes two to make a bargain on dis-
armament and that it is just as important to
place pressure on the Kremlin as on Western
•/fcir/.. July 1. 10(5.3. p. 2.
governments — more important, in fact, because
there are no peace movements to do the job in
Russia. And acceptance, at face value, of
sweeping generalities merely proves to the
Kremlin that they don't have to bother to get
serious.
Open Society of the West
Another unbalanced factor arises from the
fact that the NATO alliance is composed of
governments which are truly independent and
sovereign and that, in the open society of the
West, they conduct much public business
openly. Across the Iron Curtain we have a
quite different situation — a situation in which
the Russians command, the satellites obey — a
situation in which the newspapers print only
the final decisions which are handed to them by
state officials.
As a result, little or nothing is published
about defense and military discussions in the
Communist world. Even in the midst of a
heavy arms program, all can be silent but the
voice of the don. Here in the West, on the
other hand, every new idea is reported at length
in the j^ress and debated in parliament. As a
result, it is quite easy for a casual onlooker to
get the impression that the free world is im-
duly concerned with arms questions.
We will have to live with this unbalanced
situation for a long time. I. for one. would
not want to see it changed. Freedom to think,
to publish, and to criticize the government is
a great heritage of the people, both in the
United States and in Canada.
But governments must take note of this situ-
ation and must not permit the Communists to
exploit it to drive a wedge between our people
and our governments, or between the nations
within our alliance. We must remain united
in tactics as well as policy. Only thus will we
be able to teach the Soviet Union that cheap
propaganda victories are beyond their reach,
that they must turn their efforts toward an
lionest pursuit of disarmament through serious
negotiations.
A deeper understanding of the role of modem
weapons in international relations and an under-
standing of initiatives we can take in their
management are byproducts of our efforts to
96
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIK
reach an international disarmament agreement.
Ajiother byproduct is the fact that we liave a
forum in which communication lines between
East and West are kept open.
We intend to persist in our efforts at negotia-
tion, regardless of frustrations and discourage-
ments. One obstacle to this agreement is the
fact that the Soviets insist on maintaining a
tightly closed society, distrustful of interna-
tional organizations and opaque to international
inspection. Without moves in the direction of
^eater openness, it will be difficult to achieve
the verification which is essential if all sides are
to have confidence in a disarmament treaty.
It is in this direction, the direction of open-
ness, that the world can find great guidance
from the history of our Canadian-American
experience. The example of an open continent
may eventually lead to the creation of an open
(vorld.
U.S.-Canadian Interdependence
Let me conclude by saying a few words about
our relations with Canada. Few people realize
the extent of the involvement of the two coim-
tries with each other. The situation results
from geography, the magnitude of the trade
between us, tlie size of the investments citizens
of each country own in the other, the complexity
of our defense arrangements, our joint water
resource problems, and many other factors of
interdependence. Fortunately, as neighbors, we
can speak frankly to each other ; and to be able
to do so honestly and responsibly is priceless
when the variety and complexity of our points
af contact are steadily and inevitably
increasing.
A proper view of United States-Canadian
relations, however, must encompass not just
bilateral problems wliich we consider together
Dut also the problems which we face in other
oarts of the world. Happily, these problems
io not separate us. We can take deep satisfac-
ion that our interests and objectives and our
policies are strikingly parallel. Both of our
countries want a world in which trade may
levelop without discrimination and in accord-
mce with soimd economics. We are both dis-
urbed over the threat to the economy and
)eoples of the free world represented by the
Communist system. Finally, we both need each
other in terms of mutual security and defense.
We have come a long way since the Eush-
Bagot treaty, and in the interim United States-
Canadian relations have been, basically, an
example to the world. We can be lifted in
spirit by earnestly believing that our future is
bright with even greater promise.
Technical Cooperation Programs
of U.N. System
The Advisory Committee on International
Organizations announced on June 28 the release
of a report entitled "The Technical Coopera-
tion Programs of the United Nations System." '
This report is the second in a series to be
made by the Advisory Committee on Interna-
tional Organizations, which was appointed in
July 1962 to assist the Department of State in
a systematic review of U.S. participation in
international organizations and in efforts to as-
sure that these organizations carry on their
w^ork as effectively as possible. The first re-
port, issued on April 26, 1963, was entitled
"Staffing International Organizations." ^ Sol
M. Linowitz, chairman of the board, Xerox
Corp., Rochester, N.Y., and partner in the firm
of Harris, Beach, Keating, Wilcox, Dale and
Linowitz, is chairman of the advisory commit-
tee. '
The report on U.N. teclmical cooperation
programs was submitted to Assistant Secretary
for International Organization Affairs Harlan
Cleveland by Mr. Linowitz on June 28. It in-
cludes seven recommendations to help strength-
en U.S. relations with international organiza-
tions and to assure more effective use of funds
contributed by the United States for teclmical
cooperation purposes.
^ A limited number of copies of the report are avail-
able upon request from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State, Washington, D.C. 20520.
• For an announcement, see Buixetin of May 20,
1963, p. 809.
• For names of the other members of the committee,
see Department of State press release 228 dated Apr.
26.
TJLT 15, 1963
97
Role of Individual Women
in the World Community
by Mrs. Katie Louchheim
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^
Tonight I want to say just a few words to
you wlio liave heard ahiiost too many words in
the past 10 days. I want to speak to you about
our role as individuals. But first of all I want
to pay tribute to those who, as individuals,
especially gifted individuals, have made this
75th conference of the International Council of
Women the great success it has been. JNIrs.
Jacobs, the president of the National Council of
Women, is what we call a "doer"; and to the
doers, especially those who combine intelligence
with charm, go all the plaudits we can tender
them. Your outgoing international president,
Mme. Tvefaucheux, leaves a record of achieve-
ments that all can be proud of. We salute her
for her wisdom and devotion. And we gi-eet
your newly elected international president,
Craig McGeachy Schidler, with cheei-s and all
good wishes. Mrs. SchuUer and I were co-
workers in the first international war relief
effort of World War II, UNKRA [United Na-
tions Relief and Reliabilitation Administra-
tion]. It was my good fortune to observe at
first hand her capabilities in those critical years.
Your future as an International Council is in
good hands.
We in the State Department are concerned
with the progress and problems of women of
other countries. We are anxious to see the
bonds of friendship strengthened between the
women of the United States and the women of
Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America. We
all need to know eacli other better and to draw
from each other new strength and fresh ideas
as you have been doing at this meeting.
In order to encourage more contacts between
American women and the women of your coun-
tries, we have enlarged the participation of
women in Stat* Department exchange programs.
In the past 3 years more women leaders of
other countries have visited the United States
' Address made at a dinner moetinp: of the .Toint Con-
ference of the National Women of the United States
and the International Council of Women at Washing-
ton, D.C., on June 29 (press release 3-1.") dated June 2S).
as guests of the State Department and other
Government agencies than ever before. More
American women than ever before have been
traveling to your coimtries, to meet your leaders
and to work with them — not only in great inter-
national conferences like this one but in small
groups or just woman to woman.
President Kennedy, speaking of a better life
for ourselves and for our children in Frank-
furt, Germany, said : "To realize this vision, we
must seek, above all, a world of peace — a world
in wliich peoples dwell together in mutual re-
spect . . . not a mere interlude between wars
but an incentive to the creative energies of
humanity." Surely women possess the creative
human resources of which President Kennedy
spoke. We are the teachers, the hearth-tenders,
and the heart-healers ; we are the guardians of
our heritage.
Today, in an interdependent world, all of us
recognize that our roles as individuals assume
an even greater importance. We have a folk
saying in Ajnerica which goes, "If you want to
send a message that will be heard, you can tele-
graph, telephone, televise, or tell a woman."
Folk sayings are based on fact; increasingly
women are being recognized as a crucial factor
in education, as opinion makers, and indeed as
a major political force.
The power of women who cooperate is limit-
less. The voluntary contributions of women
have changed the faces of their communities,
urged reforms that could never have waited for
the passage of law, and fought long and hard
for the laws that made such reforms permanent.
But it is also as individuals that women can
create a climate in which progress can take
place. It is as neighbors and homemakere, as
well as educators and political leaders, that we
have become part of the revolution of rising
expectations. It is as idealists and standard
bearers in the highways and byways, in the
marketplace and in the home, that we have our
greatest opportunity to become the spokesman
for tlie rights of all mankind.
A contemporary philosopher, Scott Buchan-
an, has eloquently stated our case: "The human
individual is responsible for injustice anywhere
in the universe." If we need proof of this
thesis we have but to read the headlines. Crisis
98
PEPARTJIENT OF ST.VTE BULLETIX
is served with the morning coffee; concern is
our shadow; change and cliallenge our birth-
right.
Mr. Buchanan's remarks should not be taken
to mean that each of us is responsible for in-
justice anywhere, but that every one of us has
the responsibility for dealing with these in-
justices. To set the universe as the limits of
our responsibility may seem to be exaggerating
the case. But if we were to ask that each in-
dividual assume responsibility for dealing with
injustice in his own community, there would un-
doubtedly be acceptance of our proposition.
We cannot alter, perhaps, what is going on
at the other limits of the globe. But the world
is now the kind of place where events in our
own community affect not only all of us but
all of humanity, even those at the other ends
of the earth. And so, for the informed, in-
volved, participating citizen, the responsible
woman leader, the community expands; it is
not only her village or city, it is also her
universe.
I know that each one of you, on your return
home, will consider your community in its re-
lation to your countiy and to the free world.
On our side we hope tliat this great meeting
here in Washington will be but the beginning
of an enduring friendship and that we will be
hearing from all of you.
Grant Awarded to American Institute
of Indian Studies
Press release 341 dated June 28
The Department of State is awarding a grant
totaling $1,959,000 in U.S.-owned Indian cur-
rency (rupees) to the American Institute of In-
dian Studies at Poona, near Bombay, to provide
a 3-year extension of a program of research
studies now completing its first year of opera-
tion. The institute, which was incorporated in
1961, provides educational facilities and oppor-
tunities to qualified U.S. scholars and students
for research and training in Indian studies and
for the publication of the results of such studies.
Through the grant some 150 U.S. faculty
members and graduate students will receive
transportation and maintenance expenses to
pursue research mterests in India during the
next 3 years. The individual grants provide
transportation and full maintenance for faculty
fellows and junior fellows except in the case of
holders of National Defense Education Act fel-
lowships, who receive international transporta-
tion only.
The institute is supported both financially
and in planning aspects by a consortium of 33
American colleges and universities wliich have
joined forces for the advancement in this coun-
tiy of knowledge and miderstanding of India.
The institutions are : American, Arizona, Cali-
fornia, Chicago, Claremont (University Col-
lege), Colgate, Columbia, Cornell, Duke, Ha-
waii, Massachusetts Institute of Teclmology,
Michigan, Minnesota, State University of New
York, Pennsylvania, Eochester, Rutgers, Sweet
Briar, Syracuse, Texas, Wisconsin, and mem-
bers of the Great Lakes Colleges Association
(Albion, Antioch, Denison, DePauw, Earlham,
Hope, Kalamazoo, Kenyon, Oberlin, Ohio Wes-
leyan, Wabash, and Wooster).
In 1962 the institute received a grant of
$500,000 from the Ford Foundation which, with
the annual dues ($500 to $2,500 for member in-
stitutions), is expected to cover costs in the
United States for the institute's first 5 years
of operation. Also in 1962 the Department
made a grant of $500,000, in rupees, for operat-
ing expenses in India for the first year. The
Department's support, through its Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs, is in fimds
generated tlirough the sale of surplus agricid-
tural commodities and autliorized for use by
the Department of State mider Public Law 480.
W. Norman Brown, chairman of South
Asian regional studies at the University of
Pennsylvania, is president of the institute.
]\Iilton Singer, chairman of the South Asian
Language and Area Center of the University of
Chicago, is vice president; Henry C. Hart,
chairman of the South Asian Language and
Area Center of the University of Wisconsin, is
secretary; and F. Haydn Morgan, director of
project research and grants of the University
of Pennsylvania, is treasurer. McCrea Hazlett,
formerly provost of the University of Rocli-
ester, has recently been appointed director of
the institute and will administer the program
JULY 15, 1963
in India. D. D. Karve of India is executive
officer of the institute. Its Indian headquarters
are at Deccan College in Poona.
Fellows of the institute are either at the post-
doctoral level or the immediately predoctoral
level and are selected under criteria established
by the Board of Trustees. Eligibility is not
limited to candidates from institutions holding
memberships in the institute. Citizens of other
countries who are members of teaching staffs or
candidates for higher degrees at American in-
stitutions are also eligible to apply.
The broad aim of the program is to encourage
the growth of foreign language and area compe-
tence in the United States as a means of pro-
moting better international understanding.
Activities made possible by the institute are
intended to contribute to this goal through
scholarly research, through the training of
American specialists in the field, and by in-
corporating knowledge of India into the general
education of larger numbers of Americans.
Owners of Real Property in Iraq
Notified of Legal Requirements
Press release 339 dated Jnne 27
Tlie American Embassy at Baghdad has been
informed of an official notification recently is-
sued by the Government of Iraq, addressed to
persons not of Iraqi nationality wlio own or ad-
minister real property in Iraq. The notifica-
tion refers to Iraqi Laws No. 38 of 1961 and No.
46 of 1962, which, in general, restrict owner-
ship of real property by foreigners to a house
for residence and an office for the practice of a
profession. These laws also require foreigners
to transfer to an Iraqi citizen, within a stated
period ending August 15, 190.3, real property in
excess of what they are legally entitled to own.
Property not so transferred is to be sold at pub-
lic sale.
The recent notification requests foreign
owners or administrators of real property, re-
gardless of place of residence, in order to "safe-
guard their rights in the cost of their estates,"
either to transfer the legal excess of their Iraqi
estate or to submit a statement describing their
estate to an Iraqi embassy or consulate.
(
Jointly Financed Exchange Programs I
Established With Austria and Sweden
AUSTRIA
Press release 333 dated June 25
U.S. Ambassador James W. Riddleberger and
Austrian Foreign Minister Bruno Kreisky
signed at Vienna on June 25 an agreement which
will extend the Austro-American Fulbright
program at present levels for at least another
decade.
Under earlier agreements,' which have been
in effect since 1950, all costs of the program
were paid for by the United States. The new
arrangement, authorized by the Fulbright-Hays
Act of 1961, calls for bilateral financing, with
the Austrian Government committing 60 mil-
lion Austrian schillings (approximately $2.4
million) for the continued exchange of pro-
fessors, teachers, students, and resenrchers and
also for the establishment of chairs of American
studies at the Universities of Vienna, Graz, and
Innsbruck. Other cultural activities are pro-
vided for.
The new Austro-American agreement is the
second to be concluded wliich provides for bi-
lateral financing and the first actually to become
operative. A German-American agreement
signed in November 1962 ^ will take effect upon
completion of ratification procedures within the
Federal Republic. Similar agreements with
other countries are expected shortly.
Through the current academic year, a total
of 878 Austrian teachers, lecturers, and stu-
dents have traveled to the United States, and
628 Americans have gone to Austria. Thus,
with the inclusion of 58 renewal grants, a total
of 1,504 have been made so far.
The new bilateral agreement was foreseen 2
years ago, when United States and Austrian
officials signed an agreement transferring to the
Austrian Government full responsibility for the
future use of European Recovery Program
'Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2072,
3279, and 4959.
" For background, see Bitlletin of Dec. 17, 1962, p.
923.
100
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
(Marshall Plan) counterpart funds and, in
connection with that agreement, exchanged
notes providing that a portion of the coimter-
part funds would be earmarked for future
Austro-American educational and cultural ex-
cliange activities.
SWEDEN
Press release 342 dated June 28
Representatives of the Governments of the
United States and of Sweden on June 28 signed
an agreement extending the Fulbright program
of educational exchanges between the two coun-
tries. Foreign IVIinister Torsten Nilsson of
Sweden and U.S. Charge d'Affaires Alfred
leSesne Jenkins signed for their respective
countries at Stockholm.
The revised agreement provides for the first
time for joint financing of the program with
Sweden. Such joint financing is authorized by
the Fulbright-Hays Act of 1961. Similar
agreements for binational financing have been
concluded between the United States and the
Federal Republic of Germany and Austria.
The original agreement^ with Sweden was
signed in 1952 by the late Dag Hammarskjold,
as Acting Swedish Foreign Minister, and by the
then American Ambassador to Sweden, W.
Walton Butterworth.
Since the initiation of the program in 1952,
the U.S. Educational Commission in Sweden
has administered grants to 216 Swedish citizens
who have traveled to the United States or to
American schools abroad ; and to 62 Americans
who have gone from the United States to
Sweden, as well as 163 Americans who have
gone to Sweden from other European comitries.
The level of program funds will be increased
to at least $100,000 a year, with Swedish finan-
cial participation. In addition to grants for
graduate study and research, the program has
introduced American lecturers at all four
Swedish universities and teacher exchanges be-
tween Swedish and American secondary
schools.
' TIAS 2653 ; for an announcement, see Bulletin of
Dec. 8, 1952, p. 909.
United States Provides Grain
to Korea Under P.L. 480
Press release 340 dated June 27
The U.S. Government on June 27 announced
that the United States will make available a
total of 200,000 metric tons of gi-ain to the Re-
public of Korea under the Agricultural Trade
Development and Assistance Act (Public Law
480). The commodities to be provided will
satisfy the immediate needs of the Korean peo-
ple arising from extraordinarily inclement
weather in the 1962-63 growing period and
most recently aggravated by Typhoon Sliirley.
One hundred and twenty-five thousand metric
tons will be provided under title I (sales for lo-
cal currency) of the act, the remaining 75,000
tons under title II (grant) .
The United States will continue to consult
with the Korean Govermnent concerning fur-
ther emergency food requirements.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Study of Population and Immigration Problems by
Subcommittee No. 1 of the House Committee on the
Judiciary. Western Hemisphere (I) : 1. Trends in
Canadian Population, presentation by Dr. Nathan
Key&tz and Mr. Jacques Henripin ; 2. Population
Trends in Mexico, presentation by Dr. Nathan L.
Whetten. Special Series No. 5; March 11, 1963; 79
pp. Western Hemisphere (II) : 1. The Demographic
Position of the Caribbean, presentation by Dr. George
Woodrow Roberts; 2. The Growth of Population in
Central and South America, presentation by Dr. T.
Lynn Smith. Special Series No. 6; March 27-
April 3, 1963 ; 106 pp.
Study of International Housing. Hearing before a
subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Banking
and Currency on a compendium of papers prepared
for the study of international housing. April 22-25,
1963. 232 pp.
Staffing Procedures and Problems in Communist
China. A study submitted by the Subcommittee on
National Security Staffing and Operations to the Sen-
ate Committee on Government Operations. May 15,
1963. 50 pp. [Committee print]
Report on Audit of the Export-Import Bank of Wash-
ington, Fiscal Tear 1962. H. Doe. 113. May 15,
1963. 53 pp.
Amending the Arms Control and Disarmament Act
Report to accompany S. 777. S. Rept. 215. June 6,
1963. 13 pp.
Authorizing the President To Proclaim Regulations for
Preventing Collisions at Sea. Report to accompany
H.R. 6012. H. Rept. 365. June 6, 1963. 3S pp.
Exemption From Duty for Returning Residents. Re-
JULT 15, 1963
101
ports to accompany H.R. 6791. H. Rept. 371, June 7,
liMiS, 7 pp. ; S. Rept. 305, June 25, 1963, 5 pp. ; H.
Rept. 472. June 2('., 1903, 3 pp.
Message from the President transmitting the annual
reimrt of the St. Lawrence Seaway Development
Corporation, covering its activities for the calendar
year ending December 31, 19C2. H. Doc. 122. June
13. 19C3. 27 pp.
Departments of State, Justice, and Commerce, the
Judiciary, and Related Agencies Api)roprl:ition Bill,
Fiscal Year 1964. Report to accompany II. II. 70C3.
H. Rept. tiSH. June 14, 1963. 45 pp.
Continued Susi>ensiou and Reduction of Duty on Chie-
orv. Reports to accompany H.R. 2827. H. Rept.
389, June 17, 1963, 2 pp. ; S. Rept. 308, June 25, 1963,
2 pp.
Problems and Trends in Atlantic Partnership — II.
Staff Study prepared for the use of the Senate Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations. S. Doc. 21. June 17,
1962. 70 pp.
Excluding Cargo Which Is Lumber From Certain Tariff
Filing Requirements. Report to accompany S. 1032.
S. Rept. 261. June 19, 1963. 6 pp.
Export-Import Bank Act Extension. Report to accom-
pany H.R. 3872. S. Rept. 262. June 19, 1963. 23 pp.
Continued Exemption From Duty for Certain Tanning
Extracts. Report to accompany H.R. 267.5. U. Rept
424. June 19, 1963. 3 pp.
Continued Suspension of Duty on Heptanoic Acid.
Report to accompany H.R. 5712. H. Rept. 426.
June 19, 1963. 1 p.
r.S. Participation in International Bureau for the
Protection of Industrial Property. Report to accom-
pany H.J. Res. 405. H. Rept. 431. June 20, 1963.
3 pp.
Amendment to the Constitution of the International
Labor Organization. Report to accompany S..I.
Res. 60. H. Rept. 433. June 20, 1963. 4 pp.
Duty on Polished Sheets and Plates of Iron or Steel.
Report to accompany H.R. 3674. H. Rept. 44(i.
June 21. 1963. 3 pp.
Dutv on Panama Hats. Report to accompany H.R.
3781. H. Rept. 441. June 21, 1963. 4 pp.
Extending an Invitation To Hold the 1968 Winter
Olympic Games in the United States. Report to
accompany H.J. Res. 324. H. Rept. 444. June 24,
i!:»6;{. 2 pp.
Continued Susijension of Duties on Metal Scrap.
Report to accompany H.R. 4174. S. Rept. 309.
June 25, 1963. 3 pp.
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings'
Adjourned During June 1963
ICAO Rules of the Air and Air Traffic Services: Meeting of Opera-
tions Division.
U.N. General Assembly: 4th Special Session
ECOSOC Preparatory Committee for the Conference on Trade and
Development: 2d Session.
ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 5th Session
International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries:
13th Meeting.
2d Inter-American Port and Harbor Conference
U.N. Special Fund: 10th Session of the Governing Council ....
3d ECAFE Study Week on Traffic Engineering and Highway Safety
World Food Congress
ANZUS Council: 9th Meeting
International Labor Conference: 47tli Session
U.N. ECE Rapporteurs Group on Housing for the Elderly ....
Montreal
Mav 14-June 12
New York Mav 14-June 27
Geneva May 21-June 28
Bangkok Mav 27- June 7
Halifax May 27-June 8
Mar del Plata, May 29-June 8
Argentina.
New York June 3-10
Bangkok June 4-10
Washington June 4-18
Wellington June 5-6
Geneva June 5-27
Geneva June 6-7
' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, June 25, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations:
ANZUS, Avistralia, New Zealand, and United States Security Treaty; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia
and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; EEC, European
Economic Community; FAG, Food and .Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade;
IAEA, International Atomic Energy .Agency; IC.\0, International Civil .\vialion Organization; ILO, International
Labor Organization; NATO, Nortli .Atlantic Treatv Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi-
zation; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WHO, World Health Organization.
102
niCPARTMENT OF STATK BULLETIN
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued
Adjourned During June 1963 — Continued
NATO Planning Board for European Inland Surface Transport . Paris June 6-8
Meeting of the Parties to the Conveniion for the High Seas Fisheries Washington June 6-27
of the North Pacific Ocean.
OECD Preparatory Group for Meeting of Ministers of Science . . Paris June 10-11
UNESCO Executive Committee on the Preservation of the Nubian Paris June 10-12
Monuments: 4th Session.
ECE Housing Committee Geneva June 10-13
OECD Industry Committee: Special Committee for Pulp and Paris June 11 (1 day)
Paper.
ECAFE Ad Hoc Committee on the Asian Institute for Economic Bangkok Juno 11-12
Development and Planning.
OECD Trade Committee Paris June 11-12
U.N. Ad Hoc Committee on Tungsten New York June 11-12
OECD Agricultural Policy Working Party Paris June 11-14
IAEA Board of Governors Vienna June 11-21
OECD Committee for Scientific Research Paris June 12-13
GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions Geneva June 12-21
UNICEF Committee on Administrative Budget New York June 13-14
OECD Development Assistance Committee on Aid to Somalia . . Paris June 14-15
OECD Oil Committee: Ad Hoc Drafting Group London June 17-18
ECE Conference of European Statisticians Geneva June 17-21
UNICEF Program Committee and Executive Board New York June 17-21
FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 3d Session Rome June 17-22
FAO Committee of Government Experts on the Uses of Designa- Rome June 17-22
tions, Definitions, and Standards for Milk and Milk Products:
6th Session.
FAO North American Forestry Commission: 2d Session Ottawa June 17-22
ECOSOC Technical Assistance Committee Copenhagen June 17-30
OECD Committee of Experts on Restrictive Business Practices: Paris June 18 (1 day)
Working Party I.
International Wheat Council: 37th Session London June 18-21
OECD Economic Pohcy Committee: Working Party III (Balance Paris June 19-20
of Payments).
UNESCO Preparatory Meeting for an Interdisciplinary Conference Paris June 20 (1 day)
on Scientific Land Research.
NATO Food and Agriculture Planning Committee Paris June 20-21
OECD Turkish Consortium Paris June 21-22
2d FAO/WHO Conference on Food Additives Rome June 24-25
GATT/EEC Negotiations on Manufactured Tobacco Geneva June 24-26
Antarctic Treaty Meeting on Telecommunications Washington June 24-28
Caribbean Organization: 3d Meeting of the Standing Advisory San Juan June 24-29
Committee of the Caribbean Plan.
GATT Cereals Group Geneva June 24-29
NATO Civil Communications Planning Committee Paris June 25-27
NATO Petroleum Planning Committee Paris June 25-27
OECD Committee for Scientific and Technical Personnel .... Paris June 26-28
GATT Trade Negotiations Committee Geneva June 27-29
NATO Science Committee Paris June 28-29
In Session as of June 30, 1963
ECAFE Training Center Seminar on Customs Administration. . . Bangkok May 28-
U.N. Trusteeship Council: 30th Session New York May 29-
13th International Film Festival Berlin June 21-
2d ILO Preparatory Meeting for Inter-American Vocational Train- Rio de Janeiro .... June 24-
ing Research and Documentation Center.
FAO Council: 40th Session Rome June 24-
FAO/WHO Codex Alimentarius Commission Rome June 25-
ILO Governing Body: 156th Session Geneva June 28-
In Recess as of June 30, 1963
Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament (re- Geneva Mar. 14, 1962-
cessed .lune 21, 1963, until Julv 30). „ „, ,r.ro
GATT Negotiations on U.S. Tariff Reclassification (recessed Dec. 15, Geneva Sept. 24, 1962-
1962, until September 1963).
JULY 15, 1963
103
U.S. Replies to Soviet Charges
Against Certain Space Activities
Following is the text of a letter from Adlai E.
Stevensoru, U.S. Representative to the United
Nations, to U.N. Secretary-General U Thant, to-
gether with an enclosed statement on Project
West Ford.
n.S./U.N. press release 4219
TEXT OF LETTER
June 6, 1963
Dear Mr. Secretary General: I have the
honor to refer to UN Document A/AC.105/13
dated May 28, 19G3, a note by which the Perma-
nent Representative to the United Nations of
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics trans-
mitted to Your Excellency a statement entitled
"Dangerous United States Activities in Outer
Space." My Government feels that the attach-
ment to Ambassador [Nikolai] Fedorenko's not«
contains so many distortions and is so at vari-
ance witli the facts as to require correction.
Tlie Soviet statement deals in the main with
Project West Ford, an experiment in space com-
munications recently carried out by the United
States. It implies that this experiment was un-
dertaken without consultation with the world
scientific community and over tlie protests of in-
ternational scientific bodies. Nothing could be
further from the truth. I am enclosing with
this note a paper which outlines the histoiy of
Project West Ford, the thorougligoing advance
analysis of the experiment which took account
of views of scientists both in the United States
and abroad, and the wealth of scientific infor-
mation made available to the international sci-
entific community prior to the conduct of the
experiment. My Government believes that
Project West Ford clearly demonstrates the
open manner in which United States space pro-
grams are conducted. As has already been an-
nounced, the scientific results of this project
will be made public.
The attachment to the Soviet note alludes
also to a United States high altitude test con-
ducted in the summer of 19G2. The results of
that test have similarly been made public with
comprehensive scientific information dissemi-
nated to international scientific bodies. In
sharp contrast, the Soviet Union has never an-
nounced the high altitude tests which it con-
ducted in the fall of 1961 ^ following the uni-
lateral rupture by the Soviet Union of the vol-
untary moratorium on nuclear testing which
had been in effect since 1958, nor has the Soviet
Union announced, or admitted, the three nu-
clear tests it conducted at liigh altitude in the
fall of 1962.2
Finally the statement transmitted with Am-
bassador Fedorenko's note attempts to portray
the recent meeting of the Legal Subcommittee
of the United Nations Committee on the Peace-
ful Uses of Outer Space = as one in which Soviet
positions were widely supported. In fact, as
the records of the Legal Subcommittee show, the
Soviet Union found no support for its positions
outside the Communist bloc. Twenty of the
twenty-eight members of the Legal Subcom-
mittee were anxious to record progi-ess in fram-
ing appropriate instruments to reflect the
developing law of outer spac«. This was ob-
structed only by Soviet intransigence. The
Soviet Union went so far as to try to conceal its
role of frustrating progress by emasculating the
Subcommittee's report. The records of the
Subcommittee meeting, however, tell the story
of what took place.
On a related subject, I would like to call at-
tention to the failure of the Soviet Union on a
nimiber of occasions to comply with existing
arrangements to register with the United Na-
tions, under General Assembly Resolution 1721
(XVI),'' the launching of all objects into orbit
or beyond. In reviewing registration data sub-
mitted by the USSR, the United States has ob-
served that a number of space vehicles launched
into earth orbit by the USSR have been omitted.
' For background, see Bulletin of Xov. 20, lOGl, p.
844.
' For background, see ibid., Nov. 26, 19C2, p. 806.
' For text of a statement made in the subcommittee
on May 3 by Leonard C. Meeker, see ibid., June 10,
19C3. p. 923.
* For text, see ibid., ,Inn. 29, 1962, p. ISo.
104
department of state bulletin
These omissions occurred in the Soviet submis-
sions of December 21, 1962 and of April 19,
1963. Now, in its latest registration on May 11,
1963, the USSR has failed to correct these
earlier omissions. The proper international
designations for these six space vehicles in ques-
tion are as follows :
1962 — Alpha Pi, launched on August 25
1962 — Alpha Tau, launched on September 1
1962 — Alpha Phi, launched on September 12
1962— Beta Iota, launched on October 24
1962 — Beta Xi, launched on November 4
1963 — 1, launched on January 4
All six space vehicles listed above achieved
earth orbit and clearly fall within the provisions
of General Assembly Resolution 1721 (XVI),
which calls upon states laimching objects into
orbit or beyond to file infonnation promptly
through the United Nations for the registration
of launchings.
In the Soviet Union's first submission of in-
formation to the United Nations on March 24,
1962, it was pointed out that "... in the opin-
ion of the Soviet Union, the information fur-
nished to the United Nations for registration
will be of real value if the comitries concerned
will register now and will continue to register
all the artificial satellites of the earth placed in
orbit and other objects launched into outer
space." Moreover, the USSR also stated at
that time its understanding that laimching data
would be registered "... in the chronological
order of launcliings."
The United States in its submissions for the
United Nations registry therefore left gaps in
the sequential numbering of international desig-
nations on the assumption that the Soviet Union
would report the six space vehicles in question.
To date the USSR has not done so, although
all six were, in fact, launched into earth orbit by
the Soviet Union.
There has been speculation in the press and in
scientific publications that certain of the above
objects were launched by the United States.
Such is not the case. As has been stated several
times by the United States representatives at
^the United Nations, the United States submits
information to the United Nations registry on
all objects it launches into earth orbit or beyond.
I should appreciate your having this note.
with the accompanying statement on Project
West Ford, circulated as an official document of
the United Nations.^
Sincerely yours,
Adlai E. Stevenson
Enclosure : Statement on Project West Ford.
STATEMENT ON PROJECT WEST FORD
United States Space Communications Experiment
(Project West Ford)
Project West Ford is a United States space communi-
cations experiment involving the placing of hair-like
metallic filaments (dipoles) into a relatively short-
lived orbital belt around the earth. The purpose of
the experiment is to investigate, under very carefully
controlled conditions, the technical feasibility of using
such dipoles as passive reflectors for relaying com-
munications and to provide an opportunity for objective
assessment of possible side effects of further experi-
mentation with this technique on space activities or any
other branch of science.
The first launch of a Project West Ford package
took place on October 21, 1961 when a United States
Air Force Atlas-Agena B carried into orbit a dispenser
package containing 75 pounds of dipoles embedded in
naphthalene. The package was expected to release the
dipoles in such a way that they would gradually dis-
perse to form a thin, narrow, circular orbital ring
about 40,000 miles long at an altitude of about 2,000
miles only a few tenths of a degree in width. Investi-
gation has revealed that the dipoles did not form a belt
but rather remained in five or six small clumps.
A second launch of a West Ford package took place
on May 9, 1963. The long narrow cloud of dipoles was
first identified on May 12, 1963. The cloud is in an
orbit which is at an altitude of about 2,300 statute
miles and is currently increasing in length at the rate
of about 1,000 miles per day. It is only a few tenths
of a degree wide. Extensive computations ba.=ed on
the exact initial orbital elements indicate that under
presently anticipated physical conditions the life of the
belt will be less than three years. To date there have
been no reports of interference by any scientists, with
either optical or radio astronomy, although informa-
tion on the orbital elements was immediately circulated
to scientists around the world, including the Soviet
Union. All of the major experimental equipment pre-
pared in advance for Project West Ford has been tested
and successful results have been achieved In each case
for limited periods of time.
The experiment was carefully planned to avoid in-
terference with other space activities and other sci-
entific pursuits. In 1961 it was reviewed by a special
■ U.N. doc. A/AC. 105/15.
JTILT 15, 1963
105
panel of the President's Science Advisory Committee,
headed by Dr. Jerome Wiesner, which concluded that
the United States could proceed with the exi)eriment
without harm to science. The Space Science Board of
the National Academy of Sciences, in an independent
analysi.s, reached a similar conclusion.
On August 8, 1961 President Kennedy i.s.suGd a policy
statement' that no additional launches of orbiting
dipoles would be undertaken until the results of the
first successful experiment could be analyzed and that,
in this analysis, the findings of foreign, as well as
United States scientists, would be taken into con-
sideration.
Facts regarding Project West Ford have been made
widely known. In September 1960, a paper on the
orbiting dipoles technique was presented to the Inter-
national Scientific Radio Union. In April 1961 a series
of technical articles on Project West Ford were pub-
lished in the Astronomical Journal. Reprints were
provided to some 800 foreign astronomers. Additional
data on the expected lifetime of the belt were pub-
lished in the magazine Science, October 6, 1961.
A memorandum by the Space Science Board on
the results of the first launch and the modifications
planniHl for the second, accompanied by a detailed re-
port by the Lincoln Laboratory, was sent on March
8, 1962, to members of the West Ford Committee of
the International Astronomical Union ; to officers of
COSPAR [Committee on Space Research] and the
International Scientific Radio Union ; and to individual
scientists and scientific institutions in the United States
and abroad. A further letter was sent to the same
addressees by the Space Science Board on January IS,
1963, outlining plans for a launch in 196.3. Still an-
other memorandum stating that a launch was imminent
was sent on May 3, 1963. Information about the ex-
periment has also been given to the international sci-
entific community in various scieutilic meetings and
through articles in a number of scientific journals.
For the second launch several additional precautions
were taken to assure that the experiment would not
Interfere with other space activities. Tlie quantity
of the dipoles was reduced to about 50 pounds ; a mech-
anism was included to permit the dipoles to be ejected
from the disi)enser package only if an orbit were at-
tained in which the life of the dii)ole belt would be of
relatively short duration; and telemetry was included
In the dispen.ser package to indicate the temperature,
spin, and tumble rate of the package and the rate at
which di.spensing was taking jilace, enabling scientists
to learn more about the behavior of the belt in its ini-
tial development.
In the initial phase of discu.ssions on Project West
Ford concern was expressed by some scientists that
other scientific activities might be adversely affected
by side effects of the project. This concern, which
was notably present in 1961, was largely relieved by in-
forniati(m exchanges, independent analysis, consul-
' Not printed here.
tatiou and the incorporation into the experiment of
suggested scientific safeguards. While some scientists
have continued to indicate concern about the experi-
ment, there has been no scientifically documented pro-
test against the experiment since the end of 1961.
The first and most widely known statement of a
scientific organization about Project West Ford was
the resolution of the International Astronomical Union
adopted in Berkeley in late August 1961. The resolu-
tion expressed appreciation that the plans for Project
West Ford had been publicly announced well ahead of
launching and that further launchings would be guided
by tie President's Policy Statement of August 8, 1961.
In the resolution, the lAU expressed opiMJsition to the
carrying out of the experiment until the question of
permanence of the belt could be clearly settled in pub-
lished scientific papers. Several articles were pub-
lished on this subject. The general weight of the
articles supported the prediction that the belt would
be of short duration if a proper orbit was obtained.
Among these articles was "Lifetimes of Orbiting Di-
poles" by I. I. Schapiro in Science October 6, 1961,
copies of which were sent to some 800 foreign scientists.
The lAU resolution also called for the fullest observa-
tion of the belt of dipoles. The United States made
every effort to assist and encourage observation by
foreign and American scientists.
As a result of information furnished by the United
States, D. H. Sadler, General Secretary of the lAU,
stated in a letter to all members of the lAU West
Ford Committee on May 9, 1962 :
"I am writing to you in connection of my letter
H4939 of 13 March 1962 (on Project West Ford). In
that letter I suggested that the Union could take one
of two, rather extreme, courses and I asked for your
views as to which course it should take. I have now
received 9 opinions in favour of the second course
(essentially to take no action) and one strongly ex-
pressed opinion in favour of the first course ... I have
had a long discussion with J. A. Ratcliffe, Chairman
of the British West Ford Working Party, as a result
of which we agreed that there was no substantial
case based on the likely actual interference with
radio and optical astronomy for protesting against
the proposed second attempt to launch the experi-
mental test belt of Project West Ford. In view of
these opinions I am proposing to the Executive Com-
mittee that the Union should follow the second course
and essentially take no immediate action."
COSPAR has established a Consultative Group on
Potentially Harmful Space Experiments which held
its first meeting in Paris in March 1963. It is under-
stood that the question of Project West Ford was
raised at that meeting. The United States will wel-
come the comments of the Consultative Group on
Project West Ford as it has welcomed the views ot
other scientific groups and individual scientists.
The United States recognizes that concern still
exists among some scientists that there may be poten-
lOG
DEP.VnTJfEXT OF ST.XTE BULLETIN
tially harmful side effects from possible future United
States experiments of this type. The statement of
President Kennedy on Project West Ford should make
it clear that the United States will not consider the
placing of any further belts in orbit until the results
of the current experiment have been analyzed. The
United States intends to continue to consult on experi-
ments of this type and to avoid any harmful side
effects in carrying out all space activities.
In sum, Project West Ford was undertaken only
after the most thorough consideration — it has been dis-
cussed more thoroughly in advance than any other
space experiment — and was undertaken only after the
United States was fully confident that it would not
have an adverse effect on any other activity. The
United States will welcome the study and analysis of
the effects of the belt by all interested scientists.
Antarctic Treaty Countries Hold
Meeting on Telecommunications
Final Communique
The Antarctic Treaty Meeting on Telecom-
mmiications which began [at Washington]
on June 24, 1963, came to a close on June 28.^
Representatives of the Governments of Argen-
tina, Australia, Belgium, Chile, France, Japan,
New Zealand, Norway, the Eepublic of South
Africa, the Union of Soviet Socialist Eepublics,
the United Kingdom and the United States of
America, as well as observers from the Scien-
tific Committee on Antarctic Eesearch
(SCAR) of the International Council of Sci-
entific Unions, the International Telecommuni-
cation Union (ITU), and the World Meteoro-
logical Organization (WMO) met in accord-
ance with recommendations of the First and
Second Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meetings
to discuss radio conmiunication facilities in the
Treaty area (area south of 60°S latitude).
After five days of discussion the representatives
have unanimously agreed to submit eleven rec-
ommendations as a part of the final report to
be sent to the governments who have partici-
pated.
' For background and text of treaty, see Bulletin of
Dec. 21, 1959, p. 911 ; for a statement by President
Kennedy at the time the treaty entered into force, see
t6i(f., July 10, 1961, p. 91.
Acting on the basis of resolutions submitted
by the Govermnent of Australia, the Meeting
has agreed to recommend to the Consultative
Meeting a provisional timetable of radio sched-
ules designed to facilitate a more rapid trans-
mission of meteorological data. It has also
agreed to reconunend that methods for provid-
ing reliable communications to transmit data
obtained in the Antarctic Peninsula area to the
United States Antarctic station at McMurdo
be investigated as soon as practicable by Argen-
tina, Chile, the United Kingdom and the United
States. In addition, it was agreed that a tenta-
tive routing schedule for the transmission of
meteorological data from the observing areas
to the terminal stations of the Antarctic radio
network would be recommended.
At that time the Meeting was notified by the
United Kingdom that it is closing its station at
Hope Bay this year. Belgium later told the
Meeting that it intends to reopen its Antarctic
station this year. Japan said it is considering
doing so in the near future, while Norway men-
tioned that it presently has no such plans.
The Meeting has also agreed to recommend
that international radio links in Antarctica be
limited as far as possible to those presently
agreed on. It also agreed to recommend that
nations which may accede to the Antarctic
Treaty and are entitled to participate in con-
sultative meetings be invited to co-ordinate
their communications with those already estab-
lished in Antarctica. It was further agreed
that the Meeting would recommend that two
emergency routes should be maintained. These
routes would be available for use if the route
selected for a main link became inoperative for
any reason.
Turning to the question of aerials the Meet-
ing agreed to recommend that directive aerials
should be provided as practicable for each in-
ternational Antarctic link and that transmit-
ting and receiving aerials provided on each
such route should be made complementary in
polarization and angle of fire by agreement be-
tween the parties concerned. Tlie question of
the co-ordination of the techniques employed at
both ends of each international radio link was
discussed and it was agreed to make certain
specific recommendations.
107
The Meeting considered the question of
search and rescue procedures and agreed to rec-
ommend that distress traffic would have an ab-
solute priority over all other radio offerings at
that time. It also specified the recommended
radio operating procedures and recommended
that stations providing the assistance shall
maintain continuous communication during the
search and rescue operation with the station
requesting assistance imtil the station request-
ing assistance is satisfied that the operation is
completed. Radio aids to air navigation were
discussed and it was agreed to recommend that
certain types of navigational aids be provided
as soon as practicable at certain stations which
provide landing facilities. It was further
agreed to recommend that details concerning
navigational aids installed be listed each year
in the information exchanged between the Gov-
ernments.
In response to a resolution submitted by the
French representative the Meeting agreed that
in view of radio interference to some ionospheric
observations caused by radio transmissions at
some stations the Meeting would recommend
that the beginning of some types of radio trans-
mission schedules be delayed five minutes past
the hour to permit scientists to complete certain
ionospheric observations under comparative
noise- free conditions.
In response to a resolution offered by the
United Kingdom and to indications given by
the SCAR Observer that the Communications
Working Group of SCAR may wish to limit its
activities in the field of communications co-ordi-
nation, the Meeting agreed to recommend that,
if it was deemed necessary at the time of the
Third Consultative Meeting, the question of
continued co-ordination in the field of telecom-
munications be discussed.
The Meeting, which was conducted under the
Chairmanship of Mr. John M. Jones and which
had as its Secretary Mr. Henry E. Allen, was
conducted in accordance with the si)irit of full
cooperation and frank discussion which have
come to characterize the meetings held under
the terms of the Antarctic Treaty.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Mimeographed or processed doeuments (such as those
listed below) may be consulted at depository librariei
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may be
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Xa-
turns, United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
Economic and Social Council
Economic Commission for Latin America, 10th session,
JIar del Plata, Argentina, May 19G3 :
Report of the third special session of the Central
American Economic Cooperation Committee, San
Jos^, Costa Rica, July 23-31, 1962. E/CN.12/657.
August 15, 1902. 83 pp.
Report of the fourth special session of the Central
American Economic Cooperation Committee, Tegu-
cigalpa, Honduras, November 15-16, 1962. E/CN.
12/65S. November 21, 1962. 21 pp.
Provisional report of the Latin American seminar
on housing statistics and programs. E/CN. 12/647.
February 1903. 233 pp.
Report of the eighth session of the Central American
Economic Cooiieration Committee, San Salvador,
El Salvador, January 21-29, 1963. E/CN.12/672.
March 1963. 91 pp.
Urbanization in Latin America. E/CN.12/662.
March 13, 1963. 36 pp.
Provisional annotated agenda. E/CN.12/655/Add. 1.
March 15, 1963. 13 pp.
Some aspects of the Latin American economic situa-
tion in 1962. E/CN.12/679. March 29, 19C3. 53
pp.
The economic development of Latin America in the
postwar world, volume I. E/CN.12/659. April 7
1963. 172 pp.
Towards a dynamic development policy for Latin
America. E/CN.12/6S0. April 14, 1963. 1.55 pp.
Note by the Secretariat on the report of the Commit-
tee on Housing, Building, and Planning of the
Economic and Social Council. E/CN.12/681. May
25, 1963. 5 pp.
Social Commission. Report on the world social situa-
tion. E/CN..5/375, March 29, 1963, 13 pp. ; Add 1,
March 11, 1963,319 pp.
International Co-operation In Cartography. Interna-
tional Co-operation on the Standardization of
Geographical Names. Report by the Secretary-
General transmitting to the Council extracts from
communications received from Hungary and Nor-
way. E/371S/Add.7, March 20, 1963, 13 pp. : E/3718/
Add.8, March 26, 1963. 3 pp.
Committee for Industrial Development, third session:
Financing of industrial development. E/C.5/26.
Alarch 28, 1963. S3 pp.
Report of the Center for Industrial Development on
activities in the field of industrial development
E/C.5/33. April 22. 1963. 66 pp.
Report submitted by the International Labor Organi-
zation on activities in industrial development
E/C.5/34. April 22, 1963. .34 pp.
Report submitted by the Food and Agriculture Or'
ganization on activities in the field of industrial
development. E/C.5/34/Add. 1. April 22, 1963.
33 pp.
108
DETARTJIEXT OF STATE BULLETDJ'
TREATY INFORMATION
U.S. Indicates Intention To Ratify
International Coffee Agreement
Press release 329 dated June 24
The United States on June 24 informed the
Secretary-General of the United Nations that
it intends to ratify the International Coffee
Agreement.^ It is expected this notification
will lead to the provisional coming into force
of the new International Coffee Agreement at
an early date.
For the agreement to enter into force, it
requires ratification by 20 coffee exporting
countries having at least 80 percent of exports
and by 10 importing countries having at least
80 percent of imports. However, the agreement
may enter into force provisionally when notifi-
cations by signatory governments stating their
intention to ratify are received by the Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations.
To date, 24 exporting countries representing
88.7 percent of coffee exports and 10 importing
countries representing 26.8 percent of coffee im-
ports have ratified the agreement or formally
declared their intention to do so. As the United
States imports 51.7 percent of the world's coffee,
today's action raises the total of importing
countries to 11 representing 78.5 percent of
world imports. It is miderstoood that a number
of other importing countries are in a position
to quickly ratify the agreement. The prospect
is, therefore, that the new International Coffee
Agreement will come into force provisionally
in the next few weeks and that the first meeting
of the Coffee Council, administrative body of
the agreement, will be held in July. This will
permit quota arrangements to be made well
in advance of the new coffee year beginning
October 1, 1963.
' For background, see Btjlletin of Oct. 29, 1962, p.
667, and Apr. 1, 1963, p. 493.
The Senate of the United States gave its
advice and consent to ratification of the Inter-
national Coffee Agreement on May 21, 1963.
Implementing legislation is now before both
Houses of Congress, and consideration is ex-
pected shortly.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Automotive Traffic
Convention concerning customs facilities for touring.
Done at New York June 4, 1954. Entered into force
September 11, 1957. TIAS 3879.
Application to: Cook Islands, including Niue, May 21,
1963.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Cyprus, May 16, 1963.
Customs convention on temporary importation of pri-
vate road vehicles. Done at New York June 4,
1954. Entered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS
3943.
Application to: Cook Islands, including Niue, May 21,
1963.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Cyprus, May 16, 1963.
Coffee
International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes.
Signed at New York September 28, 1962. Opened
for signature at United Nations Headquarters, New
York, September 28 through November 30, 1962.'
Ratifications deposited: Cameroon, May 24, 1963;
Colombia, May 24, 1963 ; El Salvador, May 17, 1963.
Cultural Relations
Agreement on the importation of educational, scientific,
and cultural materials, and protocol. Done at Lake
Success November 22, 1950. Entered Into force May
21, 1952.'
Notification received that it considers itself iound:
Cyprus, May 16, 1963.
Customs
International convention to facilitate the importation
of commercial samples and advertising materiaL
Done at Geneva November 7, 1952. Entered into
force November 20, 1955; for the United States
October 17, 1957. TIAS 3920.
' Not in force.
' Not In force for the United States.
JULY 15, 1963
109
Notification received that it considers itself hound:
Cyprus, May 16, li>C3.
Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at
Vienna April 18, 19C1.'
Accession deposited: Jamaica, June 5, 1963.
Health
Additional regulations amending the international san-
itary regulations (World Health Organization Regu-
lations No. 2) of May 25, 1951, as amended (TIAS
3625, 4420, 4823, 4896, 5156), with respect to notifica-
tions. Adopted at Geneva May 23, 1963. Enters
into force October 1, 1963.
Publications
Agreement relating to the repression of the circula-
tion of obscene publications, signed at Paris May 4,
1910, as amended by the protocol signed at Lake
Success May 4, 194!). Entered Into force Septem-
ber 11, 1911, and May 4, 1949. 37 Stat, loll ; TIAS
2164.
Notification received that it considers itself iound:
Cyprus, May IG, 1963.
Shipping
Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Con-
sultative Organization. Signed at Geneva March 6,
1948. Entered into force March 17, 1958. TIAS
4(M4.
Acceptance deposited: Tunisia, May 23, 1963.
Telecommunications
Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the
international telecommunication convention, 1959.
Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into
force May 1, 1961 ; for the United States October 23,
1961. TIAS 4893.
Notification of approval: Nigeria, May 6, 1963.
BILATERAL
Ceylon
Agreement amending the agreement of November 17,
19.52 (TIAS 26.52), for financing certain educational
exchange programs, as amended (TIAS 4376).
Effected by exchange of notes at Colombo Jvme 17,
1963. Entered into force June 17, 1963.
India
Agreement under title III of the Agricultural Trade
Development and Assistance Act of 19.54, as amended
(68 Stat. 4,58; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709). Signed at Wash-
ington Jime 27, 1963. Entered into force June 27,
1963.
Israel
Agreement relating to the reciprocal establishment
and operation of radio facilities. E)ffecte(l by ex-
<'hange of notes at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem Mav 10
and 21, 1963. Entered into force May 21, 1963.
Korea
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at Seoul June 18, 1963. Entered
into force June 18. ]9(!.3.
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs, as amended. Signed at Seoul April 28,
1950. Entered Into force April 28, 1950. TIAS 2059,
45,36.
' Not in force.
Terminated: June 18, 1963 (superseded by agree-
ment of June 18, 1903, supra ) .
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of November 7, 1962 (TIAS 5208).
Effected by exchange of notes at Seoul June 17, 1963.
Entered into force June 17, 1903.
Panama
Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of
atomic energy. Signed at Washington June 24, 1959.
Entered into force: June 27, 1963.
Senegal
Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Signed
at Dakar June 12, 1963. Entered into force pro-
visionally June 12, 1963. Enters into force defini-
tively on the date of notification from the
Government of Senegal that the agreement has been
approved in accordance with its constitutional
procedures.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: June 24-30
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Releases issued prior to June 24 which appear
in this issue of the BtTLLETiN are Nos. 314 of
June 11 and 324 of June 19.
No. Date Subject
329 6/24 U.S. indicates intention to ratify
International Coffee Agreement.
*330 6/24 U.S. participation in international
conferences.
331 6/24 Reply to Soviet proposal of nuclear-
free zone in Mediterranean.
*332 6/24 Ferguson appointed Coordinator for
International Aviation (biograph-
ic details).
333 6/25 Extension of Fulbright agreement
with Austria.
334 6/26 Travel to Cuba.
•335 6/26 Harriman: Minnesota State Bar
Associa tion ( excerpts ) .
*336 6/26 Washington Action for Youth
Program.
♦337 6/26 Junior FSO July 4 celebration.
338 0/27 Cleveland visit to London, Paris,
Geneva for U.N. talks (rewrite).
339 6/27 Notification to owners of real prop-
erty in Iraq.
340 6/27 Emergency food aid to Korea.
341 6/28 Grant to American Institute of
Indian Studies.
342 6/28 Extension of Fulbright agreement
with Sweden.
*343 6/28 Cultural exchange (South Amer-
ica).
t344 6/29 Negotiations with India for cooj)-
eration on nuclear power station.
345 6/2,8 Mrs. Louchheim : International
Council of Women.
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
110
DEPARTSfENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX July 15, 1963 Vol'. XLIX, No. 1255
Afghanistan. King and Queen of Afghanistan
To Visit U.S. in September 92
Agriculture. United States Provides Grain to
Korea Under P.L. 4S0 101
Antarctica. Antarctic Treaty Countries Hold
Meeting on Telecommunications 107
Asia. U.S. Foreign Policy in the Far East
(Johnson) "J^S
Atomic Energy. North America, the Open Con-
tinent (Tyler) 93
Austria. Jointly Financed Exchange Programs
Established With Austria and Sweden .... 100
Canada. North America, the Open Continent
(Tyler) 93
Communism. The United States and Eastern
Europe (Anderson) 87
Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to
Foreign Policy 101
Cuba. U.S. Warns Validated Passport Is Re-
quired for Travel to Cuba 92
Disarmament. North America, the Open Conti-
nent (Tyler) 93
Economic Afifairs
The United States and Eastern Europe (Ander-
son) 87
U.S. Indicates Intention To Ratify International
Coffee Agreement 109
Educational and Cultural Affairs
Grant Awarded to American Institute of Indian
Studies 99
Jointly Financed Exchange Programs Estab-
lished With Austria and Sweden 100
Role of Individual Women in the World Com-
munity (Louchheim) 98
Europe
Assistant Secretary Cleveland Visits Europe To
Discuss U.N. Affairs 92
The United States and Eastern Europe (Ander-
son) 87
Foreign Aid. United States Provides Grain to
Korea Under P.L. 480 101
India. Grant Awarded to American Institute of
Indian Studies 99
International Organizations and Conferences
Antarctic Treaty Countries Hold Meeting on
Telecommunications 107
Calendar of International Conferences and
Meetings 102
Iraq. Owners of Real Property in Iraq Notified
of Legal Requirements 100
Korea. United States Provides Grain to Korea
Under P.L. 480 101
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Soviet
Proposal of Nuclear-Free Zone in Mediter-
ranean Rejected (texts of U.S. and Soviet
notes) 83
Passports. U.S. Warns Validated Passport Is
Required for Travel to Cuba 92
Science
Antarctic Treaty Countries Hold Meeting on
Telecommunications 107
U.S. Replies to Soviet Charges Against Certain
Space Activities (Stevenson) 104
Sweden. Jointly Financed Exchange Programs
Established With Austria and Sweden . . . 100
Treaty Information
Current Actions 109
Jointly Financed Exchange Programs Estab-
lished With Austria and Sweden 100
U.S. Indicates Intention To Ratify International
Coffee Agreement 109
U.S.S.R.
North America, the Open Continent (Tyler) . 93
Soviet Proposal of Nuclear-Free Zone in Medi-
terranean Rejected (texts of U.S. and Soviet
notes) 83
U.S. Replies to Soviet Charges Against Certain
Space Activities (Stevenson) 104
United Nations
Assistant Secretary Cleveland Visits Europe To
Discuss U.N. Affairs 92
Current U.N. Documents 108
Technical Cooperation Programs of U.N. Sys-
tem 97
U.S. Replies to Soviet Charges Against Certain
Space Activities (Stevenson) 104
Name Index
Anderson, Mrs. Eugenie 87
Cleveland, Harlan 92
Johnson, U. Alexis 78
Louchheim, Mrs. Katie 98
Stevenson, Adlai E 10^
Tyler, William R 93
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Department of State 1963
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In a foreword, President Kennedy expresses the view that "the men and women to whom we entnut i
this critical task" of promoting our foreign relations, "and the work they accomplish are too little knovn
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to convey to you something of the same sense of admiration for these dedicated men and women which i
I share with many of my predecessors, it will truly serve our national purpose."
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ment of State but also Department offices less well-known to the general public, such as the ExecutiTB
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CITY, ZONE, AND STATE
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECOED OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Yol. XLIX, No. 1256
July 22, 1963
PRESIDENT KENNEDY VISITS EUROPE
Joint Communiques and Major Addresses and Remarks iy the President in the Federal Republic
of Germany, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and Italy lilt
U.S. AND BULGARIA SIGN AGREEMENT RELATING TO FINANCIAL
QUESTIONS 138
A PROGRESS REPORT ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN
Article hy Gladys A. Tillett IJiS
Roston Public Li bra 1
Superintendent of !)ui-ui
For index see inside back cover
r,ri)''\<",IT(-ir
President Kennedy Visits Europe
President Kennedy returned to Washington on July 3 folloiving a 10-da%
trip to Europe during which he visited the Federal Republic of Germany,
the Republic of Ireland, the United Kingdom, and Italy. Following, in
chronological order, are texts of joint communiques released at Bonn, BircTS
Grove House {Sussex, England), and Rome, together with major addresses
a.nd remarks made by the President on various occasions during the trip
and a brief report broadcast to the Nation on July 5.
THE VISIT TO GERMANY
President's Remarks at the Rathaus, Cologne,
June 23
White House press release (Bonn) dated June 23
Chancellor Adenauer, Lord Mayor [Theodor
Burauen], citizens of Cologne: It is a pleasure
and an honor to sign the Golden Book of this
ancient city. I bring you greetings from the
citizens of America, including the citizens of
Cologne, Minnesota, Cologne, New Jersey, and
even Cologne, Texas.
It is most appropriate that I come to this city
which is so closely identified with the life and
the work of your great Chancellor. It was here,
for manj' years, that he first practiced the art
of statecraft which has served the West so well.
I am told tliat the Adenauer name continues on
active duty here in this city. In my own coun-
try it is sometimes said that there are too many
Kennedys in American public life. But I am
certain that no one has made that complaint
about the Adenauers in the city of Cologne.
It is also appropriate that I come to a city
which has long be«n a window to the outside
world. As a citizen of Boston, which takes
pride in being one of the oldest cities in the
United States, I find it sobering to come to
Cologne, where the Romans marched when tlie
Bostonians were in skins. Many of my educa-
tional roots were planted in Boston, but 4 yeare
before Han'ard Univei-sitj' was founded tliis
was the city of Albert Maginis, who taught St.
Thomas Aquinas. For Cologne is not only an
ancient Gei'man city ; it is also an ancient Euro-
pean city, a city which, since Roman times, has
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 1256 PUBLICATION 7578 JULY 22, 1963
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication Issued by the Office
of Media Services, Bureau of I'ubllc Af-
fairs, provides the public and Interested
asencles of the Government with Informa-
tion on developments In the field of for-
eign relations and on the work of the
Department of Stale and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected
press releases on foreUn policy, Issued
hy the White House and the Department,
and statements and addressLii made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous pliases of International affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation is Included concernlnR treaties
and international agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
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Publications of the Department, United
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are listed currently.
Thi' Bulletin Is for s^Ie by the Super-
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Use of funds for printing of this pub-
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1961).
NOTE : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted anU Items contained
hereia may be reprinted. Citation of the
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is indexed In the Readers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
114
DEP.VRTJIEXT OV ST.VTE BO.LETIN
played a special role in preserving Western
culture and Western religion and Western
civilization.
The problems of the Western World are in
many ways different than they were 2,000 years
ago, but our obligations as citizens remain the
same — to defend our common heritage from
those who would divide and destroy it; to de-
velop and enrich that heritage so that it is passed
on to tliose who come after us. Your fellow cit-
izen. Chancellor Adenauer, has fulfilled these
obligations as a citizen of the AVest in full meas-
ure, and in keeping with the symbolic mosaic
inside this building, he has worked for peace
and freedom in this country, in all of Europe,
and in all of the world. In this respect he is
true to the saying that the young student in
Cologne would go to Paris to learn about life,
to Holland to learn to count, and to Great Brit-
ain to become a tradesman.
It is in this spirit that I come to Cologne to
see the best of the past and the most promising
of the future. May I greet you with the old
Rhenish saying, ^'■KoeUe A7aaf."
President's Remarks at Inauguration of German
Peace Corps, Bonn, June 24
White House press release (Bonn) dated June 24
Mr. President, Chancellor, Mr. Ministers: I
want to express our warm congratulations to
the Federal Eepublic, to the people of the Fed-
eral Republic, for tlie effort that they are now
undertaking.
The United States Peace Corps commenced in
1961, and I believe that it has given us an op-
portunity to harness the idealism which is, I
think, in all free people — has given us an oppor-
tunity to be of assistance, not merely in the cold
field of economic help but in the human rela-
tions which must exist for a happy understand-
ing between people.
Western Europe and the United States really
are islands of prosperity in a sea of poverty.
South of us live hundreds of millions of people
on the edge of starvation, and I think it essen-
• tial that we demonstrate — we in the United
States, we in the Atlantic community — that we
demonstrate our concern for their welfare.
However repugnant the Communist system is
to all of us, it nevertheless has been able to
enlist the devotion of a good many people all
around the globe. I hope it is possible for us to
demonstrate an even greater devotion in the
free society.
Nine thousand Americans will be serving
overseas by the end of this year. In some coun-
tries of Africa, nearly half of the high school
students are being taught by Peace Corpsmen.
I cannot think of any people that can serve this
cause with greater success and more devotion
than the German people. Highly skilled and
understanding of the great issues which tear
the world ajDart, I believe that you are greatly
needed and that you will, as the President said,
find your greatest reward in a service in these
very difficult times. Dante once said that the
hottest places in hell are reserved for those who
in a period of moral crisis maintain their
neutrality. This is a moral crisis. This is an
opportunity, and I am confident that the Ger-
man youth and. I hope, the older citizens of this
country will find their greatest reward not here,
pursuing merely their private pursuit, but in
some far-off coimtry. In some small village
they will lay a seed which will bring a rich
harvest for us all in later days.
I hope that these Peace Corpsmen of America
and the members of the German Development
Service will be joined by representatives of
dozens of other free countries in a great inter-
national effort in the 1960's for peace. I
congratulate the people of Germany on their
commitment to this cause.
Exchange of Toasts, American Embassy Club,
Bad Godesberg, June 24
White House press release (Bonn) dated June 24
PRESIDENT KENNEDY
I know that all of us who have come from the
United States have been very much warmed,
heartened, encouraged, strengtliened by the
generosity of the reception we have received
from all of you and from the people of the
Federal Republic. I don't think that there is
any substitute, however reliable, and however
much we admire the press, for an opportunity
to visit firsthand and see the American people
as the Chancellor has done, and for us to see the
German people. Everything else falls away
against this opportunity to come face to face,
JULY 22, 1963
115
1
so that wliile tlie Chancellor and many of us
will be meeting on "Wednesday in Berlin, I do
want to take this opportunity to express our
warm appreciation to all of you, the strong
feeling of confidence it has given us.
I think it renewed the life — although it didn't
really need that — of our relationship, and in
every way we have been made extremely happy
by our visit. We are very much indebted to
you all, and we are most indebted to the people
whom you serve.
I want to express my special appreciation to
the Chancellor. As I said yesterday, he made,
as did my predecessors in the United States,
the crucial and correct judgment. I think that
he has been generous enough to say that perhaps
the United States was the only one that made
the long, right judgment in the late forties and
in the fifties, and he on his part and all of you
as colleagues also made the right judgment, and
that entitled my predecessors and will entitle
the Chancellor and those who have worked with
him, it seems to me, to a very important page in
the history of our times, which is going to be
recorded, I think, as the most significant times
of the last years, in fact, the last centuries.
These are the critical days because whether the
world survives or not is a matter that comes be-
fore us for judgment, at least once every year,
and I suppose it is going to go on that rather
doleful path, but the Chancellor in his time,
meeting his responsibility, made the right judg-
ment, and therefore he is an historic figure and
one to whom all of us who believe so strongly in
the cause of freedom feel privileged to come and
pay him our high esteem. I hope that all of
you will join in toasting with me to a distin-
guished leader of your country and also a dis-
tinguished leader of the AVest, the Chancellor.
CHANCELLOR KONRAD ADENAUER
Mr. President, gentlemen: I am deeply
touched by what President Kennedy has just
said. I am deeply moved because in my opinion
it was the United States, at firet Mr. Acheson
and Mr. Truman, then Mr. Dulles and President
Eisenhower, who have helped us Germans, a
conquered people, wlio were completely down
at the time.
I don't particularly like to make such ac-
knowledgments, but let us face it: Historic
honesty requires that we say that the war which
destroyed Germany was provoked by Germany,
that the United States has shown the great
vision to help the defeated enemy, which was
really a deed which is only very rai-ely found
in history.
You, Mr. President, have been here since yes-
terday. All of us, since your arrival at the air-
port, have had so many impressions, so many
deeply moving experiences — this is certainly
true for me — that we can say that a real epoch
has been characterized by this visit. You saw
yesterday, as we all did, and you have heard
the masses in the squares and you have seen in
their eyes the real gratitude -which they wanted
to express. Now gi'atitude is a very rare virtue,
and certainly it is particularly rare in politics,
but you have seen it directly with your own
eyes, that these masses of people who lined the
streets in Cologne, in the cathedral, in Bonn, in
the Market Square, were filled with a real desire
to demonstrate to you, as the representative of
the United States, how grateful they are for
everything that the United States has done, par-
ticularly to us Germans. I feel that these im-
pressions may, in the difficult moments wliich
you will face in the future, at a time when you
will have to make more decisions, help you a
little, and if these impressions at the time you
have to make such decisions will be revived in
front of you, then they maj' help you make the
decisions with that clarity and that f orcef ulness
which statesmen require.
If we can make a little contribution in this
sense, I think that would be the best result of
your visit here. I want to thank you in the
name of all of us Gemians for coming here, and
I want to emphasize between the United States
and us, after all that is behind us, no split or
separation or whatever you want to call it will
ever happen again. We realize that the leader-
ship is yours, not only because of your great
nuclear strength but because of the great polit-
ical acumen and the moral strengtli which you
and your country have shown. It is, let me say
it again, you, as the victors, gave your hand to
us as the vanquished, that this is something
which I tliink is the finest that any people can
do.
May the memories of these days of your visit
llfi
DEPAUTMENT OP STATE BULLETIK
to Germany remain alive, and may the thanks
oi the thousands contribute a little to help you
make decisions in the same spirit which the
United States has shown in the past and which
forever has insured for the United States a
golden page in history. I propose a toast in
lienor of the President of the United States.
PRESIDENT KENNEDY
Thank you very much.
Communique Between President Kennedy
ind Chancellor Adenauer, Bonn, June 24
White House press release (Bonn) dated June 24
The President of the United States of Amer-
ica, John F. Kennedy, visited Bonn on June 23
and 24 and held talks with leaders of the Fed-
eral Kepublic of Germany. He had a private
visit with Federal President [Heinrich] Liibke,
and on June 24 met privately with Chancellor
Adenauer for detailed discussions on the gen-
eral international situation. The President and
the Chancellor were later joined by Secretary
of State Rusk, Vice-Chancellor [Ludwig]
Erliard and the Federal Minister of Foreign
Affairs, [Gerhard] Schroder, as well as other
officials and advisers of the two Governments.
President Kennedy and Chancellor Adenauer
discussed European integration, relations be-
tween the European Commimity and other na-
tions of Europe, progress toward the achieve-
ment of the Atlantic partnership, and the
problems of Berlin and German reunification.
In this connection, they had an exchange of
views on Western policy toward the Soviet
Union and the countries of Eastern Europe.
The President and the Chancellor were in
agreement that the two Governments would
continue their close collaboration in the task of
developing genuine unity among the nations of
Europe and fostering an integrated European
Community in close partnership with the
United States. On questions of economics and
trade, both in their multilateral and bilateral
aspects, the President and the Chancellor reaf-
firmed their agi-eement on basic aims; among
these matters they stressed in particular the need
for stronger participation in world trade by the
developing countries. They agreed that the
strength of the Free World rests in common
policies and common aims pursued jointly by
all the nations dedicated to establishing peace
in freedom.
The Federal Government shares the view of
the United States and other allied powers that
controlled disaiTaament and agreement on the
cessation of atomic weapons tests would consti-
tute an important step toward the avoidance of
a dangerous armaments race.
The exchange of views confirmed full agree-
ment of the principle that the North Atlantic
Alliance continues to be a major instrument for
the maintenance of freedom, and the President
and the Chancellor agreed that every effort will
be made to strengthen common defense plan-
ning and joint operation of NATO defense
forces.
The President and the Chancellor discussed
the proposed multilateral seaborne MRBM
[medium-range ballistic missile] force. The
multilateral organisation is considered a good
instmunent for cerving all members of the Alli-
ance in combining their defense efforts. They
reaffirmed their agreement to use their best
efforts to bring such a force into being. They
also agreed that discussions about the principal
questions involved in the establishment of such
a force should be pursued with other interested
Governments.
They reaffirmed the commitment of their two
Governments to the right of self-determination,
as embodied in the United Nations Charter,
and to the achievement of German reunifica-
tion in peace and freedom. They agreed that
the freedom of Berlin will be preserved by
every necessai-y means, and that the two Gov-
ernments would seek every opportunity to
counter tlie inhuman effects of the Wall. They
also agreed that the two Governments would
continue to seek to reduce tension through inter-
national understanding.
Peace and freedom are prerequisites for over-
coming the obstacles that still prevent the
greater part of mankind from enjoying full
participation in social and economic develop-
ment. The President and the Chancellor af-
firmed that the Governments of the United
States and the Federal Republic of Germany
are determined to assume their part in these
tasks in the context of the free world's strategy
of peace.
JULY 22, 1963
117
Tlie discussions took place in a spirit of frank-
ness and cordiality. These meetings have
shown full agreement between the two Govern-
ments in assessing the international situation,
and have once again demonstrated the close and
friendly relations which exist between the two
countries.
President's Remarks at the Roemerberg Square,
Frankfurt, June 25
White House press release (Frankfurt) June 25
Mr. Mayor, Minister-President, Minister Er-
hard, ladies and gentlemen: Coming as I do
from the oldest major city in the United States,
I am proud to come to this city. I drove from
Hanau to Frankfurt. All along the way the
Minister-President pointed out those people
along the street who belong to the SPD [Ger-
man Socialist Party], while Minister Erliard
pointed out all those who belonged to the CDU
[Christian Democi-atic Union]. Even though
I have been here for almost 3 days, I am yet un-
able to make the distinction or see the difference.
In any case, I see friends.
I was in this city in 1948. I therefore have
some idea wliat the people of this city have done
to rebuild Frankfurt so it is now a vital place
in a free Germany. There is an old saying that
only in winter can you tell which trees are ever-
green. I think the people of this city have
proved not only their character and their cour-
age but also their commitment to freedom and
opportunity to live together with their fellow
Germans in a free and peaceful society.
People from Europe came to my country for
three reasons: eitlier because of famine and a
denial of opportunity, or because of their de-
sire for religious freedom, or because of tlieir
desire for political freedom. It was mostly the
citizens of Germany and of Frankfurt who came
to our country because of their desire in the
mid-lOtli century for political freedom, and
therefore they have been among the most inde-
pendent, the most responsible, and the most pro-
gressive of our citizens. Today in our far-off
country of the United States, in 20 States of the
Union, there are cities with the name of Frank-
furt which were founded by citizens of tliis city
who carriexl with tlieni to the New World the
strong coinniitnu'nt to fivedoin of this city and
the Old.
\
Political leaders come and go. "N^Hiat I hope
remains between the United States and Ger-
many is not only a strong feeling of sympathy
and friendship but also a recognition in this
great struggle in which we now exist, this great
struggle to which we have devoted our lives, the
struggle to maintain freedom and expand it
throughout the world. It is my hope that this ,
country and my own will work in partnership j.
and harmony in the years ahead. That is the I
best insurance for not only our survival, not m.
only the peace of the world, but also for the 1
maintenance of that commitment to freedom l
which I think gives hope of having it spread
throughout the globe. Abraham Lincoln in the
dark days before the Civil "War in my own coun-
try said, "I know there is a God. I see a storm
coming. If He has a part and a place for me,
then I am ready." No one can tell in the future
whether there is a storm coming for all of us,
but what we can be sure of is that no matter
what happens, we believe in God and we are
ready.
Thank you very much. Danke schon.
President's Address at the Paulskirche,
Frankfurt, June 25
White House press release (Frankfurt) dated June 25 ; ai-
deUvered text
Dr. Gerstenmaier, Mr. President Giesinger,
Chancellor Erhard, Minister-President Zinn,
Mayor Bockelmann, ladies and gentlemen : I am
most honored, Mr. President, to be able to speak
in this city before this audience, for in this hall
I am able to address myself to those who lead ^
and serve all segments of a democratic system,
Mayors, Governors, Members of Cabinets, civil
servants, and concerned citizens. As one who |
has known the satisfaction of the legislators i
life, I am particularly pleased that so many '
Members of j'our Bundestag and Buiidesrat are |
present today, for the vitality of your legislature
has been a major factor in your demonstration
of a working democracy, a democracy world-
wide in its influence. In your company also
are several of the authors of the Federal Con-
-stitution who have been able through their own
political service to give a new and lasting va-
lidity to the aims of the Frankfurt Assembly.
One hundred and fifteen years ago a most
learned parliament was convened in this his-
118
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIiLETIN
toric hall. Its o;oal was a united German
federation. Its members were poets and profes-
sors, lawyers and philosophers, doctors and cler-
gymen, freely elected in all parts of the land.
No nation applauded its endeavors as warmly
as my own. No assembly ever strove more ar-
dently to put perfection into practice. And
though in the end it failed, no other building
in Germany deserves more the title of "cradle
of German democracy."
But can there be such a title? In my own
home city of Boston, Faneuil Hall — once the
meeting place of the authors of the American
Revolution — has long been known as the
"cradle of American liberty." But when, in
18.52, the Hungarian patriot Kossuth addressed
an audience there, he criticized its name. "It
is," he said, "a great name — but there is some-
thing in it which saddens my heart. You should
not say 'American liberty.' You should say
'liberty in America.' Liberty should not be
either American or European — it should just
be 'liberty.' "
Kossuth was right. For unless liberty flour-
ishes in all lands, it cannot flourish in one.
Conceived in one hall, it must be cariied out in
many. Thus the seeds of the American Revolu-
tion had been brought earlier from Europe,
and they later took root around the world.
And the German Revolution of 1848 transmitted
ideas and idealists to America and to other
lands. Today, in 1963, democracy and liberty
are more international than ever before. And
the spirit of the Frankfurt Assembly, like the
spirit of Faneuil Hall, must live in many hearts
and nations if it is to live at all.
For we live in an age of interdependence as
well as independence — an age of international-
ism as well as nationalism. In 1848 many coun-
tries were indifferent to the goals of the Frank-
furt Assembly. It was, they said, a German
problem. Today there are no exclusively Ger-
man problems, or American problems, or even
European problems. There are world prob-
lems— and our two countries and continents are
inextricably bound together in the tasks of peace
as well as war.
We are partners for peace — not in a narrow
bilateral context but in a framework of Atlantic
partnership. The ocean divides us less than
the Mediterranean divided the ancient world
of Greece and Rome. Our Constitution is old
and yours is young, and our culture is young
and yours is old, but in our commitment we can
and must speak and act with but one voice.
Our roles are distinct but complementary— and
our goals are the same : peace and freedom for
all men, for all time, in a world of abundance,
in a world of justice.
That is why our nations are working together
to strengthen NATO, to expand trade, to assist
the developing countries, to aline our monetary
policies, and to build the Atlantic community.
I would not diminish the miracle of West Ger-
many's economic achievements. But the true
German miracle has been your rejection of the
past for the future — your reconciliation with
France, your participation in tlie building of
Europe, your leading role in NATO, and your
growing support for constructive undertakings
throughout the world.
Your economic institutions, your constitu-
tional guarantees, your confidence in civilian
authority, are all harmonious to the ideals of
older democracies. And they form a firm pillar
of the democratic European community.
But Goethe tells us in his greatest poem that
Faust lost the liberty of his soul when he said
to the passing moment : "Stay, thou art so fair."
And our liberty, too, is endangered if we pause
for the passing moment, if we rest on our
achievements, if we resist the pace of progress.
For time and the world do not stand still.
Change is the law of life. And those who look
only to the past or the present are certain to
miss the future.
The future of the West lies in Atlantic part-
nership— a system of cooperation, interdepend-
ence, and harmony whose peoples can jointly
meet their burdens and opportunities through-
out the world. Some say this is only a dream,
but I do not agree. A generation of achieve-
ment—the IVIarshall Plan, NATO, the Schu-
man Plan, and the Common Market — urges us
up the path to greater unity.
There will be difficulties and delays. There
will be doubts and discouragement. There will
be differences of approach and opinion. But
we have the will and the means to serve three
related goals — the heritage of our countries,
the unity of our continents, and the interde-
pendence of the Western alliance.
JULY 22, 1963
119
Some saj' that the United States will neither
hold to these purposes nor abide by its pledges —
that we will revert to a narrow nationalism.
But such doubts fly in the face of history. For
18 years the United States has stood its watch
for freedom all ai-ound the globe. The firm-
ness of American will and the effectiveness of
American strength have been shown, in sup-
port of free men and free government, in Asia,
in Africa, in the Americas, and, above all, here
in Europe. We have undertaken, and sustained
in honor, relations of mutual trust and obliga-
tion with more than 40 allies. We are proud of
this record, ■wliich more than answers doubts.
But in addition these proven commitments to
tlie common freedom and safety are assured, in
the future as in the past, by one great funda-
mental fact — that they are deeply rooted in
America's own self-interest. Our conunitment
to Europe is indispensable — in our interest as
well as yours.
It is not in our interest to try to dominate
the European councils of decision. If that were
our objective, we would prefer to see Europe
divided and weak, enabling the United States
to deal with each fragment individually. In-
stead we have and now look forwai'd to a Europe
united and strong — speaking with a common
voice, acting with a common will — a world
power capable of meeting world problems as a
full and equal partner.
This is in the interest of us all. For war in
Europe, as we learned twice in 40 years, de-
stroys peace in America. A threat to the free-
dom of Europe is a thi-eat to the freedom of
America. That is why no administration — no
administration — in Washington can fail to re-
spond to such a threat^ — not merely from good
will but from necessity. And that is why we
look forward to a united Eurojie in an Atlantic
partnership — an entity of interdependent parts,
sharing equally both burdens and decisions
and linked together in the tasks of defense as
well as the arts of i)eace.
This is no fantasy. It will be achieved by
concrete steps to solve the problems that face us
all : military, economic, and political. Partner-
ship is not a posture but a process, a continuous
process that grows stronger each year as we de-
vote ourselves to common tasks.
The first task of the Atlantic community was
to assure its common defense. That defense was
and still is indivisible. The United States will
risk its cities to defend yours because we need
your freedom to protect ours. Hundreds of
thousands of our soldiers serve with yours on
this continent, as tangible evidence of that
pledge. Those who would doubt our pledge or
deny this indivisibility — those who would sep-
arate Europe from America or split one ally
from another^ — would only give aid and com-
fort to the men who make themselves our adver-
saries and welcome any Western disarray.
The purpose of our common military effort is
not war but peace, not the destruction of nations
but the protection of freedom. The forces that
West Germany contributes to this effort are sec-
ond to none among the Western European na-
tions. Your nation is in the frontline of de-
fense, and your divisions, side by side with our
own, are a source of strength to us all.
These conventional forces are essential, and
they are backed by the sanction of thousands
of the most modern weapons here on European
soil and thousands more, only minutes away, in
posts around the world. Together our nations
have developed for the forward defense of free
Europe a deterrent far surpassing the present
or prospective force of any hostile power.
Nevertheless it is natural that America's nu-
clear position has raised questions within the
alliance. I believe we must confront these ques-
tions, not b}' turning the clock backward to sep-
arate nuclear deterrents but by developing a
more closely unified Atlantic deterrent, with
genuine European participation.
How this can best be done, and it is not easy —
in some ways more difficult than to split the
atom physically — how this can best be done is
now under discussion with those who may wish
to join in this effort. The proposal before us is
for a new Atlantic force. Such a force would
bring strength instead of weakness, cohesion in-
stead of division. It would belong to all mem-
bers, not one, with all participating on a basis
of full equality. And as Europe moves toward
unity, its role and responsibility, liere as else-
where, would and must increase accordingly.
Meanwhile there is much to do. We must
work more closely together on strategy, train-
\
120
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
ing, and planning. European officers from
NATO are being assigned to Strategic Air Com-
mand headquarters in Omaha, Nebraska.
Modern weapons are being deployed here in
Western Europe. And America's strategic de-
terrent, the most powerful in history, will con-
tinue to be at the service of the whole alliance.
Second: Our partnership is not military
alone. Economic unity is also imperative, not
only among the nations of Europe but across
the wide Atlantic. Indeed, economic coopera-
tion is needed throughout the entire free world.
By opening our markets to the developing coun-
tries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, by
contributing our capital and our skills, by
stabilizing basic prices, we can help assure them
of a favorable climate for freedom and growth.
This is an Atlantic responsibility. For the At-
lantic nations themselves helped to awaken
these peoples. Our merchants and traders
• ploughed up their soils — and their societies as
well — in search of minerals and oil and rubber
and coffee. Now we must help them gain full
membership in the 20th century, closing the gap
between rich and poor.
Another great economic challenge is the com-
ing round of trade negotiations. Those delib-
erations are much more important than a tech-
nical discussion of trade and commerce. They
are an opportunity to build common industrial
and agricultural policies across the Atlantic.
They are an opportunity to open up new sources
of demand, to give new impetus to gi-owth, and
make more jobs and prosperity, for our expand-
ing populations. They are an opportmiity to
recognize the trading needs and aspirations of
other free-world countries, including Japan.
In short, these negotiations are a test of our
unity. Wliile each nation must naturally look
out for its own interests, each nation must also
look out for the common interest — the need for
greater markets on both sides of the Atlantic,
the need to reduce the imbalance between de-
veloped and underdeveloped nations, and the
need to stimulate the Atlantic economy to high-
er levels of production rather than to stifle it
by higlier levels of protection.
We must not return to the 1930"s, when we
exported to each other our own stagnation. We
must not return to the discredited view that
trade favors some nations at the expense of
others. Let no one think that the United States,
with only a fraction of its economy dependent
on trade and only a small part of that with
Western Europe, is seeking trade expansion in
order to dump our goods on this continent.
Trade expansion will help us all. The expe-
rience of the Common Market, like the expe-
rience of the German Zollverein, shows an in-
creased rise in business activity and general
prosperity resulting for all participants in such
trade agreements, with no member profiting at
the expense of another. As they say on my own
Cape Cod, a rising tide lifts all the boats. And
a partnership, by definition, serves both part-
ners, without domination or unfair advantage.
Together we have been partners in adversity;
let us also be partners in prosperity.
Beyond development and trade is monetary
policy. Here again our interests run together.
Indeed there is no field in which the wider in-
terest of all more clearly outweighs the narrow
interest of one. We have lived by that prin-
ciple, as bankers to freedom, for a generation.
Now that other nations, including West Ger-
many, have found new economic strength, it
is time for common efforts here, too. The great
free nations of the world must take control of
our monetary problems if those problems are
not to take control of us.
Third and finally, our partnership depends
on common political purpose. Against the haz-
ards of division and lassitude, no lesser force
will serve. History tells us that dismaity and
relaxation are the great internal dangers of an
alliance. Thucydides reported that the Pelo-
ponnesians and their allies were mighty in bat-
tle but handicapped by their policymaking
body — in which, he related "each presses its
own ends . . . which generally results in no
action at all . . . they devote more time to the
prosecution of their own purposes than to
the consideration of the general welfare —
each supposes that no harm will come of his
own neglect, that it is the business of another
to do this or that — and so, as each separately
entertains the same illusion, the common cause
imperceptibly decays."
Is that also to be the story of the Grand Alli-
ance ? AVelded in a moment of imminent dan-
JXTLY 22, 1963
121
ger, will it disintegrate in complacency, with
each member pressing its own ends to the neg-
lect of the common cause? This must not be
the case. Our old dangers are not gone beyond
return, and any division among us would bring
them back in doubled strength.
Our defenses are now strong, but they must
be made stronger. Our economic goals are now
clear, but we must get on with their perform-
ance. And the greatest of our necessities, the
most notable of our omissions, is progress to-
ward unity of political purpose.
For we live in a world in which our own
united strength and will must be our first re-
liance. As I have said before, and will say
again, we work toward the day when there may
be real peace between us and the Communists.
We will not be second in that effort. But that
day is not yet here.
We in the United States and Canada are
200 million, and liere on the European side of
the Atlantic alliance are nearly 300 million
more. The strength and unity of this half bil-
lion human beings are and will continue to be
the anchor of all freedom, for all nations. Let
us from time to time pledge ourselves again to
the common purposes. But let us go on, from
words to actions, to intensify our efforts for
still greater unity among us, to build new asso-
ciations and institutions on those already estab-
lished. Loft}' words cannot construct an alli-
ance or maintain it; only concrete deeds can do
that.
The great present task of construction is here
on this continent, where the effort for a unified
free Europe is under way. It is not for Amer-
icans to prescribe to Europeans how this effort
should be carried forward. Nor do I believe
that there is any one right course or any single
final pattern. It is Europeans who are building
Europe.
Yet the reunion of Europe, as Europeans
shape it — bringing a permanent end to the civil
wars that have repeatedly wracked the world —
will continue to have the determined support
of the United States. For that reunion is a
necessary step in strengthening the community
of freedom. It would strengthen our alliance
for its defense. And it would be in our national
interest as well as yours.
It is only a fully cohesive Europe that can
protect us all against fragmentation of the al-
liance. Only such a Europe will permit full
reciprocity of treatment across the ocean, in
facing the Atlantic agenda. With only such
a Europe can we have a full give-and-take be-
tween equals, an equal sharing of responsibil-
ities, and an equal level of sacrifice. I repeat
again — so that there may be no misunderstand-
ing— the choice of paths to the unity of Europe
is a choice which Europe must make. But as
you continue this great effort, undeterred by
either difficulty or delay, you should know that
this new European greatness will be not an
object of fear but a source of strength for
the United States of America.
There are other political tasks before us. We
must all learn to practice more completely the
art of consultation on matters stretching well
beyond immediate military and economic ques-
tions. Together, for example, we must explore
the possibilities of leashing the tensions of the
cold war and reducing the dangers of the arms
race. Together we must work to strengthen
the spirit of those Europeans who are now not
free, to reestablish their old ties to freedom and
the West, so tliat their desire for libert,v, and
their sense of nationhood, and their sense of
belonging to the Western community will sur-
vive for future expression. We ask those who
would be our adversaries to understand that
in our relations with them we will not bar-
gain one nation's interest against another's and
that the commitment to the cause of freedom is
common to us all.
All of us in the West must be faithful to
our conviction that peace in Europe can never
be complete until everywhere in Europe — and
that includes Germany — men can choose, in
peace and freedom, how their coimtries shall be
governed and choose, without threat to any
neighbor, reunification with their countrymen.
I preach no easy liberation and I make no
empty promises, but my countrj'men, since our
country was founded, believe strongly in the
proposition that all men shall be free and all
free men shall have this right of choice.
As we look steadily eastward in the hope and
purpose of new freedom, we must also look —
and ever more closely — to our transatlantic ties.
1
122
DEPAKTMEXT OF STATE BTJI.LETIN
The Atlantic community will not soon become
a single overarching superstate. But practical
steps toward stronger common purpose are well
within our means. As we widen our common
effort in defense and our threefold cooperation
in economics, we shall inevitably strengthen
our political ties as well. Just as your current
efforts for unity in Europe will produce a
stronger voice in the dialog between us, so in
America our cun-ent battle for the liberty and
prosperity of all citizens can only deepen the
meaning of our common historic purposes. In
the far future there may be a new great union
for us all. But for the present there is plenty
for all to do in building new and enduring
comiections.
In short, the words of Thucydides are a warn-
ing, not a prediction. We have it in us, as 18
years have shown, to build our defenses, to
strengthen our economies, and to tighten our
political bonds, both in good weather and in
bad. We can move forward with the confidence
tliat is born of success and the skill that is born
of experience. And as we move, let us take
heart from the certainty that we are not only
united by danger and necessity but by hope and
purpose as well.
For we know now that freedom is more than
the rejection of tyranny, that prosperity is more
than an escape from want, that partnership is
more than a sharing of power. These are all,
above all, great human adventures. They must
have meaning and conviction and purpose — and
because they do, in your country now and in
mine, in all the nations of the alliance, we are
called to a great new mission.
It is not a mission of self-defense alone,
for that is a means, not an end. It is not a mis-
sion of arbitrary power, for we reject the idea
that one nation should dominate another. The
mission is to create a new social order, founded
on liberty and justice, in wliich men are the
masters of their fate, in which states are the
servants of their citizens, and in which all men
and women can share a better life for themselves
and their children. That is the object of our
conmion policy.
To realize this vision, we must seek, above all,
a world of peace — a world in which peoples
dwell together in mutual respect and work to-
gether in mutual regard, a world where peace
is not a mere interlude between wars but an
incentive to the creative energies of humanity.
We will not find such & peace today, or even
tomorrow. The obstacles to hope are large and
menacing. Yet the goal of a peaceful world
must — today and tomorrow — shape our deci-
sions and inspire our purposes.
So we are all idealists. We are all visionaries.
Let it not be said of this Atlantic generation
that we left ideals and visions to the past, nor
purpose and determination to our adversaries.
We have come too far, we have sacrificed too
much, to disdain the future now. And we shall
ever remember what Goethe told us, that the
"highest wisdom, the best that mankind ever
knew'' was the realization that "he only earns
his freedom and existence who daily conquers
them anew."
Thank you.
President's Remarks Before Industrial Trade
Union of Construction Workers, Berlin, June 26
White House press release (Berlin) dated June 26
I am not a stranger to trade imion meetings,
and therefore I feel most at home here today.
I appreciated the invitation which was extended
to me through George Meany to join you, Mr.
Rosenberg, Mr. Leber, your distinguished
Mayor [Willy Brandt], your distinguished
Chancellor, and have an oportunity to talk to
those of you whose work is essential in these
very difficult and dangerous days.
Below is written a quotation in this building
from Benjamin Franklin, which says, ". . . God
grant that not only the love of liberty, but a
thorough knowledge of the rights of men, may
pervade all the nations of the earth, so that a
philosopher may set his foot anywhere on its
surface, and say, 'This is my country.' " West
Berlin is my coimtry.
Benjamin Franklin once said to Thomas
Paine, the gi-eat American revolutionary,
"Wliere freedom is, there is where I live." And
Paine replied, "Wliere freedom is not, there is
where I live, because no man or counti-y can be
really free unless all men and all countries are
free."
It is no accident that during the last 40 years
the prime target of the Communist movement
has been the destruction of the free trade union
JULY 22, 1963
123
movement. Once the free trade union move-
ment is destroyed, once it is harnessed to the
cliariot of the state, once trade imion leaders
are nominated by the head of the state, once
meetin<TS such as this become formalities,
endorsing the purposes of the state, the
trade union movement is destroyed and so is
democracy.
Therefore, what you do in this country to
maintain freedom, the contributions that you
make to improve the welfare of your people,
the great sense of responsibility you feel not
only toward your members, not only toward
your country, not only toward other trade un-
ions, in other countries, but your sense of re-
sponsibility for the whole movement of free-
dom— so long as that exists the world can look
to the future with hope.
So I am glad and proud to come here today.
In the United States, in the last 30 years, all
of the great efTorts that were made at home and
abroad — Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, Pres-
ident Truman's effort through Marshall Plan,
NATO, Point 4, and all the rest, and tlie effort
that President Eisenhower made — all of these
great international efforts, as well as great pro-
gressive national movements, had the strong
endorsement and support of the AFIj-CIO, led
by Mr. George Meany, who has stood for free-
dom in the United States and around the globe.
Therefore I urge you, gentlemcTi, in meeting
your responsibilities to those who belong to your
unions, to also realize tliat your unions will not
survive except in a world of freedom. I urge
you to hold out, as we are trying to do in the
United States in the AFL-CIO, a lielping hand
to those who seek to organize trade unions in
Latin America, Africa, and Asia. This is how
a free society remains free, and, in addition,
while freedom is an end in itself, it is also a
means.
I think tliat nothing has been more destruc-
tive to the mj-tli that once existed that, while
communism meant a loss of personal liberty,
it was a means of economic advancement. If
there is any myth that has been destroyed
in the last 10 years, it has been the concept that
comnumism and economic welfare go hand in
hand. I believe our times have shown that free-
dom is the handmaiden of economic advance-
ment, that through a system of freedom.
through a system of progress, through a sys-
tem of responsibilities within a free society, that
is the best way that people can live, not only
peacefully at night and in the daytime, but
also can enjoy an increasingly high standard
of living. That is what we want freedom for,
not only so we can exist ourselves and develop
our own personalities but so that our people
can move ahead : the people in my country who
are entitled to an equal opportunity which we
are now fighting to give them, the people in this
country who desire not only to be free but to
make it possible for their children to live better
than they lived. And here in Western Europe
and in the United States, where the trade union
movement has played such an important role,
I hope it will be an example to those who live
to the south of us, who stand on the razor edge
of moving into some kind of totalitarianism or
developing a free, progressive society, where,
through the trade imion movements, the fruits
of progress, the fruits of production, can be dis-
tributed fairly to the population — not by a
leader but by the people themselves.
So I regard this movement as important, this
meeting as essential, and I regard it as a privi-
lege to come here. This is a great city. It has
meant a lot in the history of the last 18 years.
I am proud to be here with General [Lucius D.]
Clay. Americans may be far away, but in ac-
cordance with what Benjamin Franlvlin said,
this is where we want to be today. "\^nien I
leave tonight, I leave and the United States
stays.
Thank you.
President's Remarks Upon Signing the Golden
Book, Berlin, June 26
White House press release (Berlin) dated June 2G
I am proud to come to this city as the guest of
your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized
throughout the world the fighting spirit of West
Berlin, and I am pi-oud to visit the Federal
Republic with your distinguished Chancellor
who, for so many years, has committed Germany
to democracy and freedom and progress, and to
come here in the company of my fellow Ameri-
can, General Clay, who has been in this city
during its great moments of crisis and will come
again if ever needed.
124
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Two thousand years ago the proudest boast
was '■^Civitas Romaniis sum.'''' Today, in the
world of freedom, the proudest boast is "/cA
bin ein Berliner?^ (I appreciate my inter-
preter translating my German.)
There are many people in the world who real-
ly don't understand, or say they don't, what is
the great issue between the free world and the
Communist world. Let them come to Berlin.
There are some who say that commimism is the
wave of the future. Let them come to Berlin.
And there are some who say in Europe and else-
where we can work witli the Communists. Let
them come to Berlin. And there are even a few
who say that it is true that communism is an
evil system but it permits us to make economic
progress. Lasst sie nach Berlin komrnen.
Freedom has many difficulties and democracy
is not perfect, but we have never had to put a
wall up to keep our people in, to prevent them
from leaving us. I want to say, on behalf of
my countrymen, who live many miles away on
the other side of the Atlantic, who are far dis-
tant from you, that they take the greatest pride
that they have been able to share with you, even
from a distance, the story of the last 18 years.
I know of no town, no city, that has been be-
sieged for 18 years that still lives with the
vitality and the force and the hope and the de-
tennination of the city of West Berlin. While
the wall is the most obvious and vivid demon-
stration of the failures of the Communist sys-
tem, for all the world to see, we take no satisfac-
tion in it for it is, as your Mayor has said, an
offense not only against history but an offense
against humanity, separating families, divid-
ing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters,
and dividing a people who wish to be joined
together.
^Vliat is true of this city is true of Germany —
real, lasting peace in Europe can never be as-
sured as long as one German out of four is
denied the elementary right of free men, and
that is to make a free choice. In 18 years of
peace and good faith, this generation of Ger-
mans has earned the right to be free, including
the riglit to unite their families and their nation
in lasting peace, with good will to all people.
You live in a defended island of freedom, but
your life is part of the main.
So let me ask you, as I close, to lift your eyes
beyond the dangers of today to the hopes of to-
morrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city
of Berlin, or your country of Gei-many, to the
advance of fi-eedom everywhere, beyond the
wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond
yourselves and ourselves to all mankind. Free-
dom is indivisible, and when one man is en-
slaved all are not free. When all are free, then
we can look forward to that day when this city
will be joined as one and this comiti-y and this
great continent of Europe in a peaceful and
hopeful glow. "UHien that day finally comes,
as it will, the people of West Berlin can take
sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in
the f rontlmes for almost two decades.
All free men, wherever they may live, are citi-
zens of Bei'lin, and, therefore, as a free man, I
take pride in the words "/cA h'm ein Berliner."
President's Address at Free University, Berlin,
June 26
White Hixise press release (Berlin) dated June 26; as-
delivered text
Sir, Mr. Mayor, Chancellor, distinguished
Ministers, members of the faculty, and Fellows
of this imiversity, fellow students: I am hon-
ored to become an instant graduate of this dis-
tinguished university. The fact of the matter
is, of course, that any miiversity, if it is a uni-
versity, is free. So one might think that the
words "Free University" are redimdant. But
not in West Berlin. So I am proud to be here
today, and I am proud to have this association,
on behalf of my fellow comitrymen, with this
great center of learning.
Prince Bismarck once said that one-third of
the students of Gennan universities broke down
from overwork, another third broke down from
dissipation, and the other third ruled Germany.
I do not know which third of the student body
is here today, but I am confident that I am
talking to the future rulers of this comitry, and
also of other free countries, stretching around
the world, who have sent their sons and daugh-
ters to this center of freedom in order to under-
stand what the world struggle is all about. I
know that when you leave this school you will
not imagine that this institution was founded
by citizens of the world, including my own
OTJLT 22, 1963
125
country, and was developed by citizens of West
Berlin — that you will not imagine that these
men who teach you have dedicated their life to
your knowledge— in order to give this school's
graduates an economic advantage in the life
struggle. This school is not interested in turn-
ing out merely corporation lawyers or skilled
accountants. What it is interested in — and this
must be true of every uni\ ersity — is it must be
interested in turning out citizens of the world,
men who comprehend the difficult, sensitive
tasks that lie before us as free men and women,
and men who are willing to commit their ener-
gies to the advancement of a free society. That
is why you are here, and that is why this school
was founded, and all of us benefit from it.
It is a fact that in my own country in the
American Revolution that revolution and the
society developed thereafter was built by some
of the most distinguished tcholais in the histoi-y
of the United States, who were, at the same
time, among our foremost politicians. They
did not believe that knowledge was merely for
the study, but they thought it was for the mar-
ketplace as well, and Madison and Jefferson and
Franklin and all the others who built the United
States, who built our Constitution, who built it
on a sound framework, I believe set an example
for us all, and what was true of my country has
been true of your country and the countries of
Western Europe. As an American said 100
years ago, it was John Milton who conjugated
verbs in his library when tlie freedom of Eng-
lishmen was periled. The duty of the scholar,
of the etlucated man, of the man or woman
whom society has developed — the duty of that
man or woman is to help build the society which
has made their own advancement possible.
You understand it and I understand it, and I
am proud to be with you.
Goetiie, wliose home city I visited yesterday,
believed tliat education and culture were the
answer to international strife. "With sufficient
learning," he wrote, "a scliolar forgets national
hatreds, stands above nations, and feels the well-
being or troubles of a neighboring people as if
they happened to his own." That is the kind
of scholar that this university is training. In
the 15 turbulent years since this institution was
fomided, dedicated to the motto "Truth, Justice,
and Liberty," much has changed. The univer-
sity enrollment has increased sevenfold, and re-
lated colleges have been founded. West Berlin
has been blockaded, threatened, harassed, but
it continues to grow in industrj' and culture and
size, and in the hearts of free men. Germany
has changed. Western Europe and, indeed, the
entire world has changed, but this university
has maintained its fidelity to these three
ideals — trutli, justice, and liberty. I choose,
therefore, to discuss the future of this city
briefly in the context of these three obligations.
Speaking a shoi-t time ago in the center of
the city, I reaffiimed my country's commitment
to West Berlin's freedom and restated our con-
fidence in its people and their courage. The
shield of the military commitment with which
we, in association with two other great powers,
guard the freedom of West Berlin will not be
lowered or put aside so long as its presence is
needed, but behind that shield it is not enough
to mark time, to adhere to a status quo, while
awaiting a change for the better in a situation
fraught with challenge, and the last 4 years in
the world have seen the most extraordinary
challenges, the significance of which we cannot
even grasp today, and only when histoiy and
time have passed can we realize the significant
events that happened at the end of the fifties
and the beginning of the sixties. In a situation
fraught with change and challenge, in an era of
tliis kind, every resident of West Berlin has a
duty to consider where he is, where his city is
going, and how best it can get there. The
scholar, the teacher, the intellectual, have a
higher duty than any of the others, for society
lias trained you to think as well as do. This
community has committed itself to that objec-
tive, and you have a special obligation to think
and to help forge the future of this city in terms
of truth and justice and liberty.
First, what does tiiitli require? It requires
us to face the facts as they are, not to involve
ourselves in self-deception — to refuse to think
merely in slogans. If we are to work for the
future of the city, let us deal with the realities
as they actually are, not as they might have
been and not as we wish thej' were. Eeunifica-
tion, I believe, will someday be a reality. The
lessons of history support that belief, especially
126
DEPARXaiENT OF STATE BULLETIN
tlie liistory in the world of the last 18 years.
The strongest force in the world today has been
the strength of the state, of tlie idea of nation-
alism of a people; and in Afi'ica and in Latin
America and in Asia, all around tlie globe, new
countries have sprung into existence deter-
mined to maintain tlieir freedom. This has
been one of the strongest forces on tlie side of
freedom. And it is a source of satisfaction to
me tliat so many countries of Western Europe
recognized this and cliose to move with this
i^reat tide, and, therefore, that tide has served
us and not our adversaries.
But we all know that a police state regime
has been imposed on the Eastern sector of this
city and countiy. The jieaceful remiification
of Berlin and Germany will, therefore, not be
either quick or easy. We must first bring
others to see their own true interests better than
they do today. What will count in the long run
are the realities of Western strength, the reali-
ties of Western commitment, the realities of
Germany as a nation and a people, without re-
gard to artificial boundaries of barbed wire.
Those are the realities upon which we rely and
on which history will move, and others too
would do well to recognize them.
Secondly, what does justice require? In the
end, it requires liberty. And I will come to
tliat. But in the meantime justice requires us
to do what we can do in this transition period
to improve the lot and maintain the hopes of
those on the other side. It is important that the
people on the quiet streets in the East be kept
in touch with Western society. Through all
the contacts and communication that can be
established, through all the trade that West-
ern security permits, above all whether they see
much or little of the West, what they see must
be so bright as to contradict the daily drumbeat
of distortion from the East. You have no
higher opportunity, therefore, than to stay here
in "West Berlin, to contribute your talents and
skills to its life, to show your neighbors democ-
racy at work, a gi-owing and productive city
offering freedom and a better life for all. You
are helping now by your studies and by your
devotion to freedom, and you, therefore, earn
the admiration of your fellow students from
wlierever they come.
Today I have had a chance to see all of this
myself. I have seen housing and factories and
office buildings and commerce and a vigorous
academic and scientific life here in this com-
munity. I have seen the people of this city, and
I think that all of us who have come here know
that the morale of this city is high, that the
standard of living is high, the faith in tlie future
is high, and that this is not merely an isolated
outpost cut off from the world, cut off from the
West. Students come here from many coun-
tries, and I hope more will come, especially from
Africa and Asia. Those of you who may return
from study here to other parts of Western Eu-
rope will still be helping to forge a society
whicli most of those across the wall yearn to
join. The Federal Republic of Germany, as all
of us know from our visit better than ever, has
created a free and dynamic economy from the
disasters of defeat and a bulwark of freedom
from the ruins of tyramiy.
West Berlin and West Germany have dedi-
cated and demonstrated their commitment to
the liberty of the human mind, the welfare of
the community, and to peace among nations.
They offer social and economic security and
progress for their citizens, and all this has been
accomplished — and this is the important
point — not only because of their economic plant
and capacity but because of their conunitment to
democracy, because economic well-being and
democracy must go hand in hand.
And finally, what does liberty require? The
answer is clear. A united Berlin in a united
Germany, united by self-determination and liv-
ing in peace. This right of free choice is no
special privilege claimed by the Germans alone.
It is an elemental requirement of human jus-
tice. So tliis is our goal, and it is a goal which
may be attainable most readily in the context
of the reconstitution of the larger Europe on
both sides of the harsh line which now divides
it. This idea is not new in the postwar West.
Secretary Marshall, soon after he delivered his
famous speech at Harvard University urging
aid to the reconstruction of Europe, was asked
what areas his proposal might cover, and he
replied that he was "taking the commonly ac-
cepted geography of Europe — west of Asia."
His offer of help and friendship was rejected,
but it is not too early to think once again in
JXTLT 22, 1963
127
terms of all of Europe, for the winds of change
are blowing across (lie Curtain as well as the
rest of tlie world.
The cause of human rights and dignity, some
two centuries after its birth in Europe and the
United States, is still moving men and nations
with ever-increasing momentum. The Negro
citizens of my own country have strengthened
their demand for equality and opportunity.
And the American people and the American
Government are going to respond. The pace
of decolonization has quickened in Africa. The
people of the developing nations have intensi-
fied their pursuit of eeonomic and social justice.
The people of Eastern Europe, even after 18
yeare of oppression, are not immune to change.
The truth doesn't die. The desire for liberty
cannot be fully suppressed. The people of the
Soviet Union, even after 45 years of jDarty dic-
tatorsliip, feel the forces of liistorical evolution.
The harsh precepts of Stalinism are officially
recognized as bankrupt. Economic and po-
litical variation and dissent are appearing, for
example, in Poland, Rumania, and the Soviet
Union itself. The growing emphasis on scien-
tific and industrial achievement has been ac-
companied by increased education and by intel-
lectual ferment. Indeed, the veiy nature of the
modern technological society requires human
initiative and the diversity of free minds. So
history itself runs against the Marxist dogma,
not toward it.
Nor are such systems equipped to deal with
the organization of modern agriculture and the
diverse energy of the modern consumer in a de-
veloped society. In short, these dogmatic police
states are an anachronism. Like the division
of Germany and of Europe, it is against the
tide of history. The new Europe of the West,
dynamic, diverse, and democratic, must exert
an ever-increasing attraction to the people of
the East, and wlien the possibilities of recon-
ciliation appear we in the West will make it
clear that we are not hostile to any people or
system providing they choose their own destiny
without interfering with the free choice of
others.
There will be wounds to heal and suspicions
to be eased on both sides. The difference in
living standards will have to be reduced by
leveling up, not down. Fair and effective
agreements to end the arms race must be
reached. These changes will not come today or
tomorrow. But our efforts for a real settlement
must continue imdiminished.
As I said this morning, I am not impressed
by the opportunities open to popular fronts
throughout the world. I do not believe that
any democrat can successfully ride that tiger.
But I do believe in the necessity of great powers
working together to preserve the human race,
or otherwise we can be destroyed. This process
can only be helped by the growing unity of the
West, and we must all work toward that unity,
for in unity there is strength, and that is why I
travel to this continent — the unity of this conti-
nent— and anj' division or weakness only makes
our task more difficult. Nor can the West ever
negotiate a peaceful reunification of Germany
from a divided and uncertain and competitive
base. In short, only if they see over a period of
time that we are strong and united, that we are
vigilant and determined, are others likely to
abandon their course of armed aggression or
subversion. Only then will genuine, mutually
acceptable proposals to reduce hostility have a
chance to succeed.
This is not an easy course. There is no easy
course to the reunification of Germany, the re-
constitution of Europe. But life is never easy.
There is work to be done, and obligations to be
met, obligations to truth, to justice, and to
liberty.
Thank you.
THE VISIT TO IRELAND
President's Address Before a Joint Session of
the Dail and Seanad, Dublin, June 28
White House press release (Dublin) dated June 28; as-
delivered text
Mr. Speaker, Prime Minister, Members of the
Parliament: I am grateful for your welcome
and for that of your countrymen.
The 13th day of December 18G2 will be a day
long remembered in American history. At
Fredericksburg, Virginia, thousands of men
fought and died on one of the bloodiest battle-
fields of the American Civil War. One of the
most brilliant stories of that day was written by
128
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
a band of 1,200 men who went into battle wear-
ing a green sprig in their hats. They bore a
proud heritage and a special courage, given to
those who had long fought for the cause of free-
dom. I am refeiTing, of course, to the Irish
Brigade. As General Robert E. Lee, the gi-eat
military leader of the Southern Confederate
forces, is reported to liaA^e said of this group of
men after the battle, "The gallant stand which
this bold brigade made on the heights of Fred-
ericksburg is well known. Never were men so
brave. They ennobled their race by their splen-
did gall antry on that desperate occasion. Their
brilliant though hopeless assaults on our lines
excited the hearty applause of our officers and
soldiers."
Of the 1,200 men who took part in that as-
sault, 280 survived the battle. The Irish Bri-
gade was led into battle on that occasion by
Brigadier General Thomas F. Meagher, who
had participated in the unsuccessful Irish up-
rising of 1848, was captured by the British and
sent in a prison ship to Australia, from whence
he finally came to America. In the fall of 1862,
after serving with distinction and gallantry in
some of the toughest fighting of this most
bloody struggle, the Irish Brigade was pre-
sented with a new set of flags. In the city cere-
mony, the city chamberlain gave them the motto
"The Union, Our Countiy, and Ireland For-
ever." Their old ones having been torn to
shreds by bullets in previous battles, Captain
Richard McGee took possession of these flags
on December 2d in New York City and arrived
with them at the Battle of Fredericksburg and
carried them in the battle. Today, in recogni-
tion of what these gallant Irislmien and what
millions of other Irish have done for my coun-
try, and through the generosity of the Fighting
69th, I would like to present one of these flags
to the people of Ireland.
As you can see, gentlemen, the battle honors
of the Brigade include Fredericksburg, Chan-
cellorsville, Yorktown, Fair Oaks, Gaines's Mill,
Allen's Farm, Savage's Station, Wliite Oak
Bridge, Glendale, IMalvern Hill, Antietam,
Gettysburg, and Bristoe Station.
I am deeply honored to be your guest in the
free Parliament of a free Ireland. If this
nation had achieved its present political and
economic stature a century or so ago, my great
grandfather might never have left New Ross,
and I might, if fortunate, be sitting down there
with you. Of course, if your own President
had never left Brooklyn, he might be standing
up here instead of me.
This elegant building, as you know, was once
the property of the Fitzgerald family, but I
have not come here to claim it. Of all the new
relations I have discovered on this trip, I regret
to say that no one has yet found any link be-
tween me and a great Irish patriot, Lord
Edward Fitzgerald. Lord Edward, however,
did not like to stay here in his family home be-
cause, as he wrote his mother, "Leinster House
does not inspire the brightest ideas." That was
a long time ago, however. It has also been said
by some that a few of the features of this stately
mansion served to inspire similar features in
the Wliite House in Washington. Wliether this
is true or not, I know that the Wliite House
was designed by James Hoban, a noted Irish-
American architect, and I have no doubt that
he believed by incorporating several features of
the Dublin style he would make it more home-
like for any President of Irish descent. It was
a long wait, but I appreciate his efforts.
There is also an unconfirmed rumor that
Hoban was never fully paid for his work on the
Waite House. If this proves to be true, I will
speak to our Secretary of the Treasury about it,
although I hear this body is not particularly
interested in the subject of revenues.
I am proud to be the first American Presi-
dent to visit Ireland during his term of office,
proud to be addressing this distinguished as-
sembly, and proud of the welcome you have
given me. My presence and your welcome, how-
ever, only symbolize the many and the endur-
ing links which have bound the Irish and the
Americans since the earliest days.
Benjamin Franklin, the envoy of the Ameri-
can Revolution, who was also born in Boston,
was received by the Irish Parliament in 1772.
It was neither independent nor free from dis-
crimination at the time, but Franklin repoited
its members "disposed to be friends of Amer-
ica." "By joining our interest with theirs," he
said, "a more equitable treatment . . . might be
obtained for both nations."
JULY 22, 1963
693-679—63
129
Our iiitorests liave been joined ever since.
Franklin sent leaflets to Irish Freedom Fight-
ers. O'Coimell was influenced by Washington,
and Eniniet influenced Lincoln. Irish volun-
teers played so predominant a role in the
American Army that Lord Mountjoy lamented
in the British Parliament, '"AVe have lost
America through the Irish." Jolui Barry,
whose statue was honored yesterday, and whose
sword is in my office, was only one who fought
for liberty in America to set an example for
liberty in Ireland. Yesterday was the 1 I7th an-
niversary of the birth of Charles Stewart
Parnell, whose grandfather fought under Barry
and whose mother was bom in America, and
who, at the age of 34, was invited to address
the American Congress on the cause of Irisli
freedom. "I have seen since I have been in this
country," he said, "so many tokens of the good
M'islies of the American people toward Ire-
land. . . ." And today, 83 years latei-, I can
say to you that I have seen in this country so
many tokens of good wishes of the Irish people
toward America.
And so it is that our two nations, divided by
distance, have been united by history. No peo-
ple ever believed more deeply in the cause of
Irish freedom than the people of the United
States. And no country contributed more to
building my own than your sons and daughters.
They came to our shores in a mixture of hope
and agony, and I would not underrate the diffi-
culties of their course once they arrived in the
United States. They left behind hearts, fields,
and a nation yearning to be free. It is no won-
der that James Joyce described the Atlantic as
a bowl of bitter tears, and an earlier poet wrote,
"They are going, going, going, and we cannot
bid them stay."
But today this is no longer the country of
hunger and famine that those emigrants left
behind. It is not rich and its progress is not
yet complete, but it is, according to statistics,
one of the best fed countries in the world. Nor
is it any longer a country of persecution, politi-
cal or religious. It is a free country, and that
is why any American feels at home.
There are those who regard this history of
past strife and exile as l)etter forgotten, but
to use the phrase of Yeats, "I^et us not casually
reduce that great past to a trouble of fools, for
we need not feel the bitterness of the past to dis-
cover its meaning for the present and the fu-
ture."
And it is the present and the future of Ire-
land that today holds so much promise to my
nation as well as to yours, and indeed to all man-
kind, for the Ireland of 1963, one of the young-
est of nations and the oldest of civilizations, has
discovered that the achievement of nationhood
is not an end but a beginning. In the years
since independence, you have undergone a new
and peaceful revolution, an economic and in-
dustrial revolution, transforming the face of this
land while still holding to the old spiritual and
cultural values. You have modernized your
economy, harnessed your rivers, diversified your
industry, liberalized your trade, electrified your
farms, accelerated your rate of growth, and im-
proved the living standard of your people.
Other nations of the world in whom Ireland
has long invested her people and her children
are now investing their capital as well as their
vacations here in Ireland. This revolution is
not yet over, nor will it be, I am sure, until a
fully modem Irish economy fully shares in
world prosperity. But prosperity is not enough.
Eighty-three years ago, Henry Grattan, de-
manding the more independent Irish Parlia-
ment that would always bear his name, de-
nounced those who were satisfied merely by new
grants of economic opportmiity. "A country,"
he said, "enlightened as Ireland, chartered as
Ireland, armed as Ireland, and injured as Ire-
land, will be satisfied with nothing less than lib-
erty." And today, I am certain, free Ireland, a
full-fledged member of the world community,
where some are not yet free and where some
counsel an acceptance of tyranny — free Ireland
will not be satisfied with anything less than
liberty.
I am glad, therefore, that Ireland is moving
in the mainstream of current world events. For
I sincerely believe that your future is as prom-
ising as your past is proud and that your des-
tiny lies not as a peaceful island in a sea of
troubles but as a maker and shaper of world
peace. For self-determination can no longer
mean isolation ; and the achievement of national
independence today means witlulrawal from the
1.30
DKTARTMENT OF STATK BtTI,I,F,TIN
old status only to return to the world scene with
a new one. New nations can build with their
fonner governing powers the same kind of
fruitful relationship that Ireland has estab-
lished with Great Britain — a relationship
founded on equality and mutual interests. And
no nation, large or small, can be indifferent to
the fate of others, near or far. Modern eco-
nomics, weaponry, and communications have
made us realize more than ever that we are
one human family and this one planet is our
home.
"The world is large," wrote John Boyle
O'Reilly — "The world is large when its weary
leagues two loving hearts divide ; but the world
is small when your enemy is loose on tlie other
side." The world is even smaller today, though
the enemy of John Boyle O'Reilly is no longer
a hostile power. Indeed, across the gulfs and
barriers that now divide us, we must remember
that there are no permanent enemies. Hostility
today is a fact, but it is not a ruling law. The
supreme reality of our time is our indivisibility
as children of God and our common vulnera-
bility on this planet.
Some may say that all this means little to
Ireland. In an age when "history moves with
the tramp of earthquake feet" — in an age when
a handful of men and nations have the power to
devastate mankind, in an age when the needs
of the developing nations are so staggering that
even the richest lands often groan with the
burden of assistance — in such an age, it may
be asked, how can a nation as small as Ireland
play much of a role on the world stage ?
I would remind those who ask that question,
including those in other small countries, of
these words of one of the great orators of the
English language:
All the world owes much to the little "five feet high"
nations. The greatest art of the world was the work of
little nations. The most enduring literature of the
world came from little nations. The heroic deeds that
thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of
little nations fighting for their freedom. And, oh, yes,
the salvation of mankind came through a little nation.
Ireland has already set an example and a
standard for other small nations to follow. This
has never been a rich or powerful country, and
yet, since earliest times, its influence on the
world has been rich and powerful. No large
nation did more to keep Christianity and West-
ern culture alive in their darkest centuries. No
larger nation did more to spark the cause of
independence in America, indeed, around the
world. And no larger nation has ever provided
the world with more literary and artistic
genius.
This is an extraordinary country. (Jeorge
Bernard Shaw, speaking as an Irislmian,
summed up an approach to life: "Other peo-
ples," he said, "see things and say : 'Why?' . . .
But I dream things that never were — and I say :
'Why not?'"
It is that quality of the Irish, the remarkable
combination of hope, confidence, and imagina-
tion, that is needed more than ever today. The
problems of the world cannot possibly be solved
by skeptics or cynics whose horizons are limited
by the obvious realities. We need men who
can dream of things that never were, and ask
why not. It matters not how small a nation is
that seeks world peace and freedom, for, to par-
aphrase a citizen of my country, "The humblest
nation of all the world, when clad in the armor
of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the
hosts of Error."
Ireland is clad in the cause of national and
human liberty with peace. To the extent that
the peace is disturbed by conflict between the
former colonial powers and the new and devel-
oping nations, Ireland's role is unique. For
every new nation knows that Ireland was the
first of the small nations in the 20th century to
win its struggle for independence and that the
Iri.sh have traditionally sent their doctors and
technicians and soldiers and priests to help
other lands to keep their liberty alive. At the
same time, Ireland is part of Europe, associated
with the Council of Europe, progressing in the
context of Europe, and a prospective member of
an expanded European Common Market. Thus
Ireland has excellent relations with both the
new and the old, the confidence of both sides,
and an opportimity to act where the actions of
greater powers might be looked upon with
suspicion.
The central issue of freedom, however, is be-
tween those who believe in self-determination
and those in the East who would impose on
others the harsh and oppressive Communist
JtTLT 22, 1963
131
system ; and here your nation wisely rejects the
role of a go-between or a mediator. Ireland
pursues an independent course in foreign policy,
but it is not neutral between liberty and tyranny
and never will be.
For knowing the meaning of foreign domina-
tion, Ireland is the example and inspiration to
those enduring endless years of oppression. It
was fitting and appropriate that this nation
played a leading role in censuring the suppres-
sion of the Hungarian revolution, for how
many times was Ireland's quest for freedom
suppressed only to have that quest renewed by
the succeeding generation? Those who suffer
beyond that wall I saw on Wednesday in Berlin
must not despair of their future. Let them re-
member the constancy, the faith, the endurance,
and the final success of the Irish. And let them
remember, as I heard sung by your sons and
daughters yesterday in Wexford, the words,
"The boys of Wexford, who fought with heart
and hand, to burst in twain the galling chain
and free our native land."
The major forum for your nation's greater
role in world affairs is that of protector of the
weak and voice of the small, the United Na-
tions. From Cork to the Congo, from Gal way
to the Gaza Strip, from this legislative assem-
bly to the United Nations, Ireland is sending its
most talented men to do the world's most im-
portant work — the work of peace.
In a sense this export of talent is in keeping
with an historic Irish role. But you no longer
go as exiles and emigrants but for the service
of your country and, indeed, of all men. Like
the Irish missionaries of medieval days, like the
wild geese after the Battle of the Boyne, you
are not content to sit by your fireside while
others are in need of your help. Nor are you
content with the recollections of the past when
you face the responsibilities of the present.
Twenty-six sons of Ireland have died in the
Congo ; many others have been wounded. I pay
tribute to fhem and to all of you for your com-
mitment and dedication to world order. And
their sacrifice reminds us all that we must not
falter now.
The United Nations must be fully and fairly
financed. Its peacekeeping machinery must be
strengthened. Its institutions must be devel-
oped until some day, and perhaps some distant
day, a world of law is achieved.
Ireland's influence in the United Nations is
far greater than your relative size. You have
not hesitated to take the lead on such sensitive
issues as the Kashmir dispute, and you spon-
sored that most vital resolution, adopted by the
General Assembly, which opposed the spread of
nuclear arms to any nation not now possessing
them, urging an international agreement with
inspection and control, and I pledge to you that
the United States of America will do all in its
power to achieve such an agreement and fulfill
your resolution.
I speak of these matters today not because Ire-
land is unaware of its role, but I think it impor-
tant that you know that we know what you have
done, and I speak to remind the other small
nations that they, too, can and must help build
a world peace. They, too, as we all are, are
dependent on the LTnited Nations for security,
for an equal chance to be heard, for progress
toward a world made safe for diversity. The
peacekeeping machinery of the United Nations
cannot work without the help of the smaller na-
tions, nations whose forces threaten no one and
whose forces can thus help create a world in
which no nation is threatened.
Great powers have their responsibilities and
their burdens, but the smaller nations of the
world must fulfill their obligations as well. A
great Irish poet once wrote, "I believe pro-
foundly in the future of Ireland, that this is an
isle of destiny, that that destiny will be glorious,
and that when our hour has come we will have
something to give to the world."
My friends, Ireland's hour has come. You
have something to give to the world, and that is
a future of peace with freedom. Thank you.
THE VISIT TO THE UNITED KINGDOM
Communique Between President Kennedy
and Prime Minister Macmillan,
Birch Grove House, Sussex, June 30
Wliili' Honso prrss release (Sussex) dated June 30
During the past two days President Ken-
nedy and Prime Minister Macmillan have held
their seventh meeting to discuss current prob-
lems. Their talks have taken place at Prime
Minister Macmillan's home in Sussex and fol-
132
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
lowed on President Kennedy's visit to Germany
and Eire.
The United States Secretary of State, Mr.
Rusk, Lord Home, British Foreign Secret aiy,
Mr. Duncan Sandys, Secretary of State for
Commonwealth Relations and Secretary of
State for the Colonies, Lord Hailsham, Lord
President of the Council, Mr. Thorneycroft,
Minister of Defence, and Mr. Heath, Lord Privy
Seal, took part in the talks at various times.
During some twelve hours of discussion the
President and the Prime Minister began by
hearing reports from Lord Home and Mr. Rusk
about conversations which the two Ministers
had held in London during the previous two
days. The topics covered included Laos and the
Far Eastern situation, the position in the Mid-
dle East, the problems of NATO and the
Western Alliance and the effort for a test ban
treaty. President Kennedy and the Prime
Minister took note in particular of the situation
in Laos and expressed their concern at the fre-
quent breaches of the Geneva Agreement of
1962 and at the failure of certain parties to the
Agreement to carry out their obligations under
it. They agreed to continue to work closely to-
gether for the preservation of peace in Laos
and the independence and neutrality of that
country. They also agreed to continue close
general cooperation in the Far East, par-
ticularly in regard to the problems of Viet Nam.
As regards the Middle East, the President
and the Prime Minister agreed on the impor-
tance of the efforts made by the United Nations
in working towards conciliation in the Yemen
and pledged their support to the Secretary-
General.^
The President and the Prime Minister were
agreed on their policy of continuing to help
India by providing further military aid to
strengthen her defences against the threat of
renewed Chinese Communist attack. They
were impressed by the importance to the
economic progress and defence of both India
and Pakistan of whose anxieties they wei'e
fully aware, of an honourable and equitable set-
tlement of the outstanding differences between
the two countries; they stood ready to help in
' For background, see Bulletin of July 8, 1963, p. 71.
any way which might be desired by both coun-
tries.
President Kennedy and the Prime Minister
then reviewed the problems of the Western
Alliance, especially in regard to NATO.
They noted with satisfaction the decisions
reached at the recent NATO meeting in Otta-
wa = which implemented the concept which they
had themselves set out at their meeting at Nas-
sau in December 1962,' by wliich a number of
powers assigned some or all of tlieir present and
future forces to NATO Command.
With regard to the future they took note of
the studies now under way in NATO for review
of the strategic and tactical concepts which
should underlie NATO's military plans.
The President reported on his discussions
with Dr. Adenauer in which they reaffirmed
their agreement to use their best efforts to bring
into being a multilateral sea-borne MRBM force
and to pursue with other interested govern-
ments the principal questions involved in the
establishment of such a force.
The President and the Prime Minister agreed
that a basic problem facing the NATO Alliance
was the closer association of its members with
the nuclear deterrent of the Alliance. They
also agreed tliat various possible ways of meet-
ing this problem should be further discussed
with their allies. Such discussions would in-
clude the proposals for a multilateral sea-borne
force, without prejudice to the question of
British participation in such a force.
The President and the Prime Minister also
reviewed the state of East- West relations and
considered in particular the possibility of con-
cluding in the near future a treaty to ban nu-
clear tests. They agieed that the achievement
of such a treaty would be a major advance in
East-West relations and might lead on to
progress in other directions. They agreed
the general line which their representatives.
Ml". Averell Harriman and Lord Hailsham,
should take during tlieir visit to Moscow in July.
The President and the Prime Minister reaf-
firmed their belief that the conclusion of a test
ban treaty at tliis time is most urgent and
pledged themselves to do all they could to bring
this about.
' Ibid., June 10, 1963, p. 895.
' Ibid., Jan. 14, 1963, p. 43.
JULY 22, 1963
133
THE VISIT TO ITALY
President's Address at NATO Headquarters,
Naples, July 2
White Hoine prpsH release (Naples) dated July :; ; ne delivered
text
Mr. President [Antonio Segni], Prime Min-
ister Leone, Foreijjn Minister Piccione, Defense
Arinister Andreotti, members of the NATO
Command, ladies and gentlemen: It is fitting
that my travels away from home should end in
this coimtry and in this city. Italy, wrote
Shelley, is the "Paradise of exiles"; and in my
exile away from Washington, I have enjoyed
this paradise as the last stop in Europe. I
.shall leave this country with regret.
It is also fitting that the final event of this
European tour should take place at this NATO
headquartei-s. NATO is one of the best and the
earliest examples of cooperation between West-
ern Europe and North America. The NATO
defense treaty pledges us all to the common de-
fense, to regard an attack upon one as an attack
upon all, and to respond with all the forc« at
our command. And that pledge is as strong and
unshakable today as it was when it was made.
Finally, it is fitting to take this opportunity
to review our findings and feelings after 10 days
in Western Europe. Specifically, I return to
Washington newly confirmed in my convictions
regarding eight principal propositions:
First, it is increasingly clear that our Western
European allies are committed to the path of
progi-essive democracy, to social justice, and to
economic reform, attained through the free
processes of debate and consent. I sit here
again to stress the fact that this is not a matter
of domestic policies or politics but a key to
Western freedom and Western solidarity. Na-
tions which agre^ in applying the principles at
home of freedom and jiustice are better able to
work with each other abroad.
Second, it is increasingly clear that our West -
eni European allies are determined to maintain
and coordinate their military strength in co-
operation with my own nation. In a series of
briefings and reviews I have been impressed
less by NATO weaknesses, which are so often
discussed, and more by the quality of the men,
the officers, their steadily more modem weap-
ons, their command structure, and their dedica-
tion to freedom and peace. "WHiile we can take
heart from these accomplishments, we still have
much to do. Important improvements and addi-
tions are still needed, and tins is not the time
to slacken our efforts. But if -we continue to
build up our strength at all levels, we can be
increasingly certain that no attack will take
place at any level against the territoiy of any
NATO comitry.
Third, it is increasingly clear that our West-
ern European allies are committed to peace.
The purpose of our military strength is peace.
The purpose of our partnership is peace. So our
negotiations for an end to nuclear tests and our
opposition to nuclear dispersal are fully con-
sistent with our attention to defense. These are
all complementary parts of a single strategy for
peace. We do not believe that war is unavoid-
able or that negotiations are inherently undesir-
able. We do believe that an end to the arms
race is in the interest of all and that we can
move toward that end with injury to none. In
negotiations to achieve peace, as well as prepara-
tions to prevent war, the West is united and no
ally will abandon the interests of another to
achieve a spurious detente. But as we arm to
parley, we will not reject any path or refuse any
proposal without examining its possibilities for
peace.
Fourth, it is increasingly clear that our West-
em European allies are willing to look outward
on the world, not merely inward on their own
needs and demands. The economic institutions
and support of Western European unity are
founded on the principles of cooperation, not
isolation; on expansion, not restriction. The
Common Market was not designed by its found-
ers or supported by the United States to build
walls against otlier European and Western
countries, or to build walls against the ferment
of the developing nations. These nations need
assistance in their struggle for political and
economic independence. They need markets for
their products and capital for their economies.
Our allies in Europe, I am confident, will in-
crease their role in this important effort, not
only in lands with which they were previously
associated but in Latin America and every area
of need.
Fifth, it is increasingly clear that nations
134
DEP.\RTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIN
united ill freedom are better able to build their
economies than those that are repressed by
tyranny. In the last 10 years, the gross na-
tional product of the NATO countries has risen
by some 75 percent. We can do better tlian we
are doing, but we are doing much better than
the party dictatorships of the East. There was
a time when some would say that this system
of admitted dictatorship, for all its political and
social faults, nevertheless seemed to offer a suc-
cessful economic system, a swift and certain
path to modernization and prosperity. But it
is now apparent that this system is incapable
in today's world of achieving the organization
of agriculture, of satisfying consumer demands,
and the attainment of lasting prosperity. You
need only compare West Berlin with East Ber-
lin, West Germany with East Germany, West-
ern Europe with Eastern Europe. Communism
has sometimes succeeded as a scavenger, but
never as a leader. It has never come to power
in any country that was not disrupted by war
or internal repression, or both. Rejecting
reform and diversity in freedom, the Com-
munists cannot reconcile their ambitions for
domination with other men's ambition for free-
dom. It is clear that this system is outmoded
and doomed to failure.
Sixth, it is increasingly clear that the jieople
of Western Europe are moved by a strong and
irresistible desire for luiity. Wliatever path is
chosen, wliatever delays or obstacles are en-
countered, that movement will go forward, and
the United States welcomes this movement and
the greater strength it insures. We did not as-
sist in the revival of Europe to maintain its
dependence upon the United States, nor do we
seek to bargain selectively with many and sepa-
rate voices. We welcome a stronger partner, for
today no nation can build its destiny alone. The
age of self-sufficient nationalism is over. The
age of interdependence is here. The cause of
Western European unity is based on logic and
common sense. It is based on moral and politi-
cal truth. It is based on sound military and
economic principles, and it moves with the tide
of history.
Seventh, it is increasingly clear that the
United States and Western Europe are tightly
bound by shared goals and mutual respect. On
both sides of the Atlantic, trade barriers ai-e
being reduced, military cooperation is increas-
ing, and the cause of Atlantic unity is bemg
promoted. There will always be differences
among friends, and they should be freely and
frankly discussed. But these are differences of
means, not ends. They are differences of ap-
proach, not spirit. Recognizing these and otiier
problems, monetaiy payments, foreign a.ssist-
ance, agriculture, and the rest, I return to the
United States more firmly convinced than ever
that common ideals have given us a common
destiny and that the Atlantic partnership is a
gi'owing reality.
Eighth, and finally, it is increasingly clear
and increasingly understood that the central
moving f oi-ce of our great adventure is enduring
mutual trust. I came to Europe to reassert as
clearly and persuasively as I could that the
American commitment to the freedom of Eu-
rope is reliable, not merely because of good will,
although that is strong, not merely because of a
shared heritage, althougli that is deep and wide,
and not at all because we seek to dominate, be-
cause we do not. I came to make it clear that
this commitment rests upon the inescapable re-
quirements of intelligent self-interest. It is a
commitment whose wisdom is confirmed by its
absence when two world wars began and by its
pi'esence in 18 years of well-defended peace.
The response which this message has evoked
from European citizens and the press, and
leaders of the Continent, make it increasingly
clear that our commitment and its durability
are understood. And at the same time, all that
I have seen and heard in these 10 crowded days
confirms me in the conviction which I am proud
to proclaim to my own countrymen that the
free men and free governments of free Europe
are also firm in their commitments to our com-
mon cause.
We have been able to trust each other for 20
years, and we are right to go on. One hundred
and fifteen years ago this month, Mazzini ad-
dressed a mass meeting in Milan with these
words: "We are here ... to build up the unity
of the human family so the day may come when
it shall represent a single sheepfold with a
single shepherd . . . the spirit of God .... Be-
yond the Alps, beyond the sea, are other peoples
now," Mazzini said, "striving by different routes
to reach tlie same goals . . . improvement, as-
JtJLT 2 2. 1963
135
soc'iation, and tlie I'oundations of an autliority
that shall put an end to world anarchy ....
Unite with them — they will unite witli you."
Today, Italy, the United Stat<>s, and other
free countries are committed to this great end,
of the development of the human family. In
time, the unity of the West can lead to the unity
of East and AVest, until the human family is
truly a single sheepfold under God.
Thank you.
Communique Between President Kennedy
and President Segni, Rome, July 2
White House press release (Rome) dated July 2
On Jul}' 1st and 2d there took place the
scheduled working visit to Italy of President
Kennedy during which, in Rome, he was re-
ceived by the President of the Republic Segni,
and, accompanied by Secretary of State Rusk,
met with the President of the Council of Min-
isters Leone and the Vice President of the
Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs Pic-
cioni ; and in Naples, he visited, together with
President Segni, the headquarters of Allied
Forces, Southern Europe.
In the Rome talks, which were caiTied out in
that climate of cordial friendship and very
close cooperation which characterizes Italo/
American relations, there were examined the
principal current international problems. In
particular, the meetings provided the occasion
for a useful and thorough exchange of views on
the situation of East-West relations.
In this regard, both sides confirmed their
firm intention of persevering in the search for
appropriate means to alleviate international
tensions. Furthermore, they expressed the con-
\'iction that in an atmosphere free from pressure
and from threats, existing problems can be di-
rected toward solutions, however partial, with-
out at the same time altering that balance of
forces which is guaranteed by the Atlantic Alli-
ance, indispensable instrument for the consoli-
dation of peace in freedom and security.
In this context, President Kennedy explained
the position of the United States with respect
to the possible development of a NATO multi-
lateral nuclear force. On the Italian side, as
a consequence of the agreement in ])rinciple
formerly expressed by the Italian Government
which was reported to the Chamber of Deputies
immediately afterwards, there was expressed a
favorable attitude toward participating in
studies on this subject to be carried out subse-
quently among all the governments concerned.
In examining the developments of the Alli-
ance, against the backgi-omid of the current
international situation, both parties again un-
derlined the necessity of persevering in efforts
to advance current negotiations for a controlled,
gradual and balanced disarmament, of making
every effort in order to reach an agreement in
the field of nuclear test ban, and of preventing
the proliferation of atomic arms.
As for the process of European imification,
there was agreement as to its significant value,
and on the Italian side, there was reaffirmed
the will to encourage its development, increas-
ing the efforts directed toward creation of an
integrated Europe. In this connection, there
was recalled the known attitude of the Italian
Government favorable to European integration
not only in the economic field but also in the
political. Italian representatives found them-
selves in agreement with President Kennedy
on the necessity that European unity be
achieved within the framework of the hoped-
for interdependence between the United States
and Europe.
Both sides agreed on the desirability of work-
ing toward cooperation among the various eco-
nomic areas in order to promote a greater vol-
ume of trade between the areas themselves and
to draw them increasingly closer together. In
this context, there were examined tlie results
achieved in the ministerial meeting held last
May in Geneva ^ in ^preparation for the GATT
multilateral tariff negotiations which are sched-
uled to begin next year. Taking into account
the complexity of the problems discussed in
that meeting, the results achieved so far were
considered encouraging. Particular emphasis
was laid on the significance of the resolution
approved at that time for expanding the com-
merce of the developing countries, inasmuch as
such resolution provides the basis for a better
coordination of the efforts of the democratic
' Ihid.. .Iiine 24, 1963, p. 990.
136
DEPARTMENT OF STATE ntTLLETIN
countries aimed at fostering the economic and
social progress of the developing countries.
This is in conformity with the policies of both
the United States and Italy, designed to pro-
mote the strengthening of the free world
through a common program in wliich all na-
tions which are really free can participate.
Both reaffirmed the staunch adherence of both
countries to the principles of the United Na-
tions organization ; and the finn purpose to con-
tinue to carry out within the Organization con-
structive work particularly with regard to the
problems of disannament, the developing comi-
tries, and the maintenance of peace. They
placed special stress on the role which, in this
connection, the U.N. might play at such time in
the hoped-for agreement on disarmament.
In such a spirit, on the American side as on
the Italian side, there was underlined the desire
to continue the work which the respective gov-
ernments are carrying on for the strengthening
of peace in the world and for the carrying out
of their obligations to tliis end.
REPORT TO THE NATION, JULY 5
White House press release dated July 5
I tliink every American has reason to be
proud of tlais nation's reputation and standing
in Europe. Most of us are descended from that
continent. Some of us still have relatives there.
Some of us still have sons or brothers buried on
that continent. We have close cultural and in-
tellectual ties. We have long been linked by
travel and commerce.
Today I can report an even deeper tie be-
tween the people of Europe and the people of
the United States. Our steadfast role in the
defense of freedom for 18 years, for peace and
justice, I think has earned us the abiding trust
and respect of the people of Europe. Our will-
ingness to undertake the hard tasks of leader-
ship, to station our soldiers and sailors and
' airmen far away from home — and I saw some of
them in Europe — to assume the burdens of pre-
venting another war, all this wliich we in Amer-
ica sometimes take for granted and which we
think other people take for granted has earned
the American people a high reputation and
brought us steadfast good will.
This trip was for me a moving experience.
I saw tlie expressions of hope and confidence on
the faces of West Berliners 100 miles behind
the Iron Curtain. I heard expressions of con-
fidence in the United States from the leadei-s of
Germany and England, Italy and Ireland.
And I felt the admiration and affection tliat
their people had for the people of the United
States. Above all, I found in every coimtry a
deep conviction in our common goals, the unity
of the West, the freedom of man, the necessity
for peace.
Western Europe is fast becoming a dynamic
miited power in world affairs. It is not the
same Europe that brought our troops twice to
war in 40 years. It is not the same Europe that
was so dependent on us 18 years ago. There is
still much progress to be made. There will still
be disappointments. But today we can be more
confident than ever that the Old World and the
New are partners for progi-ess and partners for
peace. And so I am haj^py to be home.
Soviet Attache Accused of Improper
Activities; U.S. Asks Departure
Press release 350 dated July 1
Following is the text of a note handed on
July 1 to the Charge d'' Affaires of the Soviet
Embassy hy Acting Assistant Secretary
Richard H. Davis.
July 1, 1963
The Department of State wishes to inform
the Embassy of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics that Attache Gennadiy G. Sevastya-
nov has engaged in higlily improper activities
incompatible with his diplomatic status. Be-
ginning on April 28 of tliis year, Sevastyanov
attempted to recruit for espionage purposes an
alien resident who is an employee of the United
States Government. Sevastyanov in this effort
tried to coerce the United States Government
employee by threatening reprisal to members
of his family resident in the Soviet Union if he
did not cooperate.
JULY 22, 1963
137
The United States Government cannot pemiit
siicli unacceptable behavior on the part of an
official of tlic Soviet Embassy and therefore
Mr. Sevastyanov's continued presence in the
United States is no longer acceptable. The
Embassy is requested to arrange for his immedi-
ate departure.
Department of State,
Washington, D.C.
U.S. Protests Soviet Restrictions
in East Berlin
FoUow-ing is the text of a U.S. note of protest
against ''''security strips'''' established iy the
Soviet Zone regime In East Berlin and East Ger-
many which was delivered to the Soviet Minis-
try of Foreign Affairs by the U.S. Emhassy at
Moscow on July 5. Identical notes were de-
livered by France and Great Britain on the same
day.
Press release 357 dated July 5
July 5, 1963
On June 21, lOGB, the East German author-
ities proclaimed new security measures which
imposed draconian restrictions on circulation in
that ]5art of the Soviet sector in Berlin situated
along the boundaries of the Western sectors.
The East German authorities have no com-
petence for Berlin and these measures are com-
pletely illegal. They aggravate the arbitrary
actions taken since August 13, 1961, by these
authorities in connection with the Soviet Gov-
ernment which have cut the city in two by con-
struction of the "wair'. These latest illegal
measures constitute a serious infringement of the
quadripartite status of Berlin as established in
the agreements of 1944 and 1945. Tliey not only
purport to limit the right of the Allies to cir-
culate freely in Greater Berlin, but also, to-
gether with similar measures taken outside Ber-
lin, constitute in their effects another brutal
violation of the most elementarj' rights of the
German population.
I am instructed to inform you that the United
States Government protests strongly against
these measures. The United States Govern-
ment will hold the Soviet Government respon-
sible for the consequences which may result in
Berlin or elsewhere.
U.S. and Bulgaria Sign Agreement
Relating to Financial Questions
Follomng is a Department announcement of
the signing of a financial agreement betxc'cen the
United States and Bulgaria., together lolth texts
of the agreement and accompanying letters.
Press release 354 dated July 2
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
An agreement relating to outstanding finan-
cial questions between the United States of
America and the People's Republic of Bulgaria
was signed at Sofia on July 2. Mrs. Eugenie
Anderson, American Minister in Sofia, signed on
behalf of the United States, and Ivan Popov,
Bulgarian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs,
signed on behalf of Bulgaria. The negotiations
which led to the signing of the agreement began
on January 12, 1961.
The agreement provides for the settlement on
a lump-sum basis of claims of U.S. nationals
arising out of war damage, nationalization of
property, and financial debts as described in
article I.
The lump-sum settlement of $3,543,398 in-
cludes $3,143,398 in assets of the Bulgarian Gov-
ernment and Bulgarian corporations which were
blocked in the United States during the Second
"World War and $400,000 which is to be paid by
the Bulgarian Government to the U.S. Govern-
ment in two installments, on July 1, 1964, and on
July 1, 1965.
The adjudication of certain American claims
against Bulgaria, as provided in Public Law
285, 84th Congress, was completed by the For-
eign Claims Settlement Commission of the
United States on August 9, 1955. In accordance
with Public Law 285, awards of the Commission
have been certified to the United States Treasury
for paj'inent and certain paj^ments have already
I
138
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
been made out of the assets referred to above.
Tlie agreement also provides for the unblock-
ing by the U.S. Government of assets of natural
persons residing in Bulgaria.
By an exchange of letters between the two
Governments it was agreed that the transmission
to payees in Bulgaria of United States Treasury
checks will be resumed.
TEXT OF AGREEMENT
Agreement Between the Government of the United
States of America and the Government of the
People's Republic of Bulgaria Regarding Claims
of United States Nationals and Related Financial
Matters
The Government of the United States of America and
the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria
having reached an understanding on the financial mat-
ters specified herein have agreed as follows :
Article I
( 1 ) The Government of the United States of America
and the Government of the People's Republic of Bul-
garia agree that the himp sum of $3,.543,398, as specified
in Article II of this Agreement, will constitute full
and final settlement and discharge of the claims of na-
tionals of the United States of America, whether nat-
ural or juridical persons, against the Government of
the People's Republic of Bulgaria which are described
below :
(a) Claims of nationals of the United States of
America for the restoration of, or payment of com-
pensation for, property, rights and interests (direct
and indirect), as specified in Article 23 of the Treaty
of Peace with Bulgaria which entered into force on
September 15, 1947 ;
(b) Claims of nationals of the United States of
America for the nationalization, compulsory liquida-
tion or other taking of property and of rights and in-
terests (direct and indirect) in and with respect to
property prior to the effective date of this agreement ;
(c) Claims of nationals of the United States of
America predicated (directly or indirectly) upon obli-
gations expressed in currency of the United States
of America arising out of contractual or other rights
acquired by nationals of the United States of Amer-
ica prior to April 24, 1941, and which became payable
prior to September 15, 1947.
(2) The term "claims of nationals of the United
States of America" as used in subparagraphs (a), (b)
and (c) in paragraph (1) of this Article refers to
claims which were owned by nationals of the United
States of America
(a) for the purpose of subparagraph (a) on Oc-
tober 28, 1944 and continuously thereafter until filed
with the Government of the United States of America ;
(b) for the purpose of subparagraph (b) on the
effective date of nationalization, compulsory liquida-
tion, or other taking and continuously thereafter un-
til filed with the Government of the United States of
America ; and
(e) for the purpose of subparagraph (e) on April
24, 1941 and continuously thereafter until filed with
the Government of the United States of America.
Article II
The sum of $3,543,398, referred to in Article I of
this Agreement, shall be made up as follows :
(a) The proceeds resulting from the liquidation of
assets in the United States of America which were
subject to wartime blocking controls and which be-
longed to the Government of the Peoples Republic
of Bulgaria and its nationals, other than natural per-
sons, amounting in value to $3,143,398.
(b) The sum of $400,000 which shall t)e paid by
the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria
to the Government of the United States of America
in two equal payments of $200,000 each. The first
payment shall be made on July 1, 1964 and the second
payment shall be made on July 1, 1965.
Article III
(1) The distribution of the lump sum referred to
in Article I of this Agreement falls within (he exclusive
competence of the Government of the United States
of America in accordance with its legislation, without
any responsibility arising therefrom for the Govern-
ment of the People's Republic of Bulgaria.
(2) From the date of this Agreement, the Govern-
ment of the United States of America considers as
settled and discharged as between the Governments
of the United States of America and the People's
Republic of Bulgaria and will not pursue or present
to the Government of the People's Republic of
Bulgaria :
(a) Claims falling within Article 23 of the Treaty
of Peace with Bulgaria, without regard to whether all
of such claims are included in subparagraph (a) of
paragraph (1) of Article I of this Agreement; and
(b) Claims falling within the categories set forth
in Article I of this Agreement, without regard to
whether the owners of such claims are compensated
pursuant to legislation of the United States of America.
Article IV
The Government of the United States of America
will release within thirty days of the date of this
Agreement its blocking controls over all Bulgarian
property in the United States of America.
Article V
The present Agreement shall come into force upon
the date of signature.
139
Done at Sofia on July 2, 1903, in duplicate, in the
EnRlish and Bulgarian languages, both texts being
equally authentic.
For the Government of the United States of America :
Eugenie Andebson
For the Government of the People's Republic of
Bulgaria :
Ivan Popov
EXCHANGE OF LETTERS
Bulgaria
Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
People's Repubuo of Bulgabia
Sofia, Ju^y 2, 19GS
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the recent
discussions between representatives of the Govern-
ment of the People's Republic of Bulgaria and the
Government of the United States of America regarding
the restriction contained in the regulation of the
Government of the United States of America known
as Treasury Department Circular C55 concerning the
transfer of money from United States public funds
to payees in Bulgaria.
In this connection I wish to inform you that :
(a) The Government of the People's Republic of
Bulgaria places no obstacles or limitation preventing
recipients of allowances, social security payments, mili-
tary pension or other payments by the United States
authorities from holding checks for such payments and
from converting them at the most favorable prevailing
rate for remittance to private persons, at present 1.17
leva to the dollar.
(b) The Government of the People's Republic of
Bulgaria places no obstacles in the way of beneficiaries
in Bulgaria who may have various claims against
United States remitting agencies (such as the Social
Security Administration, the Veterans Admini.stratiou
and any other agencies concerned) furnishing such
agencies such information and documentation as may
be required by United States law in connection with
these claims and communicating directly or indirectly
with respect to these matters with the American agen-
cies and authorities concerned.
In accordance with the understanding we have
reached, I will appreciate receiving your confirmation
that the Government of the United States of America,
taking into account the above assurances, agrees to
remove the restrictions contained in Treasury Depart-
ment Circular 655.
Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest
consideration.
Ivan Popov
Deputy Minister
Her Excellency Eugenie Anderson,
American Minister, Sofia.
United States
Legation of the
U.viTED States of America
Sofia, July 2, 19GS
Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge re-
ceipt of your letter of this date which reads as follows :
[See supra.]
I hereby confirm that, in view of the assurances
contained in your letter, the Government of the United
States of America will amend Circular No. CoG issued
by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States
of America, so as to remove the restriction on the
transfer of money from United States public funds to
payees in Bulgaria.
Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest
consideration.
Eugenie Anderson
Minister
His Excellency Ivan Popov,
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs
of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Sofia.
United States
Legation of the
United States of America
Sofia, July 2, 196S
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the Agree-
ment signed today between the Governments of the
United States of America and the People's Republic ot
Bulgaria relating to financial questions between our
countries.
The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria
put forward the proposal to include within this Agree-
ment the dollar bond obligations issued by the Bul-
garian State, owned by American nationals and payable
in the United States of America.
The Government of the United States of America has
not been in a position to agree to this proposal since it
follows the practice of leaving such matters for nego-
tiation between the debtor government and the
bondholders or their representatives.
It is the understanding of the Government of the
United States of America that the Government of the
People's Republic of Bulgaria, by putting forward the
proposal mentioned above, has taken note of outstand-
ing Bulgarian dollar bond obligations and expresses its
intention to settle these obligations with the bond-
holders or their representatives.
I shall appreciate receiving Your Excellency's con-
firmation of the above understanding.
Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest
consideration.
Eugenie Anderson
Minister
His Excellency Ivan Popov,
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs
of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Sofia.
140
DEPARTMEXT OF STATE BULLETIN'
Bulgaria
Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
People's Republic of Bulgaria
Sofia, July 2, 196S
Excellency: I have the honor to acknowledge re-
ceipt of your letter of this date which reads as follows :
[See supra.]
I have the honor to confirm that I fully agree with
the understanding expressed above.
Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest
consideration.
Ivan Popov
Deputy Minister
Her Excellency Eugenie Anderson,
American Minister, Sofia.
Department States Views on Trade
Relations Between U.S. and Bulgaria
Depart?nent State7nent
Press release 355 dated July 2
The conclusion of an agreement on financial
claims and related issues between the United
States of America and the People's Eepublic of
Bulgaria ^ removes a significant obstacle to the
establishment of more normal relations between
the two countries. Conditions for the expan-
sion of peaceful trade have therefore been im-
proved by the signing of this agreement.
In 1959 after a 9-year hiatus the United States
and Bulgaria agreed to resiune diplomatic rela-
tions.^ The resumption of diplomatic relations
facilitated the conduct of trade between
the two countries. It is the view of both Gov-
ernments that the expansion of peaceful trade
would be mutually beneficial and would serve
to develop increasing ties between the people of
the United States and the Bulgarian people.
The United States is prepared to authorize
the Legation of the People's Republic of Bul-
garia to establish in New York a commercial
office which would have the purpose of promot-
ing trade between our two countries. Both
Governments will be prepared to facilitate the
travel of commercial representatives and offi-
' See p. 138.
^ For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 14, 1959, p.
cials interested in increasing trade. As condi-
tions permit, both Governments will consider
further measures which will contribute to the
development of expanded trade relations.
Through such efforts, the Governments of the
United States of America and the People's
Republic of Bulgaria welcome the possibility of
increasing favorable conditions for the expan-
sion of peaceful trade, and the development of
more normal trade relations should also serve
as a means of increasing fruitful contacts be-
tween the peoples of the two countries.
Minister Eugenie Anderson Speaks
on Bulgarian Television and Radio
Press release 352 dated July 3, for release July 4
Mrs. Eugenie Anderson, American Minister
to the People''s Republic of Bulgaria., became
the first American diplomntic representative to
speak on Bulgarian television and radio in Sofia
when she made a brief speech on the occasion
of the celebration of July J^, the 187th anni-
versary of American independence.
Minister Anderson, who was delivering her
first speech in the Bulgarian language, appeared
in person on Bulgarian television on the evening
of July 3. The Bulgarian radio also carried
her remarks on July 1^.
Following is a translation of Minister Ander-
son^s speech.
Good evening. It is a pleasure to speak to
you, the Bulgarian people, on the occasion of
American Independence Day. I bring you
peaceful and friendly greetings from the xVmer-
ican people.
First, I wish to thank you for the kindness
and hospitality so many Bulgarians have ex-
tended to me during my stay here. I have been
living in your beautiful country as the Amer-
ican Minister, and as your guest, for nearly a
year. I am learning your language and some-
thing about Bulgarian life, culture, and history.
I believe that, because Bulgaria also strug-
gled for its independence— only in the last cen-
tury— you can understand well why wo Amer-
icans prize our national independence as well
as our individual freedom.
JtTLY 22, 1963
141
On tliis day — July 4th — we Americans cele-
brate freedom, peace, equality, democracy, and
justice, and these are tlie great ideals on which
America was foimded and by which we still
live. These are the blessings which all man-
kind longs to enjoy.
President Kennedy has asked me to give you
his friendly greetings and to assure you that
he and the American Government and the
American people are dedicated to peace, free-
dom, and friendship with all nations.
Thank you, and best wishes until we meet
again.
Minister to Bulgaria Opens
Plastics-USA Exhibit in Sofia
Remarks hy Eugenie Anderson
Minister to Bulgaria ^
It gives me gi-eat pleasure to present to the
people of Bulgaria our exhibit "Plastics-USA."
With this exhibit the American people send you
their friendly greetings.
The people of my country take great interest
in the swift development of the plastics indus-
try. Less than 50 years ago almost the only
plastic in daily use was celluloid, which was
used chiefly for children's toys. Today, as you
will see in this exhibit, there is a bewildering
variety and range of use of plastics. They are
used in such diverse fields as exploration of
space, medicine, industry, clothing, household
utensils, and, yes, children's toys. The Ameri-
can plastics industry is still growing, with new
discoveries all the time.
I hope that this sample of American plastics
development will help to promote friendship
and communication between the peoples of our
two countries. I believe that this exhibit will
be like a little window througli whicli the Bul-
garian people can glimpse some of the practical
aspects of contemporary American life.
I hope you will enjoy this exhibit. Please
'Made at Sofia on July 6 (press release 358 dated
July 5). The Bulffarian state television covered the
ceremony. Radio .Sofia carried a report on the cere-
mony and included excerpts of Minister .Anderson's
remarks. The American Minister spoke in Bulgarian.
feel free to ask questions about plastics in the
United States. The guides will do their best to
answer you.
I wish to thank all of those Bulgarians and
Americans who have helped to make arrange-
ments for this exhibition.
And now I declare "Plastics-USA" open—
and welcome to all.
Netherlands Compensation Program
for Nazi Victims
Press release 349 dated July 1
The Department of State has been informed
that a financial treaty between the Kingdom of
the Netherlands and the Federal Republic of
Germany, signed on April 8, 1960, and provid-
ing, infer alia, for payment of compensation to
Netherlands victims of Xazi persecution, is ex-
pected to come into force about August 1, 1963.
Approximate^ $31 million will be available for
this purpose.
Persons who were Netherlands nationals or
Netherlands-protected subjects at the time the
persecution commenced, irrespective of whether
the persecution took place in the Netherlands or
elsewhere, are entitled to compensation if they
were persecuted because of their race, faith, or
ideology, including activity in the Resistance
Movement. Regardless of the persecutee's na-
tionality at the present time, compensation is to
be paid to persecutees who: (1) were impris-
oned for 3 months or longer; (2) suffered dis-
ability of 70 percent or more for not less than
5 consecutive years as a result of persecutory
measures; (3) were under an obligation to wear
the Star of David at least 6 montlis ; or (4) were
subje<?ted to sterilization.
Heirs of persecutees who died during or as a
result of Nazi persecution may also apply for
compensation. The right is limited to the non-
remarried surviving spouse of a persecutee; or,
in the absence of a surviving spouse, jointly to
the persecutee's children who had not yet
reached 21 years on May 7, 1945 ; or to parents
of a persecutee who was not married and who
left no children.
Heirs must meet the same nationalit}- require-
ments as persecutees. Claims of victims of
142
DEPARTMENT OF ST.\TE BULLETIN
p
heirs who obtained Netherlands nationality
after persecution commenced may also be sub-
mitted, since additional categories may possibly
be established to cover such claimants.
Persons who have reason to believe that they
may qualify for compensation under this pro-
gram are urged to inquire inunediately at the
nearest Netherlands consulate or at the Em-
bassy of the Netherlands at "Washington, D.C.
A time limit has been established for applicants
filing from outside the Netherlands of 4 months
from the date on which the treaty shall go into
force. A^Hiile the Department of State expects
to issue an additional press release at that time,
interested applicants would be well advised to
request without delay, through the Netherlands
diplomatic and consular authorities herein men-
tioned as intermediaries, claim application
forms from the Claims Office for German Com-
pensation Payment, P.O. Box D, Amsterdam,
■ as this office is already accepting completed
applications for processing.
Consulates of the Netherlands are located at
Baltimore, Boston, Buffalo, Chicago, Cleveland,
Denver, Detroit, Galveston, Grand Eapids,
Honolulu, Houston, Jacksonville, Kansas City
(Mo.), Los Angeles, St. Louis, Miami, Mobile,
New Orleans, New York, Norfolk, Orange City
(Iowa), Paterson (N.J.), St. Paul, Philadel-
phia, Pittsburgh, Portland (Oreg.), Salt Lake
City, San Diego, San Francisco, Savannah,
Seattle, Tampa, Charlotte Amalie (St. Thomas,
V.I.), and Mayagiiez, Ponce, and San Juan
(P.R.).
U.S. and India Complete Negotiations
on Nuclear Power Station Agreement
J obit Statement
Press release 344 dated June 29
In the last few days representatives of the
Government of India and the Government of
the United States have substantially completed
negotiations on the text of a proposed agreement
for cooperation which would provide a legal
basis for the installation and operation of a
380-megawatt nuclear power station of L'nited
States design at Tarapur, India. The avail-
ability of United States financing for the proj-
ect is now being considered by the United States
Agency for International Development.'
The agreement for cooperation which has been
negotiated but not signed is specifically tailored
for the Tarapur project. Under the terms of
the proposed arrangement, which woidd hist for
30 years, the United States would undertake to
supply India with its estimated long-term fuel
requirements for the plant and information
woidd be exchanged on matters perluining to
the design, construction, and operation of the
plant as well as problems of health and safety.
Unclassified information in related fields of re-
search and development, including develop-
ments in boiling-water technology and the use
of plutonium as a fuel, would also be exchanged
between the parties during the period of the
agreement.
In the course of the negotiations, India and
the United States gave serious consideration to
the nature of tlie safeguard arrangements that
should pertain to the Tarapur statioii to assure
its peaceful use. The agi'eement will contain
bilateral safeguard provisions designed to as-
sure the peaceful use of the Tarapur station.
India and the United States have always agreed
in principle that safeguards should be applied
to enriched uranium fuel, but there has been a
difference of opinion between the Governments
with regard to the attachment of safeguards to
equipment. In the case of the Tarapur project,
it has been possible to achieve a mutually satis-
factory arrangement without either Govern-
ment's giving up its basic position regarding the
attachment of safeguards to equipment, since
the Tarapur station will be operated only on
enriched uranium supplied by the United States
or on plutonium produced therefrom; the
United States would guarantee the supply of
enriched uranimn for the period of the agree-
ment.
Another major subject that has been under
careful review is the role that the International
Atomic Energy Agency should play in the co-
operative program. The United States and
India have recognized that it would be desirable
•On July 1 the Agency for International Develop-
ment announced that AID Administrator David E.
Bell had authorized a U.S. loan of up to $80 million to
finance the dollar costs of the nuclear plant construc-
tion and fabrication of the initial fuel charge.
143
for both parties to avail themselves of the serv-
ices of the International Atomic Energy
Agency. The International Atomic Energy
Agency is not yet in a position to apply safe-
guards to large-scale reactors of the size to be
installed at Tarapur although the Agency is
developing a system to cover such large reac-
tors. Accordingly, the United States-Indian
arrangement would include an agreement in
principle that, at a suitable time, the Agency
will be requested to enter into a trilateral agree-
ment for the implementation of the safeguard
provisions in the proposed bilateral agreement,
subject to the following conditions :
After the Agency has adopted a system of
safeguards for large reactors, and at a reason-
able time to be mutually agreed, the United
States and India will consult with each other to
determine whether the system so adopted is
generally consistent with the provisions in the
bilateral agreement. If the system is generally
consistent, the parties will request the Agency
to enter into a trilateral arrangement covering
the implementation of safeguard responsibili-
ties. The agreement would permit deferring
implementation of the arrangement with the
Agency until after the Tarapur nuclear station
has achieved reliable full power operation.
It is expected that the proposed Tarapur sta-
tion will make an important contribution to the
development of the peaceful uses of atomic
energy.
U.S. Suspends Action on Airport
Construction Agreement With Haiti
Press release 353 cliited July 3
Tlie United States informed the Government
of Haiti on July 3 that the Agency for Inter-
national Development has suspended all activi-
ties to implement the loan agreement for con-
struction of a new jet airport for Port-au-
Prince, Haiti. The agreement for a $2.8 million
loan was signed with Haiti last November, but
no disbursements had been made.
The United States decision to suspend action
on the agreement followed Haiti's default on
the last quarterly payments due on loans by the
Export-Import Bank and the Development
Loan Fund (AID) and notification by the
Haitian Government that it was discontinuing
payments during the current fiscal year on these
loans. The airport loan agreement provides
that defaults under any other agreements be-
tween the borrower and the United States is a
default under the airport loan agreement.
President of Tanganyika
Visits Washington
White House press release (Dublin, Ireland) dated June 27,
for release June 2S
The Wliite House announced on June 28 that
Julius K. Nyerere, President of the Kepublic of
Tangan3nka, will be a guest of the President of
the United States July 15-16.
President Nyerere will be the guest of Secre-
tary Rusk at dinner on July 15. He will call at
the White House and, together with his party,
will be a guest at a White House luncheon on
July 16.
President Nyerere last visited President Ken-
nedy on July 17, 1961,^ about 6 months before
Tanganyika gained independence.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session ' |
U.S. Communist Party Assistance to Foreign Com-
munist Governments (Testimony of Maud Russell).
Hearing before the House Un-American Activities
Committee. March 6, 10G;i. 51 pp.
Activities of Nondiplomatie Representatives of For-
eign Principals in the United States. Hearing be-
fore the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Part
3. March 28, 1963. 103 pp.
Castro's Network in the United States (Fair Play for
Cuba Oonmnttee). Hearing before the Subcom-
mittee To Investigate the Administration of the
Internal Security Act and Other Intem.il Security
Laws of the Senate Judiciary Committee. Part 3
April 10, 1963, 68 pp. ; Part 4, April 3, 1!>63, 40 pp.
Steel Prices, Unit Costs, Profits, and Foreign Competi-
tion. Hearings before the Joint Economic Com-
mittee. April 2;i-May 2, 1963. 7C2 pp.
Restrictions on Locating Chanceries in Residential
Areas. Hearing before the Subcommittee on Busi-
ness and Commerce of the Senate District of Colum-
bia Conmiittee on S. 646, a bill to prohibit the loca- ■
tion of chanceries or other business offices of foreign
goveriuuents in cert.iin residential areas in the Dis-
trict of Columbia. May 3, 1963. 104 pp.
Emi)Ioying Aliens in a Scientific or Technical Capacity.
Report to accompany S. 1291. S. Ropt. 335. June 2T,
1903. 0 pji.
' For text of a joint communique, see Bdxletin of
Aug. 14, 1961, p. 297.
14-i
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULIJETIN'
\ Progress Report on the Status of Women
SEVENTEENTH SESSION OF U.N. COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN
NEW YORK, MARCH 11-29, 1963
by Gladys A. Tillett
Two outstanding accomplishments of the I7th
session of the United Nations Commission on
the Status of Women, which met at New York
March 11-29, 1963, were a proposal for a new
series of regional U.N. seminars on the advance-
ment of women in the developing countries and
the completion of a draft reconunendation on
marriage incorporating the principles approved
by the General Assembly in the marriage con-
vention adopted m November 1962.^
The new series of seminars on the advance-
ment of women in developing countries will
be stai'ted 2 years hence on completion of the
current series on the status of women in family
law. They will promote the objectives of the
U.N. Development Decade, in wliich increased
production is a major aim, and give special
attention to women's educational needs, voca-
tional and professional training, and employ-
ment opportunities. In an informal message
to the Commission, the Director General of
the International Labor Organization, David
A. Morse, said women should be regarded as
"the number one potential for the Decade of
Deve3opment." The Commission's choice of
seminar topic reflected the increasing impor-
tance of women in the work force of all coun-
tries and particularly in nations seeking to lift
production levels.
The marriage recommendation is designed to
supplement the marriage convention adopted
'U.N. doc. A/RES/1763 (XVII).
by the I7th session of the General Assembly.
It provides for regular reports on law and
practice regarding marriage from all member
states, whether or not they become parties to
the convention. Adoption of the recommenda-
tion by the next session of the General Assem-
bly will encourage recognition of stable family
life as the foundation for national progress.
The U.N. Development Decade
Other agenda items, on political rights, ac-
cess to education, employment opportunities,
nationality, and similar matters, were likewise
considered in relation to the objectives of the
U.N. Development Decade. The Commission
could offer practical experience on many aspects
because a majority of the members this year
came from developing countries — in Africa,
from Ghana, Sierra Leone, and the United Arab
Republic ; in Asia, from China, Indonesia, Ja-
pan, and the Philippines; in Latin America,
from Argentina, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru.
• Mrs. Tillett is the United States Ref-
resentative on the United Nations Com-
mission on the Status of Women. Eer
advisers at the 17th session were Alice A.
Morrison of the Women's Bureau, Depart-
ment of Labor, and Rachel C. Nason, De-
partment of State.
JULY 22, 1963
145
Guinea, Senegal, the Dominican Republic, and
Iran sent observers. Other members, such as
Australia. France, the Netherlands, and the
United Kingdom, were sensitive to needs be-
cause of underdeveloped areas within tlieir own
territories.
Tliis interest was reflected also in the choice of
officers. The chairman this year was Maria La-
valle Urbina of Mexico, a former high court
judge, presently in the Ministry of Justice in
charge of work for the prevention of juvenile
delinquency. Helena Benitez of the Philip-
pines was elected first vice chairman and Helvi
Sipila of Finland second vice chairman. Aziza
Hussein of the United Arab Republic served
as rapporteur.
Political Rights
The session opened with the announcement
of equal suffrage in Iran. In his welcome to
the Commission on behalf of the Secretary-
General, C. V. Narasimhan, Under Secretary-
General of the United Nations for General As-
sembly Affairs and chef de cabinet^ referred to
the achievement in Iran as further evidence of
the mounting influence and responsibility of
women in public life.
Homa Vakil, the wife of the Ambassador of
Iran, informed the Commission of the Shah's
decree granting women full and equal political
rights, thus clarifying the effect of their partici-
pation in recent elections. Women in Iran had
voted in municipal elections since 1949 but had
not previously been allowed to participate in na-
tional elections. I intervened immediately to
present the congratulations of the United States
to Iran, pointing out its good fortune in now
having the benefit of the experience and the
concern for human welfare which are the par-
ticular gifts of women.
My opening statement referred to tlie work
of the President's Commission on the Status of
Women in the United States. This aroused
great interest; other delegates asked for mate-
rial they could use in their home countries, and
nongovernmental organization representatives
requested copies of flyers and other publications.
I pointed out that the United States Commis-
sion had brought together leaders from all
aspects of national life — men and women — to re-
view the current progress of women, to deter-
mine if discriminations still exist, and make
constructive recommendations for eliminating
them. The fact that some of our States are now
appointing similar commissions encouraged fur-
ther planning in the Commission.
Education
The discussion of education as well as of em-
ployment opportunities centered on the partici-
pation of women in the economic life of their
countries. The UNESCO report^ this year
dealt with the educational situation in rural
areas, and the ILO supplemented this with an
analysis of employment and conditions of work
for women in agriculture.'
Tlie documents showed that, except for the
United States, Canada, and northern Europe,
the country girl is general^ at a disadvantage,
first because schools are "few and far between"
with many providing elementary instruction
only, and second because agricultural work
tends to be hard and heavy and few other
choices of employment are available for women.
In many countries there is a preponderance of
girls and women in rural areas, and illiteracy is
greater among them than among men or among
women in other areas. The Commission recom-
mended that improvement of both general edu-
cation and vocational training for country girls
be given due priority and that provision for
needed expansion be included in national de-
velopment plans. The Commission also drew
attention to resources available in the U.N. tech-
nical assistance programs and invited nongov-
ernmental organizations to cooperate actively
in formulating and carrj-ing out programs to
strengthen education for rural women and to
overcome illiteracy.
In the United States there are rural schools
within reach of girls and boys alike. My state-
ment called attention to our record and also to
our Federal labor laws forbidding the employ-
ment of children under 16 in agi-iculture while
school is in session. I also mentioned some of
the additional resources available in country
areas, such as bookmobiles, radio progi-anis, and
' U.X. doc. E/CX.6/40S.
' U.N. doc. E/CN.6/422.
146
DEPAKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
the leadership of the Federal Extension Service
of our Department of Agriculture. The state-
ment continued :
Let us be quite clear on why women need education,
and why every country needs women who are educated.
Without an education, a mother can offer her family
far less than she desires in companionship and care;
without training, a girl can expect to earn her way
only by the hardest of labor at the poorest pay. Paul
Hoffman, Managing Director of the Special Fund here
in the United Nations, says this on the importance for
education of women and its bearing on the economic
development of the country :
"Denial of equal rights to women is also an obstacle
to economic development. It is surprising, perhaps,
but true that there is a close relationship between the
way women are treated in a country and the progress
that country has made toward a good life. Where
women are virtual slaves, forbidden so much as to go
out of the house without their husbands, given no
rights whatever in society, the country is invariably
primitive. Where women have been largely emanci-
pated, as in Japan, tremendous strides are being made
toward modernization.
"The reasons are clear. When a country keeps its
women in bondage, half its available brain power is
lost."
UNESCO also presented an account of its
program activities,^ as it does regularly on a
biennial basis. Keports on various regional
conferences on education showed how special
problems of girls had been studied by local lead-
ers in Asia and in Africa, in each case within
the full context of educational development as
a normal and essential part of the whole. The
great difficulty continues to be in finding enough
women teacliers to staff schools for girls and
to share in teaching where schools are coeduca-
tional. UNESCO has established some region-
al centers to help with training and production
of materials and also with surveys of accom-
plishment and analysis of exchange programs
and other activities. It is greatly to the ad-
vantage of women that UNESCO review all its
educational programs regularly to be certain
they take full account of the needs of both girls
and boys.
Economic Opportunities
In presenting her report, the ILO represent-
ative pointed out that women workers are be-
coming a more permanent and more generally
recognized part of the labor force in both in-
'U.N. doc. E/CN. 6/407.
dustrially developed and newly developing
countries. To focus attention on this develop-
ment, the major agenda item for the ILO con-
ference in June 1964 will be the question of
"Women Workers in a Changing World." The
conference will be an opportunity to study
women's needs and problems in all their broad
aspects, including vocational guidance and
preparation of girls and women for work life;
measures to meet the needs of working women
with family responsibilities; the development
of administrative machinery to deal with wom-
en's problems; and other important subjects.
The Commission asked the ILO for full reports
and background materials from this conference.
The ILO representative also reported the
decision of the ILO Governing Body to place
the question of employment and conditions of
work for African women on the agenda of the
next African regional labor conference. The
Commission welcomed this further evidence of
the increasing attention to needs of women in
developing countries.
In commenting on the reports. I referred
to the increasing importance of education and
training for women workers. ILO observa-
tions indicated that employment opportunities
in the future will depend increasingly on edu-
cation and training. U.S. experience confirms
this trend. Our 1960 census shows that women
clerical workers increased 46 percent and pro-
fessional workers 41 percent in the past decade,
while the proportion of women operatives in
manufacturing declined. In the United States
today the more education a woman has the more
likely she is to be working in paid employment.
In 1959 more than half of all women with a col-
lege degree were working, in contrast to only
two-fifths of high school graduates and a still
smaller percentage of those who did not go be-
yond elementary school.
Another trend noted by the ILO and con-
firmed by U.S. experience is the increasing em-
ployment of older women. In our 1960 census
almost two out of every five women workers
are 45 years or over— double the proportion in
1940. Today more than half the women in our
population between 45 and 54 years of age are
in the labor force. I described briefly the pro-
gram of our new manpower training and de-
velopment act which is designed primarily to
JULY 22, 1063
147
retrain workers whose skills are outmoded by
automation and technological developments. I
also discussed the growth of community colleges
as a relatively new development through which
workers can obtain advance education in their
home locality with little or no tuition or cost.
The ILO report on retirement age provided
current information on laws in the various
countries. In the several years the Commission
has considered this subject, the major question
has been whether the age should be the same
for men and women. Today approximately a
third of the countries have established a lower
retirement age for women. Soviet delegates
have consistently urged that the work done by
women entitles them to retirement at an earlier
age than men. I pointed out that in the United
States the age for voluntary retirement with
full benefits had always been 65 for both men
and women. At the present time workers of
both sexes can elect to retire at 62 with reduced
benefits. Noting that the right to claim such
benefits at the earlier age had originally been
given only to women, I observed that this was
a further instance in which U.S. laws which
originally provided certain advantages for
women only have later been extended to men
as well.
Nationality of Married Women
In a brief review of nationality law, the
Netherlands and the Philippines described pro-
posals pending in their parliaments which will
bring their legislation in line with the conven-
tion on the nationality of married women
adopted by the United Nations in 1955. Their
comments pointed up the vahie of international
conventions in setting simple, definitive stand-
ards which can stabilize concepts and prov-ide
a universal basis for comparison and evaluation
of progress. The convention on the nationality
of married women provides that marriage to
an alien shall not automatically affect the na-
tionality of the wife, and 27 countries are al-
ready parties to it.
Marriage Recommendation
One of the great achievements by the Com-
mission on the Status of Women has been the
development of international standards to safe-
guard the entrance of women into marriage.
The major part of this work was completed in
November 1962 when the General Assembly for-
mally adopted a convention as requested by the
Commission, calling on governments to estab-
lish guarantees for free consent of both parties,
a minimum age of marriage, and compulsory
registration of marriages. At this year's meet-
ing the Commission adopted a draft recommen-
dation designed to supplement and give broader
effectiveness to the principles est<ablished in the
convention.
The U.S. statement congratulated members of
the Commission on the adoption of the marriage
convention. I reported that during my service
with the U.S. delegation to the last General
Assembly I had the great personal honor of
signing the convention on behalf of the United
States and that various nongovernmental orga-
nizations who had worked hard for the conven-
tion had been present at the ceremony. I also
expressed my appreciation to the church groups
and other organizations in the United States
whose support and encouragement had con-
tributed to the strength of U.S. leadership.
With regard to the draft recommendation, I
emphasized that marriage and the home are the
foundations of our free society and described
some of the procedures established in our State
laws to safeguard the rights of women on en-
trance into marriage: for example, minimum
age must be proved by a birth certificate or other
satisfactory evidence; free consent of both
spouses must be expressed in person in the ap-
plication for a marriage license and during the
wedding ceremony; and compulsory registra-
tion of marriage requires deposit of a certificate
or other document.
Advancement of Women in Developing Countries
As noted above, the Commission recommended
that the next series of regional seminars con-
sider the advancement of women in developing
countries. The United States initiated tlus
proposal, and it carried unanimously. This de-
cision reflected wide recognition of the value of
the women's seminars which to date have dealt
with two major aspects of women's status — par-
ticipation in public life and family law. In
line with the objectives of the Development
I
148
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Decade, this third series will stimulate practical
programs to improve the economic status of
(vomen as well.
The Commission heard reports on the seminar
in Tokyo last May on the status of Asian women
in family law, with participation by all coim-
tries in the Far East. I attended this seminar
as the observer for the United States. The par-
ticipants in Tokyo included both men and
women of high position in their countries.
Among them were a senior judge of a supreme
court, an attorney general, members of minis-
tries, solicitors, judges, lawyers, educators, so-
cial workers, civic leaders, and experts in gov-
ernment service. They were representative also
of four of the great religions of the world —
Hindu, Buddhist, Moslem, and Christian — and
the discussions brought out areas of agreement
on social and religious factors affecting women
and their position in the family. Many of our
conversations centered on the marriage conven-
tion, wliich at that time had not yet been ap-
proved by the General Assembly. In the meet-
ing of the Commission I joined with others in
discussing the impact of this seminar.
The Conunission considered how goverimients
can stimulate the advancement of women in
their countries througli seminars, fellowships,
and other aspects of tlie advisory services pro-
gram. Recent sessions of the General Assembly
have adopted resolutions, on the initiative of
Afghanistan, aimed at speeding up the progress
of women in underdeveloped areas. The reso-
lution last fall urged a unified, long-term pro-
gram with advanced countries and nongovern-
mental organizations providing new resources
for this purpose. The Commission decided that
a first step would be a statement listing U.N.
and nongovernmental resources now available.
As a further step the Conunission invited the
Secretary-General to explore possibilities for
wider use of nongovernmental projects through
participation by U.N. fellows or other appro-
priate cooperation.
In response, 10 of the women's nongovern-
mental organizations presented a joint state-
ment assuring the Commission they would
inform the United Nations at the earliest pos-
sible moment of any projects which might be
useful for women in developing countries. This
statement was a high point in the session, illus-
trating the warm and constructive partnei-ship
which exists between the Commission and the
some 30 international organizations represented
in its meetings.
The U.S. statement emphasized that the ad-
vancement of women requires the cooperation
and support of men as well as women and that
both men and women should join in the plan-
ning. In its resolution the Commission recom-
mended appointment of national commissions
along the lines of our President's Conunission
on the Status of Women in the United States,
which I had described at the outset of the
session.
Work Ahead
Tlie next women's seminar organized by the
United Nations will be in Bogota, Colombia, in
September. This will be a regional meeting
for the Western Hemisphere on the status of
women in family law, and the United States
will be among the participants. Since nongov-
ernmental organizations in consultative status
can send observers, this seminar will be an op-
portunity for wide and productive exchange
among women of the Americas.
At the next session of the Conmiission the
ILO will present a biennial progress report on
equal pay for equal work. The principle of
equal jiay without distinction as to sex has now
been accepted in a great number of countries
throughout the world, and I look forward to
reporting new legislative action in the United
States.
Tlie Commission will also review discrimina-
tions agamst women in certain aspects of family
law, particularly with regard to guardianship
of children and rights in dissolution of mar-
riage, divorce, or annulment. The Commis-
sion's consideration of the latter will take ac-
count of information from member countries,
including a report on U.S. law and practice
prepared by the Women's Bureau in the De-
partment of Labor.
The increasing emphasis in the United Na-
tions on operational programs will be apparent
in discussion of teclmical assistance, seminars,
fellowships, and other training and exchange
activities. My statements this year drew re-
peatedly on experience gained by women's and
other U.S. organizations in preparation for
JtJLY 22, 1963
149
citizenship, community service, development of
new job opportunities for women, and other
fields. Our contribution to the Commission's
work will bo more valuable as we can provide
suggestions for practical implementation. The
United Xations already recognizes equality of
opportunity and responsibility as the riglit of
every woman tiie world over. The challenge
today is to give eil'ect to these standards in their
daily lives.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Appointments
Warren B. Cheston as deputy scientific attach^ at
London, Paul A. Siple as scientific attacli^ at Canberra,
and William W. Williams as deputy scientific attach^
at Bonn, effective July 3. (For biographic details, see
Department of State press release 351 dated July 3.)
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Aviation
Amendment of annex III of the 1956 agreements on
joint linuncing of certain air navigation services in
Greenland and the Faroe Islands (TIAS 4049) and
in Iceland (.TIAS 4048) by deletion of part C, para-
graph 4 (insurance). Adopted by Council of the
International Civil Aviation Organization at Mon-
trealJune4, 1963.
Entered into force: June 4, 19C3.
Coffee
International coffee agreement, 19G2, with annexes.
Signed at New York September 28, 19o2.'
lUiti/icationx deposited: Guatemala, June 5, 1903;
Panama, June 4, 1903.
' Not in force.
Law of the Sea
Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva
April 29, 1958."
Ratification deposited: Denmark, June 12, 1903.
Telecommunications
International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En-
tered into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United
States October 23, 1961. TIAS 4892.
Accessions deposited: Cameroon, June 18, 19G3;
Liberia, June 18, 1963.
BILATERAL
Australia
Agreement relating to the establishment of a United
States naval communication station in Australia.
Signed at Canberra May 9, 1963.
Entered into force: June 28, 1963.
Austria
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at Vienna June 25, 1963. Entered
into force June 25, 1963.
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs, as amended. Signed at Washington
June 6, 1950. Entered into force June 6, 1950.
TIAS 2072, 3279, 4959.
Terminated: June 25, 1963 (superseded by agreement
of June 25, 1963, supra).
Bulgaria
Agreement regarding claims of United States nationals
and related financial matters. Signed at Sofia
July 2, 1963. Entered into force July 2, 1963.
Cyprus
Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455 ; 7 U.S.C. 1701-
1709), with exchange of notes. Signed at Nicosia
June 18. 1963. Entered into force June 18, 1963.
India
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at New Delhi June 19, 1963. En-
tered into force June 19. 1963.
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs, as amended. Signed at New Delhi Febru-
ary 2, 19.50. Entered into force February 2, 1950.
TIAS 20.54, 2881, 4318, 4553.
Terminated: June 19, 1963 (superseded by agreement
of June 19, 1963, supra).
Indonesia
Agreements amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of February 19, 1962, as amended (TIAS
4952, 5054. 5118. 5254). Effected by exchange of
notes at Djakarta June 21, 196". Entered into force
June 21. Iit6.3.
Japan
Agreement providing for utilization of certain Japa-
nese yen accruing to the United States under the
agricultural commodities agreements of May 31,
19ST,. as amended (TIAS 32.S4. 4495), and Febru-
ary 10. 19.56 (TIAS 3580). Effected by exchange of
notes at Tokyo June 14, 1963. Entered into force
June 14, 1963.
150
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
^DEX July 22, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1256
tomic Energy. U.S. aud ludia Complete Nego-
tiations on Nuclear Power Station Agreement
(text of joint statement) 1-1.3
ustralia, Siple appointed scientific attach^ at
Canberra 150
lulgaria
H'liartment States Vie\YS on Trade Relations
lUtween U.S. and Bulgaria 141
liiiister Eugenie Anderson Speaks on Bulgarian
Television and Radio 141
[inister to Bulgaria Opens Plastics-USA Ex-
liibit iu Sofia (Anderson) 142
'.S. and Bulgaria Sign Agreement Relating to
Financial Questions (texts of agreement and
letters) 138
Claims and Property
Netherlands Compensation Program for Nazi
Victims 142
'S. and Bulgaria Sign Agreement Relating to
l''inaucial Questions (texts of agreement and
letters) 138
Congress. Congressional Documents Relating
to Foreign Policy 144
department and Foreign Service. Appoint-
ments (Chestou, Siple, Williams) 150
economic Affairs
department States Views on Trade Relations
I'.etween U.S. and Bulgaria 141
Minister to Bulgaria Opens Plastics-USA Ex-
hibit in Sofia (Anderson) 142
Foreign Aid
US. and India Complete Negotiations on Nuclear
Power Station Agreement (text of joint state-
ment) 143
IS. Suspends Action on Airport Construction
Agreement With Haiti 144
Germany, Federal Republic of
Xitherlands Compensation Program for Nazi
\'ietims 142
I'usident Kennedy Visits Europe 114
r.S. I'rotests Soviet Restrictions in East Berlin . 138
Williams appointed deputy scientific attache
at Bonn 150
Haiti. U.S. Suspends Action on Airport Con-
.-itruction Agreement With Haiti 144
Health, Education, and Welfare. A Progress
Report on the Status of Women (Tillett) . . 145
India. U.S. aud India Complete Negotiations
on Nuclear Power Station Agreement (text of
joint statement) 143
Ireland. President Kennedy Visits Europe . . 128
Italy. President Kennedy Visits Europe . . . 134
Netherlands. Netherlands Compensation Pro-
;;ram for Nazi Victims 142
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. President
Kennedy Visits Europe 114
Presidential Documents. President Kennedy
Visits Europe 114
Science. Cheston, Siple, and Williams ap-
pointed scientific attaches 150
Tanganyika. President of Tanganyika Visits
Washington 144
Treaty Information
Current Actions 150
U.S. and Bulgaria Sign Agreement Relating to
Financial Questions (texts of agreement and
letters) 138
U.S.S.R.
Soviet Attache Accused of Improper Activities ;
U.S. Asks Departure 137
U.S. Protests Soviet Restrictions in East Berlin . 138
United Kingdom
Cheston appointed deputy scientific attach^ at
London 150
President Kennedy Visits Europe 132
United Nations. A Progress Report on the
Status of Women (Tillett) 145
Name Index
Adenauer, Konrad 116
Anderson, Mrs. Eugenie 141, 142
Cheston, Warren B 150
Kennedy, President 114
Maemillan, Harold 132
Nyerere, Julius K 144
Segni, Antonio 136
Siple, Paul A 150
Tillett, Gladys A 145
Williams, William W 150
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: July 1-7
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Release issued prior to July 1 which appears in
this issue of the Bulletin is No. 344 dated
June 29.
Snbject
U.S. participation in international
conferences.
Concert to commemorate anniver-
sary of U.N.
Statue of George Washington pre-
sented to Uruguay.
Netherlands compensation pro-
gram for Nazi victims.
Note requesting Soviet official to
leave U.S.
Cheston, Siple, Williams appointed
.scientific attaches (biographic
details).
Mrs. Anderson : July 4 remarks on
Bulgarian TV and radio.
Airport loan to Haiti suspended.
Agreement with Bulgaria on finan-
cial questions.
Trade relations with Bulgaria.
Chayes : "The Rule of Law — Now."
Protest against "security strips"
in East Berlin and East Ger-
many.
Mrs. Anderson : Plastics-USA ex-
hibit.
No.
Date
346
7/1
'347
7/1
348
7/1
349
7/1
350
7/1
351
7/3
353
354
355
t356
357
7/3
7/3
7/2
7/2
7/2
7/5
3.58 7/5
♦Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
Superintendent of Documents
u.s. government printing office
washington. d.c. 20402
PENALTY FOB PRIVATE USE TO AVO
PAYMENT OF POSTAOE, $300
lOPOl
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Department of State 1963
The Department of State recently released a 152-pag6 illustrated report, Department of State 196i
which describes its activities at home and abroad during the past year.
The report opens with a brief discussion of the objectives of U.S. foreign policy and then relate
in some detaU the different means by which the Department of State has been working for the achieve
ment of those objectives.
In a foreword, President Kennedy expresses the view that "the men and women to whom we entrus
this critical task" of promoting our foreign relations, "and the work they accomplish are too little knowi
by the American people whose interests they serve." The President adds, "If it [this publication] helpc
to convey to you something of the same sense of admiration for these dedicated men and women whicl
I share with many of my predecessors, it will truly serve our national purpose."
The book deals with the activities not only of the geographic and fimctional bureaus of the Depart
ment of State but also Department offices less well-known to the general public, such as the Executive
Secretariat, the Policy Planning Council, the Offices of Security and Protocol, and the Foreign Servia
Institute. It also includes sections on the Agency for International Development, the Peace Corps, anc
the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.
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Please send me copies of Department of State 1963
cm. ZONE), AND STATE
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol XLIX, No. 1257
July 29, 1963
FULFILLING OUR BASIC COMMITMENTS AS A NATION
Statement by Secretary Rusk 15^
THE RULE OF LAW— NOW
hy Ahram Chayes, Legal Adviser 162
U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY ADOPTS SEVEN RESOLUTIONS ON FINANCING
Statements iy Francis T. P. Plimpton and Adlai E. Stevenson and Texts of Resolutions 178
INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Statement hy Isaiah Frank 173
Boston Kublic Library;
Sujieijntendwit of DocumiM
For index see inside hack cover
DEPOSITORS
Fulfilling Our Basic Commitments as a Nation
Statement 'by Secretary BvsJe ^
no
in
I appreciate this opportunity to appear before
your committee to offer to you my advice about
the foreign policy implications of Senate bill
1732. Let me say, at tlie very beginning, that
I consider these foreign policy aspects to be
secondary in importance. The primary reason
why we must attack the problems of discrimi-
nation is rooted in our basic commitments as
a nation and a people. We must try to elimi-
nate discrimination due to race, color, religion,
not to make others think better of us but because
it is incompatible with the great ideals to which
our democratic society is dedicated. If the
realities at home are all they should be, we
shan't have to worry about our image abroad.
As matters stand, however, racial discrimi-
nation here at home has important effects on
our foreign relations. This is not because such
discrimination is imique to the United States.
'■
• Made before the Senate Committee on Commerce
on July 10 (press release 366) during hearings on
S. 1732, a bill to eliminate discrimination in public
accommodations affecting Interstate commerce.
Discrimination on account of race, color, re
ligion, national or tribal origin may be fount
in many countries. But the United States i
widely regarded as the home of democracy an<
the leader of the struggle for freedom, fo
human rights, for human dignity. We are ex
pected to be the model — no higher complimen
could be paid to us. So our failures to live u]
to our proclaimed ideals are noted — and mag
nified and distorted.
One of the epochal developments of our timw "
has been the conversion of the old colonial em
pires into a host of new independent nations-
some 50 since the Second World War. The vas '
majority of these newly independent people
are nonwhite, and they are determined to eradi
cate every vestige of the notion that the wliitt
race is superior or entitled to special privilegeji
because of race. Were we as a nation in theii
shoes, we would do the same.
This tremendous transformation in the world
has come about imder the impulse of the funda-
mental beliefs set forth in tlie second and third
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 12S7 PUBLICATION 7580 JULY 29, 1963
The Department of State Bullettn, a
■weekly publication Issued by the OfBce
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provides the public and Interested
agencies of the Government with Informa-
tion on developments in the field of for-
elcn relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin includes selected
press releases on forelsn policy. Issued
by the White Uouse and the Department,
and statements and addresses made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other officers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of international affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation is included concerning treaties
.and International agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial in the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
20402. Price : 52 Issues, domestic $8.50,
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents.
Use of funds for printing of this pul>-
llcatlon approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19,
1961).
NOTE : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
Department of State Bulletin as the
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin
is Indexed in the Readers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
164
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
iimtences of our Declaration of Independence,
'hese universal ideas wliich we have done so
Luch to nurture have spread over the earth,
he spiritual sons of the American Revolution
"e of every race. For let us remind ourselves
lat the great Declaration said "all men are
•eated equal and are endowed by their Creator
i'ith certain unalienable Rights" — not "all men
scept those who are not white."
Freedom, in the broadest and truest sense, is
le central issue in the world struggle in which
'e are engaged. We stand for government by
le consent of the governed, for government by
iw, for equal opportunity, for the rights and
orth of the individual human being. These
re aspirations shared, I believe, by the great
lajority of mankind. They give us allies, de-
lared and undeclared, on all the continents—
icluding many people behind the Iron and
Samboo Curtains.
I believe that the forces of freedom are mak-
ig progress. I am confident that if we perse-
ere in the efforts we are now making, we shall
vcntually achieve the sort of world we seek—
world in which all men will be safe in freedom
nd peace.
But in waging this world struggle we are
eriously handicapped by racial or religious
liscrimination in the United States. Our fail-
ire to live up to the pledges of our Declaration
)f Independence and our Constitution em-
)arrasses our friends and heartens our enemies.
In their efforts to enhance their influence
imong the nonwhite peoples and to alienate
horn from us, the Communists clearly regard
■acial discrimination in the United States as
Dne of their most valuable assets.
Soviet commentary on racial tension in the
Qnited States has stressed four themes:
1. Racism is inevitable in the American capi-
talist system.
2. Inaction by the U.S. Government is tanta-
mount to support of the racists.
3. Recent events have exposed the hypocrisy
of U.S. claims to ideological leadership of the
"so-called free world."
4. The U.S. policy toward Negroes is clearly
indicative of its attitude toward peoples of
color throughout the world.
Racial discrimination and its exploitation by
JtTLY 29, 1963
the Communists would have damaged our in-'
ternational position more than they have in
fact done but for four circumstances. The first
is that nonwhite students have encountered race
prejudice in Soviet bloc countries. The second
is the loyalty of nonwhite Americans to the
United States and its institutions. Despite the
disabilities they have suffered they have, with
rare exceptions, preserved their faith in our
democracy. They have fought to defend it,
and they stand guard on the ramparts of free-
dom today — in Berlin, in West Germany, in
Southeast Asia, on all the continents and seas,
and in the skies.
The third reason why racial discrimination
and its exploitation by our adversaries have
not caused us greater damage is that we have
made progress m removing discriminatory laws
and practices, have advanced toward full
equality.
And the fourth reason is that the power of
the Federal Government — especially its execu-
tive and judicial branches — has been exerted to
secure the rights of racial minorities. The re-
cent meeting of African heads of state, at Addis
Ababa, condemned racial discrimination "espe-
cially in the United States," then approved the
role of U.S. Federal authorities in attempting
to combat it.
If progress should stop, if Congress should
not approve legislation designed to remove re-
maining discriminatory practices, questions
would inevitably arise in many parts of the
world as to the real convictions of the Ameri-
can people. In that event hostile projiaganda
might be expected to hurt us more than it has
hurt us until now.
Treatment of Nonwhite Diplomats
I now turn to a special concern of the De-
partment of State : the treatment of nonwhite
diplomats and visitors to the United States.
We camiot expect the friendship and respect
of nonwhite nations if we humiliate their rep-
resentatives by denying them, say, service in
a highway restaurant or city cafe.
Under international law and through the
practice of nations, a host country owes cer-
tain duties to the diplomatic representatives
which are accredited to it, in order to facilitate
155
the discharge by those representatives of their
functions. P"or example, tlie Vienna Conven-
tion on Diplomatic Relations, which is widely
recognized as codifying much of the interna-
tional law on the subject of diplomatic relations,
provides that a diplomat shall be treated by
the receiving state with due respect and that
state shall take all appropriate steps to prevent
any attack on his person, freedom, or dignity.
These obligations are not properly discharged
unless diplomatic representatives have access,
without discrimination or hindrance, to the
public accommodations required by travelers in
going about their business.
The United States Government expects that
American diplomats abroad will be received in
a manner appropriate to their capacity as rep-
resentatives of the United States. We expect
that they will be treated with courtesy and that
they will be afforded the facilities necessary for
the performance of their functions. Comity
among the nations of the world requires that all
countries act to receive foreign diplomatic rep-
resentatives with courtesy and treat them with
helpful consideration. We in the United States
want to make sure that our conduct as a host
country does not merely live up to commonly
accepted requirements but indeed sets a stand-
ard for all the world.
Putting aside law, custom, and usage regard-
ing the reception of foreign diplomats in this
country, the United States has a tradition of
warm and friendly reception for those who
come to visit these shores from abroad. This
tradition is one of the important values in the
American heritage. It has been known through-
out the world. We want to continue to uphold
it and give it living reality in all of our ac-
tions and dealings.
One hundred and eleven nations send their
diplomatic representatives to Washington and
to New York City — in New York to an organi-
zation created to represent humanity. And
every year thousands of other foreign na-
tionals come to this countiy on official business
or as visitors — professors, mayors, provincial
governors, technicians, students, as well as
chiefs of state and heads of government and
cabinet ministers. They come with avid interest
in learning more about us. We value good will.
Indeed, we enjoy much good will. And we
would enjoy much more if we did not permit
good will to be impaired by such senseless
acts as refusing to serve a cup of coffee to a cus-
tomer because his skin is dark.
Yet, within the last 2 years, scores of inci-
dents of racial discrimination involving for-
eign diplomats accredited to this country have
come to the attention of the Department of
State. These incidents have occurred in all
sections of the United States. Let me cite a few
examples.
Denial of admittance to hotels. In one case
the ambassador of one of the larger African
countries was taking a trip involving a reserva-
tion at a large hotel. ^Vlien the manager of
the hotel realized that the ambassador was not
white, he decided to cancel the reservation. It
took several top-level officials the better part of
a day to persuade the management of that
hotel to accept the ambassador in order to avoid
an international incident.
Refusal of service in restaurants. There
have been many complaints on this score. One
of the most publicized involved the representa-
tive of a West African country about to obtain
its independence. He was refused service
while en route from Washington to Pittsburgh.
As a result of a casual remark made by him
some time later, this incident was reported in
our newspapers and throughout Africa. The
Department worked hard to make amends for
this unfortunate episode. The restaurant
opened its doors to all customers regardless of
color. Local authorities asked the representa-
tive to pay a return visit. But, even in this case,
the damage was probably not completely vm-
done. And in many cases there have been no
amends.
One African ambassador was en route here
from New York. His first experience, even be-
fore he had a chance to present his credentials
to the President, was that of being ejected from
a roadside restaurant.
A Caribbean country which recently became
independent assigned consular responsibilities
in the immediate area to its first secretary in
Washington. In traveling through his area of
responsibility he was recently ejected from a
156
DEPAKTMENR OF STATE BULLETIN
restaurant which he had previously been in-
formed was integrated.
An African ambassador who had experienced
several times refusals of service in restaurants
inally complained to the Department of State
ivhen his wife and 8-year-old child were denied
I glass of water. The ambassador wrote to me
;hat he had been an officer in the French Army
during World War II and had led his men in
Dattle. He said that even under battle condi-
tions he had treated the children of the enemy
with enough kindness and consideration to
spare them a drink of water from his canteen.
Denial of admittance to puiUc beaches. An
Asian cabinet member and some of his diplo-
matic colleagues stationed in Washington were
refused admittance to a beach nearby. An
African ambassador was not only refused ad-
mittance to a public beach in this area but
threatened and insulted. He now represents
' his country in a European country. The act of
hostility he experienced here remains for him
a vivid recollection.
These unpleasant experiences indicate the
conditions under which foreign diplomats of
color work in the Capital of the United States.
I have heard it suggested that some of these
representatives may be looking for trouble, that
they are trying to test facilities in order to
embarrass the United States for political pur-
poses. But it has been our experience in the
Department of State that these diplomats are
trying to avoid incidents.
The nonwhite diplomat often prefers to keep
within the confines of the District of Columbia,
knowing that restaurants, swimming pools,
beaches, theaters, and other establishments in
a large part of the United States are potential
places of trouble. If he wants to make a trip,
he frequently seeks the assistance of the Depart-
ment of State in order to avoid embarrassment.
Most governments expect their diplomats to
travel in the host country. Most foreign coun-
tries, and particularly those in Africa, are well
aware of the problems of racial discrimination
in the United States. Wlien diplomats from
these countries return home they may have
learned to understand the difficulties with which
our Government has to cope in giving full effect
to the civil rights to which all Americans are
entitled.
Incidents Involving Other Visitors
Humiliating incidents are not confined to
foreign diplomats stationed in this country.
They sometimes involve other visitors from
abroad such as recipients of leader grants, AID
[Agency for International Development] spe-
cialists who may be teachers and graduate
students, and even high-level state visitors.
The head of the Civil Aeronautics Board of
a West African country, brouglit here under
the sponsorship of the United States Govern-
ment, was denied service in a restaurant. He
terminated his trip right then and there. The
mayor of the capital city of a British posses-
sion in Africa, which is just about to obtain
independence, was humiliated in a restaurant.
The assistant secretary of state of another West
African country was refused service at a hotel
and a restaurant.
We are also aware of incidents involving
foreign students who come to the United States,
some under government sponsorship and others
on their own. These students come here to
learn not only skills which will be useful to
them when they return home but about our
way of life. Some of them return home disap-
pointed and even embittered.
Sometimes these incidents involve not Afri-
cans or Asians, but Europeans. Not too long
ago a German student was jailed for having
eaten a meal in the colored side of a bus ter-
minal lunch counter. The student had chosen
to sit there because the white side was com-
pletely filled.
I have cited typical incidents. Now I should
like to quote just a few of the comments made
by nonwhite diplomats in Washington to mem-
bers of the staff of the Department of State.
An African ambassador: "I am a friend of
the United States and I want relations between
our two countries to be as good as possible. I
am particularly aware of the efforts this ad-
ministration is making to improve the status
of civil rights and, tlierefore, I shall instruct
my staff to be careful not to embarrass our Gov-
ernment by being involved in any unpleasant
JULT 29, 1963
157
situations. Yet I have to find some sort of ac-
commodations for my staff, and I am really at a
loss as to how to avoid getting into trouble."
Another African ambassador said: "In spite
of the good work this country is doing, personal
relations spoil a good deal of the work done in
other fields. People feel very hurt when they
are treated in this way."
These comments are illustrative. Others are
contained in a supplemental paper which I shall
be glad to leave with you.
"With respect to the presence of diplomats and
other foreign visitors in the United States, the
provisions barring discrimination in places of
public accommodation would go a long way
toward removing some of the most acute prob-
lems we have experienced in this area. These
provisions would end some of the most obvious
and embarrassing; forms of discrimination.
They would enable foreign visitors in our coun-
try to travel with much less fear of hindrance
and insult. They would create a more normal
and friendlier environment for our relations
with other countries.
I have dwelt on the experiences and reactions
of diplomats and other visitors to this country
because they are of special concern to the De-
partment of State. But I would state as em-
phatically as I can that I do not ask for them
rights and decencies which are in practice de-
nied to colored American citizens. One should
not need a diplomatic passport in order to enjoy
ordinary civil and human rights. Nor would
these diplomats and other visitors be favorably
impressed by efforts on our part to treat them
differently from non white Americans. They
realize full well that they are being discrimi-
nated against, not as diplomats or as foreigners
.but on account of their race.
The counselor of an African embassy said:
"TVe do not want any special privileges. We
should decline them if they were offered. This
is not the answer. We want what American
diplomats in our country would get."
The head of government of a large West Afri-
can country complained when he found that the
hotel in which he had been lodged was segre-
gated. He said he would not have stayed there
if he had known it was not open to Negro
Americans.
So, let me stress again, the interest of the
Department of State in this bill reaches far be-
yond obtaining decent treatment for nonwhite
diplomats and visitors. We are directly and
comprehensively concerned with obtaining de-
cent treatment of all human beings, including
American citizens.
This is a problem which merits the concern
and effort of all Americans without regard to
any particular region of the country, race, or
political party. The present racial crisis di-
vides and weakens, and challenges, the Nation
both at home and in the world struggle in which
we are engaged. I deeply hope that the issues
involved can be approached on the basis of
genuine bipartisanship, just as are the broad
objectives of this country's foreign policy.
Finally, I note that specific legislative lan-
guage is being considered by the committee with
the Justice Department; the Department of
State is not concerned with detailed questions
of legislation and enforcement. We in State
are concerned with the underlying purpose of
the proposed measure and the adverse effects
of the present situation. Wliat we would hope
is that the Congress would join the executive
and the judiciary in declaring it to be our na-
tional policy to accord every citizen — and every
person — the respect due to him as an individual.
I want to reiterate most emphatically that in
the fateful struggle in which we are engaged
to make the world safe for freedom, the United
States cannot fulfill its historic role unless it
fulfills its commitments to its own people.
SUPPLEMENT
Other comments made by nonwhite diplomats to
representatives of the Office of Protocol :
A counselor of an African embassy — "The result Is
that a black diplomat is rather cut off, he withdraws
to himself and sees only his own people. This creates
constant resentment throughout our staff. Some ot
us are rather bitter. There is so much about America
which is good. What America has done for the under-
developed countries is wonderful. But here, in this
matter, we are dealing on a personal level. When
people come to our country, we try to make them feel
more at home than they are in their country. Our
general feeling here is that 'I am forever a stranger.'
There is something about American policy which can-
not be explained. It cuts through all your policy —
158
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
. is the contradiction between what you say and what
ou do. Tou accuse the new countries of a double
tandard, but there are certain things in this country
'hich seem false. On the one hand, ideals are pitched
ery high ; while on the other, behavior is pitched
ery low. With never-ending talk of equality there
i flagrant racial discrimination — we don't trust this
ountry. If you give me what I know you think is
econd rate, I resent It, and I do not respect you."
An African ambassador — "I definitely feel that life
n Washington is like living on an island, and that if
ever travel, it should be only en route to New York.
Jut even in Washington, things have not been easy."
A staff member of an African embassy — "Even the
)est friend of this country cannot be happy. One feels
)ad. One begins to feel all this talk of good relations,
he free world ... is farcical when in daily life this
3 the situation. It imposes an undue burden which
jrdinarily one wouldn't have. We feel humiliated."
A staff member of an African embassy — "Ever since
[ ran into discrimination, I am conscious that we
must avert any type of incident. We go about our
work with a great load on our minds. We are con-
scious of it all the time. One is not in the country
to provoke incidents. One does not wish to embarrass
the host government."
An Asian ambassador — "I realize that discrimination
exists and that it cannot be completely abolished over-
night. However, I cannot understand or tolerate this
discrimination. Although I am not directly affected
by it, it hurts me deeply because it affects some of my
best friends. When my friends are insulted, I am
insulted as well. The people who wrote the Constitu-
tion and the Bill of Rights meant well and I sincerely
hope that one day soon the Constitution will be justi-
fied. The Government of the United States has shown
its willingness to uphold America's boast of equality
of all men. But it must act more strongly or this
equality will be ridiculed in foreign countries by those
who would use it as propaganda. We know that we
are limited in our choice of accommodations and this
creates in us an inferiority complex. We are here to
do a job, but because of this inferiority we cannot
do it well. It also leads to dangerous statements made
by the diplomats on their return to their countries."
An African ambassador — "I have been told that I
ought to wear my robes when I go out, but no, that's
ridiculous. At home I dress the way Americans do,
and I am not going to dress specially. After all, it's
the man who counts, the person inside the suit. I
will not wear special clothes in order to be respected
as a person. I will be respected regardless of what
I wear. When I feel like wearing robes, I will, but
If you ask me to do it so everyone will know I am an
African, no, I won't."
Another African ambassador — "If I have to an-
nounce that I am an Ambassador before I enter any
establishment or apartment building in order not to
be subjected to insults and humiliation, I will request
that my Government recall me."
Under Secretary Harriman Departs
for Test Ban Talks in Moscow
The Department of State announced on July 9
(press release 363) that Under Secretary W.
Averell Harriman, the President's Special Rep-
resentative, would depart for London and Mos-
cow on July 11.
Accompanying him to London and Moscow
were: Adrian S. Fisher, Deputy Director, U.S.
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency ; Carl
Kaysen, Wliite House staff; William R. Tyler,
Assistant Secretary of State for European Af-
fairs; John T. McNaughton, General Counsel,
Department of Defense; Frank E. Cash, De-
partment of State; and Alexander Akalovsky,
Franklin A. Long, Nedville E. Nordness, and
Frank Press, consultant, all of the U.S. Anna
Control and Disarmament Agency.
President Kennedy and Soviet Leaders
Exchange Fourtli of July Messages
Following is an exchange of messages be-
tween President Kennedy and Nikita Khrush-
chev^ Chairman of the Council of Ministers of
the U.S.S.R., and Leonid Brezhnev, Chairman
of the Swpreme Soviet Presidium, of the
U.S.S.R.
President Kennedy to Soviet Leaders
July 4, 1963
The American people are grateful for your
message of good will on the anniversary of our
Independence Day. The American Revolution
was based on the desire of our people to build
a free nation in a world of peace. Today that
desire for peace is more urgent than ever. The
world has long passed that time when armed
conflict can be the solution to international
problems. That is why I share your desire ex-
pressed in your message of today that we move
forward with miderstanding towards tlie solu-
tion of those key problems which divide us.
I am hopeful that world peace, just and lasting,
can be achieved.
JULY 29, 1963
159
Soviet Leaders to President Kennedy
July 4, 1963
On the occasion of the national day of the United
States of America, Independence Day, we convey to you
and to the American people warm greetings and wishes
for peace and well-being.
In our century, the century of conquering atomic
energy and of penetrating in the depths of the uni-
verse, the preservation of peace has become a truly
vital necessity for all mankind. We are convinced
that if the governments of our countries, along with
the governments of other countries, having displayed
a realistic attitude, firmly set out on the path of re-
moving the hotbeds of international tension and ex-
panding businesslike cooperation, people everywhere
will acclaim this as a great contribution toward con-
solidating universal peace.
(3) prohibit all other unlicensed transaction;
with Cuba or Cuba nationals or transactions in
volving property in which there is a Cubai
interest. Thus Cuba will be denied the use o:
American financial facilities for transfers oi
funds to Latin America for subversive
purposes.
Cuban refugees in the United States or else-
where in the free world will be regarded as un-
blocked nationals unless they are acting on
behalf of the Cuban regime. "Wliere serious
hardship can be proven, remittances by per-
sons residing in the United States to members
of their immediate family residing in Cuba will
be authorized by special license.
United States Blocks Cuban Assets
To Counter Communist Subversion
Press release 360 dated July 8
At the request of the Secretary of State, the
Treasury Department instituted blocking con-
trols with respect to Cuba effective 12 : 01 a.m.
July 8. This action was taken to restrict the
movement of funds from Cuba in accordance
with the resolution adopted on July 3, 1963 ^
by the Council of the Organization of Ameri-
can States urging member governments to im-
plement a series of recommendations to counter
Castro-Communist subversion in the hemi-
sphere. The measure is also in accord with the
resolutions to counter subversive activities
adopted on April 4, 1963, at Managua, Nica-
ragua, by the Governments of the Central
American Republics, Panama, and the United
States.^ This blocking action will also con-
tribute further to the economic isolation of
Cuba.
The controls instituted on July 8 are modeled
generally on those which are in effect with re-
spect to Communist China and North Korea.
They will (1) block all assets in the United
States of Cuba or of persons in Cuba, (2) pro-
hibit persons subject to the jurisdiction of the
United States from engaging in unlicensed
transfer of U.S. dollars to or from Cuba, and
' Not printed here.
' For texts, see Bulletin of May 6, 19(53, p. 719.
Letters of Credence
Guatemala
The newly appointed Ambassador of Guate-
mala, Carlos Garcia-Bauer, presented his cre-
dentials to President Kennedy on July 10. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 365 dated July 10.
Secretary Assigned Leadership
in International Aviation Policy
Following is the text of a letter from Presi-
dent Kennedy to Secretary Rusk.'^
The White House,
Washington, June 22, 1963.
Dear Mr. Secretary: The recommendations
of the Interagency Steering Committee on In-
ternational Aviation Policy, which I approved
a few weeks ago,=^ underscored the need for a
focus of leadership within the executive branch
for (1) identifying emerging problems and ad-
vising me on their solution; (2) giving con-
tinuing attention to international aviation
policies; and (3) assuring necessary follow-up
actions. Since international aviation policies
necessarily affect our over-all relations with
other nations, I shall look to the Secretary of
' 28 Fed. Reg. 6489.
' Bulletin of May 20, 1963, p. 784.
160
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
fi
state, as a part of his assigned responsibilities,
;o provide such a focus of leadersliip for this
rital area of foreign policy.
In making tliis assignment to you, I am mind-
hil of the statutory responsibilities vested in
;he Department of Defense, the Department of
Uommerce, the Federal Aviation Agency, the
Divil Aeronautics Board and the Agency for
[nteniational Development, which bear im-
oortantly on the field of international aviation
policy and of the contributions which these
igencies are able to make. It is my desire,
therefore, that you take such measures as may
38 necessary to assure that these agencies are
appropriately consulted on all matters affecting
their interests or falling within their special
ireas of competence. The effective accomplish-
ment of this undertaking requires the coopera-
tion and full utilization of the resources and
skills of each of the agencies which participate
in international aviation activities.
In this regard, I endorse the recommenda-
tions contained in the May 29, 1963, summary
of the Bureau of the Budget study that there
be established a high-level interagency Commit-
tee on International Aviation Policy, to be
chaired by the Secretary of State or his repre-
sentative. The other members will be the Sec-
retaries of Defense and Commerce, or their
representatives, the Administrator of the Fed-
eral Aviation Agency, the Chairman of the
Civil Aeronautics Board, and the Administra-
tor of the Agency for International Develop-
ment. The Administrator of the Federal
Aviation Agency will serve as vice chairman.
This committee will concern itself with policy
matters affecting international aviation, as dis-
tinct from the technical matters which will, in
the first instance, continue to be handled
through the mechanism of the Interagency
Group on International Aviation. The Chair-
man should convene the Committee on Inter-
national Aviation Policy as soon as possible.
I know that you will take the necessary steps
within the Department of State to assure that
there are clear assignments of responsibility
and adequate allocations of staff resources for
meeting the important responsibilities which
leadership in international aviation policy mat-
ters entails. Please report to me from time to
time upon the significant developments under
this program, including such revisions in pres-
ent policy as may be indicated by changing
circiunstances.
Sincerely,
John F. Kennedy
Captive Nations Week, 1963
A PROCLAMATION'
Whereas by a joint resolution approved July 17,
1959 (73 Stat. 212) the Congress has authorized and
requested the President of the United States of Amer-
ica to issue a proclamation, designating the third week
in July 1959 as "Captive Nations Week", and to issue
a similar proclamation each year until such time as
freedom and independence shall have been achieved
for all the captive nations of the world ; and
Whereas the cause of human rights and dignity re-
mains a universal aspiration and
Whereas justice requires the elemental right of
free choice and
Whereas this nation has an abiding commitment to
the principles of national self-determination and hu-
man freedom.
Now, THEREFORE, I, JoHN P. KENNEDY, President of
the United States of America, do hereby designate the
week beginning July 14, 1963, as Captive Nations
Week.
I invite the people of the United States of America
to observe this week with appropriate ceremonies and
activities, and I urge them to give renewed devotion
to the just aspirations of all people for national inde-
pendence and human liberty.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to
be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this fifth day of
July in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
[SEAi,] and sixty-three, and of the Independence of
the United States of America the one hundred
and eighty-eighth.
/&,/Z^
By the President:
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.
' No. 3543 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 70C5.
JTJLT 29, 1963
161
The Rule of Law — Now
I
hy Abram Chayes
Legal Adviser^
Since the beginning of the 16th General
Assembly in the fall of 1961 we have heard
about the financial crisis at the United Nations.
Of course there is a financial crisis in the U.N.
The bills that the organization is incurring —
largely on account of its operations to keep
the peace in the Congo and in the Middle East — •
have been outrunning by a very large amoimt
the funds it has been able to collect from its
members. Wlien Secretary-General U Thant
first brought this problem to the attention of
the organization he predicted a deficit of $170
million by June 30, 1962. In fact, despite the
bond issue and vigorous efforts to collect ar-
rears, the U.N. deficit, largely attributable to
these two peacekeeping enterprises, still
amounted to $72,400,000 at the end of this fiscal
year. Although the recent successes of the
Congo operations will bring a significant cut-
back in current outlays there and permit us to
hope that tliis item may be entirely eliminated
in the not too distant future, the problem of
financing the rest of the operation and of pay-
ing old debts remains.
Thus the financial crisis at the U.N. is a real
one. But, as is often the case with contro-
versies over the power of the purse, financial
questions cover more deep-seated issues of con-
stitutional dimensions. And in this case I be-
lieve the resolution of the financial questions
'Address made before the World Conference of
Lawyers on World Peace Through the Rule of Law at
Athens, Greece, on July 3 (press release 356 dated
July 2).
' See p. 178.
now being debated in the United Nations ^ wil
tell us a great deal about the rule of law in oui
world and about our ability to make it prevail
We are met here not as national or govern-
mental representatives but as lawyers, members Jj
of a common profession that in many ways^
transcends national boundaries. Our purpose
is to consider how this profession, as a profes-
sion, can contribute to the maintenance of world
peace. The agenda of the conference covers a
familiar range of topics: strengthening the
U.N., third-party settlement of international
disputes, fuller use of the World Court, respect
for agreed procedures in resolving international
issues. All of these go to make up the ideal
of the rule of law in international affairs.
Through its discussions, this conference will
seek to develop ways of approaching this ideal
more nearly in the future. Yet, in the ques-
tion of U.N. finances, all of the elements I have
listed are implicated. And if the nations of
the world cannot bring themselves in this mat- I
ter to act in accordance with the dictates of
the rule of law, it is hard to have any very great
hope for our capacity to improve and extend
it in the future. For this is not a situation
where international law, on either its substan-
tive or procedural side, was rudimentary or ill
adapted to the situation. The legal issues did
not turn on the opinions of publicists or hypo-
thetical reasoning. The question of U.N. fi-
nances brought into play a developed corpus of
law and legal materials that were dealt with
by the most advanced of international legal
institutions.
162
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
/orld Court Opinion on U.N. Assessments
The United Nations undertook the burdens
f keeping the peace in the Middle East in 1956
nd in the Congo in 1960. In each case the ac-
ion represented a broad consensus of the states
lembers as to the duties and responsibilities of
he organization in the circumstances. The
■riginal resolution establishing the U.N. Emer-
:ency Force in the Middle East passed the
leneral Assembly without a dissenting vote.^
^he Congo operation, authorized in the first
nstance by unanimous vote of the Security
Council, was later confirmed and expanded by
he General Assembly, also without a dissenting
•ote.*
The financing resolutions in each case, too,
vere the product of extensive consideration of
he issues, legal as well as political, and regis-
ered broad consensus. Nevertheless, when the
.Secretary-General first called to the attention
)f the General Assembly that many members
vere increasingly in arrears in paying their
issessments for these operations, some members
juestioned the legal liability to pay these assess-
nents. A number of grounds were advanced:
that the operations themselves were riltra vires
or had not been properly authorized by the or-
ganization; that the Assembly was without
power to compel money contributions in sup-
port of such operations or, in any case, had not
intended to do so in its assessment resolutions.
International legal institutions provide a for-
mal method for resolving such controversies.
The U.N. Charter provides in article 96 : "The
General Assembly or the Security Council may
request the International Court of Justice to
give an advisory opinion on any legal question."
The Court's competence to render such an opin-
ion is not affected by the adherence or nonadher-
ence of any member of the United Nations to
the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court.
Article 96 is a part of the charter agreed to by
all signatory nations. And, by force of article
93 of the charter, '"All Members of the United
Nations are ipso facto parties to the Statute of
President Sends Greetings
to Lawyers' Conference
Following is the text of a message from
President Kennedy to the World Conference of
Lawyers on World Peace Through the Rule of
Laic held at Athens, Greece, June SO-July 6.
It gives me great pleasure to send greetings
to the distinguished group of lawyers participat-
ing in the First World Conference on World
Peace Through The Rule of Law. This Confer-
ence represents five years of effort and brings
together lawyers and judges from over a hundred
countries in the attempt to develop and
strengthen the legal machinery that must form
the basis for peaceful relations among all na-
tions. The habits of respect for the law and
confidence in its effectiveness are at the root of
freedom within nations. And these same habits
and confidence must find their place in the rela-
tions between nations if we are to build a just
and stable peace.
' For text of resolution, see Bulletin of Nov. 19,
1956, p. 79.3.
' For background and texts of resolutions, see iMd..
Aug. 1, 1960, p. 159, and Oct. 10, 1960, p. 5S3.
the International Court of Justice." Pursuant
to article 96, the General Assembly, by a vote
of 52 to 11, with 32 abstentions, after full and
careful debate, adopted Resolution 1731 (X^T)
requesting the advice of the Court. The ques-
tion as put m the resolution was whether the
expenses authorized in the assessment resolur
tions covering the U.N. operations in the Congo
and Middle East were "expenses of the Orga-
nization" within the meaning of article 17 of the
charter so that, by virtue of article 17, they
"shall be borne by the Members as apportioned
by the General Assembly."
As is required in such cases, the International
Court of Justice gave notice of the proceedings
to all states members and gave each the oppor-
tmiity to submit views on the issues in writing
or in oral pleadings. It was not an empty offer.
In no other proceeding before the Court have
so many states participated. Tliey represented
many parts of the globe and all legal systems.
The official volume of the Court reporting the
case includes written submissions in various
forms from 20 different countries : Upper Volta,
Italy, France, Denmark, the Netherlands,
Czechoslovakia, the United States, Canada,
Japan, Portugal, Australia, the United King-
JT7LT 29, 1963
163
doin, Spain, Ireland, South Africa, the
U.S.S.R., Byelorussia, Bulgaria, the Ukraine,
and Rumania.
In the oral arguments which began on the
14th of May 19G2 and proceeded through the
21st, 9 of the nations pleaded orally before the
Court: Canada, the Netherlands, Italy, the
United Kingdom, Norway, Australia, Ireland,
the U.S.S.R., and the United States. The
United Kingdom and Ireland were represented
by their Attorneys General; Australia by its
Solicitor General; Canada, the Netherlands,
Italy, Norway, and the United States sent the
Legal Advisers of their respective Foreign Offi-
ces.* The U.S.S.R. argued orally before the
Court for the first time in history and was rep-
resented by the distinguished lawyer, Mr.
Grigory Tunkin, former Chairman of the In-
ternational Law Commission and Director of
the Juridical-Treaty Branch of the Soviet
Ministry of Foi-eign Affairs.
Two months after the oral arguments, the
Court, acting with commendable dispatch in
view of the importance of the case and the diffi-
culty of the issues, rendered its opinion. By a
vote of 9 to 5 it gave an affirmative answer to
the question presented. It held that the ex-
penditures authorized in the financing resolu-
tions were indeed "expenses of the Organiza-
tion" within the meaning of article 17, with the
consequence that assessment of those expenses
by the General Assembly was binding on the
members.*
The World Court, as all of you know, is a
most distinguished panel of jurists. The Stat-
ute of the Court prescribes that it "shall be
composed of a body of independent judges,
elected regardless of their nationality from
among persons of high moral character, who
possess the qualifications required in their re-
spective countries for appointment to the high-
est judicial offices, or are juris-consults of
recognized competence in international law."
Members of the United Nations are enjoined, in
electing judges to the Court, to "bear in mind
not only that the persons to be elected should
• For a statement made before the Court by Mr.
Chayes, see ibid., ,Tuly 2, 1962, p. 30.
" For a Department statement on the Court's opinion,
see ibid., Aug. 13, 1962, p. 246.
individually possess the qualifications required,
but also that in the body as a whole the repre-
sentation of the main forms of civilization and
of the principal legal systems of the world
should be assured." It goes without saying
that members of the Court sit as independent
judges and not as governmental representatives.
Indeed, the votes of the judges in the U.N. As-
sessments case itself did not uniformly reflect
the national positions their governments had
taken on the issues.
I have said that the decision of this Court, so
constituted and so composed, was rendered by a
vote of 9 to 5. Some have said that this ab-
sence of unanimity somehow derogates from
the force of the decision. Of course that cannot
be so. The very existence of a court with more
than one judge implies the possibility of differ-
ences of view among the judges. In my own
country we are accustomed to seeing questions
of grave public and political importance de-
cided by narrow majorities — often a majority
of one — in our highest court. The Interna-
tional Court itself, in the recent South-"\Vest
Africa decision, decided in favor of its own
jurisdiction by a single vote. In that case
judges of United States and Soviet nationality
found themselves together in the majority,
while the President of the Court, a Polish na-
tional, and the British, French, and Australian
judges were in the minority. Although the
division was thus as narrow as it could possibly
be, we, as lawyers, would expect that South
Africa would abide by the decision and appear
on the merits of the case. And she has done so.
The opinion of the Court in a case such as the
U.N. Assessments case is characterized as "ad-
visory." It cannot be "binding" in a juridical
sense because there are no parties before the
Court upon whom a judgment could operate.
But for all other purposes, I would myself
suppose that the opinion of the Court, in an
advisory case properly before it where the issue
is justiciable, is an authoritative statement of
the law. In the U.N. Assessments case all the
conditions were met. The case was before the
Court at the request of the General Assembly
under article 96 of the charter. The issue was
a narrowly defined question of legal liability,
fully matured and ripe for adjudication on
164
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIK
concrete facts comprehensively developed be-
:ore the tribunal.
But whether or not the opinion by its own
'orce establishes the law we need not debate here.
The General Assembly itself has removed any
)0ssible question about the status of the Court's
idvisory opinion. The opinion was trans-
nitted to the Secretary-General and by him to
he General Assembly at its 17th session. And
ifter consideration and debate, both in the ap-
propriate committee and on the floor, the
Assembly, by a vote of 76 to 17, with 8 absten-
;ions, declared that it "accepts the opinion of the
[nternational Court of Justice on the question
submitted to it." ' Thus this phase of the case
3ame to a close.
Seneral Assembly Action on Court's Decision
The experience in the United Nations since
the decision of the Court has not been altogether
disheartening. I am informed that approxi-
mately $16 million in arrearages has been paid
by 46 countries. Although these countries are,
for the most part, small and the amounts owing
were correspondingly small, their action to com-
ply with the decision of the Court represents a
commendable example of the rule of law in ac-
tion in international affairs.
Another development is worth noting. As
you know, article 19 of the charter provides
that:
A member of the United Nations which is in arrears
in the payment of its financial contributions to the
Organization shall have no vote in the General Assem-
bly if the amount of its arrears equals or exceeds the
amount of the contributions due from it for the pre-
ceding tv^o full years.
Just prior to the beginning of the I7th ses-
sion of the General Assembly 6 countries were
in such a situation, and again just prior to the
special session that began this spring, 10 coim-
tries were in arrears more than 2 full years,
taking into account the Congo and Middle East
assessments. In all of these cases but one, the
states concerned, by appropriate payment in ad-
vance of the convening of the General Assembly,
removed themselves from the scope of article
19. And it should be remarked that these
comitries were not confined to any single quarter
of the globe or any single political system.
The one exception was Haiti, which, as you
may know, was in arrears for more than the
total of 2 years' contributions when the recent
special session opened. Haiti made no pay-
ments against its arrears until May 24, 10 days
after the special session began. The Secretary-
General, in a letter dated May 14, the day the
Assembly convened, informed the Assembly
President, Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan of
Pakistan, that Haiti was in arrears in an amoimt
exceeding that specified in article 19. At the
opening of the General Assembly, the Haitian
delegate absented himself from the hall. Sir
Zafrulla, a former judge of the International
Court of Justice, replied to the Secretary-Gen-
eral's letter the following day. He said :
I have received your letter of 14 May 1963, informing
me that, at the opening of the Fourth Special Session
of the General Assembly, Haiti was in arrears in the
payment of its financial contribution to the United Na-
tions within terms of Article 19 of the Charter. I
would have made an announcement drawing the atten-
tion of the Assembly to the loss of voting rights in the
Assembly of the Member State just mentioned, under
the first sentence of Article 19, had a formal count of
vote taken place in the presence of a representative of
that State at the opening plenary meeting. As no
such vote took place, and as the representative
of Haiti was not present, this announcement became
unnecessary.
The Secretary-General's letter and the Presi-
dent's reply were circulated as formal U.N.
documents.*
Finally, the General Assembly, just a few
days ago, in bringing to a close an intensive 7-
week special review of the financing of peace-
keeping operations, reemphasized the obliga-
tion of members to pay their arrearages. A
resolution adopted by the overwhelming vote of
the Assembly requests the member states in ar-
rears for the Congo and Middle East operations
to make arrangements with the Secretary-Gen-
eral "within the letter and spirit of the Charter
of the United Nations, including the possibility
of payment by instalment, for bringing the pay-
ments of these accoimts up to date as soon as
'For text of a resolution adopted on Dec. 19, 1962,
see ihid., Jan. 7, 1963, p. 37.
' For texts, see Note No. 2768 issued to correspond-
ents by the U.N. Office of Public Information on May 21.
JULY 29, 1963
165
possible. . . ."• The deadline for making
such arrangements is set at October 31, 1963.
Acceptance of Prescribed Sanctions
I said oarliur tlial tho experience in the U.N.
since the Court's decision is not wholly dis-
heartening. There is a record of payment of
arrearages by certain smaller nations, and in
particular the record reflects a healthy respect
on tho part of the states members for the sanc-
tion of article 19. But, if the experience is not
wholly disheartening, it cannot be said to be
altogether cheering either. For a number of
states remain — and, among them, the most sub-
stantial delinquents — that have as yet made no
payments against their arrearages. Again I
should say that this group of states is con-
fined to no single geographical region and no
single political or social system.
It must be said then that the implications
of the present financial controversy in the
United Nations for the rule of law remain in
doubt. I hope, and we must all hope — as
lawyers interested in the vindication of the
processes and procedures of a system of law —
that the states remaining in arrears will find
some way to meet their obligations and pay
the assessments which the Court has found are
binding upon them. If so, the rule of law
to which we all stand dedicated will have won
a notable victory.
But if they persist in their refusal to pay,
whatever may be the positions of our govern-
ments, I hope we as lawyers will not blink what
is at stake. After the course of events that I
have outlined here today, there can be no ques-
tion that the obligations are lawfully' owing.
That issue was proper!}- presented to a tribunal
that all of us, whatever system of law we are
familiar with, would recognize as a fully com-
petent court. It was decided by that court after
ft hearing comporting with tho highest stand-
ards of ju.stico, a hearing in which there was
full opportunity for all interested parties to
participate and be heard. The decision of that
court was overwhelmingly accepted by the
General Assembly, to which it was re[)orted.
States may, of course, continue to persist in
• For toit, Hoe p. 18.'>.
their refusal to pay. But they cannot ask us
to accept that their refusal is based on legal
grounds. 'V\nien they argue for a result dif-
ferent from that pronounced by the Court, they
assert the right to be judges in their own case.
And that, as we all know, is fimdamentally at
odds with the rule of law.
We must all hope that it does not come to
this. But if it does, the processes of the law
have not yet been exhausted. In this situa-
tion, unlike most, the international legal sys-
tem provides its own sanction for breach of
duty. As we have seen, article 19 provides
that, when delinquency reaches a certain point,
the delinquent "shall have no vote" in the Gen-
eral Assembly. The terms of that article are
clear. It represents the considered judgment
of the states that framed the charter or have
since adhered to it as to the sanction appropriate
to continued financial irresponsibility on the
part of a member. Each member state has
bound itself to the charter containing this sanc-
tion— knowingly, solemnly, and with full ap-
preciation of its meaning. The President of the
General Assembly by his official act has affirmed
the import of article 19 : When the arrearages
of a member state exceed 2 years' contributions,
that state, automatically and by operation of
the charter, has no vote in the General Assem-
bly. Specialized agencies of the U.N. have in-
terpreted similar provisions in their own char-
ters in the same way. The 16 member states
that have paid amounts sufficient to remove
themselves from the ambit of this sanction have
shown their understanding of it by their acts.
If some of the states now in arrears persist in
their refusal to pay, their arrearages will ex-
ceed 2 years' contributions at the beginning of
1064 and we will face the question of the appli-
cation of the sanction prescribed by the charter.
The issue of fidelity of law is, I submit, as
much involved in this question as in the ques-
tion of payment itself.
In one of the early constitutional crises in
tho history of the United States the Supreme
Court handed down a judgment vastly displeas-
ing to President Jackson. We are told that
Jackson's response was, "Jolin IVfarshall has
made his decision — now let liim enforce it!"
The story has many lessons, but one of them
106
DEFAHTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIK
is surely that, even in the most developed legal
system, the courts cannot enforce the law by
their unaided efforts. For this they must de-
pend on the more active arms of government.
And if these more active branches fail or refuse
in their duty to see that the laws are faithfully
executed, this too is an assertion of will in place
of law.
Like John Marshall's Supreme Court, the In-
ternational Court cannot enforce its judgment.
Only the Assembly can insure that the sanction
for nonpayment of assessments is applied ac-
cording to its terms. This being the case, to
vote against enforcement according to the terms
of article 19 is to betray the rule of law as surely
as to fail to pay.
'V\niere states have agreed to instruments gov-
erning their relations and have established ra-
tional and orderly procedures for interpreting
those insti-uments in case of doubt, where those
procedures have been duly resorted to and have
produced a result, we are entitled to ask that
they accept and give effect to that result. And
where sanctions are duly prescribed for failure
to comply, we are entitled to see that they are
applied according to their tenns. Unless the
nations are prepared to grant this measure of
assent to the institutions of law, imless we as
lawyers, whatever our nation, are prepared to
demand it, the work of this conference will be
empty. Far more important, the rule of law,
one of the handful of saving ideals that man
pursues, will have suffered a grievous blow.
President Amends Order on Trade
Agreements Program Administration
AN EXECUTIVE ORDER'
Amendment op Executive Order No. 11075, as
Amended, Relating to the Administration op the
Trade Agreements Program
By virtue of the authority vested in me by the Trade
Expansion Act of 1962 (76 Stat. 872), and as President
of the United States, it is ordered that Executive Order
No. 11075" of January 15, 1963 (28 F.R. 473), as
amended by Executive Order No. 11106 " of April 18,
1963 (28 F.R. 3911) be, and it is hereby, further
amended by substituting for subsection (c) of Section
2 thereof (48 CFR § 1.2(c) ) the following:
"(e) Tliere shall be in the said Office two officers,
each of whom shall have the title 'Deputy Special
Representative for Trade Negotiations', with the rank
of Ambassador. The principal functions of each shall
be to conduct negotiations under title II of the Act,
and each shall perform such additional duties as the
Special Representative may direct."
/(LJ L^
The White House,
June IS, 196S.
' No. 11113 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 6183.
' For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 4, 1963, p. 180.
' For text, see iUd., May 27, 1963, p. 839.
U.S. Makes Additional Quantities
of Uranium 235 Available
Following are two statements released hy the
U.S. At07nic Energy Commission on July 3.
STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY
On September 26, 1961, I announced an in-
crease in the quantities of enriched uranium to
be made available for peaceful uses at home
and abroad.^ Since that time, plans for the in-
creased utilization of enriched uranium in nu-
clear power plants have become more definite
and widespread. In order to give assurances
that enriched uranium can be supplied to meet
these needs, I am annoimcing today a f ui-ther
increase in the quantities of material to be made
available.
I have determined, pursuant to section 41 b
of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended,
that the quantities of uranium 235 in enriched
uranium to be made available are raised from
100,000 to 200,000 kilograms for domestic dis-
tribution imder section 53 and from 65,000 to
150,000 kilograms for foreign distribution
under section 54. These amounts have been rec-
ommended by the Atomic Energy Commission
with the concurrence of the Departments of
State and Defense. The new total of 350,000
' Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 648.
JUIiT 29, 1063
167
kilograms is more timn double the previous
total.
The material will be distributed, by lease or
sale, as required over a period of years and will
be subject to prudent safeguards against un-
authorized use. As nuclear programs develop
in the future, it will undoubtedly be necessary
to make further determinations increasing the
amounts of material to bo available. The ca-
pacity of the United States for producing en-
riched uranium is sufficient to meet all fore-
seeable needs for peaceful uses in addition to
our defense needs.
A discussion of the new determination is con-
tained in the attached statement by the Chair-
man of the Atomic Energy Commission.
STATEMENT BY GLENN T. SEABORG
CHAIRMAN, ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION
The President's announcement today that the
quantities of enriched uranium to be made
available for peaceful uses at home and abroad
have been increased to a total of 350,000 kilo-
grams of contained U-235 is another important
step forward in the civilian applications of
atomic energy. Of this total, 200,000 kilograms
is for distribution to licensed users within the
United States and 150,000 kilograms is for dis-
tribution to foreign countries under civil agree-
ments for cooperation.
Under the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, en-
riched uranium within the United States re-
mains the property of the U.S. Government and
is leased to licensed users. Legislation to per-
mit private ownership and sale to domestic
users is presently under consideration by Con-
gress. Enriched uranium distributed to foreign
nations has been leased for use in research reac-
tors and has been sold for use in power reac-
tors. The charges for both lease and sale of
enriched uranium at home and abroad are de-
termined by the actual cost, with appropriate
allowances for depreciation and other indirect
expenses. Tlie current .schedule of charges was
announced by the AEC on May 29, 19G2.
The enriched uranium distributed will bo
u.sod in re.cearch and development and as fuel
in nuclear reactors, with the bulk of it being
utilizc<l in generating electricity. The new de-
termination by the President is expected to
cover allocations of material under present do-
mestic licenses and foreign agreements for co-
operation and those anticipated in the near
future. Material for use in the AEC's own fa-
cilities is not included in this determination.
With the growth of nuclear power at home and
abroad, further increases in the quantities of
material to be made available will need to be
considered from time to time. The large ca-
pacity of U.S. diffusion plants for the produc-
tion of enriched uranium permits them to meet
both civilian and military requirements.
Allocation of enriched uranium to a reactor
project includes material for the fuel loading,
for fuel consumption over the period of the
domestic license or foreign agreement for co-
operation, and for the inventory outside of the
reactor associated with the manufacture and
storage of fuel elements, cooling and shipment
of irradiated fuel, and chemical processing of
irradiated fuel to recover the remaining ura-
nium and plutonium. The amount of U-235
contained in enriched uranium returned to the
AEC is deducted from the amount supplied by
the AEC in computing how much is available
for further distribution. The material allo-
cated to a reactor project may not be com-
pletely distributed for several decades.
As of April 30, 1963, there were in effect in
the United States construction permits or op-
erating licenses for 12 power reactors, 4 test
reactors, 79 research reactors, and 16 critical-
experiment facilities, and 471 licenses for other
uses of special nuclear material, not including
the AEC's own reactors, facilities, and uses.
Agreements for cooperation in the civil uses of
atomic energy are in effect between the United
States and a large part of the free world, in-
cluding 33 countries and West Berlin; 14 of
these agreements provide for cooperation on
power reactors. In addition, agreements are in
effect with the International Atomic Energy
Agency and the European Atomic Energy Com-
munity (EUR ATOM).
Enriched uranium for peaceful uses is dis-
tributed abroad only under civil agreements
for cooperation. All such agreements contain
a guarantee by the cooperating country that the
material supplied will be used exclusively for
If.S
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIN
peaceful purposes. Safeguard provisions al-
lowing inspection of material, facilities, and
records by U.S. or international insj^ectors are
also included, as appropriate.
Commission Urges Expansion
of American Studies Overseas
The Department of State announced on July
12 (press release 369) that the U.S. Advisoi-y
Commission on International Educational and
Cultural Aifairs had that day forwarded a re-
port to Congress recommending the expansion
of the use of binational commissions in other
countries to assist the development of American
studies overseas as well as the general academic
exchange program of the United States.
The report entitled American Studies
Abroad: Progress and Difficulties in Selected
Countries ^ was prepared by Walter Johnson,
professor of American liistory at the Univei"sity
of Chicago and a member of the Commission.
It proposes that binational commissions, now
operating in 44 coiuitries, be established in as
many as feasible of the some 70 other countries
with which the Department of State conducts
exchange programs. Dr. Johnson points out
that binational commissions enhance acceptance
of American studies and other exchange activi-
ties by serving a "mutuality of national in-
terests."
Such commissions have been set up in other
countries under authority of the Fulbright Act
of 1946. The broader provisions of the Ful-
bright-Hays Act of 1961 authorize establish-
ment of commissions in all of the countries with
which the United States has exchange pro-
gi'ams. Binational commissions are usually
made up equally of Americans living in a for-
eign country and of nationals of that country.
The report praises the effort by both private
agencies and government to "nourish and stimu-
late an increased understanding of the United
States abroad, not by furnishing information
but by imparting knowledge in depth —
knowledge of our history, government, culture
and aspirations." Private activities cited by
the report, include the Salzburg Seminar in
American Studies, the Bologna Center of The
Johns Hopkins University, and the programs
of the American Council of Learned Societies
and the Conference Board of Associated Re-
search Councils.
Dr. Johnson urges greater care in the choice
of foreign institutions for the placement of
American scholars and the establishment of
chairs of American studies. He recommends
giving preference to universities that would in-
corporate American studies into their required
curriculum, draw visiting schohws into the full
professional life of the institution, and provide
instruction in American studies by their own
faculty membere aft«r an initial period.
In the two years since foreign currency funds
generated under Public Law 480 (the Agricul-
tural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954) became available to the Department of
State for chairs and workshops in American
studies, the program has reached many parts of
the world.
Several of Dr. Johnson's recommendations
relate to secondary school teachers, including
an increase in the number of special seminars
on American civilization available to them and
the creation of a new category of grantee to
enable such teachers of American literature,
history, or related subjects to undertake ad-
vanced study at appropriate American univer-
sities or at selected universities abroad.
Dr. Johnson's is the second report to Congress
by the Commission. The first, a study of the
effectiveness of exchange programs, was sub-
mitted in April ^ and is now available in booklet
form under the title "Beacon of Hope."
' A limited mimber of copies are available upon re-
quest from the Office of Media Services, Department
of State, Washinffton, D.C. 20520.
- For a Department announcement, see Bulletin of
Apr. 22, 1963, p. 617.
JULY 29, 1963
694-210—6.3-
169
THE CONGRESS
President Recommends Expansion
of Peace Corps
Following in the text of a letter from Presi-
dent Kennedy to Lyndon B. Johnaon, President
of the Senaie. An identical letter ions sent on
the same day to John W. McCormack, Speaker
of the House of Representatives.
White House press release dated July 4
JtTLT 4, 1963
Dkar Mr. PRi>!inKNT: I am pleased to trans-
mit lepislation which will authorize the appro-
priation of $108 million for the Peace Corps in
Fiscal Year 1964. If is fittinjj that tiiis request
is made on the ISTth anniversary of the Decla-
ration of Independence. For the Peace Corps
exemplifies the .spirit of that revolution whose
hejrinninps we celebrate today.
Tliat revolution was not only a revolution for
American independenc*i and freedom. It was,
as Jefferson perceived and Lincoln proclaimed,
a revolution unlx)unded by jjeojjraphy, race or
culture. It was a movement for the political
and spiritual frex>dom of man.
Today, two centurie^s later and thousands of
miles from its oripfin, the men and women of the
Peace Corps are apain affirming the universality
of that revolution. Wliether expressed by the
community development projects of Latin
America, or the panchayati raj program of
India, the determination of people to be free, to
povem them.selves, and to share in the fniits of
both the industrial and democratic revolutions,
is one of the most profound forces at work in
the world. To this revolution Peace Corps
Volunteers are pivinp the same qualities of
enerpj- and spirit which the 21 ye«r old Lafay-
ette and his equally youthful contemporaries
jja\-e as volunteer participants in our own
revolution.
In less than two years their accomplishments
have already l>een impressive. Thev constitute
more than one-third of all the qualified second-
aiy teachers in Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, and
Nyasaland; they have saved a three-quarter
million dollar rice crop in Pakistan; they have
vaccinated over 25,000 Bolivians; they are
teaching in 400 Philippines schools; they have
created a thriving poultry industi-y in the State
of Punjab in India; they are teaching in every
rural secondary school in Costa Rica and vir-
tually every secondary school in British Hon-
duras ; they have contributed to the creation of a
system of fann-to-market roads in Tanganyika.
But these are only isolated examples; all over
the world Volunteers have surveyed roads,
taught students and teachers, built schools,
planted forests, drilled wells, and started local
industries. In their off-hours they have con-
ducted adult education classes, organized ath-
letic teams, and launched programs ranging
from music clubs to debating teams.
As important as these achievements are, they
are far less important than the contribution
Peace Corps Volunteers are making in building
those human relations which must exist for a
happy and peaceful imderstanding between
people. The United States and a few other
fortunate nations are part of an island of pros-
perity in a world-wide sea of poverty. Our
affluence has at times severed us from the great
poverty stricken majority of the world's peo-
ple. It is essential that we demonstrate that
we continue to be aw^are of the responsibility
we fortunate few have to assist the efforts of
others at development and progress.
With Americans, Ijord Tweedsmuir wrote,
"the sen.se of common humanity is a warm and
constant instinct and not a doctrine of the
schools or a slogan of the hustings." By the
careful selection and training of men and
women in whom that instinct is a reality, the
Peace Corps has already erased some stereo-
typed images of America and brought hundreds
of thousands of people into contact with the
170
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
first Americans they have ever known person-
ally. "Wlien the Peace Corps came to my
comitry," wrote the Minister of Development
of Jamaica, "they brought a breath of fresh air.
They came and mixed with the people. They
worked closely with tlie people. They closed
the gap and crashed the barrier. And because
they did this, they have paved tlie way for our
own people to understand. . . ."
It is no accident that Peace Corps Volunteers
have won this kind of acceptance. Nor is it a
coincidence that they have been greeted — as the
Ethiopian Herald stated — "witli open arms."
Tliey have been warmly received because they
represent the best traditions of a free and
democratic society — the kind of society which
the people of Africa, Asia, and Latin America
long for as the ultimate end of tlieir own
revolution.
The Communist system can never offer men
optimum freedom as human beings. The peo-
ple of the world's emerging nations know this.
Their aspirations for a free society are being
stimulated by the presence of Peace Corps
Volunteers who have come not to usurp but to
encourage the responsibility of local people and
not to repress but to respect tlie individual
cliaracteristics and traditions of the local cul-
ture. "Wliat is most remarkable about Amer-
ica," wrote German scholar, Philip Schaff, "is
tliat over its confused diversity tliere broods a
higher unity." Because Volunteers of different
races and different religions nonetheless come
from the same country, they represent the hope
of building a comnnmity of free nations where-
in each one, conscious of its rights and duties,
will have regard for the welfare of all.
Already the Peace Corps idea has spread to
other nations. Last week I attended the official
inauguration of TVest Germany's own Peace
Corps program.^ The first group of 250 young
men and women will be ready for service next
year and will eventually include more than a
tliousand young Germans working around the
world. Three other European countries — the
Netherlands, Denmark, and Norway — have
started similar programs. Argentina and New
Zealand have already established volunteer or-
ganizations. These effoits have been stimu-
lated and assisted by the International Peace
Corps Secretariat, established by the Interna-
tional Conference on Middle Level Manpower
last fall in Puerto Rico.- The bill I am trans-
mitting would enable the United States to con-
tinue to encourage this movement.
The firet American Volmiteers are already
returning to the United States after two years
of Peace Corps service. They are bringing
home important skills and experience which
will greatly enliance our knowledge of the
world and strengthen our role in international
affairs. More than one-third of the 700 Volun-
teers returning this year have indicated a desire
to work in international programs. Their
ability and usefulness is attested to by the ac-
tion of thirty-five universities in the United
States wliich have establislied two liundred
scholarships for returning Volunteers. One of
these scholarships was created by the donations
of the foreign students studying in California.
I am also recommending a provision which
would authorize the Peace Coq:)s to assist these
returning Volunteers to make the most of their
opportunities for further usefulness to the
Nation.
The fmids I am requesting will enable the
Peace Corps to place some 13,000 Volimteers
in training or abroad by September 1964, a sig-
nificant increase over the 9,000 who are expected
to be enrolled before the end of this year.
Three thousand Volunteers of next year's in-
crease are destined for service in Latin Amer-
ica and one thousand in Africa. In both of
these areas an historic opportunity is at hand
for the United States. In Latin America, the
Peace Corps can, within the span of a relatively
few years, write an important chapter in the
history of Inter-American partnership and
kindle faith in the possibilities of democratic
action on the community level. In Africa the
Peace Corps will concentrate its efforts on meet-
ing a critical teacher shortage. The oppor-
timity to teach hundreds of thousands of Afri-
can students is unparalleled in our history.
It is my hope, therefore, that the Congress
will enact this legislation making it possible
' For text of President Kennedy's remarks, see Bul-
letin of July 22, 1963, p. 115.
° For a report on the conference, see xbiA., Dec. 3,
1962. p. 853.
JULY 29, 1963
171
for tlie Pcaw Corps to cont inue to sliarc with the
new nations of the world tlie experience of a
democratic revolution committed to human
liberty.
Sincerely,
John F. Kennedy
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Atomic Energy
Anicndinpnt, of arliile V1.A.3 of the Statute of the
luterimtioiial Atomic Energy Agency (TIAS 3873).
Done at Vienna October 4. llKil. Entered into force
January 31, 1D«3. TIAS 52,s4.
Acccplaiur deposited: Italy, July 9, 1SK>3.
Coffee
International cofree agreement, 1962, with annexes.
Oi)en for siKnaiure at United Nations Headquarters,
New York. Sepn-niber 28 through November 30, 1962.
Jlatifirnlions deposited: Nigeria, June 21, 1963;
Swislpn. July 1, 19*53.
yotifieatiiin given of undertaking to seek ratifica-
tion: United States (with a declaration), June
24, 1963.
Entered into force provisionallu : July 1, 1963.
Copyright
Universal coiiyright ronveution. Done at Geneva Sei)-
tember ti, 19.">2. Entered into force September 16,
19.W. TIAS 3324.
Appliralion to: Bahamas, Virgin Islands, April 26,
Finance
Articles of agreement of the International Monetary
f^ind. Opened for signature at Washington De-
cember 27, 194.''>. Entered into force December 27,
194.'). TIAS IMl.
,Si(inatures and acceptances: Cameroon, Central
African Republic, Chad. Congo (Brazzaville), Da-
homey. July 10, 1963.
Articles of agreement of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development. Opened for sig-
nature ut Washington Diiember 27. 1!M.".. Entered
into force December 27, l'.>4.">. TIAS 1502.
Signatures and acceptances: Cameroon, Central
African Republic. Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Da-
homey, July 10, 19<«.
Fislieries
Declaration of understanding ri'garding the Inter-
national Convention for the Northwest Atlantic
Fisheries of February .s. l!>4!t (TIAS 2089). Done
at Washington April 24, I'.Mil.
Acceptance deposited: Poland, June 5, 19(53.
Entered into force: June 5, 1963.
Proclaimed by the President: June 20, 1963.
Wlieat
International wheat agreement, 1962. Open for sig-
nature at Washington April 19 through May l.'>, 1962.
Entered into force July 16, 1962, for part I and parts
III to VII, and August 1, 1962, for part II. TIAS
.5115.
Acceptance deposited: Federal Republic of Germany
(including Land Berlin), July 12, 1963.
BILATERAL
Bolivia
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of December 17, 1962 (TIAS 52,59). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at La Paz June 24, 1963.
Entered into force June 24, 1963.
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of February 4, 1963, as amended (TIAS
.5292, 5323). Effected by exchange of notes at la.
Paz June 24, 1963. Entered into force June 24, 1963.
Indonesia
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of February 19, 1962, as amended (TIAS
4952, 5054, 5118. .5254). Effected by exchange of
notes at Djakarta June 28, 1963. Entered into force
June 28, 1963.
Jordan
Agreement supplementing the agreement of July 10 and
September 24, 19.56, as amended (TIAS SOCkJ, 4012),
so as to provide for additional investment guaran-
ties authorized by new U.S. legislation. EflVcted by
exchange of notes at Amman June 25, 1963. Entered
into force June 25, 19(53.
Korea
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of November 7, 1962, as amended (TIAS
5208). Effected by exchange of notes at Seoul July
5, 1963. Entered into force July 5, 1963.
New Zealand
Agreement extending the supplementary air transport
services agreement of December 30. 1960, as extended
(TIAS 4645 4789. .5085). Effected by exchange of
notes at Washington June 28, 1963. Entered into
force June 28, 1963.
Paraguay
Agreement amending the reciprocal trade agreement
of 1946 as amended (TIAS 1601. .5000) and with-
drawing agreement to terminate (TIAS .5.322). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Asunci6n June 26,
iota. Entered into force June 26, 1963.
Spain
Agreement amending and extending the agreement of
March 11 and IS. 1960 (TIAS 4463). for the estab-
lishment and operation of a tracking and communi-
cations facility on the Island of Gran Canaria. Ef-
fected l>y exchange of notes at Madrid, .huie 27 and
28, 19(5;>. Entered into force July 1, 1963.
United Arab Republic
Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Effected
by exchange of notes at Cairo June 29, 1963. En-
tered into force June 29, 1963.
172
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
International Trade and Economic Development
A United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the first in the
history of the U.N., is scheduled to ie held in the spring of lOGlt.. Its pur-
pose is to examine ways in tuhich international trade can he made a more
effective instrument in promoting the development of the less developed
countries. All members of the United Nations and its specialized agencies
are expected to attend.
To prepare the groundwork for the Conference, a Preparatory Committee
has ieen established consisting of 32 countries, including most of the major
trading nations of the world. At the second of the three scheduled sessions
of the Preparatory Committee, which was held at Geneva, Switzerland,
May 21-June 29, a preliminary exploration was conducted of the various
subjects included on the agenda for the Conference.
Following is the text of a statement made on May 27 by Isaiah Frank,
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs and chairman of the U.S.
delegation.
We had intended to avoid any general tour
d'horizon. The United States has not, how-
ever, submitted a written statement, and some
preliminary expression of our views on this
meeting of the Preparatory Committee and on
the Conference itself would be in order.
We come here with a closed mind in one im-
portant respect; we do not want these meetings
to be an empty propaganda show. It is no
secret that the United States was reluctant ini-
tially to hold the Conference. We consented
only after we felt that the propaganda aspects
had been downgraded in favor of the practical
aspects. I am happy to say that our second
session is off to a businesslike start.
In all other respects we come with an open
mind. We are ready to examine all proposals
that aim to promote the trade and development
of the developing countries. We hope to make
some suggestions ourselves. We have read with
interest and appreciation the written submis-
sions already made and are prepared to discuss
seriously the proposals that are serious. We
are willing to reexamine all assumptions on
which the present international trade rules and
the existing organizations are based. We shall
not reject any serious proposal out of hand.
For the first time we are considering in a re-
lated whole all aspects of trade as a means to
development of developing countries. Our
draft agenda for the Conference might be im-
proved stylistically at points, but it has the
great virtue of being comprehensive, because it
does include all the major trade problems of the
developing covmtries. It is not my intention to
reopen the wording of the agenda, nor would
I favor rediscussing points resolved at our first
session.
I do not mean to imply that all-inclusiveness
is necessarily good. It may well be that talk-
JTJLY 29, 1963
173
inp about everj-thing means dealing seriously
with nothing. Tliis is a danger, and I think we
all recognize it. We must at some stage be
selective if we are to be constructive.
"We are deliglited to see the focus on trade.
Tliore is a financing item on our agenda, and I
realize it is an important subject. But external
finance is a residual item, tlie gap filler, as the
written presentation of the United Arab Repub-
lic put it. The normal, the desirable, way to
finance imports is through exports, through
trade. Wo are dealing with interrelated prob-
lems, but I think we all agree that trade is the
key element.
Internal and External Aspects of Development
iVvelopnicnt is not a simple process. Of all
human plienomena with which we must deal,
the problems of development are perhaps the
most complex. They affect every phase of the
economic, political, social, and psychological
life of countries. The problems are neither en-
tirely external to a developing country's own
actions, nor are they entirely internal.
I think this point is important. Jlost of us
find it easier to look outside ourselves for the
root of problems. We of the developed coun-
tries are inclined at times to argue that the
reason the developing countries are not pro-
gressing more rapidly is that their own domes-
tic houses are not in order. By contrast,
developing countries sometimes stress the ex-
ternal barriers which exist in tlie developed
countries.
I think all of us realize that there is truth on
both sides. The distinguished representative
from Pakistan noted here last week that in the
final analysis the growth of the developing
countries depends on their own efforts. We
all recognize the vital role plaj-ed in this process
by .stable governments, honest and efficient ad-
ministration, enlightened fiscal and monetary
policies which among other things discourage
capital flight, and the direction of resources to
export industries with buoyant rather than
sluggish ninrket.s. I noted at the first session of
the Trejiaratory Committee that the removal of
the church gat© will not bring people into
church. The removal of trade impediments
may or may not bring trade to the developing
countries. Attention must be paid to internal
policies, for these policies are fundamental
determinants of growth.
But having said this, I also agree that we must
give close attention to the impediments to
growth which are beyond the control of the de-
veloping countries. The falling price of a key
commodity, an import restriction against a de-
veloping country's product, an internal tax
which impedes consumption of a tropical com-
modity (whether in free-market or centrally
planned economies) , a lack of foreign exchange
to finance necessary imports — all these things
can negate the most perfect of internal policies.
The two elements — the internal and the ex-
ternal measures supporting growth — are linked.
It would be meaningless to assign priorities as
between them. Let's not deal with the internal
and external problems as adversaries. Instead,
let us examine both together. A change in the
structure of international trade, which is what
we seek to achieve, requires changes in internal
production patterns of developed and develop-
ing countries. The external changes are inex-
tricably linked with the internal policies.
I am not stating anything original. The Eco-
nomic Commission for Latin America, which
imtil recently was headed by our distinguished
Secretary General [Eaiil Prebisch], has done
brilliant work in relating these two aspects of
development. In the recent paper of the Eco-
nomic Commission for Latin America entitled
"Towards a Dynamic Development Policy for
Latin America," ' there is a profound discussion
of the necessary domestic actions required for
development, the internal bottlenecks which
must be removed, and the cooperation required
internally and externally. It is the necessity
for this combination of actions whicli I also
want to stress.
The Practical Approach
Finally, before dealing with the more im-
portant agenda items, I would like to endorse
a comment made by our distinguished Yugo-
slavian colleague, namely, that we are here to
be pragmatic. Our aim is to make progress.
' U.N. doc. E/CN.12/680.
174
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLBIXK
This practical approach is important. Indeed,
it is crucial.
I do not see much merit in passing additional
resolutions which cannot be followed up by con-
crete actions. As one of my distinguished
Latin American colleagues said to me, we have
enough resolution-passing organizations al-
ready. ^Ye do not need any more. I see little
sense in seeking to reach agreement on a set of
principles which will be universally acceptable
only when so watered down as to be meaning-
less in terms of operational guidance.
If my purpose were to sabotage this Con-
ference, I would propose the immediate estab-
lishment of a body to reach an agreed set of
principles as the first order of business before
proceeding further with the concrete work of
our Conference. This could then consume some
5 to 10 years of meaningless haggling. "We al-
ready have an illustration of this fact with
which all of us are familiar in the prolonged
and still-continuing attempt in the United Na-
tions to agree on words with respect to a dec-
laration on international economic cooperation.
However, there may be a time at the end of
our deliberations when we shall be able to give
expression to action-directed principles that
are more than mere words.
In the same way that new resolutions or new
sets of universally agreed principles do not of
themselves solve real world problems, neither
do new organizations. Organizations are not
independent, living entities. They are govern-
ments acting in concert. Wlien a government
says no in one organization, it will not say yes
elsewhere only because the label of the orga-
nization is changed.
Once again, however, this is not to say that
the present organizational structure is perfect
and unalterable. The United States is much
too young, much too dynamic, a society to place
much stock in the status quo only because it is
what we have. Let us examine our organiza-
tional structure pragmatically, and let us then
suggest useful changes in a practical and pur-
poseful way.
Wlien I say that purposeful changes should
be suggested, I have in mind that much of what
we now have is in fact good. Many of the ac-
tions in process elsewhere are, indeed, soundly
conceived and need to be supported and
strengthened. We are not starting de novo to
look at all the problems of trade and develop-
ment. We do not want to preserve the past
for its own sake, but we do want to use it as
prolog. We see no sense in repeating what we
are already doing in other organizations.
I should like now to express some preliminary
views on the problems we must deal with.
Commodity Trade
A major aim of the majority of developing
countries attending the Conference will be to
have something done to assure growing mar-
kets and improved and stable prices for their
exports of primary products. My Government
fully supports this objective.
Commodity problems and the possible ways
of dealing with them have been extensively ex-
plored in recent years within the U.N. frame-
work and elsewhere. Tlie ground is well pre-
pared for our work. We can start from an ad-
vanced position. We know a lot about the prob-
lems and a lot about how to deal with them.
We have taken a number of valuable initiatives
in the recent past.
Up-to-date reviews of trends in commodity
trade make it clear that longer term difficulties
are superimposed on the problem of short-term
instability in commodity markets. The longer
term problem is the secular decline in many
commodity prices reflecting in many cases a
sluggish rate of growth in world demand. We
are not as far along in knowing how to deal
with the longer term problem as we are with
short-term market instability.
It is now generally agreed that there can be
no single device for dealing with this range of
problems. We must utilize a number of tools
in a concerted attack upon them.
First among these tools are various forms of
joint action on the problems of particular com-
modities, ranging from formal commodity
agreements to study gi'oups and other consulta-
tive arrangements. Commodity agreements
may be not only valuable but essential for cer-
tain commodities, coiJee being the prime ex-
ample of the current period. They may be im-
practical or imdesirable in other cases. More-
over, the signing of a commodity agreement in
JULY 29, 1963
175
itself does not solve the problem. This fact is
well illustrated by some of our current problem
situations, with colfoe again a case in point.
Unless steps are taken to correct the underlying
imbalance of supply and demand, tlirough ef-
forts to expand consumption and shift produc-
tive resources into other fields, the commodity
agreement will break down. It is only a means
of buying time while the necessary balance is
restored between production and stocks, on the
one hand, and effective demand on the other.
Among the problems involved in working out
agreements for commodities in longrun over-
supply, or in making such agreements work,
are:
First, the initiation by exporting countries
of the internal measures needed to discourage
excess production and to enforce the production
controls or export quotas required by the agree-
ment ;
Second, the provision of adequate returns to
producing countries but not through price poli-
cies that cause eventual loss of markets and rev-
enues to substitute products;
Third, the provision of fair opportunities for
nations that are low-cost producers to increase
their export quotas, or for efficient new produc-
ers to enter the field ;
Fourth, the segregation by an export tax or
by other appropriate means of such revenues
as are needed to help shift resources away from
production of tlie surplus commodity into other,
more promising lines.
Other basic tools can supplement joint action
in individual commodity situations. They in-
clude the general drive to expand demand for
commodities through research and promotion,
efforts to reduce tariff and nontariff barriers to
primary commodity exports, diversification
in developing countries, and compensatory
financing.
We shall be able to consider this last device
in the light of the extensive studies of possible
new comiM>n.satory financing facilities which
the nCT fCommis-sion on International Com-
mmlify Trade] has just concluded, and taking
into account the recent establishment by the
IMF [International MonetaPk- Fund] of a new
facility to offset short-term fluctuations in ex-
port earnings. Tlie United States is one of
those governments which have seen a need for
enlarging the existing resources available for
this purpose. We welcome the Fund's action
and share the view expressed by the CICT re-
port that it represents a substantial step for-
ward. The fact that the new facility could be
created without delay and without the need for
a new organization or new financial contribu-
tions is of particular importance. We will be
prepared to reexamine the situation, if it is
found that the Fund cannot satisfactorily han-
dle the problem. We, for our part, believe that
the IMF facility will in fact prove valuable.
And, as a member of the Fund, we sliall do our
part in insuring that it will be liberally and
sympathetically administered.
Manufactures and Semimanufactures
Some gliosis must be laid to rest.
First, there is the ghost that we, the de-
veloped countries, want our developing-coimtry
colleagues to remain hewers of wood and draw-
ers of water, that we want to prevent them
from increasing their production and export of
manufactured goods.
"\\niat we really want, of course, is the reverse.
Our interest is to see more prosperous countries,
not only for their sake but because we also want
good customers and growing markets. We
know that trade grows fastest among coimtries
with diversified and growing economies.
Indeed, the United States recognizes that for
most, if not all, developing countries a major
expansion of export earnings must take place in
tlie semimanufactures and manufactures sec-
tors if economic development is to take place.
The second ghost is that of reciprocity be-
tween less and more developed countries in trade
negotiations. This one was laid to rest in prac-
tice more than a decade ago. It was explicitly
put to its final rest, or so we thought, at the
time of the ministerial meeting of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in 1961. when
it was formally agreed in the Declaration on
Promotion of the Trade of Less-Developed
Countries = that full reciprocity would not be
sought from developing countries. For some
reason, this ghost keeps coming alive.
The GATT ministers put it to rest again just
' For text, see BuiiEriN of Jan. 1, 1962, p. 9.
17fi
DEPAUTMENT OF STATE BULLETnf
last week. Their report ^ states : ". . . tluit in
the trade negotiations every effort shall be made
to reduce barriers to exports of the less-
developed countries, but that the developed
countries cannot expect to receive reciprocity
from the less-developed countries."
A third ghost is the idea that, whenever de-
veloping countries build an export capacity in
manufactured goods, the developed countries
deny them markets. Cotton textiles are cited as
evidence. In fact, this is the only case typically
cited. In this unique case, a cooperative effort
is being made to bi-ing about an orderly expan-
sion of markets in the developed countries — in
some cases to build markets where there were
only negligible sales before. It is being done in
a pragmatic fashion, taking into account the
complex social, economic, and domestic polit-
ical problems involved. The aim of the cotton
textile agreement is not curtailment of markets
but their expansion.
The real problem of expanding exports in the
general field of manufactures and semimanufac-
tures is not the restriction of markets but the
fact that for many coimtries markets have not
as yet even been built. This is where we should
put our focus.
Having spoken of ghosts, let's move to the
real-life heart of the matter. As I stated, this
is the establishment and expansion of markets.
It requires such positive steps by developing
countries as market research and export pro-
motion. It involves appropriate financial poli-
cies in the developing countries such as the
avoidance of overvalued exchange rates, and
it requires the reduction and removal of bar-
riers in the developed countries.
Activity in this field is intense. Committee
III of the GATT has not solved all the prob-
lems, but it certainly has made substantial prog-
ress. The ministers of GATT countries last
week agreed to reexamine the provisions of the
General Agreement to see what modifications
are desirable in the interest of promoting the
export earnings of developing countries. In
fact, the decisions taken by the ministers at the
GATT meeting last week represent substantial
benefits to the developing countries without any
suggestion of new obligations on their part.
' For text, see ibid.. June 24, 1963, p. 995.
Regional Groupings
The United States is not a member of any
regional economic grouping and can therefore
speak objectively. It is well known that we
support the European Economic Community.
We also favor the gradual elimination of pref-
erences given by the EEC to its associated over-
seas states. However, we recognize that the
preferences cannot be removed suddenly and
without some compensatory benefits lest the as-
sociated countries suffer severe damage.
We support the formation of regional group-
ings among less developed countries.
In our view, all regional groupings should be
subject to international examination to assess
their trade effects on nonmember countries.
The Economic Commission for Latin Ameri-
ca, under Dr. Prebisch's guidance, helped to
launch the Central American Common Market
and the Latin American Free Trade Associa-
tion. The United States supported the former
from its earliest days and is a contributor to its
regional development bank. Through the Al-
liance for Progress we have tried to assist in
the development of the Latin American Free
Trade Association.
We believe the Preparatory Committee and
the Conference should devote study to ways and
means of promoting greater regional integra-
tion among developing countries in order to
foster industries capable of taking advantage
of economies of scale and therefore better able
to compete effectively in export markets.
Financing of Trade
All foreign currency loans and grants help
to finance trade. We agree, therefore, that it
is not possible to separate trade and finance. As
in other fields, however, we are not starting
anew to examine problems.
I shall not at this stage attempt to cite all
the relevant aspects of this agenda item. How-
ever, I do wish to note very briefly what the
United States policy and actions are with re-
spect to this subject.
Many government submissions made to the
committee refer to the need for loans on soft
terms. The key development lending body of
the United States is the Agency for Interna-
tional Development. Its loans are for as much
JUI^T 29, 1963
177
as 40 years witli a 10-year prace period heiore
starling repayment, with only a three-quarters
of 1 percent per annum rredit charge. From
1940 to the end of 100-2. United States economic
aid to developing countries has been about $32
billion, of which some $20 billion has been in
grants. Since 1958 economic aid to the develop-
ing countries has been $10 billion, half of which
has l>een in grants and half in loans.
So far as technical assistance is concerned,
all of us i-emeniber the famous Point 4 state-
ment of President Tniman which launched the
modem era of technical as.'^istance. In more
recent years our Peace Corps has been the
epitome of technical assistance on the part of
stanch volunteers dedicated to the cause of the
advancement of the developing countries.
There is general recognition today interna-
tionally of tiie need for soft terms for develop-
ment loans. In addition to bilateral assistance,
the United States is the major contributor to
the multilateral aid organizations and has
played an important role in the progressive
softening of aid terms granted by international
institutions.
I am citing the record in brief in order simply
to indicate our recognition of some of the points
ahont financing made by other delegations.
Trade With Centrally Planned Economies
All of tlie industrialized countries, whether
they have free or centrally controlled econo-
mies, have useful roles to play in advancing
growth in the devclo])ing countries. Because
of the far superior strength of the free econo-
mies, they will continue to be far more promi-
nent than the centrally controlled economies in
trade with the developing countries.
I shall e.\plain in greater detail later in our
session what we think are the problems inherent
in the bilateral arrangements with the state-
trading organizations of the Communist coun-
tries. For the present I want only to suggest
that we must examine in detail the reasons for
the extremely .small role which trade with the
centrally planned economies plays in the eco-
nomic development of the developing countries.
Wo must deal with the barriers to expanding
the trade of the developing countries with the
cont rally planned economies with the same de-
gree of realism we propose to employ in dis-
cussing other trade problems.
Mr. Chairman, my conclusion is brief. We
liave come here to work toward the accomplish-
ment of concrete results in fostering the trade
and development of the developing countries.
We look forward to examining all issues rele-
vant to this problem.
U.N. General Assembly Adopts
Seven Resolutions on Financing
The fourth special session of the U.N. General
Asserribly met at New York May U-June 27 to
consider the financial situation of the organiza-
tion. Following are statements made in Com-
mittee V {Administrative and Budgetary) by
UJS. Representatives Francis T. P. Plimpton
and Adlai E. Stevenson, together with texts of
seven resolutions adopted in plenary session on
Jwne 27.
STATEIMENT BY IVIR. PLIIVIPTON, MAY 22
U.S. delegation press release 4210
Mr. Chairman, in commencing tliis reply to
the statement made by the Soviet representative
this morning, I should like, first, to quote what
Secretar3'-General U Thant said to this com-
mittee last December 3 :
I believe that the financial problem of the organi-
zation, which in substance is the question now before
this committee, is a vital one. A financially bankrupt
United Nations would be an ineffective United Nations
if, indeed, it could survive on such a basis. The finan-
cial issue is thus one which, if I may say so, transcends
political controversy. In their various ways I believe
nil states represented in the United Nations have
found that the organization is useful and. indeed, In-
dispensable in the modern world. It is on this basis
that I trust that the committee will deal with this
item.
I am sorry to say, Mr. Chairman, that the
Soviet representative has chosen not to deal
with the item on that basis, on the basis hoped
for by the Secretary-General, but, instead, has
chosen to indulge in the very political contro-
versy, the very cold-war aggression which the
Secretary-General hoped could be transcended.
178
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Mr. Chairman, the words "threats" and
"blackmail" -were mentioned. I leave to this
committee the determination as to who has made
them.
I regret, Mr. Chairman, that the Soviet rep-
resentative made the choice that he made in
dealing with this item. I will not imitate him.
In defense of the Soviet bloc's refusal to pay
its just assessments for the United Nations
peacekeeping operations, a refusal which is
pushing the United Nations toward bankruptcy,
the representative of the Soviet Union repeated
exactly the same arguments as to the United
Nations Charter that the Soviet Union unsuc-
cessfully made before the International Court,
of Justice last summer,^ and made again before
this committee and the General Assembly last
fall,^ and made again before the Working
Group last winter.^ Mr. Chairman, they are
arguments that were completely disposed of by
the Court's Advisory Opinion of July 20, 1962,
completely disposed of by the General Assem-
bly's acceptance of that opinion by the over-
whelming vote of 76 to 17, with 8 abstentions.
Mr. Chairman, that opinion and that accept-
ance by the General Assembly conclusively es-
tablished that the costs of the United Nations
Emergency Force (UNEF) in the Gaza Strip
and of the United Nations Operation in the
Congo (ONUC) assessed by the General Assem-
bly against member states are "expenses of the
Organization" within the meaning of article 17
of the charter and thus are legally binding ob-
ligations of the members and are, of course,
covered by article 19.
Mr. Chairman, no repetition of thrice-re-
jected, shopworn arginnents can conceal the fact
that the Soviet bloc is repudiating its clearly
established charter obligations and by so doing
is doing its worst to drive the United Nations
toward bankruptcy.
Mr. Chairman, although I have no intention
of discussing Soviet arguments that have long
since been disposed of by the Court opinion and
its acceptance by the General Assembly, I can-
' For background, see Bulletin of July 2, 1962, p. 30,
and Aug. 13, 1962, p. 246.
' For background, see ibid., Jan. 7, 1963, p. 30.
' For background, see ihid., Mar. 25, 1963, p. 443 ; for
the report of the Working Group (or Committee of 21),
see U.N. doc. A/5407 and Corr. 1.
not help but point out one thing to the 106
members of the United Nations who are not per-
manent members of the Security Council. De-
spite the fact that article 17, paragraph 2, of the
charter provides "the expenses of the Organiza-
tion shall be borne by the Members as appor-
tioned by the General Assembly," in spite of
that clear language the Soviet Union would
have peacekeeping expenses apportioned, if you
please, by the Security Council. Wliat a result,
Mr. Chairman ! The 11 members of the Secu-
rity Council determining how the other 100
members of the United Nations shall pay for a
peacekeeping operation as to which, according
to the Soviet Union, they have no say whatso-
ever. Fortunately, Mr. Chairman, for those 100
members, such a result is not only on its face
contrary to the express wording of the charter ;
it has been authoritatively and conclusively re-
jected by the Court and the General Assembly.
Mr. Chairman, I see no need to comment in
detail on the stale accusations of the Soviet
representative concerning the United Nations
operations in the Congo. It was the Security
Council itself, with the Soviets voting yes, and
the General Assembly itself that authorized and
repeatedly reaffirmed the principles and proce-
dures in accordance with which the ONUC
operation has been carried out.'' The two Secre-
tai-y-Generals of the United Nations who were
charged with the direction of their operation by
the Security Council were careful and have been
careful to consult the Congo Advisory Commit-
tee on the major issues arising in the Congo.
The Government of the Congo itself has re-
peatedly expressed its strong desire to have the
U.N. operations continue. And in a recent let-
ter to the Secretary-General it refuted the So-
v\et contentions about the operation and spe-
cifically rejected the Soviet demand that the
United Nations forever get out of the Congo.
Thus, Mr. Chairman, while the Soviet repre-
sentative pretends to be attacking so-called co-
lonialists and so-called foreign monopolies, in
actual fact he has been attacking the Security
Council and the General Assembly, wliich au-
thorized the United Nations actions in the
' For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p.
159 ; Aug. 8, 1960, p. 221 ; Sept 5, 1960, p. 384 ; Oct. 10,
1960. p. 583.
JULY 29, 1963
179
Congo, imd is attacking the Congo Advisory
Committee, which sleadily has reviewed and
guided tiie United Nations action in the Congo,
and is attacking the Congo Government itself,
whose urgent and repeated requests have led to
the United Nations Operation in the Congo.
Mr. Chairman, it is hardly necessary to re-
mind this committee that the Soviet Union has
never made the slightest contribution to the
United Nations peacekeeping operation and re-
lated economic and technical assistance aid proj-
ects for the beneht of the Congolese people. On
the contrary, the Soviet Union has limited its
efforts to trying to sabotage the United Nations
Operation in the Congo simply because it could
not control the operation for its own imperial-
istic purposes.
Mr. Chairman, no Soviet smokescreen of
slanted and slanderous misrepresentation as to
the effort of the United Nations to achieve
peace and stability in the Congo can conceal
the fact that that operation is succeeding, or the
fart that the Soviet Union has consistently op-
posed it, or that the United States has whole-
heartedly supported that operation from the
very beginning.
Mr. Chairman, I hope that you will let me
remind the committee that the United States
has contributed by way of assessments and vol-
untary payments $114 million to the ONUC
operation and that the Soviet Union has not
only contributed nothing but that it is $32 mil-
lion in arrears in the assessments that have been
lawfully imposed on it.
Mr. Chairman, in the Congo, apart from
these military operations, the United States has
contributed or pledged $31 million to the Congo
Fund. The Soviet Union has contributed not
one kopek.
Through the United Nations, Mr. Chairman,
the Ignited States has contributed another $70
million for the Congo import-export program.
The Soviet Union has contributed not one
kopek.
Mr. Chairman, the United States has contrib-
uted in food under the Food-for- Peace Program
in arrangement with the United Nations $40
million for the Congo. The Soviet Union has
contributed not one kopek.
Mr. Chairman, the Soviet Union says — as do
all other members and they mean it — that it is
a peace-loving country. Does it desire peace
in the Middle East ? The United Nations Emer-
gency Force established by the members of the
General Assembly has helped to keep that peace,
but the Soviet Union continues to say that that
peacekeeping operation is illegal and should be
withdrawn. And they have said that they will
not pay for any part of it. This makes one ask
this question, Mr. Chairman : What does the
Soviet Union really want in the Middle East?
And why does it oppose a United Nations op-
eration which has succeeded in keeping the
peace in the Middle East?
Mr. Chairman, the United States is proud of
the fact that its policies and the policies of
the United Nations coincide. The United
States wants a world of independent, sovereign
states free to work out their destinies in their
own ways, free from domination by outside
powers or outside totalitarian parties. The
United States wants developing states to be
given all possible assistance in their task of
developing their own resources, their own skills,
and their own talents. So does the United
Nations. I heard with astonishment our
Soviet colleague say that the Soviet Union was
going to refuse to share in the technical assist-
ance projects of the United Nations which aim
for exactly those aims and which the United
States fully supports.
Mr. Chairman, I repeat our pride that the
aims of the United States and the aims of the
United Nations are the same, and our determina-
tion that despite obstructionisms our joint aims
shall be realized, and despite Soviet attempts to
bankrupt this organization. Mr. Chairman,
the United States delegation is confident that
all members of this organization who share
those aims will stand fast in their determination
that this organization shall not be bankrupt
and shall survive.
[In a further intervention, Ambassador Plimpton
said:]
Mr. Chairman, I simply want to say that my
Soviet colleague is unduly complimentary as to
the difficulty of preparing in advance, at least,
some replies to Soviet contentions. "Wlien one
has heard the somewhat cracked phonograph
record played so many times, despite the fact
180
DEPAUTMEXT OF STATE BULLETIN
that the International Court of Justice and the
General Assembly have rejected the tune, one
has no difficulty in remembering the same old
words.
I might just add, Mr. Chairman, that I cer-
tainly hope that the remainder of our discus-
sions in this room and the remainder of the in-
formal conferences, which, I hope, will lead to
some solution of tlie financial difficulties of this
organization, will be held on the basis suggested
by the Secretary-General. Surely all of us are
interested in this organization, in its survival.
And the United States delegation earnestly
hopes that from now on we sliall conduct our-
selves in a way that will lead to solutions and
not against solutions.
STATEMENT BY MR. STEVENSON, JUNE 21
U.S. delegation press release 4224
Wliat I shall have to say this morning will not
take very long.
The time for contention and debate — for nego-
tiation and maneuver — on the subject at hand
is now behind us. Heaven knows that time was
long enough !
But we meet today in an atmosphere of gen-
eral relief, in a mood of sober confidence. We
meet in an environment of renewed faith in the
capacity of men of good will to resolve their
common problems — faith in the responsibility
of the vast majority of the membership of this
body and thus in the future of this organiza-
tion. More specifically, we can see ahead of us
a way back toward financial health for the
United Nations — a trip that may not be entirely
smooth but one for which we at least now have
a road map.
Let me contrast this atmosphere briefly with
the almost desperate outlook of 1 year ago, when
financial disorder threatened to give way to
financial chaos.
Let me contrast this with the general feeling
of pessimism which prevailed — without war-
rant, I always believed — when the Committee of
21 concluded its work a few months ago.
And let me contrast the mood of today with
that of the early meetings of this committee,
when bitter and unfounded charges were made
against my country, charges which I will
ignore.
For more than a month now you have been
going through the most exacting and most re-
warding task of civilized man — the task of rec-
onciling different points of view, of accommo-
dating national positions, of producing a con-
sensus. In the process we have all endured
disappointment and frustration. There were
times when the last drop of patience seemed to
have drained away and the last drop of energy
seemed to be expended.
But the members have been aware that much
more was at stake than a fundraising formula.
They have been conscious that political and
constitutional issues underlay and outweighed
the financial issue. They have been mindfuJ of
the integrity of the organization itself, and of
the responsibility of the members for defend-
ing and preserving that integrity.
The result is that we have before us a group
of resolutions which are not in the exact form
in which they would have been written by any
delegation here today. But the impressive list
of sponsors is evidence enough of the broad
consensus that has emerged from this long
process. And it also is evidence of the large
number of delegations which have worked so
hard to find the key to a statesmanlike solution.
For this they deserve the gratitude of us all.
Mr. Chairman, my delegation does not look
upon the package of resolutions before us as
ideal in all respects. For one thing, the refer-
ence to "special responsibilities of the perma-
nent members of the Security Council for the
maintenance of peace and security," which ap-
pears as the fourth principle in the draft reso-
lution on general principles, strikes us as a
misreading of the charter. The special respon-
sibility for decisions about peace and security
on behalf of the whole organization was allo-
cated, under the charter, not to the 5 permanent
members but to all 11 members of the Security
Council. Moreover, the charter does not assign
responsibility for financing peace and security
decisions, or for financing any other kind of
decision, to the members of the Security Coimcil
but to the General Assembly as a whole.
Also, while any of the permanent members
can block Security Council action, they do not
JULY 29, 1963
181
themselves, without the votes of nonpermanent
members, liave tlie power to initiate action.
Furtliermorc, any such principle would hardl}'
bo applicable to a peacekeeping operation such
as I'XEF, initiated by a recommendation of
the General Assembly.
It is tJie General Assembly — and not the Se-
curity Council — to which the charter gives the
responsibility for financing the U.N.'s activi-
ties. I cannot believe that any delegation,
witli a few obvious exceptions, believes that the
trend toward tlie assumption of useful respon-
sibilities by the Assembly should now be termi-
nated and the right to finance peacekeeping
operations resented for settlement in some small
room by a few great powers.
We also feel that the next principle, in para-
graph (e), which refers to the possibility of
special consideration for the nctims of or those
otherwise involved in events or actions leading
to a peacekeeping operation, may raise serious
practical problems when we come to deal with
the unpredictable events of the future. Never-
theless, the collective responsibility of all mem-
l)ers is rcaflirmed with pristine clarity as the
first principle; and the ix)ssibility of special
consideration for members covered by (e) is
ajipropriately related to the special circum-
stances of each case, so that we will be free to
deal realistically with each issue, as it arises,
in the larger interest of peace itself.
At the same time we are well aware that the
resolutions before us are not just the way any
of the delegations would have preferred to see
them; that accommodations to other views have
been made by many of the members; that some
have agreed to bear a greater share of the fi-
nancial cost than they intended to a few weeks
ago; and that the net result is a true consensus
of the overwhelming majority reached by the
democratic process of give and take.
The facts are that these draft resolutions
among them establisli a useful set of agi-eed gen-
eral principles to guide us in the future; they
provide an equital)le basis for financing the
T"'nited Nations peacekeeping operations in tlie
Midfile F^ast and the Congo for the rest of this
year; they establish a deadline for working out
schedules for the payment of arrearages; and
they extend to tlie end of the year the authority
of the Secretary-General to sell the remaining
part of the authorized bond issue.
In brief, they accomplish somewhat more
than the minimum task we set ourselves: to
resolve the immediate problem of financial
support for keeping the peace in tlie Middle
East and the Congo.
As evidence of our support, Mr. Chairman,
the United States is prepared, subject to its
governmental processes, to join other developed
countries in making a voluntary contribution,
in addition to its assessment, to help provide
the funds required under the financing resolu-
tions. It is gratifying to us that this year a
number of other developed countries have also
indicated their willingness to make such volun-
tary contributions. This is additional evidence
of the general will to restore this organization
to financial health.
Mr. Chairman, these resolutions testify to
the luiderlying agreement of the great majority
of the membersliip that the major and smaller
powers share a common interest in the peace
and security of the world — and share a common
interest in strengthening the United Nations
for collective pursuit of that interest.
It may well be, Mr. Chairman, that greater
tests still lie ahead. But we can all take legiti-
mate satisfaction from the fact that the world
has once again met a severe test of its confidence
in this great experiment in collective security —
and the United Nations has emerged stronger
than before.
With that sense of satisfaction, with renewed
faith and pride in the organization, the delega-
tion of the United States will vote in favor of
the five resolutions before us.'
TEXTS OF RESOLUTIONS
Resolution i '
GkNEIUL principles to 6EB^'E AS GUIDELINES FOR
THE SHARING OF THE COSTS OF FUTURE PEACaB-
KEEPINO OPERATIONS INVOLVING HEAVY EXPENDITUBEa
The General Assembly,
Koting with appreciation the report of the Working
I
•U.N. docs. A/C. 5/L. 782-786; A/C. 5/L. 787 and
L. 788 were introduced on June 24.
•U.N. doc. A/RES/1874(S-IV) (A/C.5/L. 782);
adopted by a vote of 92-11, with 3 abstentions.
DETARTiEENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Group on the Examination of the Administrative and
Budgetary Procedures of the United Nations, submitted
pursuant to General Assembly resolution 1854 B
(XVII) of 19 December 1962,
Recognizing the necessity of sharing equitably the
financial burden of peace-keeping operations to the
extent not otherwise covered by agreed arrangements,
1. Affirms that the following principles, inter alia,
shall serve as guidelines for the equitable sharing, by
assessed or voluntary contributions or a combination
thereof, of the costs of peace-keeping operations
involving heavy expenditures that may be initiated in
the future :
( a ) That the financing of such operations is the col-
lective responsibility of all Member States of the
United Nations ;
(b) That, whereas the economically more developed
countries are in a position to make relatively larger
contributions, the economically less developed countries
have a relatively limited capacity to contribute toward
peace-keeping operations involving heavy expenditures ;
(c) That, without prejudice to the principle of col-
lective responsibility, every effort should be made to
encourage voluntary contributions from Member
States ;
(d) That the special responsibilities of the perma-
nent members of the Security Council for the main-
tenance of peace and security should be borne in mind
in connexion with their contributions to the financing
of peace and security operations ;
(e) That, where circumstances warrant, the Gen-
eral Assembly should give special consideration to the
situation of any Member States which are victims of,
and those which are otherwise involved in, the events
or actions leading to a peace-keeping operation ;
2. Considers that suitable administrative procedures
should be established to ensure that provision for the
financing of a peace-keeping operation is made by the
General Assembly at the time the operation is au-
thorized ;
3. Requests the Secretary-General to review in con-
sultation with the Advisory Committee on Administra-
tive and Budgetary Questions, as appropriate, suitable
administrative procedures designed to improve the fi-
nancial procedures to be followed by the General As-
sembly at the time peace-keeping operations are au-
thorized, and to report to the General Assembly at its
eighteenth session on the results of this review and
any recommendations he may wish to make regarding
procedures to be followed in the future.
Resolution II '
United Nations Emergency Force : Cost estimates
AND financing FOE THE PERIOD 1 JULT TO 31 DECEM-
BER 1963
The General Assembly,
Recalling its resolutions 1089 (XI) of 21 December
1956, 1090 (XI) of 27 February 1957, 1151 (XII) of
22 November 1957, 1337 (XIII) of 13 December 1958,
1441 (XIV) of 5 December 1959, 1575 (XV) of 20
December 1960 and 1733 (XVI) of 20 December 1961,
Having considered the report of the Secretary-Gen-
eral on the cost estimates of the United Nations Emer-
gency Force (UNEF)* for the period 1 January 1963
to 31 December 1963, and the report of the Advisory
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Ques-
tions ° thereon,
1. Decides to continue the Special Account for the
expenses of the United Nations Emergency Force;
2. Authorises the Secretary-General to expend up to
31 December 1963 at an average monthly rate not to
exceed $1,580,000 for the continuing cost of the United
Nations Emergency Force ;
3. Decides to appropriate an amount of $9,500,000
for the operations of the United Nations Emergency
Force for the period 1 July 1963 to 31 December 1963 ;
4. Decides to apportion:
(a) the amount of $2,500,000 among aU Member
States in accordance with the regular scale of assess-
ments for 1963 ;
(b) the $7,000,000 balance of the amount appropri-
ated in paragraph 3 of this resolution, among all Mem-
ber States in accordance with the regular scale of
assessments for 1963, except that each "economically
less developed country" shall be assessed an amount
calculated at 45 per cent of its rate under the regular
scale of assessments for 1963 ;
provided that this apportionment shall constitute an
ad hoc arrangement for the present phase of this peace-
keeping operation, and shall not constitute a precedent
for the future ;
5. Decides that, for the purpose of this resolution,
"economically less developed countries" shall mean all
Member States except Australia, Austria, Belgium,
Byelorussian SSR, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Denmark,
Finland, France, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy,
Japan, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nor-
way, Poland, Romania, South Africa, Sweden,
Ukrainian SSR, USSR, United Kingdom and the
United States of America ;
6. Recommends that the Member States named in
paragraph 5 of this resolution make voluntary con-
tributions in addition to their assessments under this
resolution in order to finance authorized expenditures
in excess of the total amount assessed under this
resolution, such voluntary contributions to be credited
to a special account by the Secretary-General and
transferred to the United Nations Emergency Force
Special Account as and when an "economically less
developed country" has once paid to the credit of that
account its assessment under paragraph 4(b) of this
resolution or an equal amount, the transfer to be of
an amount which bears the same proportion to the total
'U.N. doc. A/RES/1875 (S-IV) (A/C.5/1,.783) ;
adopted by a vote of 80 to 11, with 16 abstentions.
' U.N. doc. A/5187.
' U.N. doc. A/5274.
JULY 29, 1963
183
of such voluntary contributions as the amount of such
payment bears to the total of the assessments on
"economically lesa developed countries" under para-
p-aph 4(b) ; any amount left In such special account
on 31 December 19f.5 shall revert to the Member States
that made such voluntary contributions In proportion
to their resi)ecLlve voluntary contributions ;
7. Aiipcals to all other Member States who are In a
position to assist to make similar voluntary contribu-
tions or nlteruiitively to forgo haviriK their assessment
calculated at the rate mentioned In the exception con-
tained In paragraph -Kb) of this resolution;
8. l)i ciilcs tliiit voluntary contributions referred to in
paragraphs 0 and 7 of this resolution may be made by
a Member State, at Its option, in the form of services
and supplies, acceptable to the Secretary-General,
furnished for use in connexion with the United Nations
Emergency Force during the period 1 July 19G3 to 31
December 1903 for which the Member State does not
require reimbursement, the Member State to be credited
with the fair value thereof as agreed upon by the
Member State and the Secretary-General.
Resolution III 'c
United Nations Operation in the Congo: Cost
estimates and financinq fob the period 1 july to
31 DECEMnEB 1963
The Oencral Anscmbly,
Recalling the Security Council resolutions of 14
July 1900, 22 July 1960, 9 August 1960, 21 February
lOCl and 24 November 1961, and General Assembly
resolutions 1474 (ES-IV) of 20 September 1960, 1583
(XV) of 20 December 1960, 1595 (XV) of 3 April
1961. l.'->99 (XV), 1000 (XV) and 1001 (XV) of 15
April 1961, 1619 (XV) of 21 April 1961, 1633 (XVI)
of 30 October 1961 and 1732 (XVI) of 20 December
1901.
Having contidcred the report of the Secretary-Gen-
eral on the cost estimates of the United Nations Opera-
tion in the Congo (ONUC) " for the period 1 July
19a3 to 31 December 1963, and the report of the
Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary
Questions " thereon,
1. Dccidct to continue the Congo ad hoc Account
for the I'xpenses of the United Nations Operation in
the Congo ;
2. Authorizes the Secretary-General to expend up to
SI December \wa at an average monthly rate not to
exco<'d J.">.'''00,000 for the continuing cost of the United
Nations Oiierntion in the Congo;
3. Dcridct to appropriate an amount of $33,000,000
for the United .Nations Operation In the Congo for the
period 1 July 1963 to 31 December 19C3 ;
4. Dcridct to ai)portlon :
T.N. doc. A/nKS/lS7fl(S-IV)(A/C..'')/T..7.S4) ;
adopted by a vote of 80 to 12, with 15 abstentions.
" U.N. doc. AA-VllC.
■ U.N. doc. A/5421.
(a) the amount of $3,000,000 among all Member
States in accordance with the regular scale of assess-
ments for 1963 ;
(b) the $30,000,000 balance of the amount appropri-
ated in paragraph 3 of this resolution, among all Mem-
ber States in accordance with the regular scale of
assessments for 1903, except that each "economically
less developed country" shall be as.se.ssed an amount
calculated at 45 per cent of its rate under the regular
scale of assessments for 1963 ;
provided that this apportionment shall constitute
an ad hoc arrangement for the present phase of this
peace-keeping operation, and shall not constitute a
precedent for the future ;
5. Decides that, for the purpose of this resolution,
"economically less developed countries" shall mean all
Member States except Australia, Austria, Belgium,
Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Canada,
Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, Hungary,
Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Nether-
lands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Romania, South
Africa, Sweden, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic,
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom
and the United States of America ;
6. Recommends that the Member States named In
paragraph 5 of this resolution make voluntary con-
tributions in addition to their assessments under this
resolution in order to finance authorized expenditures
in excess of the total amount assessed under this resolu-
tion, such voluntary contributions to be credited to a
special account by the Secretary-General and trans-
ferred to the Congo ad hoc Account as and when an
"economically less developed country" has once paid
to the credit of that account its assessment under para-
graph 4(b) of this resolution or an equal amount, the
transfer to be of an amount which bears the same
proportion to the total of such voluntary contributions
as the amount of such payment bears to tlie total of
the assessments on "economically less developed coim-
tries" under paragraph 4(b) ; any amount left in such
special account on 31 December 196.j shall revert to the
Member States that made such voluntary contributions
in proportion to their respective voluntary contribu-
tions ;
7. Appeals to all other Member States which are In
a position to assist to make similar voluntary contribu-
tions or alternatively to forego having their assess-
ments calculated at the rate mentioned in the excep-
tion contained in paragraph 4(b) of this resolution;
8. Decides that voluntary contributions referred to
In paragraphs 6 and 7 of this resolution may be made
by a Member State, at its option, in the form of serv-
ices and supplies, acceptable to the Secretary-General,
furnished for use In connexion with the United Nations
Operation in the Congo during the period 1 July 1963
to 31 December 1963 for which the Member State does
not require reimbursement, the Member State to be
credited with the fair value thereof as agreed upon
by the Member State and the Secretary-General.
184
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Resolution IV "
Payment of arrears in respect of assessed con-
tributions TO THE Special Account for the United
Nations Emergency Force and the Ad Hoc Account
FOB the United Nations Operation in the Congo
The General Assembly,
Having considered the report of the Working Group
on the Examination of the Administrative and
Budgetary Procedures of the United Nations,
Noting with concern the present financial situation
of the Organization resulting from the non-payment of
a substantial portion of past assessments for the UNEF
Special Account and the Congo ad hoc Account,
Believing that it is essential that all assessments for
these Accounts be paid as soon as possible,
1. Appeals to Member States which continue to be
in arrears in respect of their assessed contributions for
payment to the UNEF Special Account and the Congo
ad hoc Account to pay their arrears, disregarding other
factors, as soon as their respective constitutional and
financial arrangements can be processed, and, pending
these arriingements, to make an announcement of their
intention to do so ;
2. Expresses its conviction that Member States who
are in arrears and object on political or juridical
grounds to paying their assessments on these accounts
nevertheless will, without prejudice to their respective
positions, make a special effort towards solving the
financial difficulties of the United Nations by making
these payments ;
3. Requests the Secretary-General to consult with
those Member States which are in arrears on the
UNEF Special Account and on the Congo ad hoc Ac-
count and to work out with them arrangements as to
the most appropriate modalities within the letter and
spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, including
the possibility of payment by instalment, for bringing
the payments of these accounts up to date as soon as
possible ;
4. Requests Member States who are in arrears on
these accounts to make the arrangements with the
Secretary-General set out in paragraph 3 of this resolu-
tion before 31 October 1963 ;
5. Requests the Secretary-General to report, as ap-
propriate, to the General Assembly on the consulta-
tions and arrangements mentioned in paragraphs 3 and
4 of this resolution.
Resolution V ><
Terms and conditions ooverninq the issue op United
Nations bonds
The Oeneral Assembly,
Recalling its decision in operative paragraph 1 of
General Assembly resolution 1739 (XVI) of 20 Decem-
ber 1901 to authorize the Secretary-General to issue
United Nations bonds in accordance with the terms
and conditions set forth in the annex to that resolution,
Decides to amend paragraph 8 of the annex to Gen-
eral Assembly resolution 1739 (XVI) to read as
follows :
"The bonds may be sold in whole or in part from
time to time until 31 December 1963."
Resolution VI '^
Establishment of a Peace Fund
The General Assembly,
Bearing in mind the purposes of the United Nations
as set out in Article 1 of the Charter,
Realizing the need for prompt and effective action to
prevent any threats to or breaches of international
peace and security,
Believing that inadequate financial resources can
seriously delay or jeopardize the success of such action,
Desiring to make sulBcient funds readily available
to the Secretary-General, thus enabling him to dis-
charge his responsibilities under the Charter in cases
of breaches of the peace without undue delay,
Convinced that the establishment of a Peace Fund
through voluntary contributions from Member States
as well as organizations and individuals is worthy of
study as a means of furthering this objective,
1. Requests the Secretary-General to consult all
Member States and other interested organizations on
the desirability and feasibility of establishing such a
Peace Fund ;
2. Requests further the Secretary-General to report
to the General Assembly at its eighteenth session.
Resolution VII <«
Continuation of the Working Group on the Exami-
nation OP the Administrative and Budgetary
Procedures of the United Nations established
under General Assembly resolution 1854/B
(XVII)
The Oeneral Assembly,
Recalling General Assembly resolution 1854 B
(XVII),"
Bearing in mind the principles enunciated in resolu-
tion 1874 (S-IV) of 27 June 1963, that shall serve as
guidelines for the equitable sharing of the costs of
peace-keeping operations involving heavy expenditures
that may be initiated in the future, to the extent that
these expenditures will not be otherwise covered by
agreed arrangements,
Bearing in mind further that the maintenance of
"U.N. doc. A/RES/1S77(S-IV)(A/C.5/L.7S5) ;
adopted by a vote of 79 to 12, with 17 abstentions.
"U.N. doc. A/RES/1878(S-IV) (A/C.5/L.7S6) ;
adopted by a vote of 93 to 12, with 4 abstensions.
""U.N. doc. A/RBS/1879(S-IV)(A/C..5/L.787) ;
adopted by a vote of 91 to 12, with 2 abstentions.
'°U.N. doc. A/RES/1SS0(S-IV) (A/C..5/L.7S8) ;
adopted by a vote of 95 to 12, with 2 abstentions.
" For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 7, 1963, p. 37.
JULY 29, 1963
185
peace and siturity Is n primary purpose of the United
Nations,
Dcnirous Uint ways and means should be found to
arrive at worlting arranKcments so that all Member
States may feel able to share In such costs,
Soting that the Usks with which the Worliing Group
on the Examination of the Administrative and Budget-
ary Procedures of the United Nations was charged
have not been completed,
1. Decides to continue in being the Working Group
on the Examination of the Administrative and Budget-
ary Procedures of the United Nations;
2. Requentf the Working Group to :
(a) Recommend a special method for the equitable
sharing of the costs of future peace-keeping operations
Involving heavy expenditures to the extent not other-
wise covered by agreed arrangements ;
(b) Consider suggestions regarding other sources of
financing future peace-keeping operations ;
(c) Explore ways and means for bringing about the
widest possible measure of agreement among all Mem-
ber States on the <iupStion of the financing of future
peace-keeping operations ;
3. Invites the Working Group to consult as appro-
priate with the Committee on Contributions;
4. Requests the Secretary-General to make available
to the Working Group the necessary facilities and
assistance for the accomplishment of its tasks ;
6. Asks the Working Group to report on these mat-
ters to the General Assembly as soon as possible, but
not later than at its nineteenth regular session.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Foreign Service Examination
To Be Held September 7
Vmn rolonw 3fiS dnto-I July 12
Applications for the Foreign Service officer exami-
nation, to be given September 7 in major cities through-
out the country, must be liled no later than July 22.
Applications may be obtained by writing to the Direc-
tor, Board of lOxaminerg, Dci)artment of State, Wash-
ington, I).f". L'o.-.iitt.
Eligible candidates are those who were at least 21
yearn of age or under 31 years of age as of July 1
and who have been citizens of the United States for
at least 9 years as of that date. Those who have
bachelors' degrees or who have successfully completed
their Junior year of college may take the examination
at age 20.
Candidates taking the examination will be tested
in English expression, general ability, and general
background. In addition three options will be offered
to test specific knowledge in (1) history, government,
and social sciences, (2) management and business
administration, and (3) economics.
The work of the Foreign Service requires a diver-
sity of skills. Applicants with training in budget and
fiscal work, management, personnel, law, labor re-
lations, banking and finance, foreign trade, and all
other aspects of economics and administration are
sought, as well as those with training in political
science, history, government, and the liberal arts.
The following are the 72 cities where the examina-
tion will be held :
Agana, Guam ; Albuquerque, N. Mex. ; Anchorage,
Alaska ; Atlanta, Ga. ; Augusta, Maine ; Austin, Tex. ;
Balboa Heights, C.Z. ; Baltimore, Md. ; Bismarck, N.
Dak. ; Boise, Idaho ; Boston, Mass. ; Buffalo, N.T. ;
Charleston, W. Va. ; Charlotte Amalie, V.I. ; Cheyenne,
Wyo. ; Chicago, 111. ; Cincinnati, Ohio ; Cleveland. Ohio;
Columbia, S.C. ; Columbus, Ohio ; Dallas, Tex. ; Denver,
Colo. ; Des Moines, Iowa ; Detroit, Mich. ; El Paso,
Tex. ; Fairbanks, Alaska ; Grand Forks, N. Dak. ; Hart-
ford, Conn. ; Helena, Mont. ; Honolulu, Hawaii ; In-
dianapolis, Ind. ; Jackson, Miss. ; Jacksonville, Fla. ;
Juneau, Alaska; Kansas City, Kans. ; Little Rock,
Ark. ; Los Angeles, Calif. ; Louisville, Ky. ; Madison,
Wis. ; Manchester, N.H. ; Miami, Fla. ; Montgomery,
Ala. ; Montpelier, Vt. ; Nashville, Tenn. ; New Orleans,
La. ; New York, N.Y. ; Oklahoma City, Okla. ; Omaha,
Nebr. ; Philadelphia, Pa. ; Phoenix, Ariz. ; Pierre,
S. Dak. ; Pittsburgh, Pa. ; Portland, Oreg. ; Providence,
R.I. ; Raleigh, N.C. ; Reno, Nev. ; Richmond, Va. ; Sacra-
mento, Calif.; St. Louis, Mo.; St. Paul, Minn.; Salt
Lake City, Utah ; San Francisco, Calif. ; San Juan,
P.R. ; Seattle, Wash.; Spokane, Wash.; Springfield,
111.; Syracuse, N.T. ; Tampa, Fla.; Trenton, N.J. ;
Washington, D.C. ; Wilmington, Del.; and Worcester,
Mass.
The examination will also be held at any American
diplomatic or consular post abroad at which a candi-
date may ask to take it
Appointments
Chester C. Carter as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Congressional Relations, eflEective July 7. (For bio-
graphic details, see Department of State press release
361 dated July 9.)
Allen R. Ferguson as Coordinator for International
Aviation, Bureau of Economic Affairs, effective June
25. (For biographic details, see Department of State
press release 332 dated June 24.)
Carl Tolman as scientific attach^ at Tokyo, Japan,
effective July 7. (For biographic details, see Depart-
ment of State press release 364 dated July 10.)
18G
DEPAHTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX July 29, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1257
Atomic Energy
Under Secretary Harrlman Departs for Test Ban
Talks in Moscow 159
U.S. Malies Additional Quantities of Uranium
235 Available (Kennedy, Seaborg) .... 167
Aviation. Secretary Assigned Leadership in
International Aviation Policy (Kennedy) . . 160
Congo. U.N. General Assembly Adopts Seven
Resolutions on Financing (Plimpton, Steven-
son, texts of resolutions) 178
Congress
Fulfilling Our Basic Commitments as a Nation
(Rusk) ,!h 154
President Recommends Expansion of Peace
Corps 170
Cuba. United States Blocks Cuban Assets To
Counter Communist Subversion 160
Department and Foreign Service
Appointments (Carter, Ferguson, Tolman) . . 18G
Foreign Service Examination To Be Held Sep-
tember 7 186
Secretary Assigned Leadership in International
Aviation Policy (Kennedy) 160
Economic Affairs
International Trade and Economic Development
(Frank) 173
President Amends Order on Trade Agreements
Program Administration 167
United States Blocks Cuban Assets To Counter
Communist Subversion 160
Educational and Cultural Affairs. Commission
Urges Expansion of American Studies Over-
seas 169
Europe. Captive Nations "Week, 1963 (text of
proclamation) 161
Foreign Aid. President Recommends Expansion
of Peace Corps 170
Guatemala. Letters of Credence (Garda-
Bauer) 160
Human Rights. Fulfilling Our Basic Commit-
ments as a Nation (Rusk) 154
International Law
President Sends Greetings to Lawyers' Confer-
ence 163
The Ruleof Law— Now (Chayes) 162
International Organizations and Conferences.
International Trade and Economic Develop-
ment (Frank) 173
Japan. Tolman appointed scientific attach^ . . 186
Middle East. U.N. General Assembly Adopts
Seven Resolutions on Financing (Plimpton,
Stevenson, texts of resolutions) 178
Presidential Documents
Captive Nations Week, 1963 161
President Amends Order on Trade Agreements
Program Administration 167
President Kennedy and Soviet Leaders Ex-
. change Fourth of July Messages 159
President Recommends Expansion of Peace
Corps 170
President Sends Greetings to Lawyers' Confer-
ence 163
Secretary Assigned Leadership in International
Aviation Policy 160
U.S. Makes Additional Quantities of Uranium
235 Available 167
Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 172
U.S.S.R.
President Kennedy and Soviet Leaders Exchange
Fourth of July Messages (texts of messages) . 159
Under Secretary Harriman Departs for Test Ban
Talks in Moscow 159
United Nations
The Rule of Law — Now (Chayes) 162
U.N. General Assembly Adopts Seven Resolu-
tions on Financing (Plimpton, Stevenson,
texts of resolutions) 178
Name Index
Brezhnev, Leonid 160
Carter, Chester C 186
Chayes, Abram ^ . . . 162
Ferguson, Allen R 186
Frank, Isaiah 173
Garcla-Bauer, Carlos 160
Harriman, W. Averell 159
Kennedy, President .... 159, 160, 161, 163, 167, 170
Khrushchev, Nikita 160
Plimpton, Francis T. P 178
Rusk, Secretary 154
Seaborg, Glenn T . . . . 168
Stevenson, Adlai E 181
Tolman, Carl 186
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: July 8-14
Press releases may be obtained from the OfiBce
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Release issued prior to July 8 which appears
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 356 of July 2.
Subject
U.S. participation in international
conferences.
Blocking controls against Cuba.
Carter appointed Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Congressional Rela-
tions (biographic details).
Morris sworn in as Ambassador to
Chad (biographic details).
Harriman departs for Moscow test
ban talks.
Tolman appointed scientific attach^
at Tokyo (biographic details).
Guatemala credentials (rewrite).
Rusk: Senate Committee on Com-
merce.
Rusk : "State of the North Atlantic
Alliance" (as-delivered text).
Foreign Service officer examination.
Commission reports on U.S. aca-
demic exchange program (re-
write).
Itinerary for visit of President
Nyerere of Tanganyika.
Amendments to Nyerere itinerary.
♦Not printed here.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
*359
7/8
360
•361
7/8
7/9
*362
7/9
363
7/9
♦364
7/10
365
366
7/10
7/10
t367
7/12
368
369
7/12
7/12
»370
7/12
371
7/12
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CrrT, STATE
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY EECOED OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Yol. XLIX, No. 1258
August 5, 1963
THE STATE OF THE NOETH ATLANTIC ALLIANCE
Address iy Secretary Rush 190
THE TEUST TEEEITORY OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS
Statements hy M. Wilfred Goding and Vincente N. Santos W7
UNITED STATES AND MEXICO AGEEE TO CONCLUDE CONVENTION
FOE SETTLEIVIENT OF CHAMIZAL BOUNDAEY DISPUTE
Statement hy President Kennedy and Text of Memorandum 199
For index see inside tack cover
The State of the North Atlantic Alliance
Addrets by Secretary Rvsk *
I notice some young people in the audience;
let me just say three sentences to you. You
may want to ask me : What is foreign policy all
about? It's about you— your ability to walk
the world in decency and confidence and peace,
you and your children. Foreign policy is about
building that decent world order that gives you
a chance. That's what the thousand cables a
day coming into the Department of State mean ;
that's what the 15 international meetings going
on somewhere in the world every working day
throughout the year mean to you young people.
We are under no illusion in the Department
of State that, when we talk about international
law or states or the United Nations, we are talk-
ing alxjut abstractions. We are talking about
people and what they mean to people, because
we understand that foreign policy reaches into
every home in tlie country. We have a million
men in uniform outside the United States today,
• Made Itetore the Vlrgliila State Bar Association at
White Salphnr SprinKB, W. Va., on July 12 (press re-
1mm 307 ; as-deUvered text).
and that means that we reach into every home.
We imderstand this very deeply, and I want you
young people to know that I think we know
what your relation to foreign policy is.
We are in a period of great change ; we are in
a period where it is not easy for a Secretary
of State to declare great simple policies on par-
ticular points because there is so much flux. It
is a period when we must go back to the very
simple ideas on which our nation was founded —
the things to which we are deeply committed.
I suggest to you that in President Eisenhow-
er's second term and in President Kennedy's
present term the responsibilities of the Presi-
dent of the United States have changed in kind,
and not just in mass, and that these two men
have faced questions of a new order of magni-
tude— a new order of faithfulness — never be-
fore faced by any President.
This is due to several things. One has been
the explosion of states — the multiplication of
states. Before World War II, 8 governments
disposed of the continent of Africa. Now it's
DEPARTMCMT OF STATE BULLETIN ' VOU XLIX, NO. 1258 PUBLICATION 7581 AUGUST S, 1963
Th« r>fpirtiD«nt of State Bulletin, a
wevklr pDbllcatlon luurd bj tbe Ofllcc
of M<^U 8<-rTlcMi, Burvau of Public Af-
fatra. prnrldrs tb* public and IntrrMtpd
arrnrlra of tbv OoTFrtiDipnt witta Inforran-
tloo on drTPlopmeDtii In tbp field of for-
eign reUllnnB and on tbe work of the
Dvparlmrnt of State and tbe Foreign
BrrrlCT. The nulletln Inrludm »e|pctpd
pre» relertiieii on fornlrn policy, Iniiued
by the Whilr llntme and tho Drpartnirnt.
and BtatemcntN and addmtneii tnnde bj
the rrenldrnt and br tbe Secrftarr of
State and otber offlceni of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of international affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation Is included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
nattonal Interest.
Publications of the Department, United
Nations documents, and leglalntlve mate-
rial In the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The UuUetlD Is for sole by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Qovem-
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
20402. Price : 52 Issues, domestic $8.60,
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents.
Use of funds for printing of this pub-
lication approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19,
1961).
NOTB : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and Items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
Department of State Bulletin as the
source wlU be appreciated. The Bulletin
Is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
100
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
about 35, and the number is growing. We do
business with 112 states. Did you happen to
know that in this calendar year 33 of those states
have scheduled elections and changes in govern-
ment in 1963 and that we have already had 6
unscheduled changes of government in this cal-
endar year ? For as far as we can see into the
future, there will be 25 changes of government
a year somewhere in the world and half of those
will be crises because so many of these states
do not have built-in constitutional means for
passing power from one hand to the other.
And as these countries have become mdepend-
ent, they have been seized with an insistent de-
mand for economic and social development,
partly because their nationalist leaders have
promised them that if you got rid of colonial
rule, your daily life would be better — a connec-
tion which was not necessarily so. But there
they are, with the hounds of development snap-
ping at their heels, needing to move forward.
And so this revolution of rising expectations
about which you have heard is something very
pressing and very urgent in our business.
And then, since about 1955-56, something
else has come into the world : The Soviet Union
has acquired a massive nuclear delivery capa-
bility against Western Europe and the United
States— something new. The decision which
President Truman made in 1950 to go into
Korea and the decision which President Ken-
nedy made last October to challenge the full
power of the Soviet Union with regard to those
missiles in Cuba were two utterly different de-
cisions— decisions in kind — because E = MC^
has posed for men genuinely a new question,
and that is the survival of the human race.
And President Eisenhower and President Ken-
nedy have had to think about and live with
that problem as other human beings have not
in our experience.
Now these are great elements which put this
world in motion. There are other factors, such
as the talks now going on between Moscow and
Peiping, with the greatest consequences for aU
the rest of us, and yet talks wliich we have only
a limited capability of influencing one way or
the other ; changes going on within the bloc in
Eastern Europe; changes between East and
West — in relationships between the Soviet bloc.
say, and Western Europe. This is a pregnant
moment, a moment where many things could
happen, where there could be important changes
for good or for bad. That is why it is nec-
essary for us to keep our compass bearings
clear and, to use the expression of General Omar
Bradley, to take our course from the distant
stars and not from the light of each passing
ship.
European Growth and Unity
In a period of this sort it is very important
for us to know where our allies are, who our
friends are, and what those commitments mean.
And therefore I should like to talk to you a
few minutes tonight about the state of the
NATO alliance, which joins the great continents
of Europe and North America in a common
effort to preserve the peace and security of the
Atlantic area. I am moved to do this in part
by the impressions which I formed in accom-
panying the President on his recent trip to
Europe.^
We found Europe — and those of you who
have visited Europe have found Europe —
prosperous, vital, and resurgent. Its economic
growth is going forward at a rapid rate ; living
standards are rising; the contrast with lagging
Communist progress in Eastern Europe is be-
coming more and more marked. And this
growing wealth is being more equitably dis-
tributed as a result of widespread economic and
social reforms.
Side by side with this material progress we
found widespread confidence that Europe's
movement toward greater imity would continue.
European imity has its roots too deep among
the peoples of this great continent — too deep
especially among the young people — not to re-
sume its growth. There are too many Euro-
peans who fully understand the historic im-
portance of the Franco-German reconciliation
that after several centuries a war is not going
to arise in Western Europe— too many people
understand that to let some of our temporary
differences stand in the way of that great move-
ment toward European imity.
' For background, see Buixetin of July 22, 1903, p.
AUGUST 5, 1963
191
Much hiis already been done. Progress has
been made toward developing a community
ba5e<l on genuine equality, on common rules and
institutions, and on subordination of parochial
interests in the wider common needs of Europe
as a whole. But much remains to be done.
And one of tlie reasons for the President's trip
was to make clear our own view about these
great unfinished tasks of European unity and
Atlantic solidarity. There will be delays and
obstacles. We must judge the pace toward
unify not by what happens in any single week,
or month, or even year, but in terms of the
timespan that is fitting to the historic impor-
tance of the development itself.
Certainly the United States welcomes this
progress toward European unity. "We recog-
nize that only a united Europe is likely to be a
strong Eurojie. And only a strong Europe
can bo an effective and fully equal partner of
the Unite<l States in carrying forward the con-
structive and defensive tasks on which the
growth and sur%'ival of the free world depend.
In this age no nation by itself can assure the
defense and the welfare and the freedom of its
people. But the United States and a strong
united Europe, working together as equal part-
ners, can achieve these great aims.
But the.se goals involve great adjustments on
both sides, and difficulties are inevitable with
any of these great creative enterprises. But
if we have a clear view of where we are going,
and if we can devote to this enterprise the ded-
icated effort it deserves, we can be optimistic
about the outcome.
Unity for Defense
For the lii-st purpose of this partnership is to
strengthen the common defense.
Both in the May meeting of the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization at Ottawa' and
during the President's recent trip, I found the
memlxTs of XATO fully united in support of
this purpose.
There are, of course, occasional interallied
differences on moans and approach. But such
differences are lx)und to arise when an alliance
' For fpxt of n mtnniiinlqno ndopted on May 24, 1003,
ee ibid.. Juno 10. 1003. p. 805.
of free nations confronts such complex and
difficult issues as evolving conditions now pose
for the NATO alliance.
But the Soviet Union would make no greater
mistake tlian to interpret interallied differences
as major cracks within the alliance — cracks to
be exploited by aggressive action. For the al-
liance is agreed on essentials. This has been
proved by the successful deterrence of aggres-
sion against the NATO area for 14 yeai-s. The
Cuban crisis of October 1962 proved this again,
when it produced a show of unquestioned soli-
darity among all of the NATO partners.
Now this unity in times of crisis is
not enough, for unity is also needed to avert
crisis. And what Moscow thinks about these
matters is of very great importance to the rest^
of us. This precrisis unity is sought through
arrangements which provide in advance that
forces shall come instantly under NATO com-
mand in the event of war. And it is important
to maintain this integrated military structure
of NATO, for looser forms of cooperation
without solid commitment would not meet the
need.
U.S. Commitment
Our success in maintaining NATO unity
since 1949 is an achievement without precedent
among peacetime multilateral alliances.
This unity reflects the full commitment of
the United States, no less than that of its part-
ners, to the defense of the entire NATO area.
From our point of view — and it is important
that not only the Europeans but the Ameri-
cans understand this — from our point of view,
this commitment does not rest in sentiment,
although sentiment exists; it does not rest in
amiability or in philanthropy. It is based
upon the most fundamental realities of our
own national interests and our own interna-
tional policy. For the defense of Europe is
vital to the defense of the United States.
That is why we have 400,000 military per-
sonnel in Europe: to defend the United States.
With the exception of one country, this com-
prises the largest single national military com-
mission to NATO in Europe. It is thus a
simple fact — and this is something which Euro-
peans must understand better — it is thus a sim-
192
DEPARTMENT OF 6TATE BTJLLETIK
pie fact that the United States is a principal
Europeaii military power.
This American ijresence m Europe gives
flesh and bone to the language of the NATO
treaty: that an armed attack against any one
countiy in Eui'ope or North America shall be
considered an attack against us all. In 1949
that was a political commitment, but in 1963
it is a statement of plain, simple fact.
Conventional Forces
Now NATO will not remain strong and
united in deterring attacks, however, merely by
reaffirming faith in its purposes. We need con-
tinually to reexamine NATO's situation and to
review its problems.
The militai-y situation today differs markedly
from that that was confronted by NATO in
1949. In the face of these changing conditions,
the alliance needs to maintain a force which will
give its members confidence in their military
security to stand fimi in the face of hostile
threats and pressures.
In our view such a posture should include
powerful conventional forces as part of a bal-
anced conventional-nuclear force structure.
Such forces are needed both to enhance the de-
terrent and to enable NATO to confront dan-
gers with confidence.
Such a balanced force structure is also likely
to hold the alliance together in periods of pro-
longed tension and crisis. For it will assure
members of the alliance that they need not con-
front, in the event of enemy aggression, an in-
stant choice between simple surrender or not so
simple thermonuclear devastation. It will pro-
vide a range of alternative responses from
which they can choose the one best suited to
their military and political purposes at the time.
The NATO military authorities have pro-
posed, and the alliance has approved, certain
force goals whose attainment would represent
a first step toward such a balanced military
posture. As an American, I am proud that the
United States is leading the way to meeting
these approved force goals. The American
soldiers whom the President inspected on his
recent trip to Europe are among the best armed
and trained in the world.
But as a citizen of the Atlantic world, I am
anxious that the alliance as a whole also meet
its combined commitments. For m a genuine
partnership burdens must be equitably borne;
all countries must contribute their fair share to
the total strength of the alliance. And I am
confident that this in fact is what is going to be
done.
Nuclear Forces
A truly balanced force cannot be attained
without effective nuclear power and the will to
use it if required. The nuclear power of the
alliance must be organized so as to meet this
military need. The nuclear power of the alli-
ance is massive indeed and has risen rapidly in
these more recent years. The organization of
this power involves, however, vital political con-
siderations. It goes to the heart of relations
among the nations of Europe and between Eu-
rope and the United States. For this is a power
of the life and death of nations and decisions
to be made on a moment's notice.
But because the political framework of Eu-
rope is still evolvuig and because we here are
grappling with highly complex military prob-
lems, we cannot pretend to offer neat and final
answers simply from the United States to this
nuclear question. Both this and the previous
United States administration have believed that
the general direction should eventually offer
Europe an opportunity to make a genuine con-
tribution to a unified Atlantic nuclear deterrent.
This is the direction most consistent with the
concepts of Atlantic partnership and European
unity.
We have, in the last 2 years, taken some im-
portant interim steps to tliis end.
We have agreed with our partners on guide-
lines for the employment of nuclear weapons
in specific military circumstances.
We are making available to our allies much
more information regarding the capabilities and
characteristics of nuclear weapons than ever
before.
We also agreed with our allies, at the last
NATO ministerial meeting in Ottawa, that a
new Deputy for Nuclear Affairs should be es-
tablished at Supreme Allied Headquarters in
Europe; that he should have a staff consist-
ing of officers drawn from a number of NATO
AUGUST 5, 1963
193
countries; and that an international liaison
(froup representing the NATO Command in
Eurojw should be attached to our Strategic Air
Command lieadquarters at Omaha. These Ot-
tawa decisions, taken in conjunction with the
assignment of British V-Bombers and Ameri-
can Polaris submarines to NATO, will increase
not only the strength and reach of XATO forces
but also the knowletlge and professional com-
petence of XATO staffs in the nuclear area.
Wo are quite aware, however, that these are
only initial steps and that they alone are not
enough. They do not fully meet the desire of
a revived Europe — living under the gun of So-
viet nuclear power — to carry a greater share of
the responsibility for its ovm nuclear defense.
This desire has come to focus, in large part,
on medium-range ballistic missiles, since these
are the only effective weapons of strategic range
which can usefully be deployed in the European
area against similar weapons aimed at Europe.
European desires for MRBM's first made
themselves manifest in 1960. There were then,
and there are now, broadly three alternative
ways of responding.
Om, we could refuse to provide MEBM's to
allied forces. This could well signal to our
allie-s, facing the threat of hundreds of Soviet
MRBM's, American indifference to their nu-
clear concerns and thus to the concept of gen-
uine partnership in the nuclear field.
Two, we could deploy such missiles to nation-
ally manned and owned forces. Whatever
technical safeguards might be built in against
premafiire use, the political effect of thus estab-
lishing new nationally owned and manned stra-
tegic mi.ssile forces would i)e divisive within
the alliance and deeply unsettling in terms of
East -West relations.
Tlie third alternative would be to provide
MRBM's to forces jointly organized by us and
our allies but not to nationally manned and
owned forces. And if such forces must come
into being, it can only be under multilateral
manning and ownership.
After considering these three alteniatives,
General Eisenhower directed my predecessor,
Secretary of State [Christian A.] Ilerter, to
present the concept of a multilateral sea-based
force to the NATO meeting in December I960.*
After thorough review of the matter, the pres-
ent administration also concluded that the ratd-
tilateral force would be more consistent with
our long-term goals of European unity and
Atlantic partnership than either of the alter-
native responses to the missile problem that I
have described.
Such a multilateral force would be open to
all NATO countries on a basis of equality. It
would be based on both United States and Eu-
ropean productive resources. It could not
break down into national components over time
or under the pressure of sudden crises. And
as Europe moved toward unity we could, as the
President indicated at Frankfurt,' contemplate
an increase in the collective European role and
responsibility in such a force. Most important,
tary authorities, including the Supreme Corn-
tribute to national nuclear proliferation.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff have concluded
that, from a military standpoint, a mixed
manned force in surface warships would be an
effective part of the nuclear deterrent. The
same conclusion has been reached by allied mili-
tary authorities, including the Supreme Com-
mander, General [Lyman L.] Lemnitzer.
Discussions with our allies about this concept
have been proceeding since the summer of 1962.
We were able to get considerable "feel" of allied
reactions during our recent trip.
In Germany President Kennedy and Chan-
cellor Adenauer agreed that they would use
their best efforts to bring this force into being
and that the matter should be further pursued
with other interested countries.
In the United Kingdom we found agreement
that the force was teclinically feasible, but no
decision had been made as to Britisli participa-
tion pending their further study of the overall
problem of nuclear deterrents wluch they wish
to make.
In Italy we foxmd a favorable response to the
concept, wliich had been given its support by
the previous Italian government, and a desire
to proceed with discussion among the countries
concerned.
*/6id., Jan. 9, 1961,p. 39.
• Ibid., July 22, 1963, p. 118.
194
DEPABTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The current level of strength and confidence
in the nuclear power of the alliance will allow
some time for this discussion in order to address
the questions involved with the care that they
deserve. If our allies then wish to proceed,
the United States will be prepared to join them
in creating this multilateral force. For we be-
lieve that such a force would notably enhance
the strength and the cohesion of the alliance.
Political Consultation
The object of such a force — as of all NATO
forces — would be to preserve peace. But more
than military strength is needed to preserve
peace. We also need a concerted Atlantic po-
litical and economic strategy.
All of us realize that our security is affected
not only by what happens in the NATO treaty
area but also by what may happen elsewhere in
the world.
How should NATO cope with this inescapa-
ble interdependence between events inside and
outside the NATO treaty area? By making
NATO worldwide? I think not; that would
certainly be impracticable. By consultation?
To the maximum extent feasible and, may I
add, to the extent that each of the members is
willing to accept the responsibilities involved
in genuine consultation.
We are continually seeking ways to perfect
these processes of alliance consultation. Few
people realize how much progress has been
made since about 1957. It was decided then
that NATO machinery should be adapted to
the new post- Stalin Soviet emphasis on po-
litical, psychological, and economic initiatives
and that new procedures were to be put into
effect to this end.
Wlien the 15 NATO ambassadors now sit
around the NATO Council table in Paris each
Wednesday, they cover a wide range of po-
litical and economic subjects. The primary
instrument for Atlantic economic cooperation
is the OECD [Organization for Economic Co-
operation and Development] ; but NATO also
provides a fonun in which these issues can be
weighed against political background which
lends them the necessary urgency. I believe
that the processes of consultation will continue
to gather strength as Europe itself moves
toward unity and a more dynamic role on the
world scene.
But consultation is not a substitute for
action. Those members who have responsibili-
ties elsewhere may at times be forced to act
without the prior approval of all NATO allies
and indeed, at times, without as extensive con-
sultation as would be desirable. We had a spe-
cial and difficult case in the immediate crisis
over Cuba last October, although Cuba itself
had been fully discussed in NATO throughout
the preceding year. But the understanding
and support of our allies for what had to be
done in that crisis was not only gratifying but
made a major contribution to a peaceful solu-
tion of that missile crisis.
Negotiation
This process of consultation is as important
in concerting actions toward the Communist
nations as in the free world. For peace can
only be made more secure if the West is as
united in its efforts to reduce sources of inter-
national tension as in enhancing its defenses.
To reject negotiation with the Communists
could be to forgo a chance of strengthening
peace. But to undertake negotiation without
full and intimate transatlantic consultation, on
the other hand, could endanger the miity on
which peace depends.
So we recognize both these needs: the need
for negotiation, the need for consultation.
To meet the need for negotiation, we have
been discussing the possibility of arms control
with the Soviet Union for some 16 months at
Geneva, where three other NATO allies partici-
pate with us. To meet the need for full consul-
tation, we have kept the North Atlantic Council
fully and currently informed about the state of
these negotiations.
The United States and the Soviet Union have
agreed to set up a direct commmiication link,
which they could use in time of crisis to reduce
the risk of war by miscalculation.^ We hope
that agreement on other safeguards against
miscalculation can follow, enhancing the effec-
' For text of agreement, see ibid., July 8, 1963, p. 50.
AUGUST 5, 1963
195
tiveiicss of this initial step, because last Oc-
tober, something new happened in history : Nu-
clear jKJwers seriously and specifically had to
consider nuclear war as an active element in
policy and not simply as a theoretical exercise.
And it be«.-amo quite clear during that period
that those who are responsible for this weapon
niiLst indeed keep in touch with each other — not
just dej5i)ite dilferences but because of differ-
ences— if these weapons would be kept within
human control.
Some progress has been made also toward
narrowing dilferences on a test ban, which could
help to inhibit the development of new national
nuclear capabilities. Agreement has, however,
eluded us thus far. Under Secretary [W.
Averell] IlaiTiman and I^ord Hailsham will
discuss the matter further in Moscow with the
Soviet leaders beginning early next week.'
We should like to achieve a test ban if we
can, to begin to turn down an arms race which,
if not turned down, will become increasingly
burden.some in terms of billions upon billions
of additional resources, increasingly unpredict-
able and chancy in terms of results, increas-
ingly dangerous in the process. We are keep-
ing in tlie most intimate touch with our allies
during these di.scussions. We have reaffirmed
to them the commitment which the President
made in his American University speech," that
"The United States will make no deal with the
Soviet Union at the expense of other nations
and other peoples, not merely because they are
our |)artners but also because their interests and
ours converge."
The OECD and Aid Coordination
Two years ago a soooiul great Atlantic insti-
tution was created to increase the effectiveness
of the partnership on the economic side. That
is the OECI), whirh evohwl from the higldy
successful Organization for European Eco-
nomic Cooperation of the ^^arshall Plan. It
now ha-s in it 20 nations of the Atlantic area.
Tlie OECD has the power to make binding
decisions by unanimous actions and to make
rccommendat ions to governments. Its greatest
effwtiveness, however, is as an active agency
' Sw p. itw.
'BiijjETi:! of July 1, lom. p. 2.
for consultation — a place where policies still
in the making in many countries can be devel-
oped in mutually reinforcing concert. The
range of affairs already examined there, with
fair to excellent success, includes economic pol-
icy, monetary and balance-of-payments policies,
agriculture, trade, science, manpower, social
affairs, and development assistance for under-
developed countries.
This last matter — development assistance — is
the special responsibility of the Development
Assistance Committee. And it is liere that we
and the industrially developed nations of the
Atlantic area, plus Japan, coordinate our ef-
forts to assist in the development of these newly
independent nations of the rest of the world.
Tlio foreign aid provided by the European
members of this Committee is really very sub-
stantial— about $2.5 billions in 1961, of which
approximately two-thirds was in grants. We
expect this participation to increase. But this
would not in the immediate future lessen the
need for development assistance from the
United States. For the total requirements are
very large, if these less developed countries
are to maintain their independence and move
toward the goal of self-support at tolerable
levels of living.
It would be difficult to overstate the impor-
tance of our foreign aid programs to our own
national security. Despite difficulties and dis-
appointments here and there, they have indeed
produced formidable results.
Popular Support for International Cooperation
The American people have made, in the last
two decades, a far-reaching choice between in-
ternational cooperation and isolation — and this
in the military, the political, and the economic
fields. During this period a whole series of im-
portant international commitments have had
the support of national leaders of both our ma-
jor political parties and of large bipartisan ma-
jorities in Congress.
The U.S. Senate, for example, approved our
membership in the United Nations by a vote of
89 to 2. The legislation carrying out that mem-
bership passed the Senate 67 to 7, and the House
344 to 15.
Aid to Greece and Turkey, under the Truman
196
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Doctrine, 1947 : approved 67 to 23 in the Senate,
287 to 108 in the House. The Marshall Plan :
69 to 17; 329 to 75. The ratification of the
North Atlantic Treaty: 82 to 13. Six years
later the ratification of SEATO [Southeast
Asia Treaty Organization] , the Manila Treaty :
82 to 1. And last year the Trade Expansion
Act was approved by votes of 78 to 8 in tlie
Senate and 292 to 125 in the House.
In a recent Gallup poll, 82 percent of those
questioned answered that they would rather the
United States worked closely with other nations
than pursue an independent course in world
affairs. That emphatic result indicates how
truly the American people have taken to heart
the experiences of two world wars in this cen-
tury and of a third and still greater threat to
our freedom for the future.
For in this world struggle in which we are
engaged, the forces of freedom have indeed been
gaining in strength. The Communist system is
torn by internal schisms and plagued by low
food production, economic shortcomings, ideo-
logical disputes. But this world remains a very
dangerous place. And the forces of coercion
are still powerful and determined. If we
should curtail our efforts, the present generally
favorable trend could quickly be reversed.
As Secretary of State I am therefore con-
cerned by the voices here and there who would
have us give up our efforts — that is, who would
quit this struggle and abandon the field to those
who would destroy freedom. And, oddly, some
of the most strident of these voices profess to be
strongly anti-Communist, although what they
would seem to want lis to do is exactly what the
Commimists hoped that we would do. And that
is to go home. Because if we come home, the
Communists begin to take over.
There are many ways of withdrawing and of
quitting in this great struggle for freedom. One
way is to cut back our military establislunent in
the absence of sound and adequately inspected
international agreements to reduce armaments.
Another way of quitting is to cut back our for-
eign aid programs. Another way is to quit our
alliances. Still another is to pull out of the
United Nations.
We can't win this world struggle by retreat-
ing. Indeed, retreat is the sure road to defeat.
I don't believe the American people intend to
take that road.
The Ideas That Unite Us
I would urge you, when you go home, if
you have not done so recently, to read the pre-
amble and articles 1 and 2 of the United Na-
tions Charter. You will find some familiar
language there. And you should, because that
language had a very substantial American in-
fluence in its drafting at the end of World War
II at a time when we were thinking long and
deeply about our relations with the rest of the
world, at a time when we had been chastened
in the fires of a great war. We shall not have
another chance to draw lessons from a world
war to build a decent world order. For this
time we must build that decent world order
before that world war is upon us. But you will
fuid in those simple words not only a succinct
summary of the long-term foreign policy of
the American people; you will also find there
a reflection of the words and the ideas which
are our greatest strength in this present
struggle.
The simple notion that governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the gov-
erned is the most explosive political idea in the
world today. You feel its force in every con-
tinent, and you feel its force as a cohesive rela-
tionship between us and other nations wherever
we turn. You find in that simple notion a scar-
let thread of American policy throughout the
decades.
This helps to explain why we find it more
easy to get along with democracies than with
dictatorships, why we react instinctively as we
do when great colonial issues arise, why we are
so deeply disturbed about what is going on in
Eastern Europe, and why we are concerned
when we here at home fail to live up to the
greatest aspirations and commitments of our
own political system.
These simple notions unite us with other peo-
ples because they are deeply rooted in human
nature, a human nature that has expressed itself
in almost every major tradition of wliich we
know, and certainly in every continent. And
these are the notions which give us allies, com-
mitted or not, at times of crisis and help to ex-
ATJGUST 5, 3 963
197
plain why it is that, when we find ourselves in
crisis there are far fewer neutrals than you
niipht suppose. So there is great reason to
move forward here in confidence, calmness, care,
sobriety, but with the determination to do those
things tliat are necessary to get on with the
great unfinished business both here and abroad
which will surely strengthen and stabilize the
great story of freedom, which is the course of
history in the story of man.
President Reports on Progress
of Test Ban Talks at Moscow
Staicjrunt by PrcsidoU Kennedy '
I have a brief statement to make on the prog-
ress of the negotiations in Moscow.* After 3
days of talks we are still hopeful that the par-
ticipating countries may reach an agreement to
end nuclear testing, at least in the environ-
ments in which it is agreed that on-the-ground
inspection is not required for reasonable se-
curity. Negotiations so far are going forward
in a businesslike way. It is understood, of
course, that under our constitutional procedures
any agreement will be submitted to the Senate
for advice and consent. It is also understood
by our allies that the British and American
repre^ntatives are not negotiating on other
matters affecting their rights and interests.
Any matter of this sort which may come under
discussion will be kept open for full allied
consultation.
Finally, it is clear that these negotiations, if
successful, should lead on to wider discussions
among other nations. The three negotiatin<T
powers constitute the nuclear test ban commit'^
toe of the Geneva conference, and if the present
negotiations should be successful, it will be im-
portant to reach the widest possible agreement
on nuclear testing throughout the world. But
all of these quest ions are still ahead of us, and
' Rma by tho Pr«.ldent nt Uie opening of his news
ponfpn>nc«« on .Inly 1".
• Knr tho nnmw of members of tho D.S. delegratlon to
thp talkie RFC Bouxnif of July 20, 1063. p. 159.
today, while the negotiators are at work, I
think we should not complicate their task by
further speculation, and for that reason I do
not expect to respond to further questions on
this subject.
President Nyerere of Tanganyika
Visits Washington
MwaUmu Julius K. Nyerere^ President of the
Republic of Tanganyika, visited the United
States from July J4- to 20. He was in Wash-
ington July 15-17. Following is the text of a
communique released jointly on July 16 by the
Office of the White House Press Secretary and
the Office of the Press Secretary of the Presi-
dent of Tanganyika, together with a White
House announcement of a new Peace Corps
agreement between the two countries.
JOINT COMMUNIQUE
Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, President of the
Eepublic of Tanganyika, met yesterday and to-
day with the President. They discussed politi-
cal developments in Africa as related to world
developments and those developments affecting
the relations of the United States and Tangan-
yika.
President Nyerere reviewed for the President
the decisions taken by the recent African heads
of state meeting in Addis Ababa and stressed
the importance of the establishment at that
meeting of an Organization of African Unity.
President Nyerere also outlined the steps being
taken to form an East African federation at an
early date.
The President reviewed the United States po-
sition on world issues of interest to Tanganyika,
stressing particularly the importance of pro-
moting peac« and economic progress within a
framework of freedom. The President con-
firmed the continuing support of the United
States for the principle of self-determination
and expressed confidence in even greater co-
operation and imderstanding between the
United States and Tanganyika.
President Nyerere thanked the President for
198
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
the warm welcome which he and his party had
received on his first visit to tlie United States
since Tanganyika's independence.
PEACE CORPS;^AGREEIVIENT
The Wliite House announced on July 16 that
there would be a short ceremony at the AVliite
House that afternoon during which President
Nyerere of Tanganyika and Peace Corps Di-
rector Sargent Shriver would make a joint
announcement of an agreement under which 80
new volunteer teachers will be sent to Tangan-
yika in November. The third group of volun-
teers requested by the East African republic,
they will teach English and other subjects in
upper primary grades.
In 1961, when the Peace Corps began, Tan-
ganyika was the first country to make a formal
request for volunteers. That first group con-
sisted of 29 surveyor-engineers and 5 geologists.
They have just completed their 2-year tour of
duty in Tanganyika and are returning to the
United States this siunmer. During their stay,
they mapped 7,500 square miles of Tanganyika
hinterlands, worked on 525 miles of road con-
struction, surveyed approximately 4,000 miles
of road, and taught courses in forestry, road-
building, and engineering.
The new contingent of teachers will join a
group of 20 nurses and 2 laboratory technicians
who are just starting their second year of work
in the hospitals of Dar-es-Salaam, Tanga, and
Moshi.
United States and IVIexico Agree To Conclude Convention
for Settlement of Chamizal Boundary Dispute
STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY,
JULY 18
White House press release dated July 18
I have approved the reconmiendations for a
complete solution to the Chamizal border prob-
lem contained in a Memorandimi of the Depart-
ment of State and of the Ministry of Foreign
Relations of Mexico dated July 17, 1963. I am
pleased to note that President Lopez Mateos has
also approved the Memorandmn. The Memo-
randum proposes the resolution of this long-
standing dispute by giving effect in today's cir-
cumstances to the 1911 international arbitra-
tion award.
It is gratifying to be able to approve a pro-
posed settlement of the Chamizal dispute and
thus bring closer to a successful conclusion the
constructive efforts of President Taft and all
the other American Presidents since him who
have sought to resolve this complex problem
on a mutually satisfactory basis. I believe the
solution which has been recommended to me
will make a significant contribution to relations
between the United States and Mexico and will
contribute to the welfare and orderly develop-
ment of El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juarez,
Chihuahua.
The Department of State will now imder-
take negotiations with the Government of
Mexico looking to the early conclusion of a
convention to cany out the recommendations in
the Memorandum.
DEPARTMENT^STATEMENT AND
MEMORANDUM
Press release 375 dated July 18
Department Statement, July 18
The Presidents of the United States and
Mexico announced today their agreement to
conclude a convention for the settlement of the
Chamizal boimdary dispute. The recom-
mended tei-ms of settlement which the Presi-
dents have approved were submitted to them
in identical memoranda by the Department of
State and the Mexican Ministry of Foreign
ATJGTJST 5, 1963
199
Relations. According to the terms of the rec-
ommended settlement, the United States would
transfer to Mexico 4.'}7 acres in the vicinity of
Kl Paso, Texas. Conclusion of tiie convention
will 1hi a final step in tlie resolution of this con-
troversy, which has been earnestly sought by
every United States administration since 1910.
An international arbitral commission
awarded to Mexico in 1911 an undeterminable
part of the Cliamizal zone in El Paso, Texas.
The area of the zone then totaled approxi-
mately 598 acres. Tlie Mexican claim was
ba.sed on a shift in the channel of the Rio
Grande. The United States Government,
which had disputed the claim, rejected the
award on several grounds, but in the under-
standing that ihe Governments of the two
countries could proceed at once to settle their
dilTei-oiices through diplomatic channels. Since
1911 the controversy has been a major prob-
lem in relations between the two countries.
Every United States administration beginning
■with that of President Taft has attempted to
resolve it in a mutually satisfactory manner.
Proposals for a settlement have varied, and
every practical means of settling the matter is
believed to have been explored by the Govern-
ments at one time or another. In June 1962
President I>jpez Mateos urged that a further
attempt be made, and President Kennedy
agreed.' The two Presidents instructed their
respective executive agencies to recommend a
complete solution which, without prejudice to
the juridical positions of the two Governments,
would take into account the entire history of
the tract. Tiiey recognized that any mutually
acceptable settlement would ulfcct many people
in the city of El Paso and agreed that respect
for the rights and interests of the people af-
fecte<l on both sides of tiie border should be a
princi|)al consideration in reaching a solution.
The recommended settlement follows generally
the .solution set forth in the international arbi-
tral award of 1911.
An important consideration in a settlement
ia the firm intention of the two Governments, in
accordance with the treaties of 1848 ' and 1853,"
' Knr text of n joint cniiiiiiuDiqiio of June 30, 1902,
»«<«• noi.ijm^ of July 23, 11HJ2, p. 135.
•0 Stnt. O-Jl'.
"10 sue. 1031.
to maintain the Rio Grande as the boundary
between the two covmtries. Maintenance of
the Rio Grande as the boundary was an objec-
tive of the so-called Banco Treaty of 1905,*
under which thousands of acres, formerly on
the United States side of the river, have been
transferred to Mexican sovereignty as shifts in
the channel placed them on the Mexican side
of the river, and other thousands of acres, for-
merly on the Mexican side, have been trans-
ferred to United States sovereignty as they
were shifted by river movements to the United
States side. Under a 1933 treaty ° the river
just below El Paso was straightened and stabi-
lized. In that process the two countries ex-
changed over 10,000 acres in order that the river
might remain the boundary.
In the recommended Chamizal settlement,
similar transfers of territory are involved and
the same problem of maintaining the river as
the boundary arises. Since 1899 an enclave of
386 acres, known as Cordova Island and under
the jurisdiction of Mexico, has jutted north of
the river into El Paso. The transfer to Mex-
ico of additional acres in a Chamizal settle-
ment would have augmented the amount of
territory under Mexican jurisdiction north of
the river. The two Governments agreed there-
fore that in any settlement the Rio Grande
should be relocated, completing the 1933 stabi-
lization and restoring the river as the interna-
tional boimdary for its entire reach in the vicin-
ity of El Paso.
The recommended terms of settlement to be
incorporated in a convention would accord-
ingly provide : There would be a net transfer to
Mexico of 437 acres of territory now under the
jurisdiction of the United States. Of this
area, 366 acres would be from the disputed
Chamizal zone and 71 acres would be from
United States territory to the east adjacent to
Cordova Island. Cordova Island itself, lying
between these two areas, would be divided
equally between the United States and Mexico
in the process of the relocation of the river.
The United States would transfer to Mexico for
the 193 acres it would receive out of Cordova
Island an equal acreage from the United States
• 35 Stat 1863.
• 48 Stat 1621.
200
DEPARTJrENT OF STATE BULLETUT
territory just east of Cordova Island. The Rio
Grande would be relocated by channelization
and reconstituted as the boundary between the
United States and Mexico, thus eliminating the
Cordova Island enclave.
Both Governments would acquire title to all
the land and improvements in the areas which
would be transferred, and each Government
would receive the areas transferred without en-
cumbrances of any kind, including any private
titles. No payments would be made between
the two Governments for the lands passing
from one country to the other. The United
States would, however, be paid by a private
Mexican bank for the value to Mexico of the
structures that would pass intact to Mexico.
The two Governments would share equally the
costs of actual construction of the relocated
river channel, each Government bearing the
costs of compensation for the value of the im-
provements destroyed m the construction proc-
ess in the territory under its jurisdiction prior
to the relocation of the boundary. The costs
of constructing the bridges which would replace
the existing bridges would be borne in equal
parts by the two Governments. The citizen-
ship status of persons who are or were residents
of the areas being transferred would not be af-
fected, nor would jurisdiction over or the appli-
cability of laws to acts in or with respect to
the area, including criminal or civil proceedings
decided or pending at the time of transfer, be
affected. Once the convention has been ap-
proved and comes into force and the necessary
enabling legislation enacted, the International
Boimdary and Water Commission would agree
upon a period in which to effect the acquisition
of the properties. The relocation of the bound-
ary line and the transfer of sovereignty would
take place when the United States Commis-
sioner on the Commission has certified that the
acquisition of the properties and evacuation of
the occupants have been completed and pay-
ment for the structures passing intact to Mexico
has been received, and when the Commission has
certified with the approval of the two Govern-
ments that the new bomidary line has been
demarcated.
The Department believes that settlement of
this longstanding controversy would be a nota-
ble achievement in inter- American relations and
in the history of peaceful settlement of inter-
national disputes. The Department is con-
vinced, despite the serious temporary incon-
veniences that it would cause for many people
in El Paso and Ciudad Juarez, that the settle-
ment would greatly benefit both commimities in
the solution of current municipal problems and
in the planning and realization of their future
development.
Text of Memorandum
Recommendations to the Presidents op the United
States and of Mexico by the Department of State
AND the Ministry of Foreign Rei.ations for a Com-
plete Solution of the Chamizal Problem
A. The Chamizal tract is an area on the north bank
of the Rio Grande, within the city limits of El Paso,
Texas. When, at the end of the past century, the con-
troversy between the Governments of the United States
and of Mexico over the Chamizal began, the total area
of this tract was approximately 598 acres.
B. The principal factors relating to the controversy
under reference are summarized as follows :
1) Each one of the two Governments claimed inter-
national title over the entire area of the Chamizal.
2) On June 15, 1911, the International Boundary
Commission, United States-Mexico, increased by the
appointment of a third member, the presiding Commis-
sioner Eugene Lafleur of Canada, ruled, by a majority
vote, that the United States had international title to
that part of the Chamizal which, in 1864 before the
floods of that year, was to the north of the center of
the channel of the Rio Grande; and that Mexico had
international title to that part of the Chamizal which
was to the south of said center of the channel in 1864.
3) The United States Commissioner on the Interna-
tional Boundary Commission challenged the validity of
the majority ruling, on the ground, among others, that
in the opinion of the United States, in 1911 it was im-
possible to determine the channel of the river in 1864.
4) In the award under reference, the Presiding Com-
missioner and the Commissioner of Mexico included
the following statement : "They also conceive that it
is not within their province to relocate that line, inas-
much as the parties have offered no evidence to enable
the Commission'ers to do so."
5) From the date of the award to the present the two
Governments on various occasions attempted without
success to settle the Chamizal controversy. On June
30, 1962, President Kennedy and President Lopez Ma-
teos announced their agreement to instruct their exec-
utive agencies to recommend a complete solution to
the Chamizal problem which, without prejudice to
their juridical positions, took into account the entire
history of this tract.
0. A portion of land under Mexican jurisdiction.
AUGUST 5, 1963
201
known aa Conlova Inland, with an area of 3.SC acres, Is
■U<i to thi' north of the present channel of the Rio
Grande. Tbo location of this land north of the river
re«ulle<l from an artificial cut ninde in the year 1899
by common UKreeiiient iK-tween the two Governments bo
■M to n><lu<v the duMKiTs of (Io<hLs. Oirdova Island
In contlKUous to the Chamlzal tract. Its precise loca-
tion and iHi-ullar formation are .shown on the attache<l
map.*
I). For either country. It Is undesirable to have a por-
tion of ltJ4 territory on the opixislte bank of the Rio
Grande. In fact, these Instances of physical isola-
tion hinder border-<^)utrol measures and the best utill-
cation of the detached ureas. These problems are par-
ticularly serious in the cn.se of Cordova I.sland, because
It i.t an area the urbanization of which under present
n>ndltlon.s would i)c unsatisfactory and of doubtful
l)eneflt since it is practically isolated from Mexican
territory and as an enclave in FA Paso constitutes an
obstAcle to the logical development of that city.
E. AccordlnK to the calculations made by both Gov-
ernments, the part of the Chamizal claimed by Mexico
has an area of apjiro^lmately 437 acres. The transfer
to Mexico of the portion of the Chamizal which it
claims, without relocation of the channel of the Rio
Grande, could not by ILself be considered as the com-
plete solution called for by the Joint Communique of
June .TO, 1062. because a iwrtlon of territory under
Mexican Jurisdiction would yet remain to the north of
the present channel of the Rio Grande. This area of
K£i acres Is composed of •l.'JT acres in the Chamizal and
380 acres in Cordova Island.
F. Both Governments have always demonstrated
their firm intention to restore the Rio Grande as the
tioundary betwin-n them as provided In the Treaties of
184S and 18.Vt, throuch efforts to And adequate solu-
tions to all Instances where iwrtions of tlieir resiKK'tive
t»rrltorles are situated on the opposite bank of the
river.
G. From the foregoing, it Is clear that the complete
solution of the Chanilziil problem calls for incorporat-
Ing Into Mexico 823 acres presently north of the Rio
Grande, by means of the excavation of a new channel
whli-h would restore the river as the boundary between
Kl I'aso and Ciudad Juarez.
H. The excavation of the new river channel would
complete the project eiei-uted by both Governments in
the Kl Taso-Cludad Juarez Valley. Under the terms
of the Convention of February 1, 1933. the channel of
the Rio Grande has Ijeen rectified in the sector of the
river from Cordova Island to Cajoncitos Canyon, a dis-
tance of SM miles. That rectification, which has af-
ford«-d an extensive border region with adequate pro-
twllon uKolnst OiKxls and, addlUonally, with the many
iK-neflUi derlvi-<l from the existence of a precise and
•Ubic natural border, could not have been carried out
•Not printed here; for a copy of the map, see De-
partment of State press release 375.
had there not existed then, as now, mutual understand-
ing and good will between the United States and Mex-
ico, as its completion required the cutting of 86 tracts,
under the Jurisdiction of Mexico, with a total area o(
5,120 acres in exchange for 89 tracts, cut from the
United States, with the same total acreage. The ease
and rapidity which characterized the exchanges of ter-
ritory under reference — this taslc was begun in the year
1934 and terminated in 1938 — indicate the advisability
of following the same procedure by concluding a con-
vention applicable to the sector of the river separating
EI Paso from Ciudad Juarez.
Recommendation
In view of the foregoing, the Department of State and
the Ministry of Foreign Relations make the following
Joint recommendation for the complete solution of the
Chamizal problem :
In the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez sector, the Rio Grande
should be relocated into a new channel in order that
south of the center of the new channel an area of 823
acres, In a single tract, be incorporated into Mexico.
The center of the new channel would be the mtema-
tional boimdary.
1. The new channel would have the following char-
acteristics :
(a) It would commence at the point where the di-
vergence between the present day and the 1SG4 channel
begins (marked "A" on the attached map).
(b) The course of the new channel would be such
that the areas transferred and the compensations there-
for would be reduced to a minimum, with no further
limitations than those imposed by the objective of con-
tributing, in a positive manner, to the future develop-
ment of El Paso and Ciudad Juarez and by technical
requirements.
(c) The new channel would be concrete lined, In or-
der that its width be as narrow as may be compatible
with the technical requirements for protection against
floods ; that the number of persons and properties af-
fected be minimized ; that health conditions along the
river be improved; that border control be facilitated;
and that the project contribute to the beautification of
El Paso and Ciudad Juarez.
2. The recommended new channel for the river,
which would comply with the criteria set forth in
the Recommendation and numbered paragraph 1 above,
has been delineated on the attached map of the Bl
Paso-Ciudad Juarez region by the International
Boundary and Water Commission, United States and
Mexico. The results of this relocation of the channel
of the river follow :
(a) Of the 437 acres in the Chamizal tract to which
Mexico claims international title, approximately 366
acres would lie incorporated into Mexico in that same
tract. The 71 acres in the Chamizal tract which would
not be incorporated into Mexico in the Chamizal tract
would be compensated for by cutting to Mexico an
equal acreage from the territory under the Jurisdiction
202
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUULETIN
of the United States immediately to the east of Cordova
Island.
(b) Also, 193 acres of territory under the jurisdic-
tion of the United States in the area immediately to
the east of Cordova Island vpould be cut to Mexico
and would be compensated for by an equal acreage
which would be cut to the United States from territory
under the jurisdiction of Mexico in the northern por-
tion of Cordova Island.
3. Finally, the Department of State and the Min-
istry of Foreign Relations have reached the following
supplementary agreements :
(a) The lands in the Chamizal tract and in the zone
immediately to the east of Cordova Island which would
pass to Mexico would be free of any limitation on
ownership or encumbrance of any kind including any
private titles. The land in Cordova Island which
would remain north of the new river channel and
would pass to the United States would also be free of
any limitation on ownership or encumbrance of any
kind including any private titles. No payments would
be made, as between the two Governments, for the
value of the lands which would pass from one country
to the other as a result of the incorporation into
Mexico of Chamizal territory and of the relocation
of the river channel.
(b) The transfer of lands in Cordova Island referred
to in the penultimate sentence of the preceding para-
graph would not require the adoption of any special
measures by the Government of Mexico as these lands
are not privately owned and are uninhabited.
(c) In the lands which would pass from the United
States to Mexico in the Chamizal zone as well as in
the area immediately to the east of Cordova Island
there are some 382 structures which would pass intact
to Mexico. All these structures are owned by private
individuals with the exception of the Navarro School
and the offices of the United States Border Patrol
which are in the zone to the east of Cordova Island.
Approximately 3,750 persons reside on the lands which
would be directly affected by the relocation of the
river.
(d) Once the required Convention is approved in
accordance with the respective constitutional processes
of the two countries, and the necessary legislation is
enacted for carrying out the provisions of the Con-
vention, the Government of the United States in con-
formity with its laws would acquire the properties
which would be transferred to Mexico and effect the
orderly evacuation of the occupants of the areas in-
volved within a period of time which would be agreed
upon by the two Commissioners on the International
Boundary and Water Commission.
(e) The Government of Mexico would communicate
to the Government of the United States the names of
the private individuals or corporations, of Mexican
nationality, to whom the Government of Mexico may
decide to convey the titles to the properties com-
prised of those structures which would pass intact
to Mexico and the lands on which they stand. These
persons or corporations would pay the Government of
Mexico for the value of said lands and they would
pay the Government of the United States for the esti-
mated value to Mexico of these structures.
(f) The Commissioner of the United States on the
International Boundary and Water Commission would
certify as to the completion of the acquisitions and ar-
rangements cited in 3(d) as weU as of the action pro-
vided for in the last part of 3(e) and would so inform
the Commissioner of Mexico. Both Commissioners
would then proceed to demarcate the new boundary
line, recording this in a Minute. The relocation of
the boundary line and the transfer of lands provided
for in the Convention would take place upon approval
of this Minute by both Governments in accordance
with established procedure.
(g) The costs of constructing the new river channel
would be borne, in equal parts, by the two Govern-
ments. However, each Government would bear the
costs of compensation for the value of the improve-
ments or structures destroyed in the process of con-
structing the new channel of the Rio Grande in the
territory under its jurisdiction at the time the Con-
vention enters into force.
(h) The costs of constructing the bridges which
would replace the six that are presently in use would
be borne in equal parts by the two Governments. The
legal status of the four bridges that presently are in-
ternational bridges would not be altered by the pro-
visions of the convention and, therefore, the agreements
now in force which relate to them would apply with-
out change to the new bridges which replace them.
The bridges which would replace the international
bridges on Stanton-Lerdo and Santa Fe-Juarez Streets
would be located on the same streets. The interna-
tional bridge or bridges which would replace the two
to Cordova Island would be toU free unless the two
Governments should agree to the contrary. The loca-
tion of the free bridge or bridges would be subject to
agreement between the Commissioners of the United
States and Mexico on the International Boundary and
Water Commission to be reached and recorded in ac-
cord with established procedure.
(i) The International Boundary and Water Com-
mission would be charged with the relocation, im-
provement, and maintenance of the river channel, as
well as the construction of the new bridges.
(j) The relocation of the boundary and the transfer
of lands resulting therefrom would not affect in any
way : the legal status, with respect to citizenship laws,
of those persons who are present or former residents
of the lands transferred ; the jurisdiction over legal
proceedings of either a civil or criminal character
which are pending at the time of, or which were de-
cided prior to, such relocation ; or the jurisdiction over
or the law or laws applicable to acts or conduct i)er-
formed within or with respect to the lands transferred
prior to their transfer. The Convention would con-
tain provisions to give effect to these principles.
AUGUST 5, 1963
203
The DojKirUnent of SUte and Uie Ministry of For-
elKn Uelntlons are i-ertaln that the final solution of
the Cliamiial problem will be of great value to the
future hiinucinloua development of the cities of El Paso
•nd Ciudad Juarez. But even more, the solution of
thin »-outrover8jr will serve as a notable example to
the world at large and will contribute to world peace
by again demonwtrating that all differences among na-
UonH, regardlew) of how complicated they may be, can
be resolved through friendly negotiations.
Julv n. J9G3
WABumoTox, D.C. and Mexico, D.F.
rencies to meet current needs, U.S. dollar
payments abroad would be reduced by an
equivalent amount and the U.S. balance of
payments would be benefited accordingly. Ap-
proximately $75 million of administratively re-
served currencies could be made available, with
$35-40 million to be used in the first year fol-
lowing enactment of the amendment. As cur-
rencies are needed for the three programs later,
the Treasury would supply them from sub-
sequent receipts or buy them if necessary.
President Moves To Facilitate
Use off Foreign Currencies
While HouM press release dated Jaly 8
The President transmitted to Congress on
July S iin ainendnient to the general provisions
of tlie lOCl budget which would ease the United
States balance-of-payments situation by permit-
ting foreign currencies to be used more flexibly.
The amendment will facilitate the use of
foreign currencies through a change in Treas-
ury banking and accounting arrangements. It
will help to improve the United States balance-
of-payments position without making any
change in the system of congressional control
of foreign currencies or in the availability of
foreign currencies for programs for which they
are reserved under existing law. The proposed
language would accomplish these purposes by
enabling currencies on hand to be used for cur-
rent needs and to be replaced as required later.
The new provision would free for immediate
U.S. Government use foreign currencies re-
stricted under three programs — the market de-
velopment and research programs of the
Department of Agriculture and the educational
exchange program of the Department of State.
Wien currencies are reserved under these pro-
grams, they are set aside, even though they may
not l)e u.sed for several years. Therefore, when
the United States requires currencies for other
programs in a given country, as it does in many
countries, the rurrencies must be purchased
commercially with dollars, even though at
the same time identical currencies may be idle
in Treasury accounts. By using these idle cur-
Department Releases First Volume
of Digest of International Law
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
The Department of State announced on July
15 (press release 373) that a new Digest of In-
ternational Laio, the first since the beginning of
World War II, is now being published by the
Department. On that day the first volume was
formally presented to Secretary Rusk by As-
sistant Legal Adviser Marjorie "Wliiteman.
The Digest is being prepared by and under the
direction of Miss"V\niiteraan.
A successor to Hackworth's Digest of Inter-
national Law, published in 1940, the new Digest
will contain the first official and comprehensive
treatments of the new areas of international
law that have developed in the past two decades,
such as the law of outer space, disarmament,
Antarctica, and the continental shelf. Other
areas of international law, such as aviation and
international organizations, which were in their
infancy when Hackworth's Digest was pub-
lished, will be dealt with at length in the new
Digest. An entire volume will be devoted to
the United Nations, the specialized agencies,
the international banking ventures, and other
international organizations wliich have grown
up since the war.
Eventually the Digest is expected to run to
15 or 16 volumes, roughly twice the size of its
predecessor. Present printing schedules call
for at least three more volumes during the com-
2at
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
ing winter, with the rest following as quickly
as possible.
Volume I, which runs to practically 1,000
pages, contains two chapters — "International
Law" and "States, Territories, and Govern-
ments." Hackworth's Digest covered the same
material in 160 pages. The birth of moi-e than
50 states, the postwar evolution of the British
Commonwealth and the postwar historj' of the
French Commimity, the development of the
United Nations trust territories, and the recent
history of the League of Nations mandates are
all recorded in this volume.
The Digest is the fifth digest of international
law to be published by the Department. The
first was published in 1877. Prepared by Jolin
L. Cadwalader, Assistant Secretary of State, it
was titled Digest of the Published Opinions of
the Attorneys-General and of the Leading Deci-
sions of the Federal Courts, with Reference to
International Law, Treaties, and Kindred Sub-
jects. This Digest was a single volume of less
than 300 pages, with the subjects arranged in
alphabetical order rather than under chapter
headings.
The second Digest of International Law was
prepared by Dr. Francis Wliarton, Chief Exam-
iner of Claims for the Department of State, and
published in 1886. Wharton's Digest was a
three-volume work, which set the pattern for
succeeding digests insofar as the general format
and table of contents were concerned. John
Bassett Moore prepared the third Digest, which
ran to eight volumes. It was published in 1906
and incorporated much of Wharton's Digest.
The Digest by Green Haywood Hackworth,
Legal Adviser to the Department of State, pub-
lished in 1940, was the fourth.
Work on the present Digest began formally
in 1957, when Legal Adviser Herman Phleger
asked Miss Whiteman to midertake the task.
Material for the Digest, however, has been col-
lected by Miss Wliiteman during the preceding
two decades.
Copies of volume I are for sale by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402, at
$4.25 each.
REMARKS BY SECRETARY RUSK
I am delighted to receive the first volume of
the new Digest of International Law. This is
our first comprehensive treatment of public in-
ternational law by the Department since Hack-
worth's Digest, wliich was published at the be-
ginning of World War 11.
The 23 years which have passed since the pub-
lication of Hackworth's Digest have been years
of unprecedented growth and development for
international law, both in its procedural and
substantive aspects. This growth and de-
velopment are no more than a reflection, and
a consequence, of the increased collaboration and
cooperation among nations on a rapidly shrink-
ing planet. In this sense these volumes will be
a documentary record of the complexity and
compactness of our world and of the interrela-
tionship of its nations and people.
This volume, and the ones to come, will fill
an important gap in the legal materials avail-
able to the United States Government, to the
bar and to the public in this country, and to
governments and scholars throughout the world.
We are grateful to you, Miss Wliiteman, for
undertaking the preparation of the Digest of
International Law and for the intensive work
you have done and have directed over several
years, to see the task through to completion.
We look forward to the other volumes in this
important project.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Antitrust Developments in the European Common Mar-
ket. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Antitrust
and Monopoly of the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Part I. March 8-14, 1963. 262 pp.
Activities of Nondiplomatic Representatives of Foreign
Principals in the United States. Hearing before the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Part 5.
March 29, 1963. 67 pp.
Training of Foreign Affairs Personnel. Hearings be-
fore the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on S.
15 and S. 865, bills to establish a National Academy
of Foreign Affairs, S. 32 and S. 99, bills to establish
a U.S. Foreign Service Academy, and S. 414, a bill
to establish a Freedom Commission and a Freedom
Academy. April 4-May 1, 1963. 492 pp.
AUGUST 5, 1963
694-870—63-
205
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings'
Scheduled August Through October 1963
Int. r-AiiLTican Ministers of Efiufation: 3cl Mooting Bogota Aug. 4-
UNESCO/BIItPI African Study Meeting on Copyright Brazzaville Aug. 5-
U.N. ECAFE Seminar on Geochemical Prospecting Methods and Bangkok Aug. 5-
Eciuipment. _^ .
U N. Seminar on the Rights of the Child Warsaw Aug. 6-
BIRPI African Seminar on Industrial Property Brazzaville Aug. 12-
17th International Film Festival Edinburgh Aug. 18-
ICAO International Conference on Air Law Tokyo Aug. 20-
International Criminal Police Organization Helsinki Aug. 21-
U.N. International Conference on Travel and Tourism Rome Aug. 21-
ILO Iron and Steel Committee: 7th Session Cardiff, Wales .... Aug. 26-
Ccntcnarv Congress of the International Red Cross Geneva Aug. 27-
U.N. ECOSOCf Preparatory Committee for the Conference on Trade New York August
and Development.
ECE Steel Committee Geneva Sept. 9-
IMCU Maritime Safety Committee: Extraordinary Session London Sept. 10-
U.N. Human Rights Seminar on the Status of Women in Family Law . Bogotd, Sept. 10-
52d Conference of the Interparliamentary Union Belgrade Sept. 12-
CiATT Conmiittee on Budget, Finance, and Administration Geneva Sept. 16-
U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Economic Development and Planning: Bangkok Sept. 16-
8th Session.
5th FAO Conference on Wood Technology Madison, Wis Sept. 16-
U.N. General Assembly: 18th Session New York Sept. 17-
ICAO Limited Southeast Asia Regional Air Navigation Meeting . . . Bangkok Sept. 17-
12th Pan American Child Congress Buenos Aires Sept. 22-
U.N. ECE Coal Committee Geneva Sept. 23-
lAEA General Conference: 7th Regular Session Vienna Sept. 24-
ITU CCITT Working Parties of Study Group IV Geneva Sept. 24-
International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: Symposium on the Madrid Sept. 25-
Mea,surement of Abundance of Fish Stocks.
Executive Committee of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees: 10th Geneva Sept. 30-
Si's.'iion.
U.N. ECAFE Subcommittee on Electric Power: 9th Session Bangkok Sept. 30-
International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 51st Statutory Madrid Sept. 30-
Mceting.
ILO Technical Conference on Employment Policy Geneva Sept. 30-
Intomational Bank for Reconstruction and Development, International Washington September
Monetary Fund, International Finance Corporation, International
Development Association: Annual Meetings of Boards of Governors.
Caribbean Organization Council: 4th Meeting San Juan September
PAliO Executive Committee: 49th Meeting Washington September
NV HO Regional Committee for the Western Pacific: 14th Session . . . Port Moresby, Papua. . September
C;ATT Negotiations on U.S. Tariff Reclassification Geneva September
0th Round of G ATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva September
I ^, • J^'onf'-rence on Cocoa Geneva September
i-v-i- •r"'"'"'"''^ °" ^''^ ^*'*'^^^"' ^^*"^ °^ ^"*^'" ^P*'^*' New York September
I M„'<f'() Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 3d Session . . Paris September
„,„_f"'P?'Td in the Office of International Conferences, July 18, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations:
MlKl I, Lnitcd International Bureaus for the Protection of Industrial and Intellectual Property; CCITT,
romit<^ conBultatif international t^l6graphique et tdl^phonioue; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the
l-ar J-jwt; lA K. Economic Commission for Europe; ECOS6C, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and
Agnrulture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International Atomic Energy
A(tenc> . I*. AO International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European
rtilKrntmn; ll.o, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organiza-
11 i\ intemational Telecommunication Union; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Devel-
opment- I Alio, Ian American Health Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educa-
w\!.; vv"''li ^f"." Cultural Organization: UPU, Universal Postal Union; WHO, World Health Organization;
WMO, Worid McU-orological Organization. e >
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Communica-
tions Panel.
OECD Ministers of Science
U.N. ECE Timber Committee: 21st Session
ICEM Executive Committee: 22d Session
GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions
ITU E.xtraordinarv Administrative Radio Conference
ICEM Council: 26th Session
IMCO Assembly: 3d Session
11th Pan American Railway Congress
U.N. ECE Committee on "Trade
BIRPI: Committee of Experts on Problems of Less Developed Countries
in Field of Industrial Property.
U.N. ECA Conference on African Electric Power Problems
GATT Committee III on E.xpansion of International Trade
UPU Consultative Committee on Postal Studies: Management Council.
ICAO Air Traffic Control Automation Panel: 3d Meeting
ICAO Visual Aids Panel: 3d Meeting
IMCO Council: 9th Session
International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 7th Session
South Pacific Commission: 25th Session
WMO Regional Association VI (Europe): 4th Session
lA-ECOSOC: 2d Annual Meeting at Ministerial Level
lA-ECOSOC: 2d Annual Meeting at Expert Level
Paris September
Paris Oct. 2-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 14-
London Oct. 16-
M6xico, D.F Oct. 18-
Geneva Oct. 21-
Geneva Oct. 21-
Addis Ababa Oct. 21-
Geneva Oct. 21-
Washington Oct. 28-
Montreal Oct. 28-
Montreal Oct. 28-
London Oct. 29-
Geneva October
Noumfe October
Vienna October
Sao Paulo October
Sao Paulo October
The Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands
Following are statements made in the United
Nations Trusteeship Council iy M. Wilfred
Goding, High Com^missioner of the Trust Terri-
tory of the Pacific Islands and U.S. Special
Representative in the Trusteeship Council, and
Vincente N. Santos, President, Marianas Dis-
trict Legislature, Saipan, and adviser to the
U.S. Special Representative.
OPENING STATEMENT BY MR. CODING,
JUNE 5
D.S./U.N. press release 4212
It is a privilege to be here again this year as
Special Representative for the Administering
Authority of the Trust Territory of the Pacific
Islands.^ I am especially grateful for the op-
portunity to report to members of the Council at
this particular time. The past year has been a
veiy eventful year — the most eventful year, I
am convinced, since the territory became a
trusteeship area. It has been a year of unusual
progress as well as one of major trial.
A full record of our activities of fiscal year
1962 is given in the written report - which al-
ready has been placed in your hands. In this
oral report, therefore, I shall summarize only
briefly the major advances and setbacks that
have occurred within the past year, especially
as they relate to the programs and plans that
have been discussed at these sessions during the
past 2 years. I shall then be glad to attempt to
answer any questions you may wish to ask. As
always, the Administering Authority looks for-
ward to receiving comments and suggestions of
the members of the Council.
Before I begin a resume of the past year's ac-
tivities, I would like to take this opportunity
to pay tribute to the Micronesian people. I
am constantly and increasingly reminded of
their innate abilities, of their kindness and gen-
erosity, of their loyalty and devotion to demo-
' For a statement made by Mr. Coding in the Trustee-
ship Council on May 31, 1962, see Buixetin of Aug. 13,
1962, p. 264.
" Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, 1962 (Depart-
ment of State publication 7521) ; for sale by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 (75 cents).
AUGUST 5, 1963
207
crntic principles, of the rising generation's ca-
pacity to accept the repponsibiiities of their
cliosen professions and to provide the leader-
sliip that should enable them to decide tlieir
own destiny in the world of nations in the
reasonably near future, and perhaps sooner —
more rapidly than would have been thought
possible a few decades ago.
It is these qualities of the Micronesian people
which are mainly responsible for the splendid
human relations existing in the Trust Territory,
whicli was so well expressed by a recent visitor
from Fiji who, after traveling through the is-
lands, remarked that although good race rela-
tions prevailed elsewhere in the Pacific, tliey
could not be compared with the easy relations
and complete acceptance of all races by each
other which is so ajiparent in the Trust Terri-
tory of the Pacific Islands.
At this point I would also like to say that
one of the most gratifying experiences of the
past year has been the vastly increased and
growing interest and effort in Micronesia that
has taken place among all segments of the U.S.
Government, as well as among many private
agencies and individuals, not only in the United
States but, indeed, in many areas of the world.
Not only the interest but the active support
and direct aid of those agencies in a position
to help was forthcoming when needed. This
willingness, or indeed this eagerness, to help was
demonstrated time and again during the past
year. It was demonstrated when the Adminis-
tering Authority sought, and was successful in
acquiring, new legislation and greatly increa.sed
ftmds with which to intensify its efforts in all
fields of endeavor. It was demonstrated when
an outbreak of poliomyelitis occurred in the
Marshall Islands, with the result that the disease
was checked before it could spread to other areas
of t he territory'. Again, it was demonstrated re-
cent ly when Tj-phoon Olive swept over the
Marianas District, leaving in its wake a great
deal of damage and destruction.
The interest of the U.S. Government in the
islands of the Trust Territorj' has made itself
apparent in many other ways. An Interdepart -
mental Task Force compri.sed of members of
various Federal agencies, which had been set
up the year before, was active during this period
in working for needed legislation and provid-
ing other assistance. The 87th U.S. Congress
passed a bill which included the Trust Territory
in those areas which could receive Federal as-
sistance in case of disaster, and this became law
last June when President Kennedy approved it.
Had it not been for this last-named action,
the Trust Territory administration would have
been sorely pressed to pro\nde emergency needs
and permanent repairs resulting from the re-
cent typhoon. My colleagues and I have just
come from the island of Saipan, to which we
moved our headquarters a year ago and over
which the eye of the typhoon passed. This was
the first major storm to strike Saipan in 4&
years and one of the most severe in the island's
recorded history. Miraculously, no lives were
lost. But the stoiTn damaged or destroyed
homes, farms, schools, hospitals, churches, com-
mercial garden crops, and Goveriunent installa-
tions of all types in Rota and Tinian as well as
in Saipan.
Because of the Congress' and the President's
action last June, assistance was available imme-
diately. The President declared the stricken
Marianas a major disaster area, and within 24
hours needs had been surveyed and plans made
for assistance. The American Red Cross, to-
gether with the Department of Agriculture, will
dispense food as long as the need exists. With
the aid of nurses from the U.S. Navy hospital
in Guam, typhoid inoculations were given to all
residents in the stricken areas. A representa-
tive from the President's Office of Emergency
Planning surveyed damage to public facilities
such as schools, power plants, water plants,
dock facilities, and other Government buildings
and estimated the damage at over $2 million.
Rehabilitation work already has begun. Assist-
ance also has been given to help replace houses
and local businesses.
Administration
AVhen I appeared before this body a year ago,
I presented a reassessment of our needs in the
fields of education, economic development, pub-
lic health, and major construction. This analy-
sis highlighted the fact that we need to set a
much more rapid pace in the development of
20R
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtJLLETTN
the Trust Territory. To do so meant vastly
increased appropriations.
Accordingly, a budget of $15 million was re-
quested for the current fiscal year. It is with
a great deal of gratification that I am able to
report that the full amount of the request was
approved by the Congress. This is an increase
of over 100 percent over the prior year's appro-
priation and compares with annual appropria-
tions which had approximated $7 million for
all functions of government for the previous
several years.
Active support for the increased appropria-
tion came from all levels of government — from
the Office of the President, the Department of
the Interior, the Department of State, the Bu-
reau of the Budget, the congressional commit-
tees concerned, and the U.S. Congress itself.
All agreed wholeheartedly that the Administer-
ing Authority could meet the challenge it faced
only by laimching a vastly accelerated program.
Enactment of a new law was necessary before
the increased appropriation could be approved,
since a statutory limitation of $7.5 million for
Trust Territory administration had earlier been
set by Congress. Our first step thus was to have
the appropriation ceiling lifted. This was ac-
complished with the passage by Congress of a
new authorization law in July 1962,^ which en-
abled us to request $15 million for our 1963
operations.
Because the new law did not become effective
in time for the increased appropriation to be
included in the general appropriations bills for
fiscal year 1963, it was necessary to submit a
supplemental request for consideration of the
newly authorized appropriation. Accordingly
we submitted a supplemental budget to bring
our 1963 appropriation up to the total of $15
million authorized. Enactment was carried
over to the 88th session of the U.S. Con-
gress, and on May 17 of this year we received
the second half of our increased appropriation.
Although this delay temporarily held up
some aspects of our acceiforated construction
program, the intervening period was used to
good advantage in the perfecting of our plan-
' For a statement by President Kennedy, see Bulue-
TIN of Aug. 13, 1962, p. 272.
ning. AVhen the money became available we
were able to move more expeditiously into our
construction program.
Other administrative events of major and
far-reaching import took place during the year
under review. The first was the unification of
all the territory under civilian administration.
By Executive order of the President,* the
former Saipan District was placed under the
jurisdiction of the Secretary of the Interior on
July 1, 1962.
The turnover of the former Saipan District
to us by the Department of the Navy was ac-
complished in a smooth and exemplary manner
and the naval administration is to be com-
mended for the cooperation we received during
this complex operation. The integration of
Saipan District also enabled us to bring about
another long-sought amalgamation — that of
unifying all the Mariana Islands into one dis-
trict. On July 1, 1962, the Marianas District
was created from the former Rota and Saipan
Districts. Two events, long sought by the peo-
ple of the Mariana Islands as well as by recent
visiting missions and the Trusteeship Council,
thus were brought to successful culmination at
the beginning of the year under review.
Along with the unification of Saipan Island
and the Northern Mariana Islands with the rest
of the territoi-y went another historic event, that
of the transfer of the headquarters of the Trust
Territory of the Pacific Islands to Saipan Is-
land, thus establishing a provisional capital of
the territory for the first time within its own
boimdaries. These two historic events have
brought about increased cooperation amongst
the people of the territory and liave stimulated
greater political cohesion. The establishment
of headquarters on Saipan has also enabled us
to utilize to the maximum the services of quali-
fied Micronesians on the headquarters staff as
well as to make easier our program of inservice
training. In every headquarters department
there are now Micronesian staff members, with
all districts being represented.
Last year I set forth in detail the range of
headquarters staff positions occupied by AOcro-
nesians, and I will not repeat here except to say
* For text, see ihid., May 28, 1962, p. 887.
AUGUST 5, 1963
209
that in most areas tho number has appreciably
increased. Additionally, more than 50 clerical
and other positions formerly held by U.S. citi-
zens when we were locjited on Guam now are
filled e.xclusively by local citizens.
'riio replacement program continued also at
tho district level. In Palau, Mr. Takeo Yano
l)ecame tho first Micronesian to be appointed as-
sistant district administrator in administration
affairs on a permanent basis. Altogether, dur-
ing the pa.st year, some 65 Micronesians were
placed in professional and senior executive posi-
tions in the Trust Territory, an increase of 150
percent over the previous year. There are 100
Micronesians holding senior positions, making
up approximately half of all the professional
and top-level positions in the administration.
We are also continuing the analysis of wage
scales in the territory. Because of budgetary
limitations we have been unable to make a com-
plete wage-scale readjustment, although a st^irt
was made last October, when a substantial sal-
arj- adju.stment was made covering most of the
lower and middle pay rates. An additional
salary adjustment is scheduled for July, soon
after the beginning of the new fiscal year. This
wage increase will be instituted at all levels,
with special attention being given to the elimi-
nation of any inequities that still exist.
A wage adjustment was also put into effect
during the year for the Kwajalein area, and
in January 100.3 the differential paid to Micro-
nesians when they are employed in districts
other than their own was raised from 15 percent
to 25 percent.
Political Advancement
riidi-r the guidance of the new headquarters
Political Affairs Office, the political develop-
ment program was speeded up considerably.
This section is composed of a political affairs
officer, who is both a political scientist and law-
yer, and two Micronesian assistant political
affairs officers, both holding degrees in political
science. As each district congress met, it re-
ceived technical advice from the Political
Affairs Office, thus aiding immeasurably in
Ipffislative drafting and in the improvement of
legislative procedures.
The political highlight of the year was the
Council of Micronesia session held in late Sep-
tember and early October in Koror, Palau.
This was the first time that the Council of
Micronesia had met within the territory's
boundaries, and its deliberations resulted in rec-
ommendations and resolutions which will pro-
foundly affect the future political development
of the territory. The Council resolved that a
true legislative body be created as soon as pos-
sible and, to achieve this end, established a
Legislative Drafting Committee to begin pre-
liminary work on the drafting of a constitution.
At a meeting last fall the Council adopted an
oflScial Trust Territory flag in order that the
territory might have a symbol of unity and
identity. This flag, a miniature set of which
I am pleased to present to members of this body
with the compliments of the Council of Micro-
nesia, consists of a circle of six white stars on
a field of blue. Representing the six districts
of the territory, the white stars also stand for
peace, with the blue background symbolizing
freedom and loyalty.
The Council also voted to hold a special ses-
sion in March 1963 at the provisional capital
in Saipan to consider the preliminary report
of the Legislative Drafting Committee. This
special session resulted in preliminary rec-
ommendations on the part of the Council as
to the makeup of a legislative body. These
recommendations are currently under study.
Wliile there are many steps still to be taken
before a true territorial legislative organ can
come into existence, I am more than ever con-
fident that well before 1965 we shall have an
effective territorial legislative organization op-
erating in the territory.
Political progress continued also on the
mimicipal and district level. The most impor-
tant political event of the year on the district
level was the formation and chartering of the
Marianas District Legislature. Chartered on
January 7, 1963, the new body convened its first
session on ^larch 4, 1963. With the creation
and chartering of the Marianas District Legis-
lature, the people of the district for the first
time through their chosen representatives have
a forum for tlie solution of problems facing the
entire district, since only municipal legislative
b(xlies existed previously in Saipan, Rota, and
Tinian.
210
DEPAKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Two significant events of general social and
political import occurred this past year. On
August 2, 1962, the U.S. Immigration and
Naturalization Service annoimced that visas for
entry to the United States on the part of Trust
Territory citizens no longer would be required
when a citizen was proceeding in direct and
continuous transit from the Trust Territory to
the United States. All that a Trust Territory
citizen now needs to enter the United States
as a nonimmigrant is sufficient official identifica-
tion. Certain minor regulations, such as secur-
ance of official acceptance by a school, however,
still are in effect for Trust Territoi-y residents
who are applying for entrance as students.
A very significant event was the Executive
order signed by President Kennedy on August
21, 1962, which, among other things, directed
that regulations relating to the Trust Territory
of the Pacific Islands be revised to facilitate free
entry of United States citizens, United States
investment, and United States-flag vessels into
the area with the exception of Eniwetok, Bikini,
and Kwajalein, which will continue to be under
the control of the Department of Defense. In
ending his message, the President stated: "I
intend that these actions I have taken will foster
responsible political development, stimulate
new economic activity, and enable the people
of the islands to participate fully in the world
of today." ° This step, I believe, will do much
to aid us in accomplishing the President's stated
objectives.
Economic Development
Without question the economic highlight of
the year was the signing of a basic agreement
with a major United States seafood company
luider wliich the company will establish a com-
mercial fishery industry in the Palau District.
Several other commercial fishery concerns also
conducted surveys in the territory during the
year, exploring possibilities for similar or re-
lated commercial fishery projects. The open-
ing of the territory to outside private invest-
ment has drawn much attention from industrial
' For texts of a White House announcement and a
statement by President Kennedy, see ihid., Sept. 10,
1%2, p. 384.
concerns. Surveys have been conducted by
representatives of the pineapple and sugar in-
dustries, as well as by other industries.
An Economic Development Loan Fund es-
tablished by the Administering Authority, in
which was placed an initial increment of $100,-
000 this past year, has stimulated the develop-
ment of small business and small-scale business
enterprises. This loan fund is an addition to
the present chartered trading company loan
fund, out of which loans were also made during
the year. The rules governing this latter fund,
however, restrict loans to chartered trading
companies. We are now seeking the removal
of the present restrictions and plan to merge
this fund with the general Economic Develop-
ment Loan Fund.
Additional funds for the Economic Develop-
ment Loan Fund have been requested for this
forthcoming year. To date, the fund has grant-
ed outright loans as well as served as guarantor
for commercial bank loans. By this latter
method, the use of the loan fund has been ex-
panded considerably. Loans made or achieved
during the year ranged through a variety of
small-scale business enterprises. It is hoped
that the fund can be rapidly expanded to make
or underwrite large-scale development loans.
The year witnessed continued rapid expan-
sion in credit unions and cooperatives, the num-
ber more than doubling that of the previous
year. Others have submitted charters and by-
laws for consideration or are in the preliminary
stages of organization. Training in cooperative
principles and procedures also was carried out
through district conferences, and a major train-
ing session was held last fall in Saipan for dele-
gates from all districts.
Five districts now have branch banks, the
latest branch having just this month been
opened in the Ponape District Center. Only
Yap District now lacks a branch bank. The
growth of the local banks, as well as the flour-
ishing of credit imions, is eloquent witness to
increased economic development. A few of the
Council members present today may recall that
the Special Representative 6 years ago reported
on the results of a territory banking survey con-
ducted for us by a banking concern. That sur-
vey was very pessimistic and reported that there
appeared to be little opportunity for establish-
AUGUST 5, 1963
211
mcnt of branch banks in the foreseeable
future. Wo now have five branches and
indications of more to come.
Although our outlook for commercial fishery
development iit long last appears promising,
wo are not neglecting our own fisliery develop-
ment projects. A small sciiool of fislieries com-
pleted the first year of operation in Palau, and
some '25 young men are undergoing training in
tuna fishing methods at the present time on tuna
boats in Hawaii. Our pilot fishery project at
Palau moves forward steadily. A boatbuilding
expert was hired this past year to serve as a
consultant to the Palau Boatbuilders Associa-
tion, and a loan was made to this group as well
as technical assistance and aid given to enable
the group to erect a boatyard.
Our production of copra now is reaching the
level found before the disastrous typhoons of
1057-58 which so drastically cut production in
the Marshalls, Ponape, Truk, and Yap. Well
over 13,000 tons of copra were produced during
the last fiscal year, even though only some 11,700
short tons had been sold at the close of last year.
There was a sizable overall increase in copra
revenue to producers, compared with the pre-
ceding year, as a result of increased production.
The Copra Stabilization Fund shrank consid-
erably, since the fund maintained a constant
price throughout the year in spite of falling
market prices. The copra picture has bright-
ened somewhat recently. Prices are slightly
higher, and decreased shipping costs enabled
the fund a few months ago to realize the first
profit on sales in over 2 years. If this trend
continue.s, we hope to be able to bring the fund
balance up to a more normal level and to raise
prices paid to the copra producer.
Revenue from fish exports and vegetable
produce again showed appreciable increase.
Fish exjwrt revenue for the year was $85,000,
a small figure but one that is annually increas-
ing as seen by comparison with last year's figure
of $65,000. When local and interdistrict sales
are added, revenue from this source is close to
$200,000. Vogctai)le produce revenue, almost
e.xcluaively going to the islands of Rota, Tinian,
and Saipan, increased to $05,000 in fiscal 1962
as compared to $68,000 for the previous year.
Local farmers markets have expanded. Events
such as the opening of the Majuro road in the
Marshalls have made possible the local sale of
large quantities of fresh produce to the District
Center in Majuro. In other districts, also, as
road improvement has occurred, farmers have
been able to get their produce to the central
markets, where there is a constant demand.
Increasing reliance on local fresh produce,
local meat, fish, and other local supplies is seen
by comparing the volume of commodities im-
ported in the territory. In 1961, with a popula-
tion of some 77,913 people, t^tal food imports
came to $2,329,181. In fiscal year 1962, al-
though the population had increased to 80,980
people, food imports were reduced to $1,883,190.
Food imports still are high, but it is encourag-
ing to note a downward trend. Canned fish is
still imported in quantity, and it is our hope
that this import can be cut considerably when
the commercial fishing operation gets under way
in Palau, since indirectly that operation will
spur local production and consumption.
Coconut rehabilitation and replanting con-
tinues as do other developmental programs in
subsistence and cash crops. Details of the agri-
culture program are given in full in our annual
report. The cacao program is proceeding be-
yond expectations. Trees are beginning to bear,
and barring any unforeseen calamity, commer-
cial production of cacao as a major crop will
become a reality within the next few years.
The cacao subsidy program described in our
report has been an unusual success. Through
this program, as well as private plantings, there
are now estimated to be close to 2 million cacao
seedlings and trees growing in the territory,
most in the Districts of Ponape, Truk, Palau,
and Yap.
Ramie production also is showing unusual
promise, and it is anticipated that the pilot
project in Palau need be continued only for
another year before local commercial develop-
ment can take over. To enable the copra pro-
ducer to make use of coconut-husk byproducts,
coir fiber processing is being developed through
a pilot project in Truk. The Farm Institute
in Ponape concluded its first year of operation,
and plans for expansion of this agricultural
extension training are under way.
Continued emphasis is being placed on pro-
212
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETrW
fessional agricultural training at the university
level abroad. This past year, 2 young gradu-
ates returned to the territory with degrees in
tropical agriculture. Additionally, some 8 stu-
dents have returned with advanced training
ranging from 2 to 5 years in the field of agricul-
ture. Six additional scholarship students are
leaving this month for university training to
join a group of some 12 other agricultural stu-
dents already in school. Of this group, 4 are
working toward advanced degrees while the
rest are still on the lower level of undergraduate
work. Special training in forestry methods and
rice growing tecliniques also were offered Micro-
nesian agricultural extension agents during the
year.
The operation of the Micronesian Products
Center resulted in an approximate doubling
of handicraft income during the past year,
mainly for the woodcarvers of Palau. The
Center also indirectly sparked the formation of
the Woodworkers Guild in that district. In
the other districts the promise of an immediate
and steady market stimulated women's organi-
zations as well as individuals to develop better
handicraft. Handicraft selection boards have
been established in all districts; all handicraft
is screened and evaluated prior to being sold to
the Center. The result has been a marked in-
crease in quality of product. An interesting
side development has been the remaking of
traditional artifacts and ancient objects by
older craftsmen. Many of these traditional ob-
jects have never been seen before by the yoimger
Micronesians. These copies have sold exceed-
ingly well, and some are of a quality that ex-
ceeds even the original counterparts now to be
foimd only in the museums of Europe.
Tlie past year saw the beginning of tourism
for the territory. While only a handful of true
tourists managed to get to the Eastern Carolines
or to Palau due to limited passenger capacity
on our ampliibious airplanes, which still must
be used on these flights, a few nonetheless did
manage. The Marianas, however, has a small
but flourishing tourist business. Our DC-l
plane, which is depicted on page 82 of the an-
nual report, has a seating capacity of 57 and
makes three flights a week from Guam to
Saipan and, I might say, in the past few months
almost always has been filled to capacity or
near capacity. Additionally, two small private
charter airlines located in Guam also fly be-
tween Guam and Rota-Tinian-Saipan carrying
tourists as well as businessmen. A number of
subsidiary business establishments already have
resulted, and plans are under way for greatly
increasing hotel accommodations.
Conditions have changed from those which
prompted the distinguished former delegate
from Bolivia in 1961 at the 27th session to ex-
press rather serious doubts about the future of
tourism, when he rather ruefully complained
that it seemed to him the only people who had
access to the territory were members of the
U.S. Navy, the administration, Spanish nuns,
anthropologists, and United Nations representa-
tives! The reverse is now true. His list, I
assure liim, is now a small minority. Tourists
of various nationalities are now a frequent
sight on Saipan. With the completion of land
airfields in all districts and the use of larger
land-based planes, we expect tourism to become
an important aspect of the local economy.
Transportation
Several major advances can be recorded in
the transportation area. The year saw the com-
pletion of the Truk dock and final dredging of
the Truk harbor. A 3,500-ton motor vessel, the
North Star, was acquired from the Department
of the Interior and is now in service, renamed
the MV Pacific Islander, thus providing a sec-
ond major logistic vessel. We will be able to
provide 35-day service between the district cen-
ters, Guam-Saipan, and Japan. This will
more than double the frequency of passenger
and logistic services to all districts. We plan
also to retire the remaining uneconomical AKL-
class vessels now operated in our field-trip serv-
ice from service as soon as feasible and replace
them with smaller, more economical, and prac-
tical-type vessels. Two such new vessels already
have been built to our specifications, the MV
MilitoU and the MV Kaselehlia, and are in
service. Fimding for an additional smaller
field-trip vessel has been requested in our
budget for the coming year.
As I previously indicated, on July 1, 1962, a
DC-4 aircraft was placed in regular service be-
AUGTJST 5, 1963
213
twecn Guiun and Snipiin. Cunyinp 57 pas-
senpcrs unci appreciable carpo, tl>is plane also is
used to fly to Angaur in Palau and to Tnik on
a monthly basis or as need demands. Flights
can now be made to Yap, with the opening of
the new airfield there. W]\cn necessary, the
DC-4 can also fly from Truk to Kwajalein-
Majuro and back to Guam-Saipan by overflying
Ponape.
Airfield construction is being accelerated,
since movement of additional staff and es.sential
supplies is going to be essential in support of our
accelerated programs. Full utilization of
DC-4 airplanes cannot be made until there are
adequate land airfields at Koror and Ponape.
A major accomplishment of the year was the
completion of a 4,800- foot airstrip at Yap.
Ilaziinlous water landings now can be dis-
pensed with there, and, equally important, more
es.sential air cargo and greatly increased num-
bers of pas-sengers can be carried. Work also
has been started on the Palau airfield. We hope
to put this field in operation before the end of
the next fiscal year, which will permit conver-
sion of service to the Western Carolines by
DC-4 and other land-based planes. Improve-
ments were made to the Truk and Majuro air-
fields as well as to airfields in Saipan. Ponape
District, thus, is the last missing link in the
needed chain of land airfields in the territory.
Tlie unusual ruggedness of Ponape Island poses
.special diflicultie-s for airfield construction, but
engineering surA-eys made last year have indi-
cated that an airfield project is feasible. Addi-
tional engineering studies now are being con-
ducted for the purpose of making a final site
selection.
Considerable road improvement occurred
during the year, some brought about completely
through community-directefl efforts while oth-
ers were started as offshoots of major construc-
tion programs. Tlie Marshall Islands District
again demonstrated that roadbuilding on a
coral atoll could be accomplished by determina-
tion, willingness to work on the part of the
people, and minimum a.ssi.stance from the ad-
ministration. With the example of a 35-mile
road built the previous year by the people of
Majuro before them, the people of Arno Atoll
requested similar assistance from the adminis-
tration in the form of a loan of a bulldozer and
other equipment and constructed an 18i/^-mile
road. Dedication took place a week ago, and
Arno Atoll now, like its sister atoll of Majuro,
has all the tiny islands of its atoll linked by a
road. The Marshalls District now has some 44
miles of road that did not exist a little over a
year ago.
On Yap Island, the Yapese people, through
community effort, have achieved magnificent
results in rehabilitating roads and bridges.
This came about through assistance from the
Yap airfield project. Using equipment on a
loan basis whenever this could be made avail-
able, the people of Yap have rebuilt many miles
of roads on their own initiative during the year.
This is in addition to the road to the new air-
field constructed by the administration.
Bridges have been repaired, and within a very
short time it will be possible to traverse the en-
tire length of Yap Island by road.
Living as we do in a tropical climate, our
physical facilities are subject to more rapid de-
terioration than is elsewhere normal. Our area
also suffered gi'eatly from the ravages of war.
A limited budget in the past also kept our rate
of new construction at a slow pace. The result
was that, although a few new facilities were al-
ways being constructed, the majority of the ter-
ritory's physical facilities such as roads, utili-
ties, schools, hospitals, and public buildings
were aged and often worn beyond the point of
repair. To support our accelerated education
effort and to provide the needed assistance to
raise the territory's economic level, it is neces-
sary that we accelerate almost everj' phase of
our operating and maintenance activities.
For the year that is just drawing to a close,
we requested and were granted $71/^ million for
construction purposes. Four million dollars of
this will be used in the ac<?elerated elementary
school construction program and $3,300,000 in
other construction activities. We have had
well over a fivefold increase in our con-struction
funds for this type of support activities.
For this coming fiscal year, due to start
July 1, we have requested another $6 million for
accelerated construction ; $4 million to carry on
214
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
aspects of the accelerated school construction
program ; and an additional $2 million to con-
tinue our construction program in such vital
areas as public health, economic development,
and the construction or improvement of air-
fields, roads, utilities, and transportation facili-
ties. With this increase in our overall construc-
tion programs, we feel we shall be able to make
a very great advance in all aspects of our work.
Education
Elementary Education
As I have already indicated, we are placing
major emphasis on greatly expanded support of
public elementary education in the territory.
Of the present year's budget of $15 million, over
$4 million is being used to construct some 240
classrooms and some 100 housing units for an
approximate 140 American elementary school
teachers. The bulk of the elementary school
classroom construction and teacher housing
must of necessity in most districts for the first
year be in or near the district center, but our
plans call for extension of the program until all
public elementary schools are included. For
the coming fiscal year, starting July 1, we have
requested an additional $4 million to continue
the elementary school construction program.
Thus, this coming year we hope to construct 248
additional new classrooms, making a grand
total of 488 new elementary school classrooms.
Some 128 additional teacher housing units will
be erected to make a total of 228 teacher houses.
For education program operations for the
coming year we have requested $2,280,000, which
is an increase of $1,200,000 over the present level
of education funding. Most of this program
increase will be utilized in employment of ap-
proximately 140 elementary school teachers to
staff the elementary schools which we are build-
ing in our accelerated education development
program. The following year funds will be
requested for an additional 100 American
teachers to reach a total of 240. Within the
next 2 years there will be at least one American
teacher teaching in English in every public
elementary school in the territory. Concur-
rently, a program of upgrading present Mi-
cronesian elementary teachers will be carried
out. This program will include inservice train-
ing on the job, special summer training sessions
in tlie districts, attendance at our teacher insti-
tute in Ponape, and a vastly increased program
of college training for present and prospective
teachers in Guam, Hawaii, and mainland
United States.
The scope and magnitude of the accelerated
elementary education program is such that it is
not possible in this brief exposition to convey
details. For those members of the Council who
may be interested in specific details as to im-
plementation, as to degree and rate of speed of
penetration into the outlying areas, I shall be
pleased to furnish such details during the ques-
tion period.
This tremendous increase of support of ele-
mentary school education will, of course, have
great impact on all our other educational
programs.
Many recommendations made by this Council
over the past several years are incorporated in
our accelerated education program and are
either in the process of implementation or soon
will be. One of these to wliich a great deal
of attention has been given is that of the teach-
ing of English and of using English as the
medium of instruction in the elementary schools.
Tliis program already is being implemented at
selected elementary schools in the various dis-
tricts, and it will become a reality for all of
our public elementary schools as American
teachers arrive and start teaching. We intend
to have as many as we can of the 140 American
schoolteachers slated for the first year of opera-
tion on the job in the elementary schools with
the opening of the school year this September.
A crash program of classroom construction,
teacher housing, and teacher recruitment cur-
rently is in full swing.
The vastness of our area, the differences in-
herent between the tiny low coral atolls and
the sizable, mountainous, high islands, the diffi-
culties of transportation, will mean a faster
pace of development in some areas than in
others. I assure the members of the Council,
though, that no area will be overlooked and
that the children in the remote coral atolls far
from the district centers will as promptly as
215
possible have the same elementarj' school op-
portunities as will their cousins in the more ur-
ban district centers.
Concern was expressed at last year's meeting
by some members that tiie entrance age of ele-
mentary school cliildren, which we had lowered
to 7 years, still was high and that the entrance
age should be set at 6 years. It is intended to
lower the compulsory age of entrance to 6 years
as our facilities permit. To set the compulsory
school age at 6 years before we have sufficient
teachers or classrooms would gain little. I am
confident, however, that we will be able to place
the entrance age at 6 years during this coming
year. Currently there are hundreds of children
of C years of age in our public schools. I might
further add that our t liinking on the elementary
school level is going beyond this. Under study
is the feasibility of eventually establishing a
preprimary year of school which would con-
centrate on teaciiing children oral English be-
fore they enter first grade.
Junior and Senior Tligh Schools
Implementation moved steadily forward on
the establishment of consolidated junior-senior
high schools. In all districts, other than Yap,
the 10th grade was started in September 1962
and the 11th grade will be opened this coming
September. Yap will start the 10th grade this
fall. Tliis past year some of the lOth-grade
Yap students enrolled in the Pacific Islands
Central School in Ponape, while a number went
to Palau to take the special vocational arts
course in the Palau high school. By the fall of
1964 all districts should have full 4-year high
schools in operation.
Replanning of junior-senior high school
building needs indicated the need for additional
classroom buildings and dormitories for all dis-
tricts. Some of these additional high school
buildings had been completed or were nearing
completion at the close of the fiscal year. Anew
classroom building was completed at Truk, and
a vocational .shop building was under construc-
tion ; in the Marshalls two new classroom build-
ings and a scliool administration building were
added to the high school unit; a new classroom
building and a v(wational arts building were
completed at the Palau District high school.
The Pacific Islands Central School continued
in Ponape but with a somewhat changed
makeup, since most of the entering freshmen,
other than Yapese students, were lOth-grade
students from Ponape. Within another 2 years,
the main student body at PICS will be predomi-
nantly Ponapean, and the original Pacific Is-
lands School will have become the Ponape Dis-
trict high school. A new post-high-school unit,
however, was added during the year. This was
the interdistrict teacher training institute,
which combines high school and postgraduate
high school work with specialized training in
teacher education. The teacher training insti-
tute was established at PICS due to this high
school's somewhat central location and the es-
tablished facilities already there. Additionally,
a boys' dormitory and classroom building were
constructed on the PICS campus for the insti-
tute. The aim of the institute is to upgrade
schoolteachers. Teachers who do not have a
full high school degree can work toward high
school accreditation as well as earn credits in
the teacher training institute.
Increased emphasis was given during the year
to students in the field of higher education who
were studying outside the territory. Some 239
students were in high school outside the terri-
tory, with all but 13 of these being in Guam
schools. Most were on sponsorship arrange-
ments whereby a student lived with a private
family. The Trust Territory administration
provided a full-time student counselor to look
after their welfare, set up a system of reduced
fares on the territory's planes and ships, and,
additionally, in January 1963 the administra-
tion agreed to provide free transportation to
Guam for all bona fide sponsored students.
Some 126 students also were studying in in-
stitutions of college level on Guam or abroad
during the year. Of these, 65 were on full
scholarship from the administration. During
the 3'ear work began on a college dormitory
at the College of Guam. Although primarily
for scholarship students, the dormitory will be
open to other Trust Territory students as well.
A major increase in scholarships for the forth-
coming school year 1963-64 will come about,
since the number of district scholars has been
increased from three per district to five per dis-
216
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
trict starting with tlie college term wMcli opens
this month. Thus there will be a 60-percent
increase in the nmnber of govermuent scholar-
ships tliis coming school year.
Public Health
Two new, modem hospitals were put into op-
eration in the Trust Territory during the past
year, one in Majuro in the Marshall Islands and
the other in Saipan in the Mariana Islands.
These, together with the new hospital that was
opened in Palau 18 months ago, provide modern
hospital facilities in three of our six districts.
New hospitals in the other three districts will
be constructed within the next 2 or 3 years.
Planning for hospital units in Truk and Ponape
is now under way, and construction of the new
Truk District hospital should be initiated dur-
ing the next few months. Also, site studies for
a new hospital in Yap have started, although
actual construction will not be undertaken for
another 2 years.
Some additional facilities are required on the
three new hospitals already in use. The $900,-
000 hospital complex that was opened in Saipan
last September received considerable damage
during the recent typhoon. Repair of the build-
ings was started immediately after the storm
under the rehabilitation program of the Office
of Emergency Planning and is expected to be
completed within the next month. The hospital
in the Marshalls is completed except for the con-
struction of a few minor subsidiary buildings;
and a new kitchen and dining hall wing is near-
ing completion in the hospital in Palau.
In addition to district hospitals our public-
health expansion program calls for field hospi-
tals to be located in key spots of population
concentration away from the district centers.
Three such subhospitals are now in operation
at Eota, Kusaie, and Ebeye in the Kwajalein
Atoll. The latter facility was completely ren-
ovated and modernized during the past year.
These, together with nearly 100 outlying island
dispensaries and the increased personnel needs
of the new district hospitals, require the train-
ing of additional medical personnel — doctors,
teclmicians, and nurses. In fact the shortage
of trained personnel, especially nurses, is af-
fecting not only our hospital needs but our
plans for improved outisland health services.
Various steps are being taken to meet those
growing demands. Our medical scholarship
program is being increased. Presently 10 medi-
cal scholars are attending schools in the Philip-
pines, Hawaii, and the United States working
toward medical degrees. Also in process are
progi'ams for inservice and outside postgrad-
uate training for our present medical officers.
The recruiting of six doctors from the States is
now under way, each to be a specialist in a dif-
ferent field of medicine. These will provide
further and continuing inservice training in
their special fields to our Micronesian doctors,
one to be stationed in each of the six districts
and to be rotated at intervals.
The Trust Territory continues to be faced
with an acute shortage of graduate nurses. Not
only do we not have enough graduate nurses,
but there is a constant attrition in the ranks,
for evidently the yoimg men of the territory
have foimd that nurses make excellent wives
and mothers. We need at least 20 new graduate
nurses a year for the next 5 years merely to meet
the minimum expansion needs in all districts.
To meet this demand, the Trust Territory
School of Nursing, presently located in Palau,
will be moved next month to the island of
Saipan, where temporary buildings will be oc-
cupied until permanent buildings can be con-
structed. Work already has started on the first
of the new permanent School of Nursing build-
ings, which are to be an adjimct to the new
Saipan hospital. The immediate move to tem-
porary buildings will make it possible to double
the present enrollment from 15 to 30, and fur-
ther expansion to 50 or 60 students will be pos-
sible as soon as new buildings are finished.
In the field of dental services one of the most
important events of the year was the graduation
of 10 students from the School of Dental Nurs-
ing in December 1962. This was the school's
first graduation. A new class of 10 students en-
rolled for the 2-year course in January of 1963.
Preventive dental treatment was expanded not
only at district centers but in all outlying areas
during the year.
During March and April 1963 a public-health
task force team under interdepartmental spon-
AUGUST 5, 1963
217
sorsllip visited the territory to study and ob-
serve our puhiic-healtli program. This visit
was the result of one of tiie recommendations
of the President's Task Force on tlie Trust Ter-
ritory of the Pacific Ishmds. The team, consist-
inp of a U.S. public-liealth expert, a sanitary
engineer, and a nurse consultant, was accom-
panied by the program ofEcer of the Office of
Territories and is now engaged in preparing a
re|)ort on their findings. We are looking for-
ward witli much interest to the team's report
and recommendations, since we are seeking at
all times to improve the health service in the
territory.
It is with regret that I must report on two
events in public health that were severe blows
to the Trust Territory. Tlie first of these tragic
events was an outbreak, in early January 1963,
of type I virus polio at Ebeye, Kwajalein Atoll,
in the Marshall Islands District. More than
200 cases of poliomyelitis, with 11 deaths, re-
sulted in the district; 88 percent of the cases
were children under the age of 7 years. Some
."iO patients, nearly all below the age of 7, were
left with significant residual paralysis.
An immediate mass vaccination program
using Sabin oral vaccine and application of
strict quarantine regulations confined the epi-
demic to the Marshall Islands. A mass oral
vaccination program also was at once launched
throughout the rest of the territory for type I
polio, and in all districts the final stage of the
ma.ss inoculation program for tj'pe II and III
polio currently is under way. Wlien this is
finisho<l sometime next month, the Ti-ust Terri-
tor}- of the Pacific Islands will l)e one of the
verj- few areas in the world where a hundred
percent polio vaccination coverage has been
accomplished.
Again, when our need was urgent, we received
prompt and generous support and assistance
from the Department of the Interior, the U.S.
Xavy, the Transport Company of Texas in
Kwajalein, the Communicable Disease Center
of the U.S. Public Health Service, from other
agencies, and from many generous individuals.
Equally important is the aid that has been
pledged for the long-range rehabilitation pro-
gram fliat will bo needed for the afflicted chil-
dren. Special polio clinic facilities will be
constructed at the new Majuro hospital, special
equipment is being procured, and staff are re-
ceiving specialized training.
To help us meet the costs of long-range re-
habilitation, we are receiving the unstinting
support of the American Red Cross, which is
providing a physical therapist, and the National
Foundation, which is providing services of spe-
cialized polio treatment teams, as well as trans-
portation funds and funds to provide braces for
children who will need special care and treat-
ment in Honolulu. The Shriners Crippled
Childrens Hospital in Honolulu, for its part,
has offered to provide hospitalization for those
children who must be sent to Honolulu for spe-
cialized treatment. The bulk of the affected
children, however, will be cared for and treated
at the polio clinic we are adding to the new hos-
pital in Majuro.
The otlier tragic event was the loss a month
ago of our Director of Public Health, the late
Dr. Harrie E. Macdonald. More than any
other person, he was responsible for the solid
foundation of our present public-health sys-
tem. He had confidence and pride in the com-
petence of our Micronesian doctors and in their
ability to conduct public-health programs in
the districts. Having brought tlae territory's
Public Health Sei-vice to this point, he was
working at the time of liis death on the first
phase of an expanded program of training for
our Micronesian doctors.
Land and Claims Settlement
With the appointment of a Land and Claims
Administrator on the headquarters staff, land
matters of all types have been expedited during
the past year.
Tlie land dispute invohnng the entire island
of Angaur in the PaJau District and datmg
from 1908 through the administrations of the
Germans and Japanese as well as ours was
brought on June 8, 1962, to a successful con-
clusion. Some 1,980 acres of land formerly
held in public domain were deeded to private
owners. A similar dispute of 20 years' dura-
tion involving all of Arakabesan Island in
Palau was settled in August 1962. Over 90
218
DEPABTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
percent of Arakabesan Island was returned to
private ownership, and private claims to the
remainder of the island were released. Home-
steading in Palau also was expedited, with over
1,700 acres being homesteaded, and an addi-
tional 4,000 acres were opened for homesteading
on Babelthuap and Koror Islands.
In the Marshalls, eminent domain cases were
heard by the High Court concerning govern-
ment use of land on three small islets in the
Kwajalein Atoll. Judgment was entered in two
cases and compensation allowed in the amount
of $40,359.46 for use rights to 71.1 acres.
As the U.S. representative has already in-
formed you,* legislation which would provide a
means for judicial settlement of the land claims
on Kwajalein Island and Dalap Island of
Majuro Atoll presently is under consideration
by the U.S. Congress. The bill, in brief, would
permit the claimants to file a petition with the
United States Court of Claims for just com-
pensation. It provides also for administrative
settlement by the High Commissioner if the
claimants desire to seek this procedure within
limits of payment which are set by funds al-
ready appropriated. The bill was passed by the
U.S. House of Representatives and is scheduled
for hearing by the Senate Committee on Inte-
rior and Insular Affairs next week.
In Ponape District the active land release and
homestead program continued at a rapid pace
during the past year. Of special interest is
the program whereby former holders of Japa-
nese leases, who still occupy the land they leased
imder the Japanese administration, are eligible
to receive quitclaim deeds for their land. Over
200 such quitclaim deeds have been issued, and
many hundreds more are being processed.
Himdreds of Ponapeans who have held land of
this nature on tenuous leases for several decades
at long last are receiving title to this land.
In the new ISIarianas District vast areas of
land formerly held as in vise by the Administer-
ing Authority are being released. Since July
1962, over 7,600 acres have been released from
this category and placed in the public domain
° For a statement by Sydney R. Yates, U.S. Repre-
sentative on the Trusteeship Council, on June 5, see
U.S./U.N. press release 4217.
and are available for homesteading purposes.
Additional releases currently are being sought.
Status of Displaced Rongelapese
The annual Eongelap survey was conducted
in March 1963 by a joint AEC [Atomic Energy
Commission] -Trust Territoiy medical team and
reported the general health of the Eongelapese
to be satisfactory, with no further discernible
aftermaths of the fallout found. A bill to com-
pensate the people of Rongelap was passed by
the United States House of Representatives on
April 1 and is now under consideration in the
Senate Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs.
Conclusion
Acceleration of education and construction
activities is under way, and we intend to press
forward with programs of acceleration in pub-
lic health and in political, social, and economic
development fields. "VVe have the wholehearted
support of the people of the territory. With
this, and the continued aid of the Administer-
ing Authority, I have confidence that our pro-
grams will move forward with ever-increasing
speed on all fronts.
I am grateful to have the opportunity to pre-
sent this brief report, and I will endeavor to
provide, as far as I am able, any additional
information members of this Coimcil may
desire.
STATEMENT BY MR. SANTOS, JUNE 5
U.S./U.N. press release 4218 dated June 6
It is an honor for me to attend this meeting
of the Tnisteeship Comicil. I consider this an
unusual honor due to the fact that this is the
first time I have traveled outside of the Pacific
Trust Territory area. I would like to extend
to the Council warm greetings from the people
of the Trust Territory. At the same time I feel
certain that I will gain a very profitable ex-
perience during my stay and participation at
this meeting.
I am very grateful to the Government of the
Trust Territory and the United States for this
AUGUST 5, 1963
219
opportunity to scn-e as an adviser to the United
States delegation. For the past 10 years I liave
been engaged closely in teaching on the pur-
pose and functions of the United Nations and its
various organs. My students have spent many
hours studying the activities of this body, and
they recognize that the United Nations and tliis
particular Council is an important instrument
for lielping the progress of humanity every-
where on the face of the world.
I am pleased to inform the Council that the
people of the Trust Territorj- are very conscious
of the functions of the Trusteeship Council and
the activities which this Council has under-
taken in the past to assist the territories to
meet their needs. Our people look toward the
United Nations as a great organization to bring
about good relations among nations, to help
bring freedom to all peoples, and to keep the
peace and security for the enjoyment of all
mankind. Perhaps we are more conscious of
the need for peace, since our island was one of
the major battlefield areas of World War II.
We have seen what war does ; we have had our
homes destroyed and lost our loved ones. We
do not want this to happen again in any place
in the world.
I am from Saipan. having been bom in Gara-
pan, Saipan, in IDS."?. I started my schooling
during Japanese administration but had only
1 year of schooling before the end of the war.
After the war I entered an American school
and in lO.")! graduated from the Pacific Islands
Teacher Training School, which was then at
Tnik.
I started teaching immediately after gradu-
ation, first in one of our elementary schools. In
19.''>'2 I became a teacher in the district junior
high school and have been teaching in the junior
high school since that time. By profession I
am a social science and history teacher and have
been concerned mainly with civics, a field which
is verj' important in our new and developing
political life. Currently, in addition to han-
dling social science classes, I serve as assistant
principal for the new public high school of the
^^nrianas District.
I am a Member of the Council of Micronesia
and al.so a Congressman in the new Marianas
District IjCgislature. Prior to this, I had the
privilege of serving as a Congressman in the
Saipan Municipal Congress, as Legislative
Secretary from 19G0 to 1961 and as Vice Speaker
in 1962.
I am fortunate to have traveled and visited
all of the district centers except that of Yap.
These trips have given me firsthand informa-
tion on the political movements and aspirations
of each district. The trips were made under
the auspices of the Council of Micronesia,
which formed three subcommittees — political,
economic, and social — to study conditions in the
territory. I was elected to serve as a member
of the political subcommittee for 1961-62. Our
committee visited each district, meeting with the
district congresses' officials and other important
leaders.
I had the privilege to sit with the Ponape,
Palau, and Marshall Congresses while they
were in session. I was astonished at the per-
formance and the ability of the men who were
striving to better the living conditions of their
people. It was through education that these
men acquired the necessary knowledge to help
them proceed and move forward toward a cer-
tain goal in which they believe men ought to
live. These men, of course, are the leaders in
their own commimities. Many have left their
homes in order to obtain the required knowledge
to assist their people. We believe that educa-
tion makes the dream of these men come true.
It is education that makes everything possible
in our modem civilization.
People in the Trust Territory feel that edu-
cation is a vital necessity to procure better liv-
ing. More and more young men and women
all over the Trust Territory are interested in
getting higher education; they are forever in
search of ways to acquire higher levels of edu-
cation. The Government of the Trust Terri-
tory is aware of this particular matter and has
increased scholarships this year to meet the
need. District congresses also are appropri-
ating funds for additional scliolarsliips and spe-
cial training.
Parents in the Trust Territory today under-
stand the importance of education. They have
come to a point where they have to modify the
old traditional beliefs that sons and daughters
should always stay at home with the family.
220
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Today many of our children are away from
their parents — either attending school on
Guam, PICS on Ponape, in the United States,
and elsewhere. Because of this change on the
part of the parents also, many Micronesians are
now holding many important positions both in
the district centers and at headquarters in
Saipan. These positions fall in all categories —
political, economic, social, education, judiciary,
et cetera. This is quite evident, especially in
the Public Health Department, where all the
hospitals in the districts are headed by Micro-
nesians.
It is perhaps worth mentioning the person
responsible for the progressive movement which
has been achieved in the field of health, for he
is a man who will always be remembered in
the hearts of the Micronesians. He is the late
Dr. Macdonald. "We owe him our respect and
honor for his untiring efforts and devotion to-
ward the improvement of health in the Trust
Territory.
In the Department of Education two districts
are headed by Micronesians. There are two
yovmg men working now in the Political Af-
fairs Office at headquarters, and each district
has political affairs officers. I believe the Coun-
cil is aware of the gradual improvement of
Micronesian employment conditions in the
Trust Territoi-y. Many important jobs are held
by Jlicronesians today. This is possible because
of advanced training and schooling offered by
our Government.
One of the most significant events which took
place on July 1, 1962, was the unification of the
administration of the Trust Territory under
civil government. I know that the Council is
pleased with this result. With the new change
in administration, Rota District was incorpo-
rated with Saipan District and a new district
formed: the Marianas District. Immediately,
the leaders in the Marianas, with the assistance
of the political affairs personnel from head-
quarters, initiated the creation of a District
Legislature. After several weeks of prepara-
tion and planning, the members of the Charter
Convention adopted the District Legislature
Charter for the Mariana Islands.
In March of this year the Marianas District
Legislature convened its first session in the his-
tory of the Marianas. This is a manifestation
of the political progress which is taking place
in the Trust Territory. I was honored to be
elected its first President.
An important event was the transfer of Trust
Territory headquarters onto the soil of the ter-
ritory. This transfer will bring the people of
the territory closer together. It will bring more
understanding and cooperation among the peo-
ple of the Trust Territory and at the same time
strengthen the feeling of political unity. This
unity was manifested during the special session
of the Council of Micronesia, which was held at
headquarters, Saipan, this past I\Iarch, when the
major issue of formation of a Territorial Con-
gress was discussed. The primary objective of
the session was to decide whether the body
should be a bicameral one or unicameral. After
a lengthy discussion on this matter the Council
finally decided, by a majority vote, to recom-
mend for consideration the bicameral system.
Personally, I favor the unicameral system. At
this stage of our development, such a body
would, I feel, be less complicated.
Another item worthy of mention is the in-
terest of people in their government. This is
manifested through the many elections held in
the past. More and more people are partici-
pating during the elections. It used to be that
a candidate needed only a handful of voters to
be elected; very few people were interested in
the affairs of their government. But today, at
least in my district, a candidate must work day
and night for his election. People are aware of
the importance of good government, and they
judge a candidate's ability and performance
accordingly.
In the Marianas, where we have political par-
ties, especially on the island of Saipan, people
are very conscious of their government. The
political leaders who hold seats in the Munici-
pal Congress and the District Legislature must
accomplish results or else they will not be re-
elected at the next election. Personally, I would
like to see other districts adopt political parties.
I know that political parties are new in our
territory, but they are not new in the world.
Political parties, I feel, help insure that quali-
fied candidates run for office and provide better
public officials.
AUGUST 5, 196 3
221
Social coiulitions in the Trust Territon* are
processing rapidly. People are <^:iining better
understanilin<^ and appreciation of the 20th-
century civilization, and health conditions are
improving under the supenision of public-
health personnel. Trust Territory students are
studying for medical degrees. Nurses are also
playing a ver}' inijK)rtant part in the improve-
ment of health. Witliout their assistance, the
doctors would find it dilficult to accomplish their
tasks. A few montlis ago a polio protection pro-
gram for the whole Trust Territory was
initiated.
Perhaps this is an api)ro])riate time to men-
tion the typhoon which hit the Marianas. Ty-
phoon Olive, with winds of llo miles and gusts
up to l'j;5 knots, smashed into Saipan on April 30
of this year. Saijjan was severely damaged.
Among the major damages was the destruction
of part of the new district hospital. The sup-
ply warehouses and public works buildings suf-
fered great damages. Power lines were down.
About 95 percent of all houses on Saipan had
suffered some damage, with about 30 percent
total destruction of local buildings. Three vil-
lages suffered damages, the worst being Tana-
pag, then Chalan Kanoa and San Koque. No
lives were lost, however, and only one minor
injury resulted during the typhoon.
The people are very grateful for the generous
assistance from different gi'oups and organiza-
tions. The U.S. Navy in Guam provided trans-
portation for inspection teams, shipment of
medical supplies, and naval hospital personnel
to help in administering typhoid inoculations.
The American Red Cross and other agencies
gave immediate a.ssistance. As a resident of
Saipan, and on behalf of my people, I wish to
extend to all the people, groups, agencies, and
organizations who have extended their assist-
ance to us in one way or another our apprecia-
tion, which also goes to the Government of the
Trust Territory for its quick and generous as-
sistance during the t ime of disaster.
In the field of economic development, the
territory is progressing also. Many business
enterprise.s, both largo and small, are helping to
IxKJSt the economy of the territoiy. At the same
time, the Government is providing experts in
the field of economics, both in the districts and
at headquarters level.
We are trying our best to share in the de-
velopment of these problems of our islands. We
look toward the Council for advice and
guidance.
Before I withdraw, I wish to extend my ap-
preciation for this opportunity to appear in
the presence of this Council. And, lastly, for
this great organization, the United Nations, I
pray that the many hours of meetings and de-
bates will bring success in the maintenance of
happiness, peace, and security for all mankind.
CLOSING STATEIVIENT BY tVIR. CODING,
JUNE 17
U.S./U.N. press release 4223
May I first express my appreciation and that
of my colleague, Mr. Santos, for the many cour-
tesies shown to us by members of the Council
during this meeting. Mr. Santos, who cannot
be with us today, will take back to Micronesia
a deeper understanding of the role of this body
and a new appreciation of the interest and con-
cern of the Council in the affairs of our islands.
For my part, this year's review has been a
most stimulating one. As High Commissioner
of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands,
I am deluged, if I may use this term, during
the year with the minutia of our many-sided ac-
tivities. I find it refreshing and rewarding to
have the opportunity to receive the analytic
comments and views of the members of the
Council, many of whom have devoted j'ears to
working on problems of administration not dis-
similar in broad outline to those we face in the
Pacific Trust Territory. Seen through your
eyes, certain of our problems take on new as-
pects, new dimensions, and different meaning.
I can assure you that my staff and I give careful
and serious consideration to the recommenda-
tions that emanate from this body.
I am particularly appreciative of the many
encouraging comments made during the clos-
ing statements on the progress achieved during
the past year and on our new accelerated pro-
gram of development. I say "appreciative,"
not in a personal sense, but in terms of my staff,
Micronesian and American, who have worked
together as a team under trying conditions to
222
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
put this accelerated program into action. The
distinguished representative of the United
Kingdom commented on how the "bounding
energy of the New Frontier" had been applied
to the Pacific area. I might add that we have
met an equal response on the part of our Micro-
nesian people. If our programs succeed, it is
in large measure due to the cooperation, the
patience, the willingness, and the energy of the
Micronesians themselves.
Tlie distinguished representative of Australia
has noted that in our political development pro-
gram we have been guided by the concept that
political advancement should be an evolutionary
process which evolves through the will, the
needs, and desires of the people of the territory.
That this is the pattern desired by our people
is shown over and over in the debates of the
district legislatures, in the deliberations of the
Council of Micronesia, and in the discussions
of local municipal councils. One of our young-
er and highly respected political leaders
expressed this concept with the words: "We
must learn to walk before we can run."
I have participated for the past 2 years in
the Council of Micronesia deliberations and
have had the privilege of sitting as an observer
at several of our district congress sessions. I
have been deeply impressed by the political
growth that has taken place, at the maturity of
judgment that is being demonstrated by elected
officials, and by the willingness of our Micro-
nesian leaders not only to accept the privileges
but also to assume the responsibilities of demo-
cratic self-government. I cannot at this point
predict exactly when in the near future the
present Council of Micronesia will become a
functioning territorial legislative organ. I can
assure the Council though that a sound and rep-
resentative legislative body is in the making and
that I regard it as a great honor and privilege
to participate in its formation.
At a previous session the distinguished rep-
resentative of the United Kingdom conmiented
that in any area the touchstone of political ad-
vance must be the will of the people. Here in
the Pacific Trust Territoiy I feel that there is
a legislative body which is evolving through the
will of the people and at the pace desired by
them. There is no question that political ad-
vancement on a territorial level is entering the
final stage; we have learned to walk, and soon
we will be rmining. Thus, at the risk of repe-
tition, I repeat again that I have every confi-
dence that well before 1965 a truly representa-
tive territorial legislative body will be operating
in our territoiy.
It was pointed out by the distinguished rep-
resentative of New Zealand that the shape of
the new legislature has been discussed and de-
fined at some length by the Council of Micro-
nesia. The Council's recommendations are now
under study. We have been able to obtain the
complete text of the Council of Micronesia rec-
ommendation on the framework of a proposed
teiTitorial legislature, and this has been dis-
tributed to all members of the [Trusteeship]
Council. The other resolutions and recom-
mendations of the October 1962 and of the
March 1963 sessions of the Council of Micro-
nesia will be made available to the 1964 visiting
mission. These recommendations also will be
treated in detail in our next amiual report,
which will be examined at next spring's session
of the Trusteeship Council. The distinguished
representative of New Zealand is con-ect when
he noted that the steps that remain are largely
technical ones.
Local Participation in Government
The past year witnessed major strides of the
Council of Micronesia toward its eventual
destiny and has also seen other major political
advances. The adoption of a Ti-ust Territory
flag as a political symbol has done much to
strengthen the unity of the people of our sev-
eral districts. For the first time in the long
history of the islands, the people have a flag
which is theirs — a flag designed by one of them
and chosen by their elected representatives.
This may seem a relatively small thing, but it
is nonetheless of tremendous significance in
welding a widely separated group of island peo-
ple together and creating a sense of "national
unity."
The deliberations of the Council of Micro-
nesia during its two sessions this past year
reveal a significant trend from political paro-
chialism of a district level to a broader "na-
tional" feeling. Whereas in earlier meetings
AUGUST 5, 1963
223
specific district problems tended to dominate
the sessions, the sessions of the past year stressed
common problems and joint ways of solving
them. One district congress president in writ-
ing to his counterpart in another district stated
this feeling of "oneness" in these words:
"Divided we cannot proceed, united we cannot
fail." There is no question that a "Micronesian
self," in the terms described by the distin-
guished representative of New Zealand, is
emerging in the territory.
Through charter change and technical assist-
ance we have strengthened district legislatures
to enable them to function more efficiently in a
more representative and democratic fashion and
to take over larger lawmaking responsibilities
at the district level. Technical assistance also
has been given to local governments and local
officials. At all levels election supervision has
been provided, and our political affairs section
has given advice and aid in the formation of
political parties.
I would like to assure the distinguished rep-
resentative of China that we are giving careful
attention to political development on the mimi-
cipal level. Our program of chartering is
progre.ssing satisfactorily, and, through our ex-
panded political affairs staff at botli the district
and headquarters level, we are now able to pro-
vide training sessions for local officials. The
formal chartering of a local municipality is im-
portant, but equally important is the need for
trained local officials who understand how to
conduct the functions of municipal government
within the framework of its charter. The peo-
ple themselves mu.st not only be willing to ac-
cept the privileges of self-government, but they
must l)e prepared to shoulder the responsibili-
ties that go along with these privileges.
I am most appreciative of the penetrating
comments made by the distinguished represent-
ative of New Zealand in his closing remarks.
lie rightly pointed out that though a territorial
legislature must be the focus of political con-
sciousness, the "Micronization" of the executive
side is no less important. lie noted that prep-
aration of schedules for replacement of ex-
patriates is one way of achieving the goals of a
replacement program. Tliis in essence is what
wp arc doing. A manpower review committee
was establLshed this past year to screen all new
hires as well as renewal of contracts of all
present non-Micronesian employees to insure
that Micronesians are being placed in posts for
which they qualify.
I can assure the distinguished representative
of Liberia that with the imification of all the
territory under civilian control on July 1, 1962,
most of the disparities noted by the 1961 visit-
ing mission as between the former District of
Saipan and the rest of the territorj' have been
removed. With the second increment of our
wage-scale adjustment scheduled for next
month, wages for administration employees will
be uniform throughout the territory. Our ac-
celerated elementary education program will
provide equal elementary schools and equally
qualified teachers in all districts. The former
Saipan Copra Stabilization Fund has been
merged with the larger Trust Territory Copra
Stabilization Fund.
Economic Potential of the Territory
A very important as well as provocative
question was posed by the distinguished rep-
resentative of Australia when he asked what
is the proper point of balance between social
development, economic development, and polit-
ical development in an area such as ours. That
political advancement is not necessarily depend-
ent upon economic self-sufficiency has been
dramatically illustrated over and over by the
birth of new nations during the past 10 years.
Nonetheless, neither political advancement nor
social development will mean much if the eco-
nomic growth lags too far behind. The distin-
guished representative of Australia has also
noted that our territory, in common with other
island areas of the Pacific, possesses certain
unique characteristics — the small land area, the
tremendous ocean distances that must be tra-
versed, and the relatively small populations
which provide only limited sources of man-
power. Often it is hard to see, given these limit-
ing factors, how economic self-sufficiency can
ever be attained in an island area such as ours.
Perhaps the islands of the Pacific Trust Terri-
tory may never reach self-sufficiency, but as the
distinguished representative of New Zealand
commented, who can say what possibilities exist
until all have been explored?
224
DEPARTATENT OF STATE BULLETIN
That our great economic potential lies in the
sea is unquestionable. Here lies the hidden
wealth of Alicronesia; here lies the great hope
of its future. Farming the sea must be achieved
if the islands of the Pacific are to achieve a
sound economic base. The opening of the area
to commercial fishing concerns is only the be-
ginning step in the development of an intensive
local fishing industry which in time should pro-
vide livelihood for thousands of our people. I
assure the distinguished representative of
Liberia and the distmguished delegate from
China that we fully share the feeling that this
major resource must be protected for the Micro-
nesians. This is a paramount featiire in all our
considerations, and, I might add, this aspect is
fully accepted by every American industry
which has demonstrated interest in our area.
Provisions for training of Micronesians, for
them to hold stock, and provisions for eventual
purchase of equipment and plants by local in-
vestors are an essential feature of any negotia-
tions we undertake.
The taming of the sea in other respects will
be equally important to our islands. Para-
mount here are the worldwide experiments of
desalination of sea water. Many areas of the
world will have vast new horizons open to them
once this barrier has been breached and low-cost
and simple methods of desalination have been
achieved. To us it will mean that hundreds of
tiny islands now not habitable can be put to
use. It will mean vastly increased production
of aU types of crops in our world of island
atolls.
Another area in which we have keen interest
is that of the use of solar energy. We are in-
vestigating all possibilities of how solar energy
experiments can be put to use in our region.
Pilot projects using simple solar devices for
cooking purposes, for small-scale refrigeration
units, and for solar batteries for power uses
are under consideration for certain of our
islands.
Agricultural Diversification
Hope has been expressed here that more ef-
fort will be made to diversify our present
agricultural export crops, i.e. copra and
cacao, in order that the local agricultural
economy will not be completely dependent upon
the fluctuating world market of these two prod-
ucts. Through experimental pilot projects and
through subsidy programs we are encouraging
the development of other crops which have
commercial value. The production of ramie
fiber, coir fiber and its byproducts, limited
lumber production, papain, tapioca starch ex-
port, export of bananas, and many other
items, all have real economic potential, '\^^lile
I do not envisage any of these becoming a
major source of income, combined with a
major cash crop such as copra or cacao they
can provide an important secondary source
of income. Thus I hasten to assure the dis-
tinguished representative of France that we are
in agi'eement with his viewpoint that we must
strive for economic diversification.
Many other aspects in the economic field are
receiving careful attention. Serious attention,
for example, is being given to the possibility of
ricegrowing in our area. Three of our disti-icts,
Ponape, Palau, and the Marianas, have good po-
tential for ricegrowing, and next month we are
starting a pilot project to demonstrate that
ricegrowing, both by the wet as well as dry
method, is economically feasible for these three
districts. Wliile we cannot look forward to
completely supplying all of our local rice de-
mands, I feel confident that in time we can
greatly cut down rice imports, wliich now aver-
age close to a half million dollars a year.
The potential of meat producing is great.
Our high islands should be able to supply almost
all of our fresh meat requirements. Saipan,
Eota, and Tinian Islands of the Marianas Dis-
trict, Ponape Island, and Kusaie Island have
the most potential for development of a live-
stock industry, and already many thousand
head of cattle are foimd in these islands. With
faster and better means of transportation, ade-
quate freezing and storage facilities, a local
meat industry meeting our own consumption,
as well as exporting considerable quantities of
beef to Guam, should become an important seg-
ment of the economic life of the above three
districts.
Potentials exist for many small-scale indus-
tries which could pro^-ide products and com-
modities now imported from outside. Much of
AUGUST 5, 1963
225
our clothinp could be manufactured locally ; our
soap production could be vastly increased.
I am indebtetl to tho distinguished represent-
ative of Liberia for her very helpful comments
on economic development and am particularly
grateful that she pointed out that we had made
no mejition of Micronesian participation in
economic planning. This was an omission on
my part, since we do have considerable Micro-
nesian participation in present economic plan-
ning. It is my strong conviction that the
territory's economic development will not be
meaningful unless Micronesians participate to
the fullest extent on all levels of economic ac-
tivity and planning. Each district now has
active economic development boards. The Sub-
committee on Economic Development of the
Council of Micronesia plays an important role
in assessing economic needs, and its recommen-
dations have been carefully considered by us.
The assistant economic development officer in
the headquarters economic section is a Micro-
nesian. Two Micronesians serve on the Copra
Stabilization Board, and this coming year sev-
eral Micronesian members will be appointed to
the board of directors which will be formed to
control the economic development fimd. Thus
I cAn assure the Council that Micronesians are
closely associated with economic planning in
the territory. We look forward to the recom-
mendations which will be forthcoming after
the new economic, social, and political survey is
completed. From the recommendations of this
group, plus our present economic plans, I feel
we will l>e able to draw up, as suggested by the
distinguished representative of New Zealand, a
long-range, comprehensive economic develop-
ment guide for the territory.
Programs In Educational and Social Fields
^Tlie rcproscntativo of UNESCO [United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization] drew attention to one of the ma-
jor problems in tho field of elementary educa-
tion—that of the inability of many of the
municipalities to bear the local costs of educa-
tion. We are devoting major attention to this
a«pect in our accelerated education program,
and I have already described our proposals in
detail in my opening statement as well as during
the questioning period. However, I would like
to add that in addition to building new schools,
the recruitment of American teachers, the train-
ing of Micronesian teachers, there are several
other equally important aspects to which we
are devoting attention. Tlie first of these is a
program of equipping elementary schools with
suitable school furniture and teaching aids and
the furnishing of free books and supplies for
all public school students. Formerly only mini-
mum aid was extended in this field, and here a
major change is being made. This coming year,
for example, the expenditure for elementary
school equipment and supplies wUl run into sev-
eral hundred thousand dollars.
In cooperation with the district legislatures
we have instituted a system of subsidizing ele-
mentary school teachers salaries. While the
basic salary is still being paid out of district
revenues, the central government now provides
a considerable subsidy which is added to the sal-
ary of all elementary school teachers who meet
minimum certification standards. Further,
during this coming year it is our intention to
review present elementary school teacher salary
levels and to bring them in line with salaries
which are paid in our ilicronesian Title and
Pay Plan. Since the district legislatures desire
to continue their support of elementary schools,
the raising of teachers salaries at all levels will
mean an increased subsidy on the part of the
central government.
I am also pleased to assure the distinguished
representative of Liberia that we are providing
additional opportunities for study in the metro-
politan country. This year, for example, some
10 to 12 additional students will be going to
the University of Hawaii ; others will be going
to universities in the mainland United States,
while others will be attending the College of
Guam.
The College of Guam, a month or so ago,
received accreditation as a 4-year college, and
greatly expanded programs in all academic
fields are now under way. The College of Guam
has many potentials for our use. It is strategi-
cally located with respect to the Western Caro-
lines, the Marianas, and the Eastern Carolines
region. It has an imposing campus and a physi-
226
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
cal plant whose eventual cost will run into sev-
eral million dollars. Its staff is well qualified,
and many are specialists on the Pacific area.
The College of Guam can well become a center
for Pacific studies. It has the added attraction
of being close enough to all our districts to en-
able our students to return home at regular in-
tervals to visit their families. This is an aspect
which means a great deal to our students, par-
ticularly those who are married. Thus, al-
though in general I would agree with the dis-
tinguished delegate from Liberia on the value
of an institution of higher education within the
territory, it is my feeling that it would be some-
what premature and uneconomical for us to at-
tempt to build a college when we have such
ready access to the College of Guam.
This does not mean, however, that we will
not continue to expand higher education facili-
ties in certain selected fields of study within the
territory. I have already indicated our expan-
sion plans for our nursing school, as well as our
teacher training institute. These will be further
expanded. Similarly, our School of Dental
Nursing will be strengthened, as will our farm
institute, which provides extension training on
a post-high-school level for local agricultural
agents.
There appears to be some misunderstanding
with respect to the Trust Territory of the Pa-
cific Islands' not using the United Nations
scholarship programs. Over the past 10 years
there has been an average of two United Na-
tions fellowships received annually by Trust
Territory citizens. These have covered a
variety of fields ranging from study of radio
broadcasting in New Zealand and Western Sa-
moa to public-health activities in Japan and the
Philippines, to community development study
in the Philippines, Burma, and Jamaica, and
social development grants in Hawaii and else-
where.
Most of the Council members have remarked
favorably on our greatly increased appropria-
tions, particularly in the field of elementary
education. I am indebted though to the dis-
tinguished representative of New Zealand for
pointing out that provision of additional money
does not remove all the stumbling blocks. He
has rightly noted that all educational progress
in a sense consists in the replacement of one set
of problems for another. This, indeed, Mr.
President, can be said to be an aspect of all
progress and growth — problems are never com-
pletely solved, for new and different ones con-
stantly arise.
Wliat we are attempting in all our education
programs is to equip our Micronesian young
people to better solve the problems which in-
evitably will face them in their changing world.
It is our contention that the most immediate
problem lies in expanding and improving edu-
cation at the elementary school level. Tliis be-
lief has brought about the launching of a vast,
accelerated program in this field.
Our next stage will be acceleration in secon-
dary school education and in the vital field of
adult education. Here also is a great challenge
to be met, for, unless we can bring the older
generation within the orbit of the changing
world, our accelerated education program on
the elementary and secondary level could serve
to create a gulf between the young and old.
There is great eagerness among our adult popu-
lation for education — education for their chil-
dren and education for themselves. For our
part we intend to provide facilities to meet the
educational needs and desires of this vital por-
tion of our population.
We share the concern expressed by the dis-
tinguished representative of Liberia on the
needs of the tuberculosis control program. We
are endeavoring to strengthen the program of
tuberculosis control in all districts. BCG vac-
cination continues, new and more potent drugs
are constantly being introduced, and we are
stressing preventive aspects as well as treat-
ment of this disease. TB control teams have
been established in each district and will be
greatly strengthened imder our accelerated
public-health program. Tlie special assistant
to the Director of Public Health devoted full
time tliis past year to organizing tuberculosis
control work in the Marshalls District. Our
expanded medical program calls for a tuber-
culosis specialist to be added to our staff. We
are determined that this dreaded scourge will
be brought under control in the Pacific Islands.
Fvmds for public-health activities for the year
we are about to enter on July 1, that is fiscal
AUGUST 5, 1963
227
year 1964, have been appreciably increased over
funds of the past year. For the next fiscal
year, an even gn-atcr acceleration is planned
and expansion of all aspects of our public-
health program will be carried out.
Problems Connected With the Outer Islands
We still iiiive uiii(|ue i)rob]ems connected with
the provision of education, health services, so-
cial ser\'ices for the inhabitants of those small
islands we have come to term the "outer islands."
I would 1)0 among the first to admit that these
problems have not been adequately met in the
past, maiidy because of insufficient transporta-
tion services. These outlying islands with their
small populations, however, represent only a
small fraction of our total land area and only
a small minority of our population. We must,
of course, meet the demands of the outislanders
and fully intend to do so, but there is a point
at which economic practicability must enter in-
to the picture. The distinguished representa-
tive of China touched on this point when he
suggested that it might be worth while for the
administration to consider ways and means of
encouraging small isolated groups to move to
more populated areas and join larger communi-
ties. In certain of our small islands, the total
population consists of only 10 to 30 individuals,
and the islands on which they live often are a
hundred miles or more from the district center
or other populated areas. In the main, these
i.slands have little to offer economically, and the
young adults increasingly move to the district
center or other populated regions. Thus we are
left with small, isolated groups made up of
elderly people and young children. There is
no question but that eventual amalgamation of
tiny groups of this nature will come about.
The question as to how to achieve a proper
balance l)etween the programs at headquarters,
the district centers, and the outlying areas is
one to which we have given a great deal of
thought. I agree with the distinguished repre-
sentative of China that more attention needs to
bo given to decentralization, not only to insure
that our programs reach into the isolated out-
island areas but also into the hinterland region
surroimding the district center area in which
the great bulk of our population reside. Much
of tlie problem of attracting and keeping our
educated young people in the village level will
disappear as we open these hinterlands to the
conveniences of modem life possible under local
resources. It is not enough simply to station
a well-trained teacher, a doctor, a nurse, or an
agriculturist in an outlying area. They must be
able to put into practice what they have learned,
and they, as well as the people of the outlying
region, should be able to participate in im-
proved standards of living.
It is this goal that we are striving for in our
axicelerated education program by providing
the means whereby an elementary school far
from the district center will have equal facil-
ities and as well trained teachers as do the
schools in the urban centers. Our public-health
program calls for expansion of hospital service
to the population centers outside the district
centers through the building of field hospitals.
The building of roads, the extension of public
utilities insofar as this is feasible, into the
hinterland area must be an important phase of
any progi-am of development. These items have
high priority in our present program, and even
greater emphasis will be placed on them in our
expanding program, which calls for accelera-
tion in all fields of endeavor.
I am pleased to be able to report at this time
that the typhoon rehabilitation program for
the Mariana Islands is progressing most satis-
factorily. On June 11 President Kennedy al-
located $1,-300,000 for the special rehabilitation
program I described in detail in my opening
statement, and this will enable us to move for-
ward rapidly in the reconstruction of damaged
facilities in Saipan, Rota, and Tinian. The
Administering Authority shares the hope ex-
pressed by members of the Council that a speedy
solution to the longstanding problem of the
Kwajalein land claims, as well as compensation
for the people of Eongelap, will soon come
about. My administration earnestly hopes that
these two areas of doubt and uncertainty can
be cleared up well before this Council convenes
next spring.
It has been our practice, Mr. President, eacli
year to circulate immediately upon the return
of the Special Representative to the territory
the summary records of the Trusteeship Coim-
228
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
cil, in order that the people of the territory may
read for themselves the complete transcripts of
the meetings here. Not only are these smnmai-y
records distributed in considerable quantity,
but our local radio stations use them in special
broadcast programs. I can assure the Council
that the deliberations of this body are followed
with keen interest by the people of the Trust
Territory. Before the 1st of July records of
this meeting will be distributed throughout our
territory.
In closing, Mr. President, may I express
again my appreciation for the many helpful
comments brought forth at this me-eting and
thank you and the members of the Coimcil for
the interest expressed in the affairs of the Trust
Territory.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Mimeographed or processed documents (,such as those
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries
in the United States. V.N. printed publications may he
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Na-
tions, United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
Economic and Social Council
Fifteenth Anniversary of the Universal Declaration ot
Human Rights. Note by the Secretary-General
transmitting to the Council an extract from the re-
port of the 19th session of the Commission on Human
Rights. E/3737. April 1, 1963. 19 pp.
Report of the ad hoc committee established under Coun-
cil resolution 851 (XXXII) on coordination of tech-
nical assistance activities. E/3750. April 18, 1963.
24 pp.
Economic and social consequences of disarmament.
E/3736, May 13, 1963, 12 pp. ; Add. 1, May 10, 1963,
21 pp. ; Add. 2, May 13, 1963, 12 pp. ; Add. 3, May 13,
1963, 14 pp.
Technical assistance activities of the United Nations.
E/37.57. May 13, 1963. 77 pp.
Provisional agenda for the 36th session of ECOSOC.
E/37.55. May 14, 1963. 17 pp.
World campaign for universal literacy. E/3771. May
1.5, 1963. 84 pp.
U.N. conference on the application of science and tech-
nology for the benefit of the less developed areas.
E/3772, May 21, 1963, 91 pp. : Corr. 1, June 10, 1963,
1 p. : and Add. 1, June 3, 1963, 173 pp.
General review of the development, coordination, and
concentration of the economic, social, and human
rights programs and activities of the United Nations,
the specialized agencies, and the International Atomic
Energy Agency as a whole : report of the Special
Comm'ittee on Coordination. E/3778. May 27, 1963.
13 pp.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Coffee
International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes.
Signed at New York September 28, 1962. Entered
into force provisionally July 1, 1963.
Notification received of undertaking to seek ratifica-
tion: Nicaragua, June 26, 1963.
Finance
Articles of agreement of the International Development
Association. Done at Washington January 26, 1960.
Entered into force September 24, 1960. TIAS 4607.
Signature: Upper Volta. May 2, 1963.
Acceptance deposited: Upper Volta, May 13, 1963.
Labor
Instrument for the amendment of the constitution of
the International Labor Organization. Dated at
Montreal October 9, 1946 ; entered into force April 20,
1948. TIAS 1868.
Admission to membership : Algeria, October 19, 1962;
Burundi, March 12, 1963 ; Jamaica, December 28,
1962 ; Rwanda, September 18, 1962 ; Trinidad and
Tobago, May 27, 1963; Uganda, March 28, 1963.
Law of the Sea
Convention on fishing and conservation of living re-
sources of the high seas ; *
Convention on the continental shelf ; '
Done at Geneva April 29, 1958.
Ratification deposited: Australia, May 14, 1963.
Convention on the territorial sea and contiguous zone.
Done at Geneva April 29, 1958.^
Ratification deposited: Australia (with reserva-
tions), May 14, 1963.
Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29,
1958. Entered into force September 30, 1962. TIAS
5200.
Ratification deposited: Australia (with reserva-
tions). May 14, 1963.
Optional protocol of signature concerning the compul-
sory settlement of disputes. Done at Geneva
April 29, 1958. Entered into force September 30,
1962."
Signature: Australia, May 14, 1963.
Maritime Matters
Inter-American convention on facilitation of interna-
tional waterborne transportation (Convention of
Mar del Plata). Signed at Mar del Plata June 7,
1963. Enters into force on the 30th day following
the date of deposit of the 11th ratification or
adherence.
Signatures: Argentina, Bolivia, Chile (with reserva-
tion), Colombia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, Peru,
United States, and Uruguay, June 7, 1963.
^ Not in force.
' Not in force for the United States.
AUGUST 5, 196 3
229
Property
Coiiv.ntloii of I'nrlH for the protection of Industrial
IiroiHTty of Mardi :iO, 1883, revised at Washington
Jiiiif 2. linl, at The Hague N'oveiiil>er 6, 1920, at
Ixmdoii June 2. l',";!». and at Msbon October 31, 1958.
Done at Lisbon tKtot)er 31, 11)58. Entered into force
January 4, Uk;2. TIAS 4SKJ1.
Api>lictttion to: Gumui. Puerto Ulco, Samoa, and Vir-
Kin I.tlands, July 7, 1903.
Trade
General Ain-eement on Tariffs and Trade, with annexes
and schedules, and protocol of provisional applica-
tion. Concluded at Geneva October 30, lf»47. TIAS
1700.
Admitted o* contractltuj party (with rights and obli-
pdtioru dating from independence) : Chad, July 4,
i;»C3.
Wheat
Inteniatlonal wheat agreement, 19C2. Open for sig-
nature at Washington April 19 through May 15, 19C2.
Entere<l Into force July 10, 19C2, for imrt I and
parts III to VII, and August 1, 1902, for part II.
TIAS 511.5.
Aeeeplanees drponited: Argentina, July 16, 1963;
Dominican Republic, July 12, 196.3.
Aocei»ion deposited: El Salvador, July 17, 1963.
BILATERAL
Philippines
Agri-.ineiit amending the agreement of June 30, 1958
(TI.VS 4W.7), relating to the use of the Veterans
Memorial Hospital and granting aid for medical care
and treatment of veterans. Effected by exchange of
notes nt Manila June 28, 1903. Entered into force
June 28, 1903.
Portugal
Agreement amending the agricultural commodities
agreement of November 2.8, 1961 (TIAS 4904).
Effected by exchange of notes at Lisbon June 5 and
2r,. HKJ3. Entered Into force June 26, 1963.
Sweden
Agreement amending the agreement of November 20,
1952, as amended (TIAS 20,53, 4359), for financing
certain educational exchange programs. Effected
by exchange of notes at Stcx'kholm June 28, 1963.
Entered Into force June 28, 1063.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Appointments
Howard U. Haugerud as Deputy Inspector General
for Foreign Assistance, effective July 14. (For bio-
graphic details, see Department of State press release
381 dated July 22.)
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Ojjice, Washington, B.C. 20402.
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, which
may be obtained from the Department of State.
Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV.
Agreement with Chile. Signed at Santiago August 7,
1902. Entered into force August 7, lt>UJ. With ex-
changes of notes — Dated at Santiago August 7 and
October 3 and 4, 1962. And amending agreement
effected by exchange of notes — Signed at Santiago
August 29 and September 10, VM2. Entered into
force September 10, l'J62. TIAS 5195. 18 pp. 10(f.
Economic, Technical and Related Assistance. Agree-
ment with Paraguay. Signed at Asuncion Septem-
ber 20, 1901. Entered into force September 20, 1961.
TIAS 5190. 7 pp. 10?.
Defense — Furnishing of Articles and Services. Agree-
ment with Bolivia. Exchange of notes — Signed at
La I'az April 26, 1962. Entered into force April
:iO, 1902. TIAS 5197. 5 pp. 'xf.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Burma.
Signed at Rangoon November 9, 1902. Entered into
force November 9, 1902. With exchange of notes.
TIAS 5198. 8 pp. 10(?.
Peace Corps Program. Agreement with Chile. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Santiago October 3 and 4,
1962. Entered into force October 4, 1902. TIAS
5199. 5 pp. 5^.
Peace Corps Program in North Borneo. Agreement
with United Kingdom. Exchange of notes — Signed
at London October 25, 1902. Entered into force Oc-
tober 25, 1902. TIAS 5201. 5 pp. 5c.
Peace Corps Program in Sarawak. Agreement with
United Kingdom. Exchange of notes — Signed at
London October 25, 1962. Entered into force Octo-
ber 25, 1962. TIAS 5202. 5 pp. 50.
Defense — Military Assistance to India. Agreement
with India, supplementing the agreement of March 7
and 16, 1951, as amended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Washington November 14, 1902. Entered
Into force November 14, 1962. TIAS 5206. 3 pp.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Korea.
Signed at Seoul November 7, 1902. Entered into
force November 7, 1002. With exchange of notes.
TIAS .5208. 8 pp. 100.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Colombia.
Exchange of letters— Signed at Bogotil October .5.
1902. Entered into force October 5, 1902. TIAS
5210. 3 pp. 50.
Experimental Communications Satellites — Interconti-
nental Testing. Agreement with Japan. Exchange
of notes — Signed at Tokyo November 6, 1902. En-
tered into force November 6, 1962. TIAS 5212.
4 pp. 5<!.
.Vgricultural Commodities. Agreement with India.
Signed at New Delhi November 26, 1902. Entered
into force November 20, 1962. With exchange of
notes. TIAS 5225. 9 pp. 10c.
230
DEPARTSIEXT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX August 5, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1258
Agriculture. President Moves To Facilitate
Use of Foreign Currencies 204
Atomic Energy. President Reports on Progress
of Test Ban Talks at Moscow (Kennedy) . . 198
Congress. Congressional Documents Relating
to Foreign Policy 205
Department and Foreign Service. Appoint-
ments (Haugerud) 230
Economic Affairs. President Moves To Facili-
tate Use of Foreign Currencies 201
Educational and Cultural Affairs. President
Moves To Facilitate Use of Foreign Cur-
rencies 204
Foreign Aid
Haugerud appointed Deputy Inspector General
for Foreign Assistance 230
President Nyerere of Tanganyika Visits Wash-
ington (text of communique, Peace Corps an-
nouncement) 198
International Law. Department Releases First
Volume of Digest of International Law
(Rusk) 204
International Organizations and Conferences.
Calendar of International Conferences and
Meetings 206
Mexico. United States and Mexico Agree To
Conclude Convention for Settlement of Cham-
Izal Boundary Dispute (Kennedy, Department
statement, memorandum) 199
Non-Self-Governing Territories. The Trust
Territory of the Pacific Islands (Coding,
Santos) 207
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The State
of the North Atlantic Alliance (Rusk) ... 190
Presidential Documents
President Nyerere of Tanganyika Visits Wash-
ington 198
President Reports on Progress of Test Ban
Talks at Moscow 198
United States and Mexico Agree To Conclude
Convention for Settlement of Chamizal Bound-
ary Dispute 199
Publications
Department Releases First Volume of Digest of
International Law (Rusk) 204
Recent Releases 230
Tanganyika. President Nyerere of Tanganyika
Visits Washington (text of communique,
Peace Corps announcement) 198
Treaty Information
Current Actions 229
United States and Mexico Agree To Conclude
Convention for Settlement of Chamizal Bound-
ary Dispute (Kennedy, Department statement,
memorandum) 199
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents 229
The Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands
(Coding, Santos) 207
Name Index
Coding, M. Wilfred 207
Haugerud, Howard H 230
Kennedy, President 198,199
Nyerere, Julius K 198
Rusk, Secretary 190,205
Santos, Vincente N 207
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: July 15-21
Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Release issued prior to July 15 which appears
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 367 of July 12.
No. Date Subject
U.S. participation in international
conferences.
Publication of Digest of Interna-
tional La lo (rewrite).
Guest list for dinner for President
Nyerere of Tanganyika.
Agreement with Mexico on the
Chamizal.
Rusk: Department's appropriation
for 1964.
Visit of Dominican Republic parlia-
mentary delegation.
Visit of Afghanistan parliamentary
delegation.
Fredericks: "Our Policy Toward
Africa."
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bitlletin.
*372
7/15
373
7/15
•374
7/15
375
7/18
1376
7/16
*377
7/17
•378
7/18
t390
7/18
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DEPOSITOR^
Vol. XLIX, No. 1259
August m, 1963
THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN TREATY: A STEP TOWARD PEACE
Address by President Kennedy and Texts of Communique and Treaty S34-
MR. RUSK AND MR. HARRIMAN DISCUSS
NUCLEAR TEST BAN TREATY 240
AN EMERGING CONSENSUS ON ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPLIENT
Statement by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson £65
THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
Special Message of the President to the Congress 250
For index see inside back cover
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty: A Step Toward Peace
Following m an address to the Nation by President Kennedy on JvJy 26
concerning the treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in
outer space, and under water which was initialed by representatives of the
United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union at Moscow on
July 25, together with texts of a/n agreed communique and the treaty, which
were released simultaneously at Washington {White House press release),
London, and Moscow on July 25.
ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY >
Ci<Kxl ovciiinjr, my fellow citizens: I speak to
you tonight in a spirit of hope. Eighteen years
ago tlic advent of nuclear weajwns changed the
course of the world as well as the war. Since
that time, all mankind has been struggling to
e«5*^'ai)o from the darkening prospect of mass de-
struction on earth. In an age when both sides
have come to {Mxssess enough nuclear power to
destroy the human race several times over, the
world of conununism and the world of free
choice have been caught up in a vicious circle
' Dellvereil from the White Hou.se by television and
radio on July 20 (White House press release; as-
clellvere«l text).
of conflicting ideolog^^ and interest. Each in-
crease of tension has produced an increase of
arms; each increase of arms has produced an
increase of tension.
In these years the United States and the So-
viet Union have frequently communicated sus-
picion and warnings to each other, but very
rarely hope. Our representatives have met at
the summit and at the brink; they have met in
Washington and in Moscow, in Geneva and at
the United Nations. But too often these meet-
ings have produced only darkness, discord, or
disillusion.
Yesterday a shaft of light cut into the dark-
ness. Negotiations were concluded in Moscow
on a treaty to ban all nuclear tests in the at-
DCPAirrMtNT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 12S9 PUBLICATION 75S4 AUGUST 12, 1963
Thr Ilrpnrlnirnt of Stntp Kiilli'tln. n
wrrkljr |iuhllralliin iKmii-d by tlii' tilllcp
of MrdlB .S4Tvlrc«. niiri'nu of I'litillc Af-
fnlm, prnrldi-K the puhllc nml ItiliTi-HH-d
■Erncicn of the ()<iviTnnifnl with Infornm-
llon on flrTrlii|iin<MilN In Hip flp|,l ,,f for-
plk'n rplmlona nnd i>n tlip tvork of Ihp
r><'|inrlm»nl of Rinip niul Hip KorplBH
Sprilrp. Thp Iltilipiln Inrliidi'ii iip|p<-tpil
prpM rrlpsan on forPlcn pollry. Iimupd
l.jr rhp Wlilip ItmiM. nnit (dp r>.[.nrfmpnt.
■ nd •talpmpnl* and nddrpiupK mndp h.r
lh» I>r.-.l.l.-nl nnd l>.v llip Hprrptnry of
HUI» and olli»r ofllr<T« of tlip Dppiirl-
rn.'iit. lis wpll ns sippclnl artlclps on vnrl-
ouN phnsp!) of Interoatlonnl nlTnlrs nnd
the fiinctlcins of the Deimrtmont. Infor-
mation Is IncluilPiI concerning treaties
nnd Inlernntlonnl ncroements to which
the Tnltpd States Is or maj' become a
piirty nnd trentles of cenernl Inter-
nntlonnl Intprest.
Pulillcntlons of the Department, United
Nntlons dornnipiits, nnd leRlsIntlve mnte-
rlnl In the (leld of International relations
are listed curn'ntly.
The Biillptln Is for sale by the Super-
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NOTE: Contents of this publlc.itlon are
not copyrighted and Items contained
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Dep.irtnient of St.ite Bulletin ns the
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Is Indexed in the Readers" (iulde to
Periodical Literature.
S84
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
mosphere, in outer space, and under water. For
the first time, an agreement has been reached
on bringing the forces of nuclear destruction
under international control — a goal first sought
in 1946, when Bernard Baruch presented a com-
prehensive control plan to the United Nations.
That plan and many subsequent disarmament
plans, large and small, have all been blocked by
those opposed to international inspection. A
ban on nuclear tests, however, requires on-the-
spot inspection only for underground tests.
This nation now possesses a variety of tech-
iiiciues to detect the nuclear tests of other nations
which are conducted in the air or under water.
Pov such tests produce immistakable signs which
our modern instruments can pick up.
Limitations of Treaty
The treaty initialed yesterday, therefore, is a
lunited treaty which permits continued imder-
_ ground testing and prohibits only those tests
that we ourselves can police. It requires no con-
trol posts, no on-site inspection, no international
body.
We should also understand that it has other
limits as well. Any nation which signs the
treaty will have an opportunity to withdraw if
it fi.nds that extraordinary events related to
' the subject matter of the treaty have jeopard-
ized its supreme interests ; and no nation's right
, of self-defense will in any way be impaired.
I Nor does this treaty mean an end to the threat
of nuclear war. It will not reduce nuclear
stockpiles; it will not halt the production of
nuclear weapons; it will not restrict their use
in time of war.
Nevertheless, this limited treaty will radically
reduce the nuclear testing which would other-
wise be conducted on both sides; it will pro-
hibit the United States, the United Kingdom,
the Soviet Union, and all others who sign it
from engaging in the atmospheric tests wliich
have so alarmed mankind ; and it offers to all the
world a welcome sign of hope.
For this is not a unilateral moratorium, but
, a specific and solemn legal obligation. Wliile
it will not prevent this nation from testing un-
derground, or from being ready to conduct at-
mospheric tests if the acts of others so require,
it gives us a concrete opportunity to extend its
coverage to other nations and later to other
forms of nuclear tests.
This treaty is in part the product of "Western
patience and vigilance. We have made clear —
most recently in Berlin and Cuba — our deep
resolve to protect our security and our freedom
against any form of aggression. We have also
made clear our \-teadfast determination to limit
the arms race. In three administrations our
soldiers and diplomats have worked together to
this end, always supported by Great Britain.
Prime Minister Macmillan joined with Presi-
dent Eisenhower in proposing a limited test ban
in 1959, and again with me in 1961 and 1962.
But the achievement of this goal is not a vic-
tory for one side — it is a victory for mankind.
It reflects no concessions either to or by the
Soviet Union. It reflects simply our common
recognition of the dangers in further testing.
This treaty is not the millennium. It will
not resolve all conflicts, or cause the Communists
to forgo their ambitions, or eliminate the dan-
gers of war. It will not reduce our need for
arms or allies or programs of assistance to
others. But it is an important first step — a step
toward peace — a step toward reason — a step
away from war.
Here is what this step can mean to you and
to your children and your neighbors.
An Opportunity To Reduce World Tension
First, tliis treaty can be a step toward reduced
world tension and broader areas of agreement.
Tlae Moscow talks have reached no agreement on
any other subject, nor is this treaty conditioned
on any other matter. Under Secretary Harri-
man made it clear that any nonaggression ar-
rangements across the division in Europe would
require full consultation with our allies and full
attention to their interests. He also made clear
our strong preference for a more comprehensive
treaty banning all tests everywhere and our
ultimate hope for general and complete dis-
armament. The Soviet Government, however,
is still unwilling to accept the inspection such
goals require.
No one can predict with certainty, therefore,
what further agreemei^^,^fjjji,i^j. cap be built
Superintendent ot Documents
AUGUST 12, 1963
235
DEPOSITORY
on tlic foundations of this one. They could
inchido controls on preparations for surprise
attack, or on numbers and type of armaments.
There could be further limitations on the spread
of nuclear weaj^ns. The important point is
that olforts to seek new agreements will go
forward.
But the difficulty of predicting the next step
is no reason to be reluctant about this step.
Nuclear test ban negotiations have long been
a symbol of East- West disagreement. If this
treaty can also be a symbol — if it can symbolize
the end of one era and the beginning of an-
other—if both sides can by this treaty gain con-
fidence and experience in peaceful collabora-
tion— then this short and simple treaty may well
become an historic mark in man's age-old pur-
suit of peace.
Western policies have long been designed to
persuade the Soviet Union to renounce aggres-
sion, direct or indirect, so that their people and
all people may live and let live in peace. The
unlimited testing of new weapons of war can-
not lead toward that end, but this treaty, if it
can be followed by further progress, can clearly
move in that direction.
I do not say that a world without aggression
or threats of war would be an easy world. It
will i)ring new problems, new challenges from
the Communists, new dangers of relaxing our
vigilance or of mistaking their intent.
Hut those dangers pale in comparison to those
of the spiraling arms race and a collision course
toward war. Since the beginning of history,
war has been mankind's constant companion.
It has l)epn the rule, not the exception. Even a
nation as young and as peace-loving as our own
has fought through eight wars. And three
times in the last two years and a half I have
been required to report to you as President that
this nation and the Soviet Union stood on the
verge of direct military confrontation — in Laos,
in Berlin, and in Cuba.
A war today or tomorrow, if it led to nuclear
war, would not be like any war in history. A
full scale nuclear exchange, lasting less than 60
minutes, with the weapons now in existence,
could wipe out more than 300 million Ameri-
cans, Europeans, and Russians, as well as untold
numbers elsewhere. And the survivors — as
Chairman Khrushchev warned the Communist
Chinese, "The survivors would envy the dead."
For they would inherit a world so devastated by
explosions and poison and fire that today we
cannot even conceive of its horrors. So let us
try to turn the world from war. Let us make
the most of this opportunity, and every oppor-
tunity, to reduce tension, to slow down the peril-
ous nuclear arms race, and to check the world's
slide toward final annihilation.
Freeing World From Fear of Radioactive Fallout
Second, this treaty can be a step toward free-
ing the world from the fears and dangers of
radioactive fallout. Our own atmospheric tests
last year were conducted under conditions which
restricted such fallout to an absolute minimum.
But over the years the number and the yield of
weapons tested have rapidly increased and so
have the radioactive hazards from such testing.
Continued unrestricted testing by the nuclear
powers, joined in time by other nations which
may be less adept in limiting pollution, will in-
creasingly contaminate the air that all of us
must breathe.
Even then, the number of children and grand-
children with cancer in their bones, with leu-
kemia in their blood, or with poison in their
lungs might seem statistically small to some, in
comparison with natural health hazards. But
this is not a natural health hazard, and it is not
a statistical issue. The loss of even one human
life or the malformation of even one baby — who
may be born long after we are gone — should be
of concern to us all. Our children and grand-
children are not merely statistics toward which
we can be indifferent.
Nor does this atl'ect the nuclear powers alone.
These tests befoul the air of all men and all na-
tions, the committed and the uncommitted alike,
without their knowledge and without their con-
sent. That is why the continuation of atmos-
pheric testing causes so many countries to regard
all nuclear powers as equally evil ; and we can
hope that its prevention will enable those coun-
tries to see the world more clearly, while ena-
bling all the world to breathe more easily.
236
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Preventing Spread of Nuclear Weapons
Third, this treaty can be a step toward pre-
venting the spread of nuclear weapons to na-
tions not now possessing them. During the next
several years, in addition to the four current
nuclear powers, a small but significant number
of nations will have the intellectual, physical,
md financial resources to produce both nuclear
(veapons and the means of delivering them. In
;ime, it is estimated, many other nations will
lave either this capacity or other ways of ob-
:aining nuclear warheads, even as missiles can
36 commercially purchased today.
I ask you to stop and think for a moment what
t would mean to have nuclear weapons in so
nany hands, in the hands of countries, large and
imall, stable and unstable, responsible and irre-
iponsible, scattered throughout the world.
There would be no rest for anyone then, no sta-
)ility, no real security, and no chance of effective
iisarmament. There would only be the in-
sreased chance of accidental war and an in-
ireased necessity for the great powers to involve
hemselves in what otherwise would be local
'onflicts.
If only one thermonuclear bomb were to be
Iroppecl on any American, Russian, or any
)ther city, whether it was launched by accident
)r design, by a madman or by an enemy, by a
arge nation or by a small, from any corner of
he world, that one bomb could release more de-
tructive power on the inhabitants of that one
lelpless city than all the bombs dropped in the
5econd "World War.
Neither the United States nor the Soviet
Jnion nor the United Kingdom nor France can
ook forward to that day with equanimity. We
lave a great obligation — all four nuclear powers
lave a great obligation — to use whatever time
■emains to prevent the spread of nuclear weap-
ons, to persuade other countries not to test,
ransfer, acquire, possess, or produce such
veapons.
This treaty can be the opening wedge in that
;ampaign. It provides that none of the parties
vill assist other nations to test in the forbidden
•nvironments. It opens the door for further
agreements on the control of nuclear weapons,
md it is open for all nations to sign; for it is
n the interest of all nations, and already we
have heard from a number of countries who
wish to join with us promptly.
Strengthening Our Nation's Security
Fourth and finally, this treaty can limit the
nuclear arms race in ways which, on balance,
will strengthen our nation's security far more
than the continuation of unrestricted testing.
For, in today's world, a nation's security does
not always increase as its arms increase when
its adversary is doing the same, and unlimited
competition in the testing and development of
new types of destructive nuclear weapons will
not make the world safer for either side. Un-
der this limited treaty, on the other hand, the
testing of other nations could never be sufficient
to offset the ability of our strategic forces to de-
ter or survive a nuclear attack and to penetrate
and destroy an aggressor's homeland.
We have, and under this treaty we will con-
tinue to have, the nuclear strength that we need.
It is true that the Soviets have tested nuclear
weapons of a yield higher than that which we
thought to be necessary, but the hundred-mega-
ton bomb of which they spoke 2 years ago does
not and will not change the balance of strategic
power. The United States has chosen, delib-
erately, to concentrate on more mobile and more
efficient weapons, with lower but entirely suf-
ficient yield, and our security is, therefore, not
impaired by the treaty I am discussing.
Risit of Secret Violations Not Overlooked
It is also true, as Mr. Khrushchev would
agree, that nations cannot afford in these mat-
ters to rely simply on the good faith of their
adversaries. We have not, therefore, over-
looked the risk of secret violations. There is
at present a possibility that deep in outer space,
hundreds and thousands and millions of miles
away from the earth, illegal tests might go
undetected. But we already have the capa-
bility to construct a system of observation that
would make such tests almost impossible to
conceal, and we can decide at any time whether
such a system is needed in the light of the
limited risk to us and the limited reward to
others of violations attempted at that range.
For any tests which might be conducted so far
AUGUST 12, 1963
237
out in splice, which ciuinot be coiuhuted more
easily iiml cfliciently and lepally undiTfrround,
woidtl nwessarily Im? of such a ina<niitude that
fhoy wouUl 1k« exlieincly diflicult to conceal.
We can also employ new devices to check on
the testinp of smaller weapons in the lower
atmosphere. Any violation, moreover, in-
volves, alonp with the risk of detection, the
end of the treaty and the worldwide conse-
quences for the violator.
Secret violations are possible and secret prep-
arations for a sudden withdrawal are possible,
and thus our own vipilance and strength must
l)e maintained, as we remain ready to with-
draw and to resume all forms of testing if
we nuist. But it would be a mistake to assume
that this treaty will be quickly broken. The
pains of illegal testing are obviously slight
compared to their cost and the hazard of dis-
covery, and the nations which have initialed
and will sign this treaty prefer it, in my judg-
ment, to unrestricted testing as a matter of their
own self-interest, for these nations, too, and all
nations, have a slake in limiting the arms race,
in holding the spread of nuclear weapons, and
in breathing air that is not radioactive. "Wliile
it may be theoretically possible to demonstrate
the risks inherent in any treaty — and such risks
in this treaty are small — the far gi-eater risks
to our security are the risks of unrestricted test-
ing, the risk of a nuclear arms race, the risk
of new nuclear powers, nuclear pollution, and
nuclear war.
A Responsibility of All Americans
Tills limited test ban, in our most careful
judgment, is safer by far for the United States
than an unlimited nuclear arms race. For all
these reasfms, T am hopeful that this nation will
promjitly ap|)rove the limited test ban treaty.
There will, of course, be debate in the country
and in the Senate. The Constitution wisely re-
qnin^ the advice and consent of the Senate to
all treaties, and that consultation has already
lK>g»m. All this is as it should be. A document
which may mark an historic and constnictive
op[)orl unity for the world deserves an historic
and con.structive <lel)ate.
It is my hope tlmt all of you will take part in
that debate, for this treaty is for all of us. It is
particularly for our children and our grand-
children, and they have no lobby here in AVash-
ington. This debate will involve military, sci-
entific, and political experts, but it must be not
left to them alone. The right and the responsi-
bility are yours.
If we are to open new doorways to peace, it
we are to seize this rare opportunity for prog-
ress, if we are to be as bold and farsighted in
our control of weapons as we have been in theii
invention, then let us now show all the world on
this side of the wall and the other that a strong
America also stands for peace.
There is no cause for complacency. We have
learned in times past that the spirit of one mo-
ment or place can be gone in the next. We have
l)een disappointed more than once, and we have
no illusions now that there are shortcuts on the
road to peace. At many points around the globe
the Commimists are continuing their efforts tc
exploit weakness and poverty. Their concen-
tration of nuclear and conventional arms must
still be deterred.
The familiar contest between choice and
coercion, the familiar places of danger and con-
flict, are still there, in Cuba, in Southeast Asia,
in Berlin, and all around the globe, still requir-
ing all the strength and the vigilance that we
can muster. Nothing could more greatly dam-
age our cause than if we and our allies were
to believe that peace has already been achieved
and that our strength and unity were no longer
required.
But now, for the first time in many years,
the path of peace may be open. No one can be
certain what the future will bring. No one can
say whether the time has come for an erasing of
the struggle. But historj' and our own con-
science will judge us harsher if we do not now
make every effort to test our hopes by action,
and this is the place to begin. According to the
ancient Chinese proverb, "A journey of a thou-
sand miles must begin with a single step."
My fellow Americans, let us take that first
step. Let us, if we can, get back from the shad-
ows of war and seek out the way of peace. And
if that journey is one thousand miles, or even
more, let history record that we, in this land,
at this time, took the first step.
Thank you and good night.
288
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
COMMUNIQUE
The special representatives of the President
of the U.S.A. and of the Prime Minister of the
U.K., W. A. Harriman, Under Secretary of
State for Political Affairs of the United States,
and Lord Hailsham, Lord President of the
Council and Minister for Science for the United
Kingdom, visited Moscow together with their
advisers on July 14. Mr. Harriman and Lord
Hailsham were received by the Chainnan of
the Coimcil of Ministers of the U.S.S.K., N. S.
Klirushchev, who presided on July 15 at the
first of a series of meetings to discuss questions
relating to the discontinuance of nuclear tests,
and other questions of mutual interest. The dis-
cussions were continued from July 16 to July 25
with A. A. Gromyko, Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs of the U.S.S.K. During these discussions
each principal was assisted by his advisers.
The discussions took place in a businesslike,
cordial atmosphere. Agreement was reached
on the text of a treaty banning nuclear weap-
ons tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and
under water. This text is being published sep-
arately and simultaneously with this commu-
nique. It was initialed on July 25 by A. A.
Gromyko, Mr. Harriman and Lord Hailsham.
Mr. Harriman and Lord Hailsham together
with their advisers will leave Moscow shortly to
report and bring back the initialed texts to their
respective Governments. Signature of the
Treaty is expected to take place in the near
future in Moscow.
The heads of the thi"ee delegations agreed
that the test ban treaty constituted an impor-
tant first step toward the reduction of interna-
tional tension and the strengthening of peace,
and they look forward to further progress in
this direction.
The heads of the three delegations discussed
the Soviet proposal relating to a pact of non-
aggression between the participants in the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the
participants in the Warsaw Treaty. The three
Governments have agreed fully to inform their
respective allies in the two organisations con-
cerning these talks and to consult with them
about continuing discussion on this question
with the purpose of achieving agreement sat-
isfactoi-y to all participants. A brief exchange
of views also took place with regard to other
measures, directed at a relaxation of tension.
TEXT OF TREATY
TREATY
banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in
outer space and under water
The Governments of the United States of America,
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
hereinafter referred to as the "Original Parties",
Proclaiming as their principal aim the speediest
possible achievement of an agreement on general and
complete disarmament under strict international con-
trol in accordance with the objectives of the United
Nations which would put an end to the armaments
race and eliminate the incentive to the production and
testing of all kinds of weapons, including nuclear
weapons.
Seeking to achieve the discontinuance of all test
explosions of nuclear weapons for all time, determined
to continue negotiations to this end, and desiring to
put an end to the contamination of man's environment
by radioactive substances.
Have agreed as follows :
Article I
1. Each of the Parties to this Treaty undertakes to
prohibit, to prevent, and not to carry out any nuclear
weapon test explosion, or any other nuclear explo-
sion, at any place under its jurisdiction or control :
(a) in the atmosphere; beyond its limits, including
outer space : or underwater, including territorial waters
or high seas ; or
(b) in any other environment if such explosion
causes radioactive debris to be present outside the ter-
ritorial limits of the State under whose jurisdiction or
control such explosion is conducted. It is understood in
this connection that the provisions of this subparagraph
are without prejudice to the conclusion of a treaty
resulting in the permanent banning of all nuclear test
explosions, including all such explosions underground,
the conclusion of which, as the Parties have stated
in the Preamble to this Treaty, they seek to achieve.
i!. Each of the Parties to this Treaty undertakes
furthermore to refrain from causing, encouraging, or
in any way participating in, the carrying out of any
nuclear weapon test explosion, or any other nuclear
explosion, anywhere which would take place in any
of the environments described, or have the effect
referred to, in paragraph 1 of this Article.
Article II
1. Any Party may propose amendments to this
Treaty. The text of any proposed amendment shall
AUGUST IS
239
be aobmlttod to the De|)<(8ltnry Governments which
■hall circulate It to all rnrtles to this Treaty. There-
after, If rcijuested to do so by one-third or more of the
Parties, the Depositary Governments shall convene
• conference, to which they shall Invite aU the Parties,
to consider such amendment.
2. Any oniendiiient to this Treaty must be approved
by a majority of the votes of all the Parties to this
Treaty, Including the votes of all of the Original Par-
lies. The amendment shall enter Into force for all
Parties upon the deposit of Instruments of ratification
by a majority of all the Parties, Including the instru-
ments of ratification of all of the Original Parties.
Article III
1. Tills Treaty shall be open to all States for signa-
ture. Any State which does not sign this Treaty
before Its entry Into force In accordance with para-
graph 3 of this Article may accede to it at any time.
2. This Treaty shall be subject to ratification by
signatory States. Instruments of ratification and in-
struments of accession shall be deposited with the Gov-
ernments of the Original Parties — the United States of
America, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics— which are hereby designated the Depos-
itary Governments.
3. This Treaty shall enter into force after its ratifi-
cation by all the Original Parties and the deposit of
their Instruments of ratification.
4. For States whose Instruments of ratification or
accession are deposited sul)sequont to the entry into
force of this Treaty, It shall enter into force on the
date of the deposit of their instruments of ratification
or accession.
5. The Depositary Governments shall promptly in-
fonn all signatory and acceding States of the date of
each signature, the date of deposit of each instrument
of ratification of and accession to this Treaty, the date
of Its entry Into force, and the date of receipt of any
requests for conferences or other notices.
C. This Treaty shall be registered by the Depositary
Governments pursuant to Article 102 of the Charter of
the United Nations.
Article IV
This Treaty shall be of unlimited duration.
Each Party shall In exercising its national sover-
eignty have the right to withdraw from the Treaty
if It decides that extraordinary events, related to the
subject matter of this Treaty, have Jeopardized the
supreme Interests of Its country. It shall give notice
of such withdrawal to all other Parties to the Treaty
three months In advance.
Article V
ThU Treaty, of which the English and Russian texts
■ re oquiijly authentic, shall be deposited In the archives
of the Depositary Governments. Duly certified copies
of thi.* Treaty shall be transmltte<l by the Depositary
Governments to the Governments of the signatory
and acceding States.
In witness whereof the undersigned, duly author-
ized, have signed this Treaty.
Done in triplicate at the city of Moscow the day
of , one thousand nine hundred and sixty-three.'
For the Government of the United States of America
For the Government of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland
For the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics
Mr. Rusk and Mr. Harriman Discussi
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Folloiomg is the transcript of an interview
of Secretary Rush and Under Secretary Harri-
man hy Martin Agronsky on a National Broad-
casting Company television program on July 28.
Press release 394 dated Jnly 28
Mr. Agronsky: Mr. Secretarj', this week in
Moscow we came to the turning point in a long,
hard road. You began traveling it long before
you assumed your present duties. I wonder if
you could put it in historical perspective for us
and look back to the beginning.
Secretary Rusk: Well, Martin, I hope that
what the President has called an important first
step will in fact prove to be a turning point.
But that, of course, is for the future.
Wlien I heard from Averell Harriman that
it seemed possible that we could initial an agreed
test ban treaty for the three environments, my
mind went back to the summer of 1945, when I
was a colonel on the War Plan Section of the
General Staff, when the news of the first bomb
first came in. One of my colleagues, a Regular
ofEcer, instantaneously commented that "War
has devoured it-self. "We cannot settle disputes
by this means anj' longer."
I also think of the Acheson-Lilientlial re-
port,^ which pointed out that nature does not
yield up its secrets on the basis of political
favoritism, that the basic scientific knowledge
involved in these weapons would become gen-
erally known to mankind, and that it was im-
* For background and excerpts from the report, see
Bulletin of Apr. 7, 1946, p. 553.
240
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIH
portant for us to try to commit this great power
to peaceful purposes rather than to war.
I think of the Baruch proposals,^ in which we
tried to put the lid back onto Pandora's Box
and to find a way to bring this great power
under control.
I think of the prolonged negotiations in
which I took part to try to organize United Na-
tions forces under chapter VII of the United
Nations Charter in the hope that the United
Nations forces could somehow be a substitute
for national competitive armaments.
And then, during the Tiiunan, Eisenhower,
and Kennedy administrations, one can recall
how we in the West have been gnawing at this
problem, in trying to find some answer to the
unrestricted, unlimited arms race in the nuclear
field.
You will recall that in the midfifties the
United States and United Kingdom monopoly
in nuclear weapons was broken effectively when
the Soviet Union achieved delivery systems
that could deliver devastation against Western
Europe and the United States. Therefore these
weapons came to be competitive, and one can re-
call last October that perhaps for the first time
in history great powers had to think opera-
tionally about the prospect of a nuclear
exchange.
Now, these are sobering events. It is impor-
tant for us to try to make some small movement
to bring them under control. I do believe that
tliis limited agreement is very useful and con-
structive from that point of view.
It does not do a great deal. All that it does
is to eliminate testing in the atmosphere, in
outer space, and under the water. It does not
reduce nuclear stockpiles. It does not eliminate
nuclear war or the threat of nuclear war. It
does not prevent an arms race.
But, nevertheless, it does help to impose some
limitations and some ceiling upon the arms race.
And it saves, I think, mankind from the kinds
of testing about which they are in deep disac-
cord, to which they have very deep objections.
And it may be the turning point that you
mentioned — opening the door. Because here is
something which both sides have apparently
'Ibid., June 23, 1»46, p. 1057, and Dec. 1.5, 1946, p.
1088.
found in their self-interest. It may be a turning
point at which other questions could be taken up
for further explorations.
Mr. Agronsky: Governor Harriman, perhaps
you could discuss the turning point aspect of it.
You went to Moscow with a double mission,
in effect. First, to bring back the nuclear test
ban treaty — which you did. Secondly, Gover-
nor Harriman, you were empowered to discuss
with Premier Klmishchev a number of other
issues beyond the test ban, going to imresolved
problems between the United States and the
Soviet Union.
Can you tell us what issues you raised with
Mr. Khrushchev? Wliat issues he raised with
you ? What progress was made in that area ?
Possibility of Breakthrough
Under Secretary Harriman: There was one
thing that Mr. Khrushchev said to the press on
Saturday morning [July 27] when I left Mos-
cow. He said this might be a breakthrough,
which confirms what Dean Eusk has just said.
If it is a breakthrough, it will mean the herald-
ing of other steps. I wouldn't want to venture
a guess as to whether there would be other steps.
But he seems to feel that there will be ; otherwise
he would not have said so.
Certainly within the Soviet Union this agree-
ment has been hailed as a great event, and of
course the Eussian people long for a relief from
the tensions and fear of war. They have had a
great deal of it, as you well know — a great deal
of war and have suffered a great deal.
Wliat he has in mind for the future is very
hard to tell. The only subject which he put
forward as a major subject to discuss and come
to an agreement on at once was a nonaggres-
sion pact between the NATO countries and those
that belong to the Warsaw treaty. This of
course would be a limited step in itself because
from the outline of what he suggested it is
really a reaffii-mation of the obligations that we
have all taken to the United Nations to settle
disputes by peaceful means.
But he seems to want to have — he seems to
be pressing for some sort of agreement. It was
not clear to me just what he had in mind, be-
cause I was not authorized to negotiate. We
made it very clear to our allies that we were
AUGUST 12, 1963
241
go\i\fi tliere to iiPfjodafe ii test ban treaty, which
was i)roj)ose(l by tlie Pi-esident and Prime
Minister Manniilan, and Mr. Kliruslichev ac-
cepted it. Ho hiter on proposed that we sign
two ngreenients at the same time, a test ban and
also a nonajrgrcssion pact.
Mr. Agronxky: He did propose that ?
Under Secritary Ilarrlnuin: Yes, lie did pro-
pose that in the July 'J speech. That, of course,
was utterly impossible for us to do. We were
only two countries of NATO, and we would
never think of discussing a problem that would
affect all of our partners and our allies without
coming to an understanding with them before-
hand.
So therefore this was just explored, and, as
the communique said,' we agreed to take this
matter up with our allies, consult with them,
and see what the next move should be.
So I cannot tell you what is going to be in
the future.
The other matters which he mentioned to us—
he also said to the press or said publicly in his
speech — he suggested that we get on with some
of the things which have l)een suggested to make
surpri.s*' attack more diflicult : tiie establish-
ment of control posts at the ports and the rail-
road centers and the airfields and the road
junctviivs, and that sort of thing, and also a
limitation on budgets, and also limitations on
the level of forces. But those, I think, he spoke
of in connection with a nonaggression pact.
Now, I don't know where that will carry us,
but I am quite sure that he wants us to discuss
that with our allies, and that is the only subject
which he put forward as of importance for the
immc<liate future. If we get through that step,
and if there is some value in it for us, which is
not clear yet because we don't know what the
provisions will be, then possibly something else
may lia|ipen.
Hut he seems to have in mind that this is only
one ste|) forward. I think that there are cer-
tain asi)ects of this, Dean, which you can men-
tion. I think that the world as a whole, the
people of the world, look upon this as endin"
a great thivat— that the Soviet T-nion and the
I'niteil States, which have been the ones that
have done most of the testing, will no longer
test under this treaty. We have agreed to stop
testing, and that will end radioactive fallout,
which had in the minds of many people threat-
ened the health and welfare of the human race.
Now, we cannot tell whether other countries
will test or what the eventual future will be.
But I have found in both the Soviet Union and
in Europe it was welcomed as a very important
step in many ways and started hope. As to
whether that will eventuate, I would not want to
predict.
Secretary Rusk : Averell, I am sure you would
want our listeners to know that, when you talk
about ending testing, this ends tests in the
atmosphere, and under the water, and in outer
space. Underground tests would still be per-
mitted, so long as fallout does not extend beyond
the country in which these underground tests
are to take place.
But we do have at times, it seems to me, a
sort of vicious circle between arms and political
problems. On the one side, arms themselves —
particularly modern and sophisticated arms
that can be launched with devastating destruc-
tion at a few moments' notice — arms themselves
create tension. It is very hard to disarm until
some of the great political issues separating the
East and the West are themselves resolved. So
we feel it is important not to think just in
terms of disarmament, although we think it is
important to do what we can in this field, but
to tiy to resolve such issues as Laos and Viet-
Nam and Berlin and the German questions;
these are the real divisions.
Mr. AgronsJcy: Mr. Secretary, since j'ou
raised these points, and you. Governor Harri-
man, since you have dealt with Mr. Khrushchev
ill Moscow on this matter, can you be more spe-
cific about what was done in terms of dealing
with these problems? Can you tell us anything
about the future in the sense, or about the past,
Governor Harriman, in your conversation?
Under Secretary Ilarrlman: No. The matter
which Mr. Khrushchev wanted to talk about
most was this question of the nonaggression
pact. He was thinking of Europe and Ger-
many, and he was not too much interested in dis-
cussing other matters. Of course. I did raise
Laos, as I said I would.
Mr. Agromky : What did he say ?
212
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BTJLLETIN
Under Secretary Harriman: We had a useful
exchange, but we didn't get very far because
his information is somewhat different. The
British have talked in much detail with the
Soviets, because the British and the Soviets are
socliairmen of the agreement that was made in
Gfeneva and they are responsible for the carry-
ing out of the agreement and responsible for
the activities of the International Control Com-
mission. There is a difference of information,
and it was agreed we would tiy to get closer
together. In any event, it started some discus-
sions which we will certainly carry on, and the
discussion was useful.
But what was mostly on Mr. Khrushchev's
mind was the situation in Europe, and he
seemed to want to move ahead with some sort
3f further understandings, and we cannot tell
what they will be until we begin to negotiate,
and we can only do that with our allies, with
their approval.
Secretary Rmk: I want to point out that Mr.
Harriman's recent mission in Moscow was
aimed at the test ban in the three environments.
He was not there for the purpose of discussing
all of the problems between ourselves and our
allies on the one side and the Soviet Union on
the other. By concentrating on the test ban I
think he was able to reach an agreement with-
out injecting a great many other questions that
would have complicated the problem.
Mr. Agronsky: And, Mr. Secretary, a week
from now you yourself are going to Moscow
with a congressional delegation to sign the
treaty. Will you at that point, with the test
ban behind you, carry on these conversations
with Mr. Khrushchev that Mr. Harriman has
started ?
Secretary Rufk: I think you can assume that
when foreign ministers get together, they always
talk. And that has been the case on every occa-
sion when I have met Mr. Gromyko thus far,
and I have no doubt that we will exj^lore rather
broadly the question as to where it might be
possible to find other points at which agreement
is possible.
This will not be easy or simple. It may take
some time because many of these points do in-
volve the interests of other nations. The Presi-
dent has made it quite clear that we are not
going to negotiate the interests of other nations
without the participation of those other nations.
Question of Nonaggression Treaty
Mr. Agronaky: Mr. Secretary, is it too soon
to ask you what the thinking of our Govei-nment
is on a NATO-Warsaw Pact nonaggi-ession
treaty ?
Secretary Rusk : I think that this is something
that has to be talked out thoroughly in NATO.
From one point of view, NATO itself has made
clear from its beginning that it considers itself
organized within the framework of the U.N.
Charter, that it is organized for defensive pur-
poses, that it is not planning to conduct armed
attack against anyone, that it is prepared to
settle disputes by peaceful means.
Now, these are the basic elements of the treaty
structure of NATO itself. So from that point
of view, as a matter of principle, there is no
great problem. But, given the absence of mi-
derstanding on some of the great issues that are
involved in the relations between East and West,
what would such a nonaggression pact mean?
What would it mean to all the parties ? How
would it be used ? These are things that need
exploration.
If we could move toward an agreed resolution
of some of these larger questions, this would fall
into place very easily.
Mr. Agro7isky: Mr. Secretary, one question
that is automatically raised in connection with
the Warsaw Pact-NATO treaty is this one:
Our allies have already indicated that they have
some doubts about the credibility — about our
commitment to defend with nuclear weapons
Western Europe against a massive attack by
the Warsaw Pact nations, a massive conven-
tional attack. Might not our allies feel that
this would lessen still further the credibility
of an American nuclear response to such a
Soviet attack?
Secretary Rusk: Martin, that doubt that you
express comes largely through the gossip chan-
nels and not through the solid opinions of gov-
ernments in direct discussions of these great
issues of war and peace within the alliance.
I do not believe that there is any doul^t what-
ever in the alliance that the defense of the
alliance is indivisible and that the United
243
States will do whatever is necessary to do its
part in making the defense of NATO unpreg-
nable.
Mr. Agronsky: Well, such a pact would not
undermine, then, the NATO alliance?
Secretary Rusk: Not at all. This pact in
no way affects the commitments of all of the
allies within NATO for its mutual defense.
And, indeed, the nuclear strength of NATO
lias been enormously increased in recent years,
and our allies know about that and fully under-
stand its implications. And I think perhaps
the other side does too.
What Was Soviet Objective?
Mr. Agronsky: Governor Harriman, you in-
dicated at Hyannis Port, after you had spoken
to the President, that one of the questions, one
of the reasons that led IQirushchev to sign this
nuclear test ban treaty was his concern at Rus-
sian relations with Communist China. Can you
elaborate on that in any way?
Under Secretary narriman: Well, the ques-
tion was, what was Russia's objective in signing
this treaty? I said I didn't know. But cer-
tainly one of the preoccupations, if you have
been reading the Soviet press lately, is their
relations with Peiping. And they have been
writing each other letters. You know, each
one wrote the other about a 50,000-word letter,
which is perhaps a world record for exchange
of information. So we know pretty much what
their differences are. But it does seem as if
the Soviet Union wanted to make this agree-
ment for some reason because of the conflict
which quite obviously exists.
But I do think that there are other reasons.
I said also that the Russian people are long-
ing for some break in tensions. They have had
a tough, hard war; 20 million people were killed
in the war, as you know. I was there during
most of the war. And they feel very deeply
the desire for peace. And since the war there
have been the tensions that have existed, which
have been discussed this evening. So I do not
know of any people in the world that have any
greater desire for peace than the Soviet Union.
Mr. Khrusluhov is becoming more and more
ft political lender than the dictator that Stalin
was. Even tliough there is only one party, ii
is necessary for him to keep a certain popular-
ity with the Russian people in order to main-
tain his leadership within the party. And ht
certainly has a desire in his relations witt
them — I saw him talking to the Russian people*
on several occasions. Right after the American-
Soviet track meet, he went out and talked with
the people. I was with him. He shook hands
with them, and he patted the children on the
head. He might have been an American poli-
tician. There is such a tremendous difference.
You know, Stalin would never — never — go out
in public. He rushed through the streets at 6C
miles an hour, the windows of his car were
closed, the curtains drawn. So that it is quite
a change between the two.
So that you have got to think in terms of
what is useful for the Kremlin leaders in con-
nection with controlling their own people.
Mr. Agronsky : Mr. Secretary, do you think
that the Sino-Soviet split has the effect of bring-
ing the United States and Russia closer together
and improving the prospects of resolving out-
standing U.S. -Russian differences?
Secretary Rusk: I think we have to take ac-
count of the fact that the Soviet Union has said
in the field of ideologies there is no coexistence,
and we have to bear in mind that their aim is
still to establish a Communist world. But, on
the other hand, I think that in this nuclear field
we and the Soviet Union do have a common
interest in avoiding nuclear war.
Those who have developed nuclear weapons
understand that a one-megaton weapon — and
we are now talking about weapons of tens of
megatons — that a one-megaton weapon is 50
times the size of the weapon that fell on Hiro-
shima. And those who have these weapons in
their possession have a much more direct and
operational sense of what a nuclear war means
than those who have not really felt deeply about
these great issues of war and peace.
So I think that there may be here some ele-
ment of common interest based upon the nature
of these weapons and the nature of the. nuclear
exchange on which we might find certain points
of agreement that might open the way for the
future.
Mr. Agronsky : And I am sure you will at-
244
DEPARTMENT OF STATE Bmj.ETIN
tempt to explore them when you go to Moscow.
Well, gentlemen, thank you very much for a
Tery interesting insight into the meaning of the
nuclear test ban.
U.S. Protests Ceylon's Decision
on Oil Legislation
Department Statement
Press release 3S3 dated July 23, for release July 24
Early in June the Government of Ceylon an-
nounced its decision to give the state-owned
Ceylon Petroleum Corporation a monopoly of
the internal distribution of petroleum products
as of January 1, 1964. On July 5, 1963, the
American Ambassador to Ceylon [Frances E.
Willis] acting under instructions presented a
note ^ to the Prime Minister of Ceylon. The at-
tention of the Government of Ceylon was in-
vited to the fact that the proposed action would
be contrary to assurances given in 1962 that the
private oil companies would be permitted to
operate in Ceylon on the basis of fair competi-
tion. To date no reply to this note has been
received.
On July 3 the Government of Ceylon issued
a communique announcing its intention to in-
troduce in Parliament legislation to enact into
law its decision to have the internal distribu-
tion of petroleum products assigned solely to
the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation. The com-
munique also stated that "the amending act
would have effect notwithstanding anything to
the contrary in the principal act or any under-
taking given by the government in regard to
the import, sale and distribution of petroleum."
On July 17 the government in fact introduced
such a bUl.
The Government of the United States does
not question the right of a sovereign nation to
nationalize property belonging to American
citizens or companies, provided adequate and
effective compensation is promptly paid in ac-
cordance with international law. The United
States Government, however, regrets this most
recent decision of the Government of Ceylon on
two principal grounds. First, as indicated
above, this action is at variance with assurances
given earlier by the Government of Ceylon.
Second, compensation has not yet been paid to
the American companies for their properties
which were taken over in 1962. The proposed
action of the Government of Ceylon will de-
prive the companies of the use of the remainder
of their properties throughout the island and
therefore will give rise to further and more
complicated questions of compensation.
The United States Government is continuing
its endeavors to obtain compensation for the
fair value of the properties of the American oil
companies taken over in 1962. It will also con-
tinue to seek in Ceylon and elsewhere to make
it possible for American citizens and companies
to conduct their business on the basis of fair
competition.
U.S. and India Sign Agreement
To Strengthen India's Air Defense
Press release 379 dated July 22
The Governments of the United States, the
United Kingdom, and India have reached agree-
ment [July 22] on certain measures to strength-
en India's defenses against possible future air
attacks from Communist China. These meas-
ures include the following:
1. The Government of the United States will
provide the Government of India with radar
and related communications equipment, initially
in the form of mobile units, subsequently in the
form of fixed radar installations. The United
States will retain title to the mobile units, which
will be withdrawn when the fixed radar installa-
tions are provided. Equipment for the fixed
radar installations will be furnished to the Gov-
ernment of India under the terms of the agree-
ment of November 14, 1962,^ between India and
the United States regarding assistance to the
Government of India for the purpose of defense
against Cliinese Communist aggression.
2. The United States will provide training
for Indian teclmicians in the operation and
^ Not printed.
' For test of a Department statement and an ex-
change of notes, see Bulletin of Dee. 3, 1962, p. 837.
AUGUST 12, 1963
245
inuintcniiiiw of mobile ami fixed railar installa-
tions and relate<l conunnnicat ions equipment.
3. Elements of the I'nited States Air Force
and the Royal Air Force will join with the
Indian Air Foix-e in periodic, joint training
exercises in India.
Tlio alK)ve measures follow the findings of the
CommonwealthA^.S. Air Defense Mission
which visited India earlier this year in response
to the i-equest of the Government of India.
In the event of renewed Chinese Communist
aggression against India the United States has
agreed, pui"suant to the present agreement, to
consult with the Government of India regarding
possible measures to strengthen India's air de-
fenses in the light of the situation existing at
the time. The agreement does not, however,
involve any commitment on the part of the
United States Government to come to India's
assist;ince in the event of a renewed Chinese
Communist attack.
Department Notes Anniversary
of Korean Armistice
Departintnt Stateiiu'nt '
Tomorrow [July 271 niarks (lie lOtli anni-
versary- of the Military Armistice Agreement =
which brought a conclusion to the tragic strug-
gle in Korea. Altiiough the people of Korea
have since been sjiared the horroi-s of war, they
have been denied the full fruits of the i)eace
by the continued necessity of maintaining bur-
den.some defenses against the threatening Com-
munist forces in the north that were augmented
almost from the monient the armistice was
signed. The intransigence of the nortliem
regime, with its Communist allies, has further
fru.stnited the realization of the legitimate as-
pirations of the Korean people for the reuni-
fication of their country under a free act of
.wlf-detennination.
The United States Armed Forces, as part of
the United Nations Command, stand today, and
' RoncI to neWH rnrrcHiioiKlpnt.s on .Inly 2<t hy RUlmrd
I. rhllllpfi. niriTf nr of the Offlrc of News.
" nrujrnN of Aiib. 3. 15».-..1. p. i.-^i.
will continue to stand, with their Korean
friends and allies in protecting the lives of
the Korean people until lasting peace with jus-
tice can be attained. Two of their members,
Captains Ben W. Stutts of Florence, Alabama,
and Carleton Voltz of Frankfort, Michigan,
have been under unwarranted detention by
Communist forces since May 17. This anniver-
sary would be an especially fitting time for their
release in reflection of the concern for human
welfare which brought about the armistice of
1953.
U.S. and Panama Announce
Results of Canal Zone Talks
Press release 384 dated July 23
Premlent Kennedy and President Roberto F.
Chwri of the Republic of Panama agreed, dur-
ing President ChiarVs visit to Washington on
June 12-13, 1962,'' to appoint high-level rep-
resentatives to discuss points of dissatisfaction
concerning certain aspects of the treaties be-
tween the United States and Panama govern-
ing the Panama Canal. The results of these
discussions, held in Panama, have been sum-
marized in a joint communique and aide me-
moire issued as State Department press release
17 on January 10, 1963? and in the following
■final joint communique issued by the two Gov-
ernments on July 23.
The representatives designated by tlie Presi-
dents of the Republic of Panama and of the
United States of America to discuss points of
dissatisfaction between the two countries with
regard to the Canal Zone, in terminating their
sessions, wish to make public that, since the
issuance of the last communique on January 10,
1963, the following results have been obtained
with the authorization of their respective Gov-
ernments :
1. Agreement has been reached on the creation
of a Bi-national Labor Advisory Committee,
composed of representatives of Panama and of
the United States, which will consider labor dis-
' For text of joint communique, see Bulletin of July
0, l!)fi2. p. 81.
' /6irf., Feb. 4. inas, p. 171.
946
DEPARTMENT OF ST.\TE BCXLETIW
piites which may arise between Panamanian em-
ployees and the autliorities of the Canal Zone
and will advise the Government of Panama
and the Governor of the Canal Zone thereon.
2. The United States Government has pre-
pared a draft bill for presentation to the Con-
gress of the United States which would make
available to Panamanian employees of the
United States Government in the Canal Zone
the same governmental health and life insurance
benefits as are available to the United States
citizen employees.
3. There has been full discussion of the steps
taken by the Canal Zone authorities to imple-
ment treaty obligations with regard to equal
employment opportunities. Various aspects of
the -wage scale have been discussed. The mini-
mum wage in the Canal Zone, which was in-
creased to 60 cents per hour on April 1, 1962,
was increased again to 70 cents per hour on July
1, 1963, and will be increased to 80 cents per hour
on July 1, 1964, together with proportionate
increases in the entire wage structure for all em-
ployees. The Panamanian representatives have
requested greater increases.
4. The United States has agreed to deduct,
withhold and remit to the Government of Pan-
ama the sums owed for income tax by employees
who are required to pay income tax to the Re-
public of Panama and who work for the Panama
Canal Company or any other agency of the
United States Government in the Canal Zone.
5. The Panamanian representatives, with the
object that there may be continuous jurisdiction
from the capital city to the rest of tlie territory
of the Republic, have requested that the juris-
diction over a corridor comprising Fourth of
July Avenue, the bridge over the Canal and
the road to Arraijan, be transferred to Panama.
The United States representatives indicated
that the United States is preparing proposals
to submit to Panama for consideration for an
agreement covering this matter.
6. The Panamanian representatives have re-
quested that piers 6 and 7 in Cristobal be li-
censed to the Colon Free Zone. The United
States representatives have indicated that the
United States Government is preparing the
terms of an agreement for consideration by
Panama.
U.S. Views on International
Air Rate Policy
Pre.ss release 392 dated July 25
Major features of the vieivs of the U.S. Gov-
ernment concerning international air rate lev-
els were reiterated through the release on July
25 hy the Department of State of a statement
made hy the U.S. delegation at a conference in
Ottaxoa on governmental relations with the In-
ternational Air Transport Association. The
statement.^ as presented at the conference on
July 18 hy Alan S. Boyd., chairman of the dele-
gation, follows.
The United States Government bases its views
on international air rates on statutory consider-
ations of public interest. Of first importance
is facilitating the freedom of international
movement for the people and for their commerce
to the fullest extent possible consistent with the
requirement of operational safety and the dic-
tates of sound economic conditions and rate-
making principles. The fulfillment of this
objective requires safe, convenient, rapid air
transportation, taking efficient advantage of
modern teclinology and performed at a price
which is reasonable to the passengers and
shippers and which meets the economic needs of
the carriers for the continuation and expansion
of air services.
In spite of its disadvantages the most prac-
ticable method of setting international rates
still appears to be the lATA mechanism. So
long as lATA moves in a direction consistent
with the public interest, the United States Gov-
ernment will continue to support the operation
of lATA as the machinery for determining
rates, subject to Government approval.
An integral part of reasonably satisfactory
functioning of lATA, in the United States'
view, is the setting of rates which are consistent
with the public interest. The United States
Government criteria for such rates have evolved
over a quarter centuiy of domestic air carrier
regulation and are now well documented in the
history of the Civil Aeronautics Board's deci-
sions. It is not the intention of the United
States Government to attempt to impose its
views of public interest on the international
AUGUST i:
247
comnuinify. However, to be satisfactory to the
Government of tlie United States, rates set by
private nf^reement among tlie carriers must not
be substantially inconsistent with the standards
of just ness and reasonableness to both the public
and the carriers.
When, from time to time, the United States
determines the broad characteristics of a rat«
level or structure that should in its view be in
effect, it will advise American caniers of its
views and will engage in discussion with other
nations with the hope of securing their agree-
ment to, or at least understanding of, its rate
policies. Finally, recognizing that inteniirline
nitemaking is a bargaining process which does
not always result in furthering the public inter-
est, the United States Government will, when-
ever the issue demands it, have no alternative
but to use its power to disapprove rate resolu-
tions.
It is the view of the United States that rates
on the North Atlantic and on the Pacific are, by
its standards, too high under the Chandler
agreement ' and that they were too high prior
to the Chandler agreement.
It is considered useful to indicate some gen-
eral types of rate changes which the United
States would favor :
1. A substantial general reduction in tariffs,
with or without altering the structure of tariffs.
2. A supereconomy service, such as, for ex-
ample, the "thrift" service recently proposed
by Pan American; such a service might or
might not have "no reservation" characteris-
tics.
3. Sharp reductions in off-season rates.
4. Directional rates, introducing, for exam-
ple, a substantial reduction in fares for west-
bound transatlantic travel during May, June,
and July and for eastbound travel during Au-
gust and September. This would serve par-
tially to counteract the great imbalance in traf-
fic during the summer months, most of which
originates in and returns to the United States.
T). Further e.xtension of group fares on sched-
uled flight.s.
The views herein expressed are based on pub-
'A riite iKcrpomont ronohrd hy tlie IntprnafionnI Air
Trnnsport Assorlntlon nt Chnndlpr, Ariz.. In 1962.
licly reported cost and revenue figures. Our
policies and our philosophical approach to civil
aviation dictate that, given economic and effi-
cient operation and management, air carrier
operations should be profitable at sharply re-
duced fare levels.
Passamaquoddy-Saitit John Report
Received by President Kennedy
The White House on July 16 released the
foUowlng text of remarks made hy Presidevi
Kennedy on that day upon presentation to him
by Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. Udall
of a report on the International Passamaquoddy
Tidal Power Project and the Upper Saint John
River Hydroelectric Power Development Proj-
ect for Canada and the United States.^
I am pleased to meet today witli Members of
the Senate and the House of Kepresentatives
from New England to discuss the report on the
International Passamaquoddy Tidal Project
submitted by Secretary Udall. Two years ago
I asked Secretary Udall, in cooperation with
the Corps of Engineers, to restudy the proposed
project and the hydroelectric potential of the
St. John River in Maine to determine whether
recent developments in electric power teclinol-
ogy had enhanced the economic feasibility of
these projects.^
This report has been presented to me this
morning, and its major conclusions are most
encouraging. The report reveals that this
unique international power complex can pro-
vide American and Canadian markets with over
a million kilowatts for the daily peak period
in addition to 250,000 kilowatts of firm power.
Electric power rates in the New England region
are among the highest in the United States, and
the survey indicates that a massive block of
power can bo produced and delivered at a cost
of about four mills per kilowatt hour, approxi-
' Copies of the report are available upon request
from thp Department of the Interior, Washington,
D.C. 20240.
' For texts of letters dated May 20, 1961. from Presi-
dent Kennedy to Secretary Ru.<5k and Secretary Udall,
see Bulletin of June 19, 1961, p. 969.
248
DF.P.XRTJrENT OF STATE BUT.LETIN
I
mately 25 percent below the current wholesale
cost of power in the region.
I am pleased to note also that the development
plan proposed would preserve the superb rec-
reational areas of the Allagash River from
flooding and that an area suitable for a new
national park would be preserved in this scenic
part of Maine.
Any proposed resource development project
must, of course, meet the national interest test.
It must strengthen the economy of the whole
Nation and enable America to better compete
in the market places of the world. I under-
stand that, measured by the customary feasi-
bility standards, the Passamaquoddy-St. John
project now meets the national interest test.
During the last three decades American tax-
payers, through their Federal Government,
have invested vast sums of money in developing
the water resources of the great rivers of this
country — the Columbia, the Missouri, the Colo-
rado, the Tennessee, and others. These invest-
ments are producing daily dividends for our
country, and it is reasonable to assume that a
similar investment in conservmg the resources
of New England will also benefit the Nation.
It is also reasonable to assimie that a New Eng-
land development will stimulate more diversi-
fied industiy, increase commerce, and provide
more jobs.
Our experience in other regions and river
valleys shows that private utility customers as
well as public agency power users benefit from
lowering the basic cost of electric energy.
Harnessing the energy of the tides is an excit-
ing teclmological undertaking. France and the
Soviet Union are already doing pioneering
work in this field. Each day over a million
kilowatts of power surge in and out of the Pas-
samaquoddy Bay. Man needs only to exercise
his engineering ingenuity to convert the ocean's
surge into a national asset. It is clear, however,
that any development of this magnitude and
new approach must also be considered in the
context of the national energy study currently
being undertaken by an interdepartmental com-
mittee under the chairmanship of the Director
of the Office of Science and Teclmology, Dr.
[Jerome B.] Wiesner.
These projects involve international waters.
and equitable agreements must therefore be
reached with the Canadian Government.
Therefore I am requesting the Secretary of
State to initiate negotiations immediately with
the Government of Canada looking toward a
satisfactory arrangement for the sharing of the
benefits of these two projects. Also, to insure
full consideration of these proposals, I am di-
recting that the Interior Department and the
Corps of Engineers accelerate their work on
the remaming studies of details.
The power-producing utilities of the United
States are second to none in the world. The
combined effort of science, private industry, and
government will surely keep this nation in the
forefront of teclmological progress in energy
and electric power.
I think that this can be one of the most as-
tonishmg and beneficial joint enterprises that
the people of the United States have ever un-
dertaken, and therefore I want to commend the
Department of the Interior for its initiative in
working on this matter the past 2 years, the
congressional delegation from Maine which has
been interested in this for many years, and the
Members of Congress from New England who
have supported this great effort. I think it will
mean a good deal to New England and a good
deal to the country.
Letters of Credence
Colombia
The newly appointed Ambassador of Colom-
bia, Eduardo Uribe Botero, presented his cre-
dentials to President Kennedy on July 24. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 387 dated July 24.
Yemen Arab Repuhlic
The newly appointed Ambassador of the
Yemen Arab Republic, Mohsin A. Alaini, pre-
sented his credentials to President Kennedy on
July 24. For texts of the Ambassador's re-
marks and the President's reply, see Depart-
ment of State press release 385 dated July 24.
AITGTJST 12, 1963
695-648 — 63
249
THE CONGRESS
The Balance of Payments
SPECIAL MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY TO THE CONGRESS'
To the CongresH of the United States :
Soon after my inauguration, I reported to the
Conjiress on the problems presented to tliis Na-
tion Ijy 3 siiccessive years, beginning in the hxte
lOfiO's, of motmting balance of paj^ments deficits
atvoinpanied by large gold outflows; and I an-
nounced a program designed to restore both con-
fidence in the dollar and eventual equilibrium in
our international accounts.^ The challenge
l)osed by those pressures Avas heightened at that
time by the need to halt and reverse the spread
of uiuMiipioyment and revive our faltering econ-
omy. Rejecting a choice between two equally
unpalatable alternatives — improved employ-
ment at home at the c«st of a weaker dollar
abroad or a stronger dollar at the cost of a
weaker economy and Xation — we sought a new
c«ui-se that would simultaneously increase our
growth at home, reduce unemployment, and
strengthen the dollar by eliminating the deficit
in our international payments. It is appropri-
ate now — nearly 21/. ycai-s later — to look back
on the problems faced, to review the progress
made antl to chart the course ahead.
Tliere is nuich from which to take heart. Our
economy has resumed its growth and unemploy-
ment has bwn reduced. The dollar remains
strong, bulwarked by nearly 40 percent of the
fn**' world's moiu'lary gold stock as well as by
II iu>wly constructtyl network of bilateral and
' II. lUw. Ml, KKih (ViDK., 1st SPSS.; trnnsmitted on
July IH.
' For toxt of the I*n'Hl<lpnl'.s messnge of Feb. (i, lOfll,
««• Hii.ifrrtN of F«l>. 'J7. IfKll, p. 287.
multilateral fijiancial arrangements. Our gold
outflow has been halved. There are signs of
longer run improvement in our world competi-
tive position, as our prices and costs hold steady
while others are rising. The deficit in our bal-
ance of payments has been reduced — from $3.9
billion in 19(50 to $2.4 billion in 1961 and $2.3
billion in 1962.
Our basic strength, moreo^-er, is vast, real,
and enduring. Our payments deficits, meas-
ured in tenns of our loss of gold and the in-
crease in our short-t«rm liquid liabilities to
foreigners, have consistently been equaled or ex-
ceeded by the growth of our long-term, high-
j'ielding foreign assets — assets which have been
and will continue to be an increasing source of
strength to our balance of payments. Today,
Americans hold more than $60 billion of private
investments abroad, and dollar loans repayable
to the T'.S. Government total over $11 billion.
At the end of 1962, all of these assets exceeded
our liabilities to foreigners bj- an estimated
$27 billion. And they have shown an increas-
ing strength over the j-ears: our total income
from these sources in 1959 was $3 billion; in
1962 it had risen to $4.3 billion; and we expect
further substantial incrca.ses in the coming
years.
These are all signs of ])rogress. But unem-
ployment is still too high; our growth rate is
still too low; and it is now clear that, despite
the favorable forces at work over the long run,
more remains to be done today to eliminate the
continuing payments deficit.
A significant portion of our progress so far
2.50
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN"
has been due to si^ecial agreements with
friendly foreign countries — for debt prepay-
ments, advance payments for military equip-
ment, and U.S. borrowings abroad. While
similar arrangements may once again prove
capable of covering a substantial amount of the
gross deficit in 1963, such special transactions
cannot be relied upon for the indefinite future.
Moreover, while our commercial trade balance
and Government expenditures overseas have
shown modest improvement, capital outflows,
both short term and long term, have increased.
Although there is urgent need for further
effort I want to make it clear that, in solving its
international payments problem, this Nation
will continue to adhere to its historic advocacy
of freer trade and capital movements, and that
it wiU continue to honor its obligation to carry
a fair share of the defense and development of
the free world. At the same time, we shall con-
tinue policies designed to reduce unemployment
and stimulate growth here at home — for the
well-being of all free peoples is inextricably
entwined with the progress achieved by our own
people. I want to make it equally clear that
this Nation will maintain the dollar as good as
gold, freely interchangeable with gold at $35
an ounce, the foundation stone of the free
world's trade and payments system.
But continued confidence at home and co-
operation abroad require further administrative
and legislative inroads into the hard core of our
continuing payments deficit, augmenting our
long-range efforts to improve our economic per-
formance over a period of j'ears in order to
achieve both external balance and internal ex-
pansion, stepping up our shorter run efforts to
reduce our balance of payments deficits while
the long-range forces are at work and adding to
our stockpile of arrangements designed to fi-
nance our deficits during our return to equilib-
rium in a way that assures the continued smooth
functioning of the world's monetary and trade
systems.
Before turning to the specific measures re-
quired in the latter two categories, I must em-
phasize once again the necessity of improving
this Nation's overall long-range economic per-
formance— including increased investment and
modernization for greater productivity and
profits, continued cost and price stability, and
full employment and faster growth. This is
the key to improving our international com-
petitiveness, increasing our trade surpluses, and
reducing our capital outflows.
That is why early enactment of the compre-
hensive tax reduction and revision program pre-
viously submitted is the single most important
step that can be taken to achieve balance abroad
as well as growth here at home. The increased
investment incentives and purchasing power
these personal and corporate tax reductions
would create, combined with last year's actions
giving special credits for new investment and
more favorable depreciation treatment, will
promote more employment, production, sales,
and investment, particularly when accompanied
by the continued ample availability of credit
and reasonable long-term rates of interest. A
prosperous, high-investment economy brings
with it the rapid gains in productivity and effi-
ciency which are so essential to the improve-
ment of our competitive position abroad.
To gain new markets abroad and retain the
gains of new growth and efficiency here at home,
we must continue the price-cost stability of re-
cent years, limiting wage and profit increases to
their fair share of our improving productivity.
That is why we have, for 2 years, been urging
business and labor to recognize and use reason-
able wage-price guideposts for resolving the
issues of collective bargaining. Our success in
holding down our price level relative to that of
our major competitors is a powerful force work-
ing to restore our payments balance over the
longer run. This fact should not be obscured
by current short-run developments.
While these long-range forces are taking ef-
fect, a series of more immediate and specialized
efforts are needed to reduce the deficit in our
international transactions and defend our gold
reserves :
1. Export Expansion
Our commercial sales of goods and services
to foreign countries in 1962 exceeded our pur-
chases by $4.3 billion, and they are continuing
at about the same rate this year. This is our
greatest strength, but it is not enough. Our
exports of goods have risen only moderately
over the past 3 years, and have not kept pace
251
with tlic rapid rise of imports which lias ac-
coinpiinicd our domestic expansion. As a re-
sult, rather than furnishing: increased support
for our other transactions, 19G2 saw a decline in
our commercial trade surplus.
The primary lonji-term means for correcting
this situation is implementation of the Trade
Expansion Act of 1962. The Special Repre-
sentative for Trade Negotiations is preparing to
use to the fullest extent the authority given to
me by the act, in an across-the-board drive for
lower tariffs and against other barriers to trade.
This should open new markets and widen exist-
ing markets for American exports.
As mentioned above, our whole long-range
domestic program — including increased invest-
ment, improved productivity, and wage-price
stability — is designed to better the competitive
position of our products both at home and
abroad. Continued price stability at home,
contrasted with the upward trend in prices
abroad, will create an increasingly favorable
climate for American exports; and this admin-
istration is concentrating on six immediate
measures to help American businessmen take
advantage of our export potential.
First, the Export-Import Bank has created
a wliolly new program of export financing
which now provides U.S. business with credit
facilities equal to any in the world. The major
element in this new program is the guarantee
of short- and medium-term export credits by
the Foreign Credit Insurance Association, com-
posed of more than 70 private insurance com-
panies in conjunction with the Export-Import
Bank. I urire the Congress to act promptly to
restore the Hank to full operating efficiency by
renewing its charter and authorizing adequate
financing.
Sertmf/. the Departments of State and Com-
meire have strengthened and expanded efforts
overseas to probe for new markets and promote
the sale and distribution of American products.
Third, the Department of Commerce has de-
velope<l a broad |)rogram of education and as-
sistance to present and potential American ex-
porters. I have requested a relatively .small
amount of additional funds to strengthen the
Department's efforts to stimulate our exports.
Tliej* funds, amounting to $f) million, were not
approved by the TIoii';.. of TJepresentatives. It
is essential, if we are to increase our trade sur-
plus, that they be included in the final appropri-
ation bill. This modest sum would pay for itself
many times over in increased exports, lower
payments deficits, and protection for our gold
reserves.
Fourth, the Department of Agriculture an-
nounced last ilarch a new auction program for
direct sales of cotton abroad. It is expected
that this new technique will insure competitive
pricing for our cotton in export markets and
will increase exports by as much as $100 million
over last year's levels.
Fifth, present ocean freight rates discourage
our exports as compared to imports. The
freight charges on Atlantic crossings are far
higlier for eastbound freight than for compa-
rable items bound for our shores. A similar
situation prevails on other trade routes. ^Vliile
these substantial differentials may have been
acceptable in the immediate postwar period of
the dollar shortage when Europe was struggling
to get on its feet, their magnitude is clearly un-
justified today. Accordingly, I liave directed
the Secretary of Commerce to take corrective
action through the Maritime Administration;
and I am urging the Federal Maritime Commis-
sion in its role as an independent regulatory
agency to question those specific export rates
wiiich appear unduly high. Should legislation
prove necessary, it will be sought.
Sixth, in order to give further momentum to
the expansion of our export performance, I will
convene a "Wiiite House Conference on Export
Expansion on September 17 and IS, to alert
American firms, whether or not they are now
exporting, to the opportunities and rewards of
initiating or expanding export efforts. We
shall use this opportunity to emphasize to
American businessmen that vigorous action to
increase their exports would serve their own
private interests as well as the national interest.
2. Tourism
Another element that requires attention in
our commercial transactions is the increase in
our imfavorable net tourist balance. With in-
creasing prosperity encouraging American
travel abroad, total tourist spending in foreign
countries rose another 10 percent last year, to
2h\L
DEPARTjrENT OF STATE BULLETIN
iirarly $21/2 billion. This was partially offset
by increased foreign tourist expenditures in the
United States, but the net result was an outflow
of $1.4 billion, or two-thirds of last year's over-
all balance of payments deficit. Tins year the
cost is estimated to be still greater. That is why
we have had to limit the duty-free exemption
for returning tourists to $100 per person. Last
year this measure achieved a saving of more
than $100 million, and I am gratified that Con-
gress has extended the limitation for another
2 years. We have also sought, through estab-
lishment of the U.S. Travel Service, to increase
our income from visitors coming to our country.
To further that effort, I strongly recommend
that Congress approve the full amount of the
appropriation requested for the U.S. Travel
Service.
In addition, in cooperation with the appro-
priate Government agencies, I am asking the
domestic travel and tourism industry to launch
a more miified drive to encourage Americans
to learn more about their own countiy and the
glory of their heritage. A "See America Now"
program, to be in full operation by the spring
of 1964, will make the most of our magnificent
resources and make travel at home a more ap-
pealing alternative to travel abroad.
3. Federal Expenditures Abroad
Federal expenditures abroad go largely for
defense and aid. These represent the obliga-
tions which flow from our position of world
leadership and unrivaled economic strength.
With the recovery of other economically ad-
vanced nations, particularly our allies in
Western Europe, we have made vigorous and
increasingly successful efforts to work out with
them a better .sharing of our common responsi-
bilities. These efforts — combined with rigorous
scrutiny of offshore expenditures — have enabled
us, in spite of mounting worldwide require-
ments and costs, to reduce the overall total of
our owii oversea expenditures while we increase
the security of the free world and maintain a
high level of assistance to developing countries.
A continual process of modernizing our
Armed Forces and increasing efficiency, result-
ing in heightened defense effectiveness, is reduc-
ing the requirements for oversea dollar
expenditures. At the same time, by tying our
aid more effectively to domestic procurement
and cutting civilian expenditures sharply, we
should be able to achieve further savings. In
fact, by Januai-y 1965, these processas should
result in a reduction of the rate of our Federal
oversea dollar expenditures by approximately
$1 billion from that of 1962.
(^1) Military expenditures
The Defense Department has, since the be-
ginning of this administration, been making
vigorous efforts to restrain oversea expenditures,
without i-educing military eft'ectiveness.
Thus, despite the Berlin buildup of 1961 and
rising costs overseas, gross expenditures abroad
by the Defense Department have been held be-
low 1960 levels. As a result of tlie desire of
our allies to acquire from us modem military
equipment, which they need to strengthen free
world defenses, at lower cost than they could
produce the equipment themselves, substantial
offsets to these expenditures have also been
achieved, so that our net outlays abroad for
defense have declined from $2.7 billion in 1960
to $1.9 billion in 1962.
In line with these continuing efforts, the Sec-
retary of Defense has informed me that the an-
nual rate of expenditures abroad by the
Department of Defense will be reduced — ^by
measures to be put into effect before the end of
calendar year 1964 — ^by more than $300 million
from the 1962 level. At the same time the De-
partment of Defense will continue to seek ar-
rangements with major allied countries to
increase their military procurement from the
United States so as to reduce the net outflow
still further. The Secretary has further as-
sured me that this reduction will be accom-
plished without any reduction in the effective-
ness of our militai-y posture and with no
impairment in our ability to meet our commit-
ments to our allies in all parts of the world.
In addition to direct expenditures by the De-
fense Department, our defense expenditures
abroad have for many years been increased by
the cost of programs for the acquisition of
strategic materials from foreign sources. The
cost of these programs is now steadily declining
since they have largely fulfilled their pui-pose
and are no longer needed. Within 2 years they
253
will 1)0 reduced by over $-2(X) million as com-
pared to lOGJ, insiiriiif; a total reduction in de-
fense dollar exi)enditure,s well in excoss of i?aOO
million.
(7?) Af^rncy for Internatioiml DevcIoi>nuitt
During lOCO only about one-third of AID
projjnim expenditures were in the form of U.S.
pootis and ."services. Last year tliat proportion
had risen to alwut hO percent. But during the
liscal year which ended last month, fully 80
|)ercent of AID's commitments were "tied" to
the export of U.S. goods and services. Tlie
balance was virtually all committed for pur-
chases in the les.s-developed countries rather
than in the develoj)ed nations where the pay-
ments surpluses exist which give rise to our
deficit. During fiscal year 1964, for which
funds are now l)eing considered by the Congres.s,
-VID commitments tied to U.S. exports will rise
i>eyond 80 jjercent of the total. I have directed
the Administrator of AID to continue and in-
tensify this policy so that AID expenditures
entering our balance of payments in fiscal year
lOG.'i may l)e further reduced by about $500 mil-
lion as compared to fiscal year 1901, from about
$1 billion to not over $500 million, the lowest
practicable minimum.
(C) Other deparf7nenfs and agencies
The oversea disbursements of all other de-
partments of government have also been
brought under special review and control by the
Director of the Bureau of the Budget. Total
Fedenil expenditures abroad (excluding De-
fen.se, AID, Treasury payments on foreign-held
debt, and Federal jjension payments) coming
within the scope of this review now amount to
approximately $600 million per year. The Di-
rector of the Budget 1ms assured me that vigor-
ous screening of expenditures abroad by these
other Federal departments and agencies will
achieve further sul)stantial balance of payments
savings. The.so savings, together with those
which may be expected from revisions of pro-
(fmms under the Agricultural Trade Develop-
ment and Assistance Act, should amount to
.some $100 million a year. This includes my
reque-st to the Congress to enact legislation per-
mitting freer use of our present holdings of the
currencies of a number of other countries.
4. Short-Term Capital Flows
By skillful use of the tools of debt manage-
ment and monetary policy, the Treasury De-
partment and the Federal Reserve System have
substantially reduced the outflow of short-term
capital through a series of carefully managed
increases in short-term money rates, while
maintaining ample credit availability and keep-
ing both long-term rates and bank loan rates
low and, in many cases, declining. Experience
in the recovery underway over the past 21/^
years provides a solid basis for expecting that a
detennined effort can succeed in keeping long-
term investment and mortgage money plentiful
and cheap while boosting short-term interest
rates. From February 1961 through July 12,
1963, the rate on newly issued 3-month Treas-
ury bills rose 70 basis points, while the rise in
long-term Treasury bond yields was held to
only 22 basis points and the yields on high-grade
corporate bonds and mortgages actually de-
clined.
However, the recorded outflows of short-term
funds, together with unrecorded net outflows, a
large portion of which undoubtedly represent
short-term capital movements, still amounted
to approximately $1.6 billion in 1962 and have
continued on a substantial scale so far this year.
A sizable reduction in this drain would do much
to strengthen our overall balance of payments.
It is for this reason that the Federal Reserve
has decided to increase the rediscount rat« from
3 to 31/2 percent. At the same time, the Board
of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
have raised the interest-rate ceilings on time
deposits payable in 90 days to 1 year, in order
to enable our banks to compete more effectively
with those abroad and thus attract funds that
might otherwise leave the country.
A^Hiile none of us welcomes higher interest
rates at a time when our econom}' is operating
below capacity, an increase in short-term
rates — at a time when liquid savings are grow-
ing rapidly, and when there arc no accompany-
ing restrictions on credit availability nor paral-
2r>4
DEP.MSTMENT OF ST.\TE BULLETIN
lei increases in the interest rates on bank loans,
home mortgages or other long-term obliga-
tions— should have little, if any, adverse effect
on our economy. The unprecedented flow of
liquid savings should largely insulate the longer
term markets from the effect of higher short-
term rates. I have been assured by both Treas-
ury and Federal Reserve officials that they in-
tend to do everything possible through debt
management policy and open-market operations
to avoid any reduction in domestic credit avail-
ability and any upward pressure on long-term
interest rates while the economy operates below
capacity without inflation. Other agencies of
the Federal Government will work to maintain
continued ready availability of private mort-
gage loans at stable interest rates. Neverthe-
less, the situation lends increased urgency to
the fiscal stimulus that would be provided by
the prompt enactment of the substantial tax
reductions I have recommended.
5. Long-Term Capital Outflows
Long-term capital outflows consisting of di-
rect investment in productive plants abroad
appear to have leveled off in recent years,
Mhereas portfolio investments in the form of
long-term loans or securities purchases have
been rising rapidly. While our long-range pro-
gram should increase the attractiveness of do-
mestic investment and further reduce the out-
flow of direct investment, the rising outflow of
long-term capital for portfolio investment
abroad shows no sign of abating. It is up from
$850 million in 1960 to $1.2 billion in 1962, and
so far this year is running at an annual rate of
well over $1..5 billion.
In view of the continued existence of direct
controls and inadequate capital market mechan-
isms in many foreign countries, and the wide
differential between the long-term rates of in-
terest in the larger industrial comitries and the
United States, there appear to be only three pos-
sible solutions to this problem, two of which
are unacceptable under present circumstances:
A substantial increase in our whole long-
term interest rate structure would throw our
economy into reverse, increase miemployment,
and substantially reduce our import require-
ments, thereby damaging the economy of
every free nation.
The initiation of direct capital controls,
which are in use in most countries, is inap-
propriate to our circumstances. It is con-
trary to our basic precept of free markets.
We cannot take this route.
A third alternative — the one which I recom-
mend— would stem the flood of foreign
security sales in our markets and still be fully
consistent with both economic growth and
free capital movements. I virge the enact-
ment by the Congress of an interest equaliza-
tion tax, which would, in effect, increase by
approximately 1 percent the interest cost to
foreigners of obtaining capital in this country,
and thus help equalize interest rate patterns
for longer term financing in the United States
and abroad. The rate of tax should be grad-
uated from 2.75 percent to 15 percent of the
value of debt obligations, according to the
remaining maturity of the obligation, and
should be 15 percent in the case of equity se-
curities. This tax should remain in effect
through 1965 when improvements in both our
balance of payments and in the operation of
foreign capital markets are expected to per-
mit its abandonment.
Under this alternative, the allocation of
savings for investment in securities will con-
tinue to be the result of decisions based on
market prices. There will be no limitations on
the marketing of foreign issues and no gov-
ernmental screening of borrowers. Eeliance
will be placed on price alone to effect an over-
all reduction in the outflow of American funds
for stocks, bonds, and long-term loans — both
new or outstanding, whether publicly mar-
keted or privately placed.
The tax would not apply to direct investment.
It would not apply to securities or loans that
mature in less than 3 years. Nor would it apply
to the loans of commercial banks. These exemp-
tions will assure that export credit will remain
fully available. Furthermore, purchases of the
securities of less developed countries or of com-
panies operating primarily in such countries will
not be taxed.
Nor will the tax apply to transactions in for-
AUGUST 12, 1963
255
Joint Canadian-United States Statement
on Proposed interest Equalization Tax '
l^.i.io.iiUilM.-.- ill" ralKula auci III.' fuiliMl Slates
met lu WnshiiiKlDn UuriiiK the wockpiid to appraise
the Impiiit on the Ciiniidiiiii liniiiuial inurket.s of the
proiMJsi'd rnlleU Stiiten "interest e<iuiilization tax."
The two r.overnnienls reiotniize the need for ef-
fe<-tlve Ill-lion to improve the balance-of-payments
IHislticns of iM.lh .c.iintries and fioth are equally
determined that siuh action shall not impair the
Intimate etouoniie relationships between the two
eountries. nor impe<le the growth essential for both
economies.
For many years the capital markets of the two
countries have been closely interconnected, and U.S.
export.'! of capital to Canada have financed a sub-
stantial portion of the Canadian current account
deficit with the U.S. This need continues. A por-
tion of tliese flows must l)e supplied through the
sale of new issues of Canadian securities in Ameri-
can markets. U.S. officials had considered that
ample flows for these needs would continue under
the proposed "interest equalization tax." However,
Canadian repre.sentatlves stated that this would re-
quire a very substantial rise in the entire Canadian
Interest rate structure. It was recognized by both
Governmeuts that such a development would be
undesirable in the present economic circumstances.
' Released simultaneously at Ottawa and Wash-
ington on July 21 (Treasury Department press
release).
Ill the light of this situation U.S. officials agreed
that the draft legislation to be submitted to the Con-
gress would include a provision authorizing a pro-
cedure under which the President could modify the
application of the tax by the establishment from
time to time of exemptions, which he could make
either unlimited or limited in amount. The Presi-
dent would thus have the flexibility U) permit tax-
free purchases of new issues needed to maint^iiu
the unimpeded flow of trade and payments between
the two countries, and to take care of exceptional
situations that might arise in the ease of other
countries. U.S. officials made clear that this did not
modify their proposals regarding the taxation of
transactions in outstanding securities ; over the past
year such transactions between Canada and the U.S.
have not been a major factor.
The Canadian authorities stated that it would not
be the desire or intention of Canada to increase her
foreign exchange reserves through the proceeds of
borrowings in the U.S., and it is the hope and ex-
pectation of both Governments that liy maintaining
close consultation it will prove ix)ssible in practice
to have an unlimited exemption for Canada without
adverse effects on the United States.
It was agreetl that active consultations would con-
tinue to strengthen the close economic relations
between the two countries and at the same time
facilitate measures for making the maximum iirac-
ticable contribution to economic expansion and the
strength and stability of both currencies.
eij;n .securities already owned by Americans, or
to the i»iiTliase of securities by foreigners.
Underwriters and dealers would be exempted
frtjni tlie tax on stock or securities resold
to forei}riic'"s as part of the distribution of a
new i.ssiie. Hut all Americans who purchase ne\v
or ouf.standino: forei<rn securities from foreign
is-suers or ownei-s would be subject to this tax.
In order to avoid unfair burdens on transac-
tions which lire nearly complete, the tax should
not ajjply to olTeriiigs of securities for which
active regi.-^t ration statements are now on file
with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
Purclia.se conunilments which have already been
matlo should also not be atlected.
The Secretary of the Treasury is submitting
the details of this proposal to the Congress; and
I have Jx»en as.sured that the House Wajs and
Means Committee will be |>icpared to give high
priority to this proposal after action has been
taken with respect to the overall program of
tax reduction and reform now before it. Sine©
the efl'ect iveness of this tax requires its immedi-
ate application, I am asking Congress to make
the legislation eifective from the date of tliis
message.' The Internal Revenue Service will
promptly make available all instructions ne<;es-
sary for interim fullillment of the provisions of
this recommendation, pending the enactment of
legislation by the Congress.
' The Treasury Department announced at 6 :15 p.m.
on July 18 that "purchasers of foreign securities traded
on a national securities exchange registered with the
Securities and Exchange Commission would not be sub-
ject to the Interest Equalization Tax proposed by the
President in his Message to the Congress today on
purchases made on such exchanges prior to and in-
cluding August 16, 19C3."
256
DEPARTMENT OF STATE Bin.I.ETIX
6. Investment by Foreign Savers in the Securities
of U.S. Private Companies
Investment by foreigii savers in the securities
of U.S. private companies has fallen rapidly to
less than $150 million in 1962. The better
climate for investment that will flow from en-
actment of the program for tax reduction and
refonn now before the Congress will do much
to improve this situation but a direct action pro-
gram is also needed to promote oversea sales of
securities of U.S. companies. Such a program
should also be designed to increase foreign par-
ticipation in the financing of new or expanded
operations on the part of U.S. companies op-
erating abroad.
To meet these two facets of a single problem,
a new and positive program should be directed
to the following areas of effort :
(a) The identification and critical appraisal
of the legal, administrative and institutional
restrictions remaining in the capital markets of
other industrial nations of the free world which
prevent the purchase of American securities and
hamper U.S. companies in financing their opera-
tions abroad from non-U.S. sources ;
(b) A review of U.S. Government and pri-
vate activities which advei-sely affect foreign
purchase of the securities of U.S. private com-
panies; and
(c) A broad and intensive effort by the U.S.
financial community to market securities of U.S.
private companies to foreign in\estors, and to
increase the availability of foreign financing for
U.S. business operating abroad.
Such a program will necessarily involve a
pooling of the know-how and efforts of the Gov-
ernment and the financial community. I have
asked the Treasury Department, in consultation
with the State Department, to develop an orga-
nization plan and program.
The increased freedom of capital movement
and increased participation by foreign citizens
and financial institutions in the ownership and
financing of American business, toward which
these efforts are directed, will serve to
strengthen the economic and political ties of
the free world as well as its monetary system.
Securities of U.S. private firms could be and
should be one of our best selling exports. An
increasing foreign investment in these securities
will encourage a more balanced two-way capi-
tal traffic between the United States and other
capital markets and mmimize the impact of
net long-term capital outflows from the United
States on our balance of payments.
7. Special Government Transactions
Special Govermnent transactions covered
$1.4 billion of our deficit in 1962. These in-
cluded prepayment of debt by foreign coimtries,
advance payments on military purchases here,
and the issuance by the Treasury of medium-
term securities to foreign official holders of dol-
lars. Further debt prepayment is expected in
1963 — France has just annoimced a prepayment
of $160 million — but it is clear that these are
temporary gains which cannot be repeated for
very long. Nor is it likely that advance pay-
ments on military purchases will again be large,
as the pace of deliveries against purchases is
now rising.
Therefore, as our continuing balance of pay-
ments deficit leads to accruals of dollars by for-
eign central banks, exceeding the size of the
dollar balances which they normally carry, it
has been particularly helpful that a number of
foreign governments and central banks have
begun purchasing a new type of nonmarketable,
medium-term Treasury security, denominated
either in dollars or in their own currencies, as
a convenient alternative to the purchase of gold.
Some $610 million of such securities have been
newly issued thus far in 1963.
Further debt prepayments and further sales
of tliese securities during the remainder of this
year will reflect the unprecedented degree of
cooperation now prevailing in international
finance and the growing recognition that cor-
rection of payments imbalances is a responsi-
bility of the surplus as well as the deficit coun-
tries. In this spirit we shall also continue to
press for a fuller and fairer sharing of the bur-
dens of defense and aid and for the reduction
or elimination of the trade barriers which im-
pede our exports.
8. Gold Sales and Increased Dollar Holdings
Gold sales and increased dollar holdings .serve
to finance what remains of our deficit after spe-
ATJGUST 12, 1963
257
United States Authorized To Malce
Drawing From IMF
The lutermitlouul Monetary Fund announced
on July 18 that it had entere*! into a standby
arrangement that authorizes the United States
to draw the currencies of other members of the
Fund up to an amount equal to $500 million
during tJie next 12 months. The quota of the
United States In the Fund is $4,125 million, of
which $1,031 million has been paid in gold. The
amount of the standby arrangement represents a
little less than half the amount the United States
could draw on a virtually automatic basis under
Fund practice.
The United States has not previously made use
of the Fund's resources. Drawings of U.S. dol-
lars from the Fund by other members have
amounted to approximately $4.2 billion since the
Fimd's operations began in 1947. In recent years
Fund policy has encouraged drawings in non-
dollar currencies .•<nd repayments to the Fund in
U.S. dollars. This policy has provided assistance
in financing the U.S. balance-of-paynienta deficit
Aa a re.sult of repayments, the Fund's dollar
holdings are now almost at the subscription level,
which is 7."i percent of quota or about $3 billion,
and the Articles of Agreement prevent repayment
to the Fund with U.S. dollars beyond that level.
In these circumstances the standby arrangement,
which is nvallnble for general balance-of-pay-
ments needs, is intended to facilitate repayments
by other members. This would be accomplished
through United States drawings of other con-
vertible currencies, which would be sold to Fund
members for dollars and used by them to make
rei>ayment4 to the Fund.
cirtl governmentiil transactions. In 1962, this
deficit amounted to approximately $2.2 billion.
It was financed by the sale of $890 million in
gold and $1" million of our holdings of foreign
excliange as well as by an increase in foreign
holdings of dollars and U.S. Government secu-
rities anionnt ing to $6.')3 million, and an increase
of $020 million in the holdings of dollars by the
Internat ional Monetary Fund.
Tlie total outflow of gold for the 2 years 1901
and 1902 combined only slightly exceeded the
outflow in tlie single year 1960; and the outflow
in 1963 is running at a rate well below last year.
Since the rise in short-term interest resulting
from the recent action of the Federal Reserve
will make it considerably more attractive for
foreigners to hold tlieir assets in dollars, in-
cluding short-term U.S. Government securities,
prospects are improved that increased foreign
holdings of these assets instead of gold will fi-
nance a still larger share of our deficit.
9. The International Monetary Fund
The International Monetary Fund, however,
presents a different situation. Last year the
Fund's dollar holdings increased as other coun-
tries paid off their debts in dollars and concen-
trated new borrowings in other convertible cur-
rencies to the extent practicable. But the
Fund's rules provide that, except in the case of
a drawing — that is, a borrowing — it cannot hold
more of any currency than was paid in at the
time of original subscription (in effect, 75 per-
cent) ; and the Fund's holdings of dollars have
now nearly reached that level.
To meet this situation, the United States has
requested, and the Executive Board of the IMF
has approved, a $500 million standby arrange-
ment which authorizes us to draw on the Fund
from time to time during the coming year. It
is our intention to utilize this authority for the
purpose of facilitating repayments which are
expected to total about $500 million during the
course of the next 12 months. "WHien a country
desires to repay the Fund, we will draw con-
vertible foreign currencies from the Fund, pay-
ing for them with dollars. The country mak-
ing the repayment will use its own dollars
to buy these foreign currencies from us in
order to repay the Fund. All transfers will
take place at par. Thus the Fund will con-
tinue to finance a portion of our deficit by
increasing its holdings of dollars and its vari-
ous debtors will continue to have a simple
and costless method by which they can i-edeem
their obligations to the Fund. The alternative
under present circumstances, now that tliey can-
not pay off directly in dollars, would have been
either to buy gold from the United States with
which to repay the Fund, or to purchase other
convertible currencies in the market with their
dollars at extra cost and inconvenience.
Drawings by the United States under this
new arrangement will be repayable in 3 years,
with a 2-year extension available if needed.
No interest w'ill be payable, but the drawings
will be subject to a one-time service charge of
one-half of 1 percent.
258
DEPARTJIEXT OF STATE BULLETIIf
10. Evolution of International Monetary System
During the past 2 years great progress has
been made in strengthening the basic fabric of
the international monetary system upon which
the wliole free workl depends. Far closer co-
operation among the central banks of the lead-
ing industrial countries has been achieved.
Eeciprocal credit arrangements have been es-
tablished to meet instantly any disruptive
disturbance to international payments — ar-
rangements which successfully contained the
monetai-y repercussions of the Berlin crisis in
1961, the heavy pressure on the Canadian dollar
in the spring of 1962, the Cuban crisis last au-
tumn, the reaction that followed the exclusion
of the United Kingdom from the Common Mar-
ket, and a number of less striking events that
might, in other yeai'S, have set oif dangerous
rounds of currency speculation. An informal
but highly effective operating relationsliip has
grown lip among a nimiber of the same coun-
tries with respect to the London gold market,
ruling out for the future any repetition of the
alarming rise in the price of gold which created
such uncertainty in October 1960. Finally, 10
of the leading industrial countries have estab-
lished a $6 billion facility for providing sup-
plemental resources to the International Mone-
tary Fund, which will be available in the event
of any threat to the stability of the international
monetary system.*
The net result has been to provide strong
defenses against successful raids on a major
currency. Our efforts to strengthen these de-
fenses will continue. "Wliile this process is
taking place, the United States will continue
to study and discuss with other countries meas-
ures which might be taken for a further
strengthening of the international monetary
system over the longer run. The U.S. interest
in the continuing evolution of the system inau-
gurated at the time of Bretton Woods is not a
result of our current payments deficit — rather
it reflects our concern that adequate provision
be made for the growth of international liquid-
* BuixETiN of Jan. 29, 19G2, p. 187, and Nov. 19, 1962.
p. 79.5.
ity to finance expanding world trade over the
years ahead. Indeed, one of the reasons that
new sources of liquidity may well be needed is
that, as we close our payments gap, we will cut
down our provision of dollars to the rest of
the world.
As yet, this Government is not prepared to
recommend any specific prescription for long-
term improvement of the international mone-
tary system. But we are studying the matter
closely; we shall be discussing possible im-
provements with our friends abroad; and our
minds will be open to their initiatives. We
sliare their view that the problem of improving
the payments mechanism is one that demands
careful joint deliberation. At the same time,
we do not pretend that talk of long-range re-
form of the system is any substitute for the
actions that we ourselves must take now.
The Promise of the Future
Full implementation of the program of action
I have outlined today should lead to substantial
improvement in our international payments.
The rate of Government expenditures abroad
will drop by $900 million over the next 18
months, and the combined effect of the increase
in short-term interest rates and the interest
equalization tax should equal, and more prob-
ably exceed, this figure. Gains of this magni-
tude— approximately $2 billion — will give us
the time our basic long-term program needs to
improve our international competitive position,
and increase the attraction for investment in the
United States.
These two objectives must be the basis of any
permanent closing of the payments gap, and
this program will achieve them without threat-
ening our growth at home. It will also do so
without compromising our adherence to the
principles of freer trade and free movements of
capital. It will, in fact, help prevent pressures
for more restrictive measures. In short, while
we must intensify our efforts, we can do so with
full confidence in the future.
John F. Ivennedt
The White House, July 18, 1963.
AUGUST 12, 1963
259
Secretary Rusk Discusses Appropriation Request
Before Senate Committee
Statement hy Secretary Rusk^
I welcome tliis opportunity to appear before
you in support of tiie appropriation request of
tlie Department of State for fiscal year 1964.
The Assistant Secretaries and otlier principal
officers of the Department will appear before
you later to discuss the details of the budget
estimates for their respective areas of responsi-
bility.
Mr. Chairman, first I would like to present a
brief statement concerning our 1964 budget esti-
mates and then, if the committee is agreeable, to
discuss in e.xecutive session some of the more
important aspects of the international situation.
Unsettled world conditions continue to add to
the work of the Department and therefore to
its costs of operation. In the past year the
placement of Soviet offensive weapons in Cuba,
the India-Ciiina border dispute, forceful as well
as peaceful changes in foreign governments,
continued problems in the Congo, as well as a
number of major problems in the NATO alli-
ance and other areas of our international rela-
tions, have strained the Department's resources
of people and money. Our budget for 1964 was
drawn up after careful analysis of our needs
and after we had taken a number of steps to
improve the organization and management of
the Department to promote greater efficiency
and economy of operations.
Togetlier with Under Secretary Ball and
other senior colleagues, I held hearings in my
office extending over a number of weeks tliis
past year on the budget estimates submitted by
' Mndp bt'forp the Senate Committee on Appropria-
tions on July 10 (press release 376).
the Assistant Secretaries. We did not look
solely at costs in their areas but reviewed crit-
ically their management practices and the man-
ner in which their work was being carried out.
The result of this review, I believe, has been
an across-the-board improvement in the effi-
ciency of the Department's operations. We
gave special attention, of course, to those items
for whicli added funds were requested, trim-
ming them down to the lowest levels consistent
with program needs.
The budget ^ presented to the Congress last
January reflected these efforts to tighten our
administrative processes, at home and abroad,
to adjust our organization to the highest prior-
ity needs, and to use our resources prudently.
In our continuing search for economy we
have been able to take a number of actions to
reduce the cost of operations. For example,
we expect to announce shortly the closing of
a number of consular posts in several countries
abroad. We have established a new tour-of-
duty policy to lengthen the duration of assign-
ments to both hardship and nonliardship posts.
We are using economy air accommodations for
travel within the United States, and between
the United States and Western Europe and the
Caribbean area. State, AID [Agency for
International Development], and USIA [U.S.
Information Agency] are jointly engaged in es-
tablishing consolidated administrative organi-
zations to provide common services to all
' For excerpts from the budget dealing with interna-
tional affairs, see Bulletin of Feb. 11, 1963, p. 224.
200
DEPABTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
agencies at a number of posts abroad. We have
a regional finance center in Paris which per-
forms payrolling and other fiscal services for
posts in 41 countries of Europe and Africa.
As this committee knows, the House did not
approve a substantial portion of tlie increase
we requested in our appropriations for 1964.
Realizing that the House action indicates a de-
sire to restrict expansion to a minimum, we
have reviewed our original estimates and have
further trimmed them to eliminate those items
of increase which we believe can be deferred.
However, we find it necessary to urge the Sen-
ate to amend the appropriations as passed by
the House. The presentation now before you
requests increases in several appropriations
which I consider necessarj^ in the national
interest.
The Department requested appropriations for
1964 totaling $359,721,000. The House in H.E.
7063 approved appropriations totaling $305,-
051,000.
Their action reflected a failure to appropriate
$27,000,000 for the foreign buildings program
because new authorizing legislation had not
been enacted. The request submitted to this
committee in the amount of $26,040,000 is based
on authorizing legislation approved by both the
House and the Senate, but on which final action
is still pending.
The House action also involved a reduction
of $13,725,000 in our request for educational
and cultural exchange. We ask that the
amount approved by the House be iiicreased
by $11,130,000, primarily to permit expansion
of the exchange-of-persons program.
Finally, the House action involved reductions
of a total of $13,945,000 for all other appropria-
tions, including the ordinary operations of the
Department. In this category we request res-
toration of $9,680,000 for the following items :
Salaries and expenses $6, 818, 000
Acquisition, operation, and maintenance of
buildings abroad (special foreign cur-
rency program) 1, 1.50,000
Missions to international organizations . . 225, 000
International conferences and contingen-
cies 197, 000
International fisheries commissions .... 14.3, 000
Center for Cultural and Technical Inter-
change Between East and West 1, 147, 000
Salaries and Expenses
The House bill provides $153,000,000, an in-
crease of $5,451,500 above amoimts appropri-
ated for 1963, but a reduction of $9,800,000 be-
low our estimates.
The House allowance, as indicated in the
committee report,^ will cover mandatory in-
creases in the costs of doing business — such
items as pay-increase costs, within-grade pro-
motions, overseas wage and price increases, and
pay in excess of 52-week base. It will also
provide operating funds — but no new posi-
tions— for eight new posts and most of the
funds requested for home leave and transfer
travel.
The amount in the House bill does not, how-
ever, provide funds for any of the new positions
requested or for any of the nonmandatory but
highly desirable increases requested for op-
erating expenses.
We are requesting your consideration of in-
creases above the House bill totaling 435 posi-
tions and $6,818,000. The material which has
been furnished to the committee shows the dis-
tribution of this request by major organization
unit, and each Assistant Secretary concerned
will present his own case during the course of
these hearings. But I would like to highlight
briefly the main elements of our request.
Last year the Department held the line on po-
sitions; we did not ask for a single additional
position. Our concentration was on the urgent
need to obtain a better balance in resources —
to obtain adequate support for our personnel
to enable them to get the best job done in the
Department and in the field. This is still our
goal.
The decision to absorb our increased work-
load without increasing our staff was taken with
the knowledge that we would have to shift per-
sonnel to meet the new requirements. We have
done tliis. However, current developments are
such that I believe we have reached, for the
present, the limit in this direction. This does
not imply a change in policy. It simply means
that increased workloads and new requirements
which have been assigned to us and which we
have had to assume require additional people.
' H. Rept. 3S8, 88th Cong., 1st sess.
AtTGfST i:
261
We :iiv iiNnii'stinp, (lierefore, funds for 435
adilitioiml jxwit ions— 132 in "Wasliington and
303 oviTst'as.
Many fiu-toi-s contribute to make up tlie in-
civaswi staff requirements. We liave scaled
down our original request for 570, but we be-
lieve that additional manpower is required to
meet important and hijrh-priority needs.
Comimrcinl staff (129 posit ion.s). The De-
partments of State and Commerce are engaged
in an intensive effort to develop export markets
and exjiand our tnxde to reduce the gold outflow.
Secretary [!■'"< 'ler II.] Hodges and I join in
endorsing this request to increase the capability
of our posts abroad to assist American business-
men in finding new markets. A representative
of the Department of Commerce will discuss
this matter further during the course of these
hearings. The request includes 48 officers, 5
American clerks, and 7G local nationals.
Specialized attach/s (11 positions). The De-
partments of Labor, Interior, and Commerce
have submitted urgent requests for assignment
of adtlitional officers at a few key posts abroad
to enable us more adequately to represent
United States interests in science, minerals,
labor, fisheries, and civil aviation matters. The
request includes 6 officers and 5 American
clerks.
New pasta (68 positions). Funds are re-
quested to put us in position to open and staff
five new jK)sts in Africa and three in the Far
East. Tile proposed locations of these posrts,
and the need for them, will be discussed with
the committee in executive session. The request
includes 15 officei-s, 10 .Vmerican clerks, and 33
local nationals.
Conxiilar irorkload (80 positions). The pass-
port and visa workload continues to rise at
home and abroad. Requests for passports have
increa.sed by more than one-third since 1058.
In fiscal year 1003 more than 1 million pass-
ports were issiied, exceeding our estimates. A
further inciva.se is expected in 1064, and addi-
tional |)er8onnc] is nex;essary so that we may
continue to satisfy the public demand for
prompt senice. Increases in visa workloads
at posts for which additional personnel are re-
queste<i Hinged from 15 to 40 percent in fiscal
year lOC-J. Tiie request includes :20 officers and
30 clerks for work in the United States and 9
officers and 21 local nationals overseas.
Intelligence and research (35 positions).
These positions are requested to help the Bu-
reau of Intelligence and Research meet the de-
mands made upon it, especially in view of the
heavily increased work entailed by our rela-
tions with 111 countries and the increased pace
of events related to critical areas and problems.
The request includes 22 officers and 13 clerks.
Public information (15 positions). Addi-
tional staff is required for the Bureau of Public
Affairs to improve our public information op-
erations and meet rapidly increasing public
demand for information about United States
foreign policy ]:)roblems. The request includes
8 officers and 7 clerks.
Special Latin American program (30 posi-
tions). Additional personnel are needed to
strengthen our ability to deal -with critical prob-
lems in Latin America, in such areas as tax
refoiTn, political organizations, and rural af-
fairs. These positions will give us a pool of
manpower to deal with critical areas for rela-
tively short periods of time without the neces-
sity of permanently increasing the staff at a
particular post. Despite shifts of positions
among posts, our resources have not been ade-
quate to meet the recurring and difficult crises
that face us in many areas of Latin Aonerica.
The request includes 4 officers and 2 clerks in
Washington and 20 officers and 4 clerks over-
seas.
Training (31 positions) . Tliis increased staff
will improve our training program, partic-
ularly in African and South Asian languages.
The request provides for linguists to develop
instnictional material in several languages for
which we do not now have an adequate program
of instruction, and the assignment of additional
officers for full-time training in hard languages
as a further step toward overcoming our present
shortage. Tlie total i-equest includes 6 officers
and 6 clerks for the staff of the Foreign Service
Institute and 10 training positions.
Security (17 positions). Our security staffs
in Washington and abroad should be strength-
ened. The request includes 7 officers to meet
increased investigative workload in the United
States and 8 officers and 2 clerks overseas, pri-
202
DEPARTSrENT OF STATE BULLETIM'
i
marily for regional offices and posts in Africa
where security staff has not kept pace with ex-
panded operations in the new African countries.
International organization affairs (7 posi-
tions). Our participation in the United Na-
tions and other international organizations
continues to grow. The U.N. is deeply involved
in the problems of disarmament, peacekeeping
machineiy, outer space, and economic and social
developments; the specialized agencies of the
U.N. and other international organizations are
continually expanding their diversified pro-
grams; international conferences continue at an
ever mcreasing pace. The request includes 4
officers and 3 clerks to strengthen the staff of
the Bureau of International Organization Af-
faire dealing with these subjects.
Overseas staff {22 positions). This request
includes 5 officers, 7 clerks, and 10 local nationals
for slight strengthening of the staffs at 16 posts
in Africa, the Near East, and the Far East.
Of the total increase of $6,818,000 requested
above the House bill, $3,453,646 is required for
salaries and expenses for the 435 positions. The
remaining $3,364,354 is to provide increases in
travel, equipment replacement, and other sup-
port fmids to give our people at home and
abroad better facilities to work with.
essential role by forming the kind of positive,
constructive relationships on which peace and
security depend.
That these programs are effective was docu-
mented by the United States Advisory Commis-
sion on International Educational and Cultural
Affairs in a report * to the Congress earlier this
year. This distinguished group of citizens was
appointed by President Kennedy a year and a
half ago, under authorization of the Fulbright-
Haj'S Act of 1961. In that act the Congress
asked the Commission to make a special study
of the effectiveness of past programs. On the
basis of extensive interviews with former ex-
changees and others with special knowledge, in
the United States and in other countries, the
Commission said the exchange-of-persons pro-
gi-am over the last 15 years has demonstrated
clearly and beyond question its rewarding effec-
tiveness.
I believe we have in the exchange programs
that the Fulbright-Hays Act makes possible one
of the most powerful, although quiet, elements
in our foreign policy. We are asking the Con-
gress to strengthen exchange-of-persons pro-
grams as a proven and powerful force for
mutual understanding and for peace.
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange
Activities
Our request for mutual educational and cul-
tural exchange was $55,975,000. The House ap-
proved $42,250,000, a reduction of $13,725,000.
However, since we anticipate the availability of
$1,100,000 in resei-ve fmids already on hand in
binational commissions and foundations, the
House action represents an effective cut of
$12,625,000. I strongly urge restoration of
$11,130,000.
This amount would provide our full budget
request for an expansion of our exchange-of-
persons programs for Africa, the American Re-
publics, Eastern Europe, the Far East, and the
Near East and South Asia.
These programs should go forward to meet
the expanding needs and opportunities in coun-
tries all around the world. Exchange-of-per-
sons programs have unique utility in our rela-
tions with the rest of the world. They play an
Foreign Buildings
The House did not approve any funds for the
foreign buildings program Ijecause new au-
thorizing legislation had not been enacted. Our
request was for $27,000,000.
We now request an amendment to the House
version of the biU to provide $26,040,000 for tliis
program, the amount recommended in the con-
ference report ^ on the authorizing bill ( H.R.
5207 ) , which the Senate has approved. We shall
be happy to discuss this request, Mr. Chainnan,
if the committee desires. However, since final
action has not been taken by the Congress on
H.R. 5207, perhaps this should be deferred for
the time being.
We are requesting restoration of $1,150,000 in
the foreign buildings special foreign-currency
* H. Boc. 93, 88th Cong., 1st «ess. ; for a Department
announcement, see Bulletin of Apr. 22, 1963, p. 617.
" H. Kept. 497, 88th Cong., 1st sess.
AUGUST 12, 1963
263
program for the proposed U.S. Information
Service buildinp in New Deliii, a project deleted
by tlie House but wliich we believe is of high
priority.
Millions to International Organizations
The IX-partment requested $2,745,000 for the
expenses of tlie missions whicli represent us in
the international organizations in which the
United States participates. The House ap-
proved $-2..')00,000, a reduction of $245,000.
Wo are requesting restoration of $225,000,
primarily for the U.S. Mission to the United
Nations in New York and the U.S. Mission to
International Organizations at Geneva. The
increase in recent years of United Nations
meml)ership and the complexity and number of
General Assembl}- agenda items require
strengthening of our mission in New York.
Of j):irticular urgency is the need to
strengthen the staff of our mission at Geneva
during the period of preparation for negotia-
tions under the Trade Expansion Act and to
improve its administrative facilities to better
support our delegations to the numerous inter-
national conferences which meet there.
International Conferences and Contingencies
The budget request for expenses of participa-
tion in international conferences was $2,170,000.
The House approved $1,94.3,000, a reduction of
$227,000. Wo are requesting restoration of
$197,000 primarily for four areas of conference
activity : the U.N. Conference on Trade and De-
velopment scheduled for the spring of 1964;
telccommimications conferences, particularly
the Extraordinary Administrative Radio Con-
ference for Space Allocation; inter-American
conferences; and conferences of the Organiza-
tion for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
ment.
International Fisheries Commissions
We requested $2,05.3,000 for the United States
share of eight international fisheries commis-
sions. The House approved $1,910,000, a re-
duction of $14:5,000. We request restoration of
the full amount, which will provide the United
States share of the planned programs for next
year which have been approved by the commis-
sions.
East-West Cultural Center
The 1964 request for the Center for Cultural
and Technical Interchange Between East and
West in Hawaii was $5,690,000. The House ap-
proved $4,460,000, a reduction of $1,230,000.
Our present request is for an increase of
$1,147,000 above the amount in the House bill,
distributed by major projects as follows:
$534,000 in additional operating expenses for
staff salary increments, increased costs, and sup-
port to the programs of the Institute of Ad-
vanced Projects;
$313,000 to permit continuation at the 1963
level of the senior scholar program; and
$300,000 for preparation of construction plans
for a building for the Institute of Advanced
Projects and for a residence apartment for
married students.
That concludes my statement concerning our
1964 budget needs, Mr. Chairman, and now, if
it would be of interest to the committee, I should
like to discuss some aspects of the international
situation in executive session. Tliis may assist
you in understanding the role of the Depart-
ment and in evaluating our budgetary requests
durin<r the hearinefs which will follow.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Activities of Noncliplomatic Representatives of Foreign
Principals in tlio United States. Hearings before the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Part 4,
March 13 and June 20, 1963, 177 pp. : Part 6, June
14, 190.3. G7 pp. : Part 7, March 2.5, 196,3, 1-19 pp.
Government Information Plans and Policies (Part 1).
Hearings before a subcommittee of the House Com-
mittee on Government Operations. News Media
Panel Discussion, March 19, 190)3 ; Department of
State-Department of Defense, March 25, 1963. 174
pp.
Make Counterpart Funds Available for Agricultural
Conferences. Hearings before the Subcommittee on
Foreign Agricultural Operations of the House Com-
mittee on Agriculture on H.R. 4914 and H.R. .5380.
Serial M. May 7 and S, 19G3. 32 pp.
Problems of the Domestic Textile Industry. Hearings
before a subcommittee of the Senate Commerce Com-
mittee. May 22-23, 1963. 250 pp.
264
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
An Emerging Consensus on Economic and Social Development
Statement hy Adlai E. Stevenson
U.S. Representative to the United IVations'^
I welcome this opportiuiity to join again for
a few days in tlie work of the Economic and
Social Council. I wish that no other need ex-
isted for the United Nations but the work of
this Council for the betterment of man's life.
To me, therefore, it is regrettable that the
economic and social work of the United Na-
tions, like an iceberg, all too often is submerged
in the political seas that rage ai'ound us. And
even in those relative moments of calm when
the world sees the submerged iceberg, I don't
think it realizes its depth or magnitude and
that, out of every 20 persons employed by the
United Nations system, 17 are involved in rais-
ing the standards of life on our planet.
The fact, however, that our sights are fo-
cused in this Decade of Development on attain-
ing today the expectations of tomorrow is ap-
parent from the rich variety of the agenda. It
runs the full gamut of the world's economic and
social problems.
But what we — any of us — say here will be as
nothing unless what we do here enhances the
dignity of man and offers real opportunities to
him and to his children to share the abundant
blessings of our earth.
The range and variety of our agenda is, of
course, a reflection of the world around us. It
may belabor the obvious to say that ours is a
world of multiple revolutions, of vast ferment,
' Made before the 36th session of the Economic and
Social Council at Geneva, Switzerland, on July 10
(U.S./U.N. press release 4227 dated July 12).
of pervasive change, of political turmoil. A
great American jurist — Oliver Wendell
Holmes — (who was quoted here only yesterday)
once said : "We need education in the obvious
more than investigation of the obscure." And
I suspect that this observation has never been
more apt than it is today. So let me begin, if
I may, by taking a few moments to embroider
the obvious.
Within the very recent past, discovery of some
of the secrets of the atom has put such destruc-
tive force into the hands of great powers that
the whole purpose of armed struggle is becom-
ing meaningless and the conventional wisdom
about national security which has instructed the
leaders of all states in all times past has sudden-
ly become obsolete.
Within the very recent past, scientific dis-
coveries have so extended the average span of
life that the population expansion threatens to
cancel out our best efforts to improve living
standards.
Within the very recent past, nearly half a
hundred new nations have gained independ-
ence— and with it the risks and perils of self-
government.
Within the very recent past, we have become
grimly aware of the intolerable contradiction of
want in the midst of plenty, of surplus food in
the midst of hunger, of burgeoning knowledge
in the midst of ignorance. And we have be-
come aware too, only very recently, of the
complex ways in which our nations are inter-
AUGUST 12, 1963
265
ili'peiultMit. SfiiMice, transport, communica-
tions, economics, and politics have all become
international concerns.
For tiieso and otiier reasons, our age is one of
contradiction, paradox, and crisis, and there are
pootl and Puflicient reasons for all the ferment
and turbulence of our times, for all the com-
l)le.\ity and danger of our affairs, and, there-
fore, for all the variety of the agenda before us.
I believe we sliould tiT to identify what is
common within tiie diversity, what is simple
l)eneath the complexities, what is lasting within
the tides of change. It would be well to take
our l)earings and let such clarity as there is
sliine through the confusion. And I like to be-
lieve, Mr. President, that clarity is, in fact,
l)eginning to shine through confusion in at least
five important areas.
Complexity of Development Process
To begin with, in the area of economic and
.social development, we are beginning to see the
job as a whole. As nation after nation strug-
gles to come to grips with the hard realities of
national development, as we together seek to
transform the United Nations Decade of De-
velopment from slogan to reality, we sense an
emerging consensus along these lines:
First, there is no one formula for the orga-
nization of developing societies to speed them
from traditional to modern economies. Each
so<'iety must be organized in the light of its own
historj', culture, resources, and stage of develop-
ment.
Second, there is no one sector of the economy
which, by forced-draft growth, will carry auto-
matically the rest of the economy along with
it. The interrelationships between agriculture
and industry and transport, between these and
ediicat ion or health or housing, between all these
and politii-al action plus institution building-
all these relations are direct enough and oom-
I)lex enough for us to .see now that development
dei)ends on more or less simultaneous growth in
all major sectors of economic and social activity.
There are relative priorities, but there are lio
nlwoliite priorities.
Thinl, science and technology' have no in-
herently magical qualities; nor can they be dug
up from one cultural setting and transplanted
intact to another. What works in one place
may need adaptation before it will work in
another, and the process of adaptation requires
scientific and technological institutions in the
developing countries, which in turn require
specialists, and specialists in turn require train-
ing. And every community also requires social
conditions which will make people receptive to
scientific thought and technical progress.
Fourth, external assistance is vital; but it is
also useless except as a critical supplement of
a national effort that engages the material and
human resources of the whole developing
nation.
It seems to me, Mr. President, that we are
approaching a consensus of these basic points
about the development problem. If their net
meaning is that the development process is a
very complex affair, it is nonetheless clarifying
to dispel false dogma and be done with illusion.
These basic points raise practical questions for
us about the adequacy and relevance of the
plans and the programs of the United Nations
system of agencies, about organization and co-
ordination, about staffing and training, to make
good the promise of the Development Decade
to which we are all pledged.
We cannot work effectively on these gigantic
tasks in isolation from one another, nor can we
make progress with blind optimism, fatuous
oversimplification of our difficulties, or with
cynical resignation. We are dealing with
people. And man is not just an economic fac-
tor, nor are all his motives material. He is
complex, capricious, selfish, yet at times incred-
ibly noble. Our approach to making the most
out of what we have must therefore be a com-
prehensive approach to profound international
problems. And we dare not give up in impa-
tience as the struggle becomes dreary or
protracted.
Peaceful Change in Human Affairs
The second area in which I believe that clar-
ity is emerging through confusion is in our
thinking about peace — and not only peace in
the negative sense of the absence of wnr but
l)eace in the positive sense of peaceful change
in human affairs, which is our concern here in
the Economic and Social Council.
2r.c.
DKl'AUTSrEXT or STATE BULLETIN
Last montli President Kennedy said : "
Genuine peace must be the product of many na-
tions, the sum of many acts. . . . World peace, like
coniniuuity peace, does not require that each man love
his neighbor ; it requires only that they live together
in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a
just and peaceful settlement.
Thus does clarity begin to emerge on the sub-
ject of peace itself — a method of peace, a way
to make peace operational in an imperfect and
changing world, as we make peace operational
within imperfect and changing national
societies.
This is why the United Nations can succeed
where the League of Nations failed : because it
has some capacity for securing peaceful
change — by peaceful settlement of disputes, by
helping to guide nations peacefully from de-
pendence to independence, by helping to pro-
mote economic and social change, and by
helping to lift peacefully the stifling weight of
custom, law, tradition, and prejudice which
suffocates the rights of the individual in so
many parts of the world.
Yet even today there are those who seem to
favor peace but object to peaceful change — and
those who favor change even at the risk of
breaking the peace. So the test of the United
Nations is whether it can acquire a sufficient
authority to bring about peaceful change — in
political affairs, in economic and social affairs,
and in human rights. This realization, this
understanding, which is spreading gradually,
also helps to let clarity through the api^arent
confusion of our affairs.
And this is why, Mr. President, my Govern-
ment supports, and will continue to support,
every sound move not only to extend and im-
prove the machinery of the United Nations for
preventing war but for insuring peaceful change
in human affairs.
Central Role of Human Rights
The next and third area in which I feel a new
clarity emerging is in liimian rights — in the
rather sudden discovery, that is, of the central
role of human riglits in all our affairs. Per-
haps it is not even enough to speak of a central
■ Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 2.
role for human rights ; for the real point is that
hiunan rights are the heart and the core of
nearly evei-ything we do and try to do.
To be more explicit, I feel we have put much
too narrow a construction on the term "human
rights." The subjects we have dealt with under
that rubric include what we refer to in my coun-
try as the "civil rights" guaranteed by our Con-
stitution: the right to vote, the right to free
speech and free press and free assembly and
freedom of religious practice. These riglits, of
course, are at the heart of the democratic sys-
tem— the first freedoms of a society built upon
respect for the inherent dignity and equality of
all men.
Parenthetically I want to say that in my coun-
try too many of our Negro citizens still do not
enjoy their full civil rights — because ancient at-
titudes stubbornly resist change in spite of the
vigorous official policy of the Government. But
such indignities are an anachronism that no pro-
gressive society can tolerate, and the last ves-
tiges must be abolished with all possible speed.
Actually in the past few years we have made
more progress m achieving full equality of
rights and opportunities for all of our citizens
than during any comparable period since Abra-
ham Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation
freed our Republic and our national conscience
from a heavy burden 100 years ago.
The vei-y struggles which now call worldwide
attention to our shame are themselves signs of a
progress that will be increasingly visible in the
months ahead. The sound and fury about ra-
cial equality that fill our press and airwaves are
tlie sounds of the great thaw ; the logjam of the
past is breaking up.
And the attainment of equality for all in
xVmerica should give the cause of human rights
a great impetus throughout the globe. I would
hope that it would also set an example of how
democracy seeks a solution of its most stubborn
ills — not secretly or furtively but openly for all
to hear and see.
Turning from civil rights in the United
States, it is important to bear in mind that the
concept of human rights — with its symbols of
courts and laws, speeches and meetings,
churches and periodicals — has been broadened
in both theory and practice in recent times.
267
This expansion of tlio liuman rights idea grew
out of the rising conviction that freedom to
starve, or to sleep witliout shelter, or to die for
lack of medical care, are not among the inalien-
able rights of men.
When in 1941 President Koosevelt looked for-
ward to a world "founded upon four essential
human freedoms," the first two — "freedom of
speech and expression" and "freedom of every
person to worship God in his own way" — were
restatements of freedoms already guaranteed by
many constitutions. But the third was a more
recent idea. It was "freedom from want,"
which, said President Roosevelt, "translated
into world terms, means economic understand-
ings which will secure to every nation a healthy
peacetime life for its inhabitants — everywhere
in the world."
And the fourth, of course, was "freedom from
fear," which means a worldwide reduction of
armaments so that no nation will be in a position
to commit an act of aggression against any
neighbor — anywhere in the world.
I need not dwell on the point that nearly
everything we deal with in the Economic and
Social Council has to do with freedom from
want and that we are, then, dealing basically
with human rights. Nor need I stress that
wherever disannament is under discussion,
wherever the subject is machinery for keeping
the peace and managing peaceful change, there
too the underlying issue is freedom from fear —
and thus human rights.
"Wliat I want to emphasize is this : As we come
to see that, beneath the various functional labels
like agi-iculture and health and education and
lalwr, lurks the human rights issue of freedom
from want, as we begin to realize that, behind
the technical language about disarmament and
truce supervision and mediation and such, lies
the human rights issue of freedom from fear,
wo arc seeing through the complexity of our
affairs, we are glimpsing what is simple and raw
and permanent in the swirling events of our
times, and we are revealing the link that binds
together nearly eveiything we are discussing —
the human Wing and his rights as an individual.
President Kennedy made the ultimate point last
month when he said: ". . . is not peace . . .
basically a matter of human rights?"
The Directions in Wiiicli We Want To Move
Mr. President, I believe that clarity is
emerging on another point. In the midst of all
the turmoil of our multiple revolutions, our
high tides of change, we are beginning to see
what counts is the direction in which we are
moving. The directions in which we want to
move, of course, are :
— toward self-determination for all peoples,
—toward freedom from want,
— toward freedom from fear,
— toward acceptance and guarantees of full
human rights for the individual human being.
It is important to note here that the goals are
distant, that they are relative and not absolute,
that they keep changing and will change again,
and that, as a practical matter, some have to be
readied before others.
I need only mention that political independ-
ence for a nation as a whole does not by itself
bring political rights to the individual citizen
of the country, and that even if the political
rights of the last citizen have been secured, this
does not by itself bring him freedom from want
or freedom from fear.
To dream of securing human rights at one
fell swoop is as great a fantasy as to dream of
securing peace by the single act. For the se-
curing of hiunan rights, like the inseparable
task of securing the peace, is not a single step
but a long process — and like peace it is the
"product of many nations, the sum of many
acts."
The key question, I repeat, is whether we are
moving in the right direction — toward self-
determination, toward freedom from want, to-
ward freedom from fear, toward guaranteeing
the rights of the individual person. Once we
are moving in the right general direction, once
change is impelling us toward those distant, rel-
ative, and shifting goals, then reasonable men
can dispute the question of whether the move-
ment is too slow or too fast, too erratic or too
steady.
There is no slogan or banner or name or ide-
ological formulation that will tell us just what
kind or what degree or what rate of change i3
most desirable in all situations. Wliat we do
know is that movement must be fast enough to
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BTJLLETUT
prevent a buildup of pressure to an explosion
point and not so fast that all order is swept
away in the process. To find that balance, and
to keep the rate of change within these limits,
is the most challenging task of the United Na-
tions and of leaders of good will everywhere;
indeed, this is exactly the pui-pose and the
meaning of the whole system of world order we
have been trying to construct for the past 16
years : to promote changes for the better in the
condition of mankind and to do so peacefully.
Surely this is within our reach. But surely
the whole system is threatened when change is
promoted at such breakneck speed that order
breaks down and the peace is endangered. And
even more surely is the whole system threatened
when there is adamant opposition to any change
at all.
Historically, we have seen both extremes.
We have seen a world — not so very long ago —
of which it could be said that every regime in
power was devoted basically to the perpetuation
of the status quo^ to the prevention of change.
We have seen a period — and we are not yet out
of it — in which loud voices were raised on be-
half of massive change by massive violence.
There is no peace — and no human rights — in
either extreme.
Peace and human rights — peace with free-
dom from want and freedom from fear and
freedom for the individual — can come only
through steady, persistent, manageable, peace-
ful change in the direction of these goals.
Responsibilities of U.N. Membership
Finally, Mr. President, I like to believe that
there is a fifth area of clarity emerging ; at least
I hope tliis is the case. And this is awareness
of the responsibility that goes with membership
in international organizations, a sense of loyalty
to the agency itself, a recognition that the last-
ing integrity of the institution is more impor-
tant than temporary political advantage, a feel-
ing that we all have to play by the rules of the
game.
No organization can long endure without the
loyalty of its membership ; the institution itself
is something more than a collection of its mem-
bers, as the whole is more than a sum of its
parts; and the game has no form or shape or
purpose without established rules and no order
unless the rules are followed until changed.
Of course, we pay a price for membership in
international organizations. In exchange for
access to any orderly system for conducting our
aflfairs, we agree to be bound by the rules and
procedures of that system ; in exchange for the
rights of membership, we acknowledge the
same rights for all other members ; in exchange
for privileges, we assume duties.
All this is difficult, often exasperating, and
sometimes frustrating to all of us. Everyone
prefers his own way to the way of accommoda-
tion with others; no one enjoys sitting still to
hear another give voice to views which he ab-
hors; we all find it difficult from time to time
to respect procedures which seem to be getting
in the way of our purposes.
But this, after all, is the democratic system
at work, and the United Nations was founded
as a forum in which opinions could be ex-
pressed and argued fully and freely, in which
all decisions could be democratically arrived at.
If that tradition should be altered now, we
threaten not only the political future of the
U.N. but its economic and social aims.
That would be a tragedy from which the
developing countries would be the first to suf-
fer. It is no accident that among the first acts
of all the new states that have emerged in recent
years is the application for membership in the
United Nations. Wliile we are all partners in
this great enterprise, the first and foremost ob-
jective of the entire system of U.N. organiza-
tions in the economic and social field is to help
the developing countries in their struggle for
modernization. The U.N. is their instrument
to accelerate their growth and to achieve a bet-
ter life for their people. Notliing, therefore,
should be done to blunt that instnmient. Its
effectiveness must not be impaired by attempts
to enforce change by acts of impatience in viola-
tion of democratic principles and orderly
procedures.
There are those who stubbornly resist change
and uphold doctrines that are not in keeping
with some of the basic principles of the charter.
We deplore and reject such attitudes. We are
also confident that they will not be able to
ATJGUST 12, 1963
inippile (ho {rrowth of the U.N. and the achieve-
nu'Ht of its objectives. Moreover, one ignores
the winds of ciiange at his peril.
We believe, Mr. President, tliat we all have
a responsibility for preserving and strengtiicn-
ing the great tradition of the charter and the
system of international organization. And
therefore we fervently hope that its constitu-
tional integrity and the principle of full and
free debate on which its survival depends
will not be undermined, however great the
provocation.
Specifics of Development Programs
Turning for a moment to the specifics of our
development programs, let me say, Mr. Presi-
dent, that, in the opinion of my Government,
attaining the objectives of the Development
Decade will not only be the greatest possible
achievement in this decade but it will also
strengthen the United Nations in the other -ital
areas of peace and human rights. Habits of
international cooperation developed in one area
will spread to the others.
To achieve this great objective our organiza-
tions have taken many encouraging steps,
^fajor emphasis has been put on the develop-
ment of human resources, and the United Na-
tions system expects to concentrate a great part
of its activities during the decade on education
and training of all types and all levels and on
the more eiTective transfer of scientific and tech-
nical knowledge to the less developed countries.
^YJlO [AYorld Health Organization] is be-
coming more and more effective in extending
the foundations of public health.
IIX) [International Labor Organization]
plans to inci-ease its activities in the fields of
vocational training and management.
T'XESCO [United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization] has given
new impetus to education and science.
The World Hank has expanded its economic
development activities and enhanced its ability
to provide advice.
Tlio Latin American Institute for Economic
and Social Planning, starte<l a year ago, is al-
ready making notable contributions to develop-
ment planning and the training of new leaders
tolnmslate plans into action. We look forward
to the establishment of similar institutions in
Africa and Asia.
At United Nations headquarters the Eco-
nomic Projections and Programming Centre
will offer help with a great awareness of the
relation of international developments to na-
tional economic policies.
Tlie impressive speeches we have heard here
confirm that the followup on the Conference
on Science and Teclinology ^ will be a critical
factor in the future of the Development Decade.
The course of hunger and malnutrition still
afflicts more than half of mankind, and the
great AVorld Food Congress in Washington last
month * expressed alarm at the extent to wliich
the growth of population intensified human
needs. Hence, my Government supports whole-
heartedly and with liigh hopes the FAO's
[Food and Agriculture Organization] Free-
dom-From-Hunger Campaign.
Our task in the Decade of Development in-
volves social as well as technical cliange. For,
as we know, sustained economic development
cannot occur unless rural populations are
brought forward along with the rest of the
country. In developing countries four-fifths of
the people live in the rural area. They must
develop the purchasing power to buy factory-
produced goods if industrial development is to
go forward. The United Nations-FAO World
Food Program, which is exploring new ways of
using surplus food for purposes of develop-
ment, has made a most encouraging start, and
we look forward with hopeful interest to the
further development of this experimental
program.
But perhaps the most significant develop-
ment during the past year has been in the field
of international trade. I shall not dwell on
preparations for the Conference on Trade and
Development,'' but I do want to mention two sig-
nificant actions by my Government. Last year
I expressed the hope that the Congress of the
United States would approve the Trade Expan-
sion Act. It did, and with good luck and co-
" For a statement by Secretary Rusk regarding the
Conference, see ibid.. Feb. 4, IddS, p. ISS.
* I'^or background, see ibid., July 8, 10C3, p. .58.
" For a statement by Isaiah Frank, see ibid., July 29,
liKxJ, p. 173.
270
DEPARTSIEXT OF ST.\TE BULLETIN
operation on all sides, the effects might be more
far-reachinc; than the Marshall Plan.
The United States will make full use of the
new authority to widen markets for the raw ma-
terials and manufactures of the developing na-
tions and to strengthen our efforts to end
discriminatory and preferential trade agree-
ments, which, in tlie long nm, can only make
everyone poorer and the free world less united.
Of particular significance to some of the de-
veloping countries is the authority to reduce or
eliminate duties or import restrictions on tropi-
cal commodities. The Trade Expansion Act is
also designed to afford greater access to our
markets for the manufactured and semimanu-
factured products of these countries.
The United States has taken an increasingly
active role in measures designed to stabilize and
improve markets for primary commodities. An
historical milestone was the negotiation last
September of the International Coffee Agree-
ment,^ since coffee is the most important agri-
cultural commodity in international trade.
The coffee agreement recognizes a mutuality
of obligations of producers and consumers, and
some developed countries could help by remov-
ing obstacles to consumption. But it is clear
that in the long run good prices for coffee can
be assured only if some producing countries
take more promising steps to break the bonds
of one-crop economies and develop all sectors
of their economies.
Although we believe that exports must pro-
vide the major part of the foreign exchange re-
quired by developing countries, the United
States remains committed to a program of as-
sistance through both private enterprise and
government aid. We have reexamined our as-
sistance programs, and searching questions are
now being asked of recipients with regard to per
capita income and its distribution; the compe-
tence of the government, its sensitivity to the
needs of the population; well-conceived, long-
range economic development plans; the distri-
bution and collection of taxes; the priority
given to citizens who live in rural areas; land
distribution and community development; the
" For a statement by Ambas.?ador Stevenson at the
U.N. Coffee Conference on Sept. 28, 1962, see ibid.,
Oct. 29, 1962, p. 667.
climate and incentives for private investment,
both foreign and domestic ; and the effectiveness
of controls over the expenditure of foreign ex-
change for luxury imports.
In the United States we are now placing in-
creasing emphasis on the international institu-
tions. The success of the Expanded Program
of Technical Assistance, the United Nations
Special Fund, the World Bank, the Interna-
tional Finance Corporation, and the Interna-
tional Development Association has encouraged
us to urge their further development. And we
are prepared to join with other countries in sub-
scribing additional re-sources to IDA.
It is gratifying to note tliat the flow of finan-
cial assistance to the developing countries has
increased substantially. The net flow of long-
term capital to the developing coimtries rose
from $5.3 billion in 1959 to $7.2 billion in 1961,
a figure about twice as high as the annual aver-
age in 1951-1955. More than nine-tenths came
from the members of OECD [Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development],
which is actively concerned with increasing the
volume and effectiveness of such aid and
capital.
We believe that one of the major contribu-
tions the United Nations itself can make to the
success of the Development Decade is through
the Expanded Program of Teclmical Assistance
and the Special Fund. My Government hopes
that at the next pledging conference in October
the goal of $150 million set for these two pro-
grams will be reached — at long last. We ex-
pect to continue our pledge of $60 million,
subject to the condition that it shall not exceed
40 percent of the total pledge. Moreover, we
welcome the sitggestion of the Secretary-Gen-
eral to rationalize the top management of these
two programs which are so closely related and
complementary. While we should like to know
more about this proposal, it strikes us as a first
step in the right direction. We trust that there-
after we shall be able to move toward their closer
integration.
I have talked of trade, industrial and food
production, and aid. But economic advance-
ment cannot long continue unless its fruits are
shared widely and masses of people are moti-
vated to participate in its success. I have heard
AUGUST 12, 19G3
271
it nrpued that flie secret of all development is
steol and kilowatts. That might do for a me-
chaniail world of robots but not for a flesh and
blood world of men, a world — as the Secretary-
General tells us in his shocking report on the
world social situation '—in which the homeless,
the unemployed, the halt and blind, the orphans,
the delinquents, the aged derelicts, the unfor-
tunate of every land, are larger in number than
13 years ago. And though educational oppor-
tunities are greater by far than ever before, in
many areas the quality of teaching has declined
and there are more illiterates today than 10
years ago.
I think, too, of the miraculous scientific ad-
vances that the world has seen in this genera-
tion— advances that have bypassed nearly a
billion people who are suffering from a variety
of diseases. While we in the United States, for
example, look forward to refinements in cancer
research, millions of people in Asia and Africa
still die each year from dysentery.
Finding a solution to all these problems is a
staggering task for the Decade of Development.
And it poses a crisis — a social and economic
crisis — more menacing, I would say, than even
the spread of nuclear weapons.
But people are bound together not alone by
mutual fears but by mutual hopes for the com-
mon good. And I think we have made some
other promising beginnings. For example,
much of value will be learned through the
Research Institute for the Study of the Interac-
tion of Economic and Social Factors in Devel-
opment, made possible through the generosity
of the Netherlands Government. We also note
with great interest the proposal to establish a
United Nations training and research institute.
The Secretary-General has expressed his sup-
port for the proposal, and we emphatically
agree with his appraisal. Such an institute
could supply not only trained personnel but a
better understanding of the operational poten-
tials and limitations of the United Nations fam-
ily of organizations.
To conclude these comments in the area of
economic and social work, I repeat what I said
at the outset : We are Iwginning to see the prob-
lem of development as a whole. We see that
' U.N. doc. E/CN. 5 375 and Adds. 1 and 2.
many of the items on our agenda are not isolated
projects but part and parcel of our efforts to
deal with economic and social development as
a whole. We see that our specialized agencies
are not working in wholly separate fields of en-
deavor— not dealing with compartmentalized
tecliniques and disciplines — but are coping with
one or another part of a problem which is of a
piece.
After 15 years of economic and social work
we begin to see more clearly :
— that the development process involves all
major sectors of economic and social life, all rel-
evant technologies, and a combination of inter-
nal effort and external aid ;
— that peace is a process, a system of resolv-
ing disputes and managing change through in-
ternational institutions;
—that human rights are the ultimate business
of nearly all that we do;
■ — that since our goals are never final, what
coimts is that change is taking place and that
the trend is in the right direction; and finally
— that once we adopt the goals of peace and
human rights, we are committed to peaceful
change and to the responsibilities that go with
it for orderly democratic procedures.
Mr. President, if the present meeting of the
Economic and Social Council is guided by an
emerging consensus on those points, it not only
will deal with the items of our agenda but will
help to illuminate and clarify the present state
of human affairs. One could ask no more than
that of this meetins:.
International Coffee Council Meets
Tlie Department of State announced on July
26 (press release 393) that Jerome Jacobson,
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Eco-
nomic Affairs, would head the U.S. delegation
to the first meeting of the International Coffee
Council, which will be held at London beginning
July 29 for a period of 4 weeks.
The Council is the highest authority of the
International Coffee Agreement, which came
provisionally into force on July 1, 1963. It is
expected that representatives from at least 27
exporting countries accounting for 90 percent
272
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
of world coffee exports and some 14 importing
countries accounting for more than 80 percent
of all imports will attend the meeting.
The chief purpose of the meeting will be to
elect key officers of the new coffee organization,
establish export quotas for the coffee year be-
ginning October 1, 1963, and make the neces-
sary administrative arrangements for the op-
eration of the agreement.
The U.S. delegation is listed below :
Delegate
Jerome Jacobson, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Eco-
nomic Affairs, Department of State
Alternate Delegates
Henry Brodie, Director, OiBce of International Re-
sources, Department of State
Paul E. Callanan, Assistant Chief, Foodstuffs Division,
Department of State
Governme7it Advisers
Henry Bashkin, Department of Commerce
David Stoner, Department of State
Industry Advisers
John F. McKiernan, President, National Coffee Asso-
ciation, New Tork, N.Y.
George V. Robbins, Director of Green Coffee Opera-
tions, Maxwell House Division, General Foods Cor-
poration, New Tork, N.Y.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries
Protocol (relating to harp and hood seals) to the Inter-
national Convention for the Northwest Atlantic Fish-
eries (TIAS 2089). Open for signature at Washing-
ton July 1.5-29, 1963. Enters into force on date aU
parties to the Convention have deposited instruments
of ratification or have given written notification of
adherence.
Signatures: Canada, July 15, 1963 ; Denmark, July 26,
1963 ; Iceland, July 22, 1963 ; Italy, July 26, 1963 ;
Norway, July 19, 1963; Poland, July 16, 19a3;
Spain, July 25, 1963 ; Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics, July 18, 1963 ; United Kingdom, July 20,
1963 ; United States, July 26, 1963.
Protocol (relating to the place for holding Commission
meetings) to the International Convention for the
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries (TIAS 2089). Done at
Washington June 25, 1956 ; entered into force Janu-
ary 10, 1959. TIAS 4170.
Adherence deposited: Poland, July 25, 1963.
Postal Services
Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding
airmail with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October
3, 1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS
4202.
Adherence deposited: Trinidad and Tobago, June 15,
1963.
Slavery
Slavery convention signed at Geneva September 25,
1926, as amended (TIAS 3532). Entered into force
March 9, 1927 ; for the United States March 21, 1929.
46 Stat. 2183.
Accession deposited: Kuwait, May 28, 1963.
Trade
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annexes
and schedules and protocol of provisional applica-
tion. Concluded at Geneva October 30, 1&47. TIAS
1700.
Admitted as contracting party {with rights and oi-
ligations dating from independence) : Cyprus,
July 8, 1963.
War
Geneva convention relative to treatment of prisoners
of war ;
Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of
wounded and sick in armed forces in the field ;
Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of
wounded, sick, and shipwrecked members of armed
forces at sea ;
Geneva convention relative to protection of civilian
persons in time of war.
Dated at Geneva August 12. 1949. Entered into force
October 21, 1950; for the United States February
2, 1956. TIAS 3364, 3362, 3363, 3365, respectively.
Accession deposited: Saudi Arabia, May 18, 1963.
Notifications given that they consider themselves
hound: Senegal, April 23, 1963; Tanganyika, De-
cember 12, 1962.
White Slave Traffic
Agreement for the repression of the trade in white
women, as amended by the protocol of May 4, 1949
(TIAS 2332). Signed at Paris May 18, 1904. En-
tered into force July 18. 1905 ; for the United States
June 6, 1908. 35 Stat. 1979.
Notification received that it considers itself bound:
Cyprus, June 12, 1963.
BILATERAL
Pakistan
Agreement relating to the loan of a submarine to Paki-
stan. Effected by exchanges of notes at Karachi
April 22, June 9, 14, and 29, 1963. Entered into
force June 29, 1963.
Saudi Arabia
Agreement relating to the loan of 11 F-86 aircraft to
Saudi Arabia. Effected by exchange of notes at
Jidda November 10 and 13, 1962. Entered Into force
November 13, 1962.
Agreement relating to the loan of one additional F-86
aircraft to Saudi Arabia. Effected by exchange of
notes at Jidda May 1 and 22, 1963. Entered into
force May 22, 1963.
AUGUST 12, 1963
273
Designations
nonjiiiiiiii II. Hi-!iil :is Spwfal Assistant to the Sec-
rt'tary of Stjiic and Kxw-utlve Swretary of the Pepart-
nii'iit, effwllve July 22. (For biographic details, see
Deimruiient of State press release 380 dated July 22.)
Appointments
Jerome Jacxibson as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Economic AfTairR, effective July 25. (For biographic
details, see Department of State press release 391 dated
July 25.)
The Newly Independent Nations. A brief descriptlMi
of the people, history, government, economy, and for-
eign relations of the following states which have be-
come indei)endent since 1943 :
Somali Republic. Pub. 7453. African Series 27. 3 pp.
Republic of Chad. Pub. 7491. African Series 29. 4 pp.
^.
Gabon Republic. Pub. 7495. African Series 30. 4 pp.
Cyprus. I'ul). 750.'5. Near and Middle Eastern Seriea
70. 4 pp. oi.
Islamic Republic of Mauritania. Pub. 7.504. African
Series 31. 5 pp. .5^.
Jamaica. Pub. 7506. Inter-American Series 84. 4 pp.
5«.
Republic of Congo (Brazzaville). Pub. 7514. African
Series .32. 6 pp. 10^.
Tanganyika. Pub. 7515. ^Vfrican Series 33. 6 pp. 5(.
Profiles of Newly Independent States. A concise refer-
ence guide on the status of 49 sovereign states which
have become independent since 1943. Pub. 7488.
Geographic Bulletin No. 1. 26 pp. map. 25(*.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For talc hy the Supcrintctidetit of Documents, U.S. Oov-
cmmcnt Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402. Ad-
dress requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
miiils. except in the case of free publieatinns, irhich
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Iiepartmcnt of Stale.
Fact Sheet.s. Tliese pamphlets contain information on
the land, [leople, government, politics, economy, and
for€'ii;ii jxdicy of the following:
Indonesia. Pub. 7207. Far Eastern Series 121. 12
pp. KV.
Viot-Nam.
VH.
Cambodia.
10<.
Southeast Asia.
K-.pp. 10^.
Iturma. Pub. 7474. Far Eastern Series 119. 12 dd
UK.
The Philippines. Pub. 74S0. Far Ea.stem Series 122
12 pp. HV.
Laos. Pub. 74M. Far Eastern Series 123. 13 pp
You and the United Nations (Revised). Answers to
21 of the most frequently aske<l nuestions on how the
I .\. works, what it h.-is done, and its value to the
rnlte.l States. Pub. 7142. Intornallonal Organization
and Conference Series ;{5. .55 pp. 2.5^.
Yoi.r Department of State (Revised). Pamphlet de-
wTlMng the orKn.ilzatlon. fimctions. and scope of the
Pepartmetifs operntlons in developing U.S. foreign
I>ollry. Pub. 7tn. Dciiiirtment and Foreign Service
Series 100. 17 pp. K„t. hi>^i.ni<.e
Pub. 74(!n. Far Eastern Series 116. 17 pp
Pub. 7471. Far Eastern Series 117. 12 pp
Put). 7473. Far Eastern Series 118
Ciieck List of Department of State
Press Releases: July 22-28
Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Release issued prior to July 22 which appears
in this issue of the Bxjixetin is No. 376 of July 16.
No.
370
»380
Date
7/22
7/22
•381 7/22
Subject
Air-defense agreement with India.
Read designated Special Assistant
to Secretary and Executive Secre-
tary (biographic details).
Haugerud sworn in as Deputy In-
spector General for Foreign As-
sistance (biographic details).
U.S. participation in international
conferences.
Nationalization of private oil com-
panies in ("eylon.
U.S. -Panama communique on Canal
Zone talks.
Yemen credentials ( rewrite) .
25th anniversary of cultural ex-
change program.
Colombia credentials (rewrite).
Algeria credentials (rewrite).
Ethiopian parliamentarians visit
U.S.
Jacobson appointed Deputy Assist-
ant Secretary for Economic Af-
fairs (biographic details).
U.S. statement on international air
rate policy.
Delegation to International Coffee
Council meeting (rewrite).
Rusk-Harriman XBC interriew on
test ban treaty.
•Xot printed.
tlleld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
•382
7/22
383
7/23
384
7/23
385
•386
7/24
7/24
387
t3S8
•389
7/24
7/24
7/24
•301 7/23
392
7/25
393
7/26
394
7/28
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIU
INDEX Auff^ist 12, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1259
Agriculture. International Coffee Council Meets 272
Atomic Energy
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty : A Step Toward
Peace (Kennedy, agreed communique, text of
treaty) 234
Mr. Rusk and Jlr. Harriman Discuss Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty (transcript of NBC televi-
sion program ) 240
Aviation. U.S. Views on International Air Rate
Policy (Boyd) 247
Canada
Joint Canadian-United States Statement on Pro-
posed Interest Equalization Tax 256
Passauiaquoddy-Saint John Report Received by
President Kennedy 248
Ceylon. U.S. Protests Ceylon's Decision on Oil
Legislation 245
Colombia. Letters of Credence (Uribe Botero) . 249
Congress
The Balance of Payments (Kennedy) .... 250
Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign
Policy 264
Secretary Rusk Discusses Appropriation Re-
quest Before Senate Committee 260
Department and Foreign Service
ippointments (Jacobson) 274
Designations (Read) 274
Secretary Rusk Discusses Appropriation Re-
quest Before Senate Committee 2(30
Disarmament. Mr. Rusk and Mr. Harriman Dis-
cuss Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (transcript of
NBC television program) 240
Economic Affairs
The Balance of Payments (Kennedy) .... 250
An Emerging Consensus on Economic and Social
Development (Stevenson) 265
Jacobson appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary . 274
Joint Canadian-United States Statement on Pro-
po.sed Interest Equalization Tax 256
Passnmaquoddy-Saint John Report Received by
President Kennedy 248
United States Authorized To Make Drawing
From IMF 258
D.S. Protests Ceylon's Decision on Oil Legis-
lation 245
D.S. Views on International Air Rate Policy
(Boyd) 247
Human Rights. An Emerging Consensus on Eco-
nomic and Social Development (Stevenson) . 265
(ndia. U.S. and India Sign Agreement To
Strengthen India's Air Defense 245
International Organizations and Conferences.
International Coffee Council Meets .... 272
Korea. Department Notes Anniversary of Ko-
rean Armistice 246
Military Affairs
Department Notes Anniversary of Korean Ar-
mistice 246
U.S. and India Sign Agreement To Strengthen
India's Air Defense 245
Panama. U.S. and Panama Announce Results
of Canal Zone Talks (text of joint com-
munique) 246
Presidential Documents
The Balance of Payments 250
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty : A Step Toward
Peace 234
Passamaquoddy-Saint John Report Received by
President Kennedy 248
Publications. Recent Releases 274
Treaty Information
Current Actions 273
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty : A Step Toward
Peace (Kennedy, agreed communique, text of
treaty) 234
Mr. Rusk and Mr. Harriman Discuss Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty (transcript of NBO televi-
sion program) 240
U.S. and India Sign Agreement To Strengthen
India's Air Defense 245
U.S.S.R.
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty: A Step Toward
Peace ( Kennedy, agreed communique, text of
treaty) 234
Mr. Rusk and Mr. Harriman Discuss Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty (transcript of NBC televi-
sion program) 240
United Kingdom
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty : A Step Toward
Peace (Kennedy, agreed communique, text of
treaty) 234
Mr. Rusk and Mr. Harriman Discuss Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty (transcript of NBC televi-
sion program) 240
United Nations. An Emerging Consensus on Ec-
onomic and Social Development (Stevenson) . 265
Yemen. Letters of Credence (Alaini) .... 249
Name Index
Agronsky, Martin 240
Alaini, Mohsin A 249
Boyd, Alan S 247
Harriman, W. Averell 240
Jacobson, Jerome 274
Kennedy, President 2.34, 248, 250
Read, Benjamin H 274
Rusk. Secretary 240, 260
Stevenson, Adlai E 265
Uribe Botero, Eduardo 249
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY EECOED OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol. XLIX, No. 1260
August 19, 1963
NEGOTIATING A LIMITED TREATY FOR BANNING NUCLEAR TESTS
Remarks hy Under Secretary Harriman 21/8
THE KENNEDY ROUND— PROGRESS AND PROMISE
ly William T. Gossett 291
OUR POLICY TOWARD AFRICA
hy J. 'Wayne Fredericks 28^
UNITED STATES EXPLAINS POSITION ON PORTUGUESE TERRITORIES
Statements hy Amiassador Adlai E. Stevenson and Text of Resolution 303
For index see inside hack cover
lirtston Public Library
iperintendent ot Documei
ft,UG2^1963
DEPOSITOP
Negotiating a Limited Treaty for Banning Nuclear Tests
by Under Secretary Harriman ^
Thank you, Mr. President.^ This is very
nice to have a kind introduction. I have had
eomo pretty rougli ones from former presidents,
and I never know wlien I come here what kind
of reception I will have. I hope that this is
a s\gn that the rest of you will give me as polite
a treatment.
But in any event, one of the remarks that
the president made about my having gone to
the Soviet Union at the age of 8 and landing
on the Siberian Coast — I happened to tell that
to ."^tiilin one evening when we were discuss-
ing other matters. I said, "Mr. Marshal, the
first time I ever came to Russia I came without
' Remarks made before the National Press Club at
Washlnirton, D.C., on July 31. Mr. Harriman led the
U.S. delegation to the test ban talks at Moscow
July 1.V25. On July 25, with representatives of the
United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, he initialed
a treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere. In outer space, and under water (for text, see
Bui.tJTi.N of Aug. 12, 1»C3, p. 2.39).
• Bryson Rnsh, president of the National Press Club.
a passport." He looked at me very sternly
and said, "When was that?" I said, "Well,
that was a long time ago. That was 1899."
"Oh," he said, "that was under the Czar. You
couldn't do it now."
But it is true that I did go to Russia again
in 1926, and that was when I first learned to
have a great respect for foreign correspondents.
I don't know how many of you foreign corre-
spondents know what I am talking about, but
I tried to find out from the embassies, our em-
bassies in Europe, and from the foreign offices
of a number of governments — I was then pur-
suing the nefarious business of being an inter-
national banker — and I got the same answer
from everybody, more or less: The Soviet re-
gime will last for 5 years. Well, that 5 years
was movable. The answer was always the
same, but it was 1 year later the same answer
as you got the year before — 5 years.
But when I got to Moscow I found some men
that are now giants of Soviet reporting — I can't
remember all of them, but I remember Duranty
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 1260 PUBLICATION 7S86 AUGUST 19, 1963
Th» Drputment of State Bulletin, a
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I><-P«rtment of Htate and the Foreljfn
Serrlce. The Bulletin Includea selected
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by the White Unuiie and the Department,
and •tatementj and addreasea made by
the I'realdent and by the Secretary of
Bute and other offlcrn of the Depart-
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ooa phases of International affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
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and International agreements to which
the United States la or may become a
party and treaties of general Inter-
national Interest.
Pnbllcationa of the Department. United
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The Bulletin is for sale by the Soper-
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278
DEPARTMENT OP STATE BUULETIN
and Knickerbocker and others — and they gave
me the best inside understanding of what was
going on in the Soviet Union. And ever since
that time, whenever I go to a capital, as soon
as I can get away from the diplomats I go and
find out what our press has got to tell, and I
have learned a lot.
I am not suggesting that all of your foreign
correspondents are — I am not commending
them all, but I am certainly conomending the
overwhelming majority of American reporters
who go abroad and stay long enough and go
with an open mind. So that I come to you
with appreciation of what your responsibili-
ties are and what you are doing.
No Illusions About Relations With U.S.S.R.
This business of dealing with the Soviet
Union as such goes back quite a while.
In 1941 I went there first with Lord Beaver-
brook, and it is interesting to note the changes
that have taken place since that time. That
was when the Nazi armies were at the gates
of Moscow.
I remember in 1945 in San Francisco a meet-
ing with some of the members of the press. I
think I had three groups, one reporters and
then two groups were among those that are in
the rarefied atmosphere known as columnists.
And I made the imfortunate statement from
the standpoint of reaction that — it seems very
trite today — that we had to I'ecognize that our
objectives and the Kremlin's objectives were ir-
reconcilable but we would have to find some
way to live on this small planet and try to avoid
war.
Now that word "irreconcilable" offended a
certain number of people. They got up and left
the room and said I was unfit to be Ambassador
to the Soviet Union, should be recalled, and it
was one of the few times that a background off-
the-record talk was abused; they were so of-
fended by it. Some of them apologized after-
ward, because it seems now such a normal thing
to say. And I still say that.
I find no difference between Khrushchev and
Stalin in terms of determination to communize
the world. There is a material difference in the
methods by which they go about it, and that is
important in itself. But Mr. Khrushchev be-
lieves that communism is destined to rule the
world, just as Stalin did.
I think I can sum it up quite quickly by a
few sentences perhaps. Stalin used to talk
about the advances of communism through the
failures of capitalism, and those of you who
know the Marxian dialectics know just exactly
what he meant by that. Once he said very color-
fully that commmiism breeds in the cesspools of
capitalism.
Khrushchev, 15 years later, sitting in the
same office — this was in 1959 when I was there —
the same pictures on the wall, presumably the
same chair, said: "We are making such an
enormous success of communism in the Soviet
Union that other countries are going to have
to follow our example."
Now I say that our objectives are still irrecon-
cilable. As the President so wittingly said in
his speech before The American University on
June 10,^ if other countries would leave their
neighbors alone and permit the people of those
countries to develop a government of their own
choosing in their own way we would be closer
to peace. We haven't arrived at that point at
the present time.
Some day I hope that a leader of the Soviet
Union will say, "We have Eussia for the Rus-
sians." But the leadership of the Kremlin still
believes that it is pai't of their responsibility
to push and force and compel the advance of
communism through every means they can,
short of nuclear war. They believe still in wars
of liberation, as you well know. So don't let's
have any illusions about our relations with the
Soviet Union.
Areas of Common Interest
On the other hand, despite this irreconcil-
ability of our objectives, there are some areas in
which we have common interest, and when I was
sent by the President to Moscow we were deal-
ing in one of those areas.
It has become increasingly clear, perhaps
vmderlined by the manner in which Mr. Klu-u-
shchev withdrew his offensive weapons from
Cuba, that he does not want to face nuclear war,
and it is very easy to understand why.
' Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 2.
AUGUST 19, 1963
279
Tliey I1UV6 had really a fantastic success in
tho dcvi'lopnuMit of tlu'ir industry, the develop-
ment of tiieireduaition and tlieirscience. They
still arc way behind in agriculture, as all Com-
munist countries are. And, of course, the life
of the people is not as free as we would believe
it should be, but at the same time, the life
of the people is better than it was before; and
Khrushchev wants to catch America in that
respect, as you well know, and he wants to avoid
nuclear war. He doesn't want to see this
destroyed, and the people of Russia don't want
it.
Of all the people in the world, there are no
peoples that are more conscious of war than the
Soviet Union, the people of Russia, because they
have suffered so much and because the prob-
lems are always held before them by what they
get from the press. Therefore I think we can
say with assurance that when we talk about a
test ban treaty as a first step toward the con-
trol of nuclear weapons and when Khrushchev
speaks of it, as he did in his Pravda interview
on the Saturday morning I left, he is sincere in
that.
It is interesting that he selected July 15th.
The President and Prime Minister Macmillan,
as you know, wrote to Mr. Khrushchev on June
8 and suggested a meeting to consider a test
ban, and Mr. Khrushchev said, "All right, come
on July loth," which was just a short time after
the meeting was arranged between the Chinese
Communists in Moscow with a delegation rep-
resenting the Soviet Communists, and that had
been going on for a week or so before we arrived.
Major Issue Between Moscow and Peiping
I think we have to understand in the moti-
vations of Mr. Khrushchev's colleagues that
their great preoccupation is this challenge of
Peiping for leadership in the Communist inter-
national movement.
Now even in Stalin's time I talked to him
many times about China. He had never
thought a great deal of Mao Tse-tung, and we
haven't got time to go into that this morning,
but this dilTcrence between them is of long dura-
tion. It camp out rather more rigorously from
19f.O on, when the Soviets withdrew their tech-
nical assistance and withdrew their credits and
trade. As Mr. Khrushchev himself ssiid, "We
cut 60 percent — only 40 percent of what it used
to be a few years ago."
Their relations have been strained. But now
they have come to a great bitterness because
since Cuba the Chinese Communists are making
greater efforts, greater inroads in tlie Commu-
nist parties around the world, first in the Far
East, and you notice in minority groups in some
of the Communist parties in a number of coun-
tries. And that is an unheard-of thing to do.
It was written in the book and was accepted
that Moscow was the center of all wisdom as far
as communism is concerned. The world was
going to be dominated by communism with a
center and seat in Moscow.
Although there has been a challenge before,
it has been unimportant. But now it has made
some progress, and Mr. Khrushchev said, "I am
a man of peace, and this removal of the offen-
sive weapons from Cuba indicates that I want
to preserve the peace and preserve mankind."
Peiping said, "Xo, you aren't fit to lead the
Communist movement. You haven't got the
vigor and the determination and courage."
Now that was pretty shocking. And since
that time there has been an increasing feeling
between the two countries, and those of vou who
follow the Communist press know that both
Peiping and Moscow have said some pretty
rough things about each other — and some more
this morning about this test ban treaty. The
Chinese called it a fraud and speak of it as being
Khrushchev's selling out to the imperialists.
In any event, if any of you want to take the
trouble to do it, I suggest you read the exchange
of letters that they have had recently. They
are only 50,000 words each ; so it won't take you
very long to read them — probably the longest
single letters of correspondence in history.
But there is no mystery about it. Those of
3'ou who want to understand it can see it before
you. The issue now has been made. Khru-
shchev and the Communist Party of Russia are
maintaining that they are the ones that are
going to preserve the peace of the world ; they
are going to lead the world to communism, but
avoiding nuclear war, and they are just as vig-
2.80
DBPABTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
orous, just as determined, but they are going
to do it without endangering the peoples of
the world, whereas China is the one that is dan-
gerous— the Chinese Communists are the ones
that are going to lead the world to nuclear holo-
caust, and that is what is the major issue be-
tween them. There are many others.
But don't make any mistake about a division
between them in terms of repudiating each other
or breaking — if there is major trouble — break-
ing the front between them. They have not
done so, and there is no indication that they
will.
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Now this treaty is a good treaty. It is clear.
Every paragraph was discussed. We under-
stand each other. Some of the wartime agree-
ments were written so hurriedly that the words
concealed the meaning of the principals, and
that was some of the trouble that came from
them. Naturally it would be so. We spent
10 days at this. The treaty we tabled was the
one that Mr. Foster [William C. Foster, Direc-
tor, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency] and his group had tabled in 1962 in
August in Geneva * and was thoroughly consid-
ered by all of the people, the advisers of the
administration, and they tabled that treaty.
We went through it with great care.
One of the difficulties was that Mr. Ivliru-
shchev, as you remember, in his July 2d speech
said that two treaties should be signed simul-
taneously, a nonaggression pact between NATO
and the Wareaw treaty countries as well as a
nuclear test ban.
Now this, of course, is a test ban limited to
three environments: outer space, in the atmos-
phere, and under the water, and it excludes
underground. And because underground is ex-
cluded, we were able to come to an agreement,
because in these three environments it is the
consensus of knowledgeable opinion that it can
be policed; the identification — the detection and
identification — is reasonably assured.
Wlien Mr. Khrushchev made his July 2d
speech in East Germany he brought that out,
and then it became more clear that there could
be an agreement.
In our 10 days' discussion the United States
and the United Kingdom were very firm on re-
moving a treaty for nonaggression away from
the test ban treaty, and that they acceded to.
You notice in the communique ^ there was refer-
ence to it in a paragraph in which we have
agreed to consult with our allies and to see how
and whether and on what conditions and what
objectives we would carry on further — well, the
objective is clear — but the conditions in which
we would carry forward discussions about a
nonaggression pact.
We could not discuss that in Moscow. The
United Kingdom and the United States could
not discuss that question without our NATO
allies, and we had not consulted them in
advance.
Khrushchev wants for some reason or other
to continue discussions and is very anxious to
make some progress in that field. I was not
able to explore very thoroughly what his rea-
sons were. But I am quite ready to say that
he made it plain he was not going to demand
a recognition of East Germany as one of the
conditions of the test ban. He recognizes that
the countries of Western Europe don't intend to
recognize what we call the East German "re-
gime," but still known as the Soviet zone of
occupation of Germany. We are for the reuni-
fication of Germany and support the Germans
in that context.
Now, the provisions of the agreement are
clear. They are limited, of course. There is
a withdrawal clause, which is also clear, and
the other provisions, if you have taken the trou-
ble to read it. We were able to go through
paragraph by paragraph and exchange views as
to the interpretation of the meaning of the
words, and we agreed that we imderstood each
other. There is no secret agreement; there is
no gimmick in this agreement and no secret
understandings.
Now, it has a limited objective, of course.
But it is the first step to reduce the risk of
war, as the President said the other night,«
* For text, see ibid., Sept. 17, 19G2, p. 415.
' For text, see ibid., Aug
' Ibid., p. 234.
12, 1963, p. 239.
AUGUST 19, 1963
281
nnd I won't run through what it does not do.
But it is the (ii-st step in bringing under con-
trol nuclear power in connection with weapons,
and if it is followed by further steps it may
be a signal event.
Mr. Khrushchev called it a breakthrough in
his press conference published iji Pravda the
morning I left, but of course he pointed to the
fact that there had to be further steps.
The other importance of it, of course, is that
the people of the world do not want to see fur-
ther testing in the atmosphere. They are
gravely concerned over the contamination of
the atmosphere. And if any of you have
traveled, you know that particularly the under-
developed countries — I wouldn't say particu-
larly, but since they have nothing to do with
nuclear weapons — they are enormously con-
cerned. This isn't in connection witli their
weapons, but they are concerned over the health
of their children, and I think that is true of
this country, and the reports we get from abroad
show that it is overwhelminglj' true around
the world.
Now I am very much interested — I have in
my hand — I was just given this as I came in —
the Federation of American Scientists, which
I understand is a distinguished group of 2,500
members, has come out in support — or the
board of directoi-s have come out for very im-
poriant reasons with the statement "The Fed-
eration of American Scientists believes that it
would Ixi a national catastrophe if the pending
test ban agreement was not ratified," and so
forth.
Now I think you will find more and more peo-
ple speaking in this vein. Tliere are those who
legitimately want to know the effect on our
security, and I can say this unequivocally as
far as my judgment is concenied— I am not ask-
ing you to say that everybody agrees with it —
but it is my judgment that if we continue to
spend the money that is necessary on scientific
development, the development of our missiles,
the ca|)al)ility of deliver}', and keep up with our
underground testing, spend the money on
energy, and if we maintain our Military Estab-
lishment, there is no reason to doubt that we
can maintain the kind of predominance in the
nuclear field which is necessary as a great deter-
rent; and so to turn away from this, I think,
would be a very great tragedy. It couldn't be
better expressed than by this statement of the
directors of the Federation of American
Scientists.
U.S. Recognizes Military Junta
as Government of Ecuador
Departinent Statement
Press release 399 dated July 31
The Department of St<ate has cabled our
Ambassador in Quito, Maurice M. Bernbaum,
directing him to acknowledge the note of July
12 * from the military junta of Ecuador. By
means of this acknowledgment M-e are resum-
ing relations with Ecuador and are recognizing
the military junta as the provisional govern-
ment of Ecuador. This action was taken after
consultation with other hemisi)]iere govern-
ments in the light of the following factors :
The United States Government has ascer-
tained that the authority of the military junta
has been accepted and recognized throughout
the national territory and has noted the junta's
stated intention to respect Ecuador's interna-
tional obligations.
The note of July 12 declared that a military
junta constituted by the combined command of
the Armed Forces of Ecuador has assumed the
responsibility of governing the nation luitil such
tune as it would be possible to organize elec-
tions in which the people of Ecuador would be
able to exercise their will freely witliin the pro-
visions of a new constitution.
The United States Government has noted
with special satisfaction the solemn assurances
offered by the military junta of its detei-raina-
tion to restore Ecuador to constitutional gov-
ernment at the earliest possible moment. In
public statements the jmita has indicated its
belief that this goal Cixn be achieved in substan-
tially less than 2 years. The junta also has de-
clared its intention to provide a new constitu-
tion and lay the basis for the return to civil-
ian government via constitutional procedures.
' Not printed.
282
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Wliile these assurances offered by the jimta have
lessened the concern which naturally arose m
the United States following the events of July
11, the United States Government reiterates its
firm belief, shared elsewhere in the hemisphere,
that military seizures of political power should
not become an acceptable substitute for consti-
tutional procedures.
U.S. Comments on Communist
Inspired Incidents in Korea
Two U.S. soldiers loere killed and a third
loounded on July 29 in an ambush iy North
Korean infiltrators on the southern edge of the
Korean demilitarized zone ahout 20 miles north
of Seoul. On the following day some of the
same group of infiltrators were -pursued iy U.S.
soldiers and Korean police and one American
serviceman, one Korean police officer, and two
North Koreans were killed. Following are
Department statements regarding the two inci-
dents tohich loere read to news correspondents
iy Richard I. Phillips, Director of the Office
of News.
DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, JULY 29
We are outraged by this latest incident,
which is reminiscent of the Communist grenade
attack on a guard post on our side last Decem-
ber, in whicli one U.S. soldier was killed and
another wounded. There have been similar at-
tacks on EOK [Eepublic of Korea] Army per-
sonnel as well. We are calling an early meeting
of the Militai-y Armistice Commission to con-
front the Communist side with these latest
murders.
In the latest case, the ambush took place close
to the southern edge of the demilitarized zone
against a jeep carrying Ninth Regiment, First
Cavalry, personnel to a guard post in the demil-
itarized zone. Automatic weapons, which are
banned in the demilitarized zone, were used in
the attack.
In addition to calling an early meeting of the
MAC, we will have to consider what other
actions we will take. It is this kind of delib-
erately planned and executed violation, as well
as the unjust detention of persons like Captain
[Ben W.] Stutts and Captain [Carleton]
Voltz,^ which reminds us that the Korean and
Chinese Communists keep the peace in Korea
only insofar as deterred by the continued
presence of U.N. strength.
DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, JULY 30
The facts of today's encoimter, so far as we
Ivnow them, are as follows :
At 9 :00 a.m. this morning, Korean time, an
estimated group of five North Korean infiltra-
tors were seen by South Korean police near
Munsan-ni, about 7 miles south of the point of
yesterday's attack.
Fifteen U.S. soldiers were dispatched from
a nearby First Cavalry Division unit to assist
in running them down. In the ensuing fire
fight, one American serviceman, one Korean
police oiEcer, and two of the North Korean
agents were killed. At this point, the investi-
gation of the facts is still going on.
As far as countermeasures are concerned,
these are under discussion here and with our
jDeople in Korea.
Today's incident is one result of the intensive
alert and search operations now under way.
I would like to repeat what I said yesterday :
that these incidents remind us that the peace
in Korea is kept only by U.N. strength and de-
termination to resist Communist aggression.
At this point, these attacks appear to be a
reflection of the North Korean Communist ac-
tivities in connection with the 10th anniversary
of the armistice. However, I would not want
to exclude the possibility of their being linked
to wider developments in Asia.
' For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 19C3, p.
AUGUST 19, 1963
283
Our Policy Toward Africa
by J. Wayne Fredericks
Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^
It is a pleasure to appear again on the Africa
studies program sponsored by the Social
Studies Institute of St. Paul. I want to pay
special tribute to the St. Paul public schools
for having had the vision to initiate this type
of program, which has already led communi-
ties in other parts of the country to start simi-
lar African summer courses for adults and
students interested in African affairs. It is
gratifj'ing to know of tiie increasing public
interest in this area in African developments.
The Unitetl States has an interest in the newly
independent countries of Africa. It has an
interest in the still nonindependent areas of
Africa. And it has an interest in South Africa,
too. It is not only political, economic, and
social interests that bind us to the African Con-
tinent but the self-interest of maintaining peace
and stability there as well as throughout the
world.
A year ago when I appeared on this plat-
form, I asserted that America's vital interest
was peace for ourselves and our children and
that this dependetl on stability and satisfaction
around tiie world. The sudden emergence of
African nations and the startling upsurge of
African influence in the U.N. and its specialized
agencies have placed the concerns of Africans
before the American people in a dramatic way
and demand an understanding of them as they
relate to our national security.
I.«t'8 review briefly the basic African con-
cerns. All over the continent Africans con-
'Adrtrefw made at the St. I'aul Social Studies Insti-
tute. Conio I'nrlt Junior Illch School, St. Paul, Minn.,
on July 18 (press release 300).
tinue to give the highest importance to five re-
quirements: (1) freedom, (2) dignity, (3) a
more abundant life, (4) African unity, and (5)
freedom from cold-war involvement.
The United States respects the desire of the
Africans to remain free of cold-war entangle-
ments, and we support these other goals which
the Africans have set for themselves.
We are interested in African development,
and our program is making a substantial con-
tribution. Our policy is to help Africans be-
cause we believe that their independence will
bo strengthened by undertakings contributing
to a more rational use of scarce human and
material resources.
Our desire is to maintain and strengthen the
mutually beneficial relationships which exist
between European and African nations in many
parts of the African Continent. Europe's as-
sistance to Africa is greater than our own, and
we look to European countries to continue to
play a principal role in financing African
assistance.
There can be no doubt about the necessity
for the United States to prevent Communist
penetration for subversion through providing
new nations an alternative source of aid to
the often still-suspect former colonial metro-
poles. At the same time, the recent Clay
Committee report asserted, ". . . the need for
development assistance and U.S. interest in
providing it would continue even if the cold
war and all our outstanding political differ-
ences with the Communists were to be resolved
tomorrow."
In the interval since I last appeared on this
284
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
platform, the people of Algeria in cooperation
with France have achieved their freedom, and
France continues to provide vital assistance to
this area despite the violence which occurred
at the end of French rule. In the Congo the
United Nations aided in the reintegration of
Katanga, permitting the Congolese the first real
opportunity since independence to concentrate
on tlieir complex nation-building problem.
The resumption of relations between Belgium
and the Congo now permits Belgium to assist
the Congo in many fields.
': But the most urgent problem moving Afri-
can nationalists today remains the application
of self-determination in the Portuguese terri-
tories in Africa and for the nonwhite populace
of South Africa.
The Cause of African Unity
African influence in the United Nations and
its specialized agencies in the past year has
grown start] ingly. We have the best examples
of this influence today in their actions in the
International Labor Organization, in the United
Nations Economic and Social Council, and in
the UNESCO [United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization] educa-
tion meeting in Geneva in the past month as the
African nations have sought to expel Portugal
and South Africa from these organizations be-
cause of their inflexible positions.
A new degree of effectiveness of African or-
ganization is traceable to the meeting of African
chiefs of state in Addis Ababa in May, where
they, among other things, established an Afri-
can Liberation Conunittee. The committee is
already functioning in Dar-es-Salaam in sup-
port of African nationalist movements in the
still dependent areas of the continent.
At Addis Ababa also the cause of African
unity was advanced with the signing by 30
heads of state of a charter establishing an Or-
ganization of African Unity. The charter has
already been ratified by more than two-thirds
of the signatory states and will, therefore, for-
mally enter into force in the near future.
In my opinion the establishment of the OAU
is indeed a significant and historic event. It
indicates that Africa is on the threshold of an
exciting new chapter in the advance toward
imity, a unity which was denied to them because
of long years of colonial domination.
The United States, as in Europe and Latin
America, heartily supports the establishment of
institutions which will promote political, eco-
nomic, and cultural cooperation in Africa.
Among the institutions called for in the OAU
is the establishment of a Commission of Media-
tion, Conciliation and Arbitration to settle all
disputes among themselves by peaceful means.
Other important commissions to be established
by the OAU are for economic and social affairs,
education and culture, defense, and health, sani-
tation, and nutrition.
Tlie establislmient of a workable OAU could
give further impetus to the activities of impor-
tant regional organizations already functioning,
such as the African and Malagasy Union, com-
prising 13 French-speaking states, the United
Nations Economic Commission for Africa, and
the East African Common Services Organiza-
tion, which provides a considerable degree of
economic integration in that area of Africa.
Kenya, Tanganyika, and Uganda are report-
ed to be negotiating for the establishment soon
of an East African federation with strong cen-
tral powers to more effectively pool their na-
tional resources for the common good. Zanzi-
bar, a self-governing British territory, is also
considering joining this East African federa-
tion. Tanganyika and Uganda are independ-
ent, while Kenya, which only recently elected an
African government, is expected to obtain her
independence soon. Such a federation, if suc-
cessful, could also have a powerful influence
upon neighboring African areas where the
African people have not yet obtained self-
determination and self-government.
Nothing in the past year has altered my con-
viction that one-party government in Africa
does not exclude the practice of democratic
principles like free discussion and imiversal
adult suffrage, although in some places freedoms
we cherish are restricted. Independence-mind-
ed Africa remains determined to be free of both
Soviet bloc controls and undue Western influ-
ence. In the past year the Comimimists have
initiated a review of their African policies be-
cause of the clear rebuffs administered by the
Republic of Guinea and newly independent Al-
AUGUST 19, 1963
285
geria. Communism, which demands uniform-
ity, has made no enduring friends in Africa;
the Western World of free choice tolerates, in-
deed welcomes and tlirives on, African national
individuality.
The United States must remain a progressive,
dynamic, democratic nation, and it must avoid
identification with reaction if it is to maintain
its leadership and win the cooperation of Africa.
In recent weeks the United States has faced a
special test, not in the foreign field but in its
domestic racial crisis. President Kennedy's
honest recognition of our racial injustice and
his expression of determination to see this wrong
righted have, initially at least, maintained Afri-
ca's respect.
The past year, therefore, in summary has wit-
nessed important advances in the area of Afri-
can political freedom, individual dignity, and
African unity. African nations have main-
tained, indeed strengthened, their freedom from
cold-war involvement while progress toward a
more abundant life has proceeded less spectac-
ularly in the day-to-day expansion of economic
development activities.
At the same time the higher degree of Afri-
can organization reflected in the Addis Ababa
conference and its aftermath have brought to
crisis stage the problems of Portuguese and
South African inflexibility where self-determi-
nation and the political franchise are concerned.
U.S. Policy and Southern Africa
Before turning to consider this crisis in south-
em Africa and to its special relation to our own
Afro-American problem, let me review what
U.S. policy has been toward this area of Africa.
Our policy, simply stated, is to support the
aspirations for freedom of parts of Africa still
not independent. The United States supports
the continuing tide of self-determination and
the expeditious preparation for self-govern-
ment in the dependent areas.
On Portuguese Angola the United States
voted for a U.X. resolution = reaffirming the "in-
alienable right of the iVngolan jjeoplo to self-
determination and independence" and urging
• U.N. doc. A/nES/1742 (XVI) ; for background and
text, Bce BPLLETifj of Mar. 5, 19«2, p. 385.
Portugal "in particular to set up freely elected
and representative political institutions with a
view to transfer of power to the people of
Angola." But the United States opposed a res-
olution recommending "immediate" independ-
ence for Angola, in the belief this would be
counterproductive in Angola rather than pro-
mote social and economic progress for the
Angolan people in view of the desperate short-
age of educated and trained people.
On another dependent area, South-West
Africa, the United States voted for a U.N. reso-
lution' to have Secretary-General U Thant
establish an "effective U.N. presence" in that
territorj', which the Republic of South Africa
administers. The United States maintained
that South Africa still had international obli-
gations in South-West Africa and should aban-
don apartheid in that territory, recognize its
people's right to self-determination, and "pro-
ceed to move in that direction."
With respect to apartheid in South Africa,
our view is clear. We are unalterably opposed
to apartheid. Our traditions and our values
permit us no other position. We believe that
the continuation of apartheid can lead only to
profound human tragedy for all races in Africa.
We are firmly committed to use our best efforts
to encourage South Africa to abandon these
policies and to live up to its obligations imder
the U.N. Charter.
You should understand that the African
leaders are fiercely determined to win freedom
for all the peoples of Africa. Prime Minister
Milton Obote of Uganda during a commence-
ment address at Long Island University on
June 14 expressed this thought in these trench-
ant words :
The iVfrican leaders expect the West to practice those
ideals of Christianity and democracy that they preach.
We are disapimiuted to find the West compromising
on the very principles they value so much in their
countries whenever they are faced with African prob-
lems. In the case of South Africa and even Angola
and Mozambique, the West preaches one thing and prao
' U.N. doc. A/RES/1805 (XVII) ; for statements
made by U.S. Representative Jonathan B. Bingham
in Committee IV (Trusteeship), see U.S. delegation
press releases 4094 dated Nov. 13 and 4098 dated Nov.
19, 1962.
286
DEPARTKENT OF STATE BULLETIN
tices another. The Western knowledge, thought and
Ideals which the West advances with one hand are at
the same time being withdrawn by the other.
Civil Rights and Foreign Relations
As the African people are busily engaged in
building up their new states and properly uti-
lizing their hard-won independence, they at the
same time are not unmindful that American
Negroes are seeking to gain equality of citizen-
ship in our own country. Examples of racial
discrimination and acts of violence in the
United States have been widely reported abroad.
Soviet pi'opaganda organs have been inundat-
ing the world with pictures and lurid stories
about hostile acts committed against Negro
demonstrators in Birmingham and elsewhere.
Secretary Eusk, commenting upon this sit-
uation,* said that we ought all to recognize that
"this nation is now confronted with one of the
gravest issues that we have had since 1865 and
that this issue deeply affects the conduct of
our foreign relations." In our effort to sup-
port the great causes of freedom in the world,
Mr. Eusk noted, we in this country "are run-
ning this race with one of our legs in a cast."
Until the present, the internal question of
civil riglits — with all it involves for the Amer-
ican Negro — and the international question of
United States and Africa have only occasionally
been directly related. For example, the 1954
Supreme Court decision with respect to segre-
gation helped improve our image in Africa, just
as Little Eock made our position more difficult.
At the same time, American Negro interest in
Africa has been sporadically increasing, with
ensuing implications for American policy. But
because avowed Federal Government policy has
been on the side of integration and equality of
treatment the pressures on governmental leaders
were neither intense nor prolonged as far as
African policy was concerned, and the foreign
reaction to events in this coimtry was blunted.
In my opinion the situation is rapidly cliang-
ing. Tlie consequences of this change for
United States policy toward Africa need search-
ing examination. The principal reason for this
change lies in the fact that our racial crisis
* Bulletin of June 17, 1963. p. 935.
coincides with the new confrontation of forces
in Africa over colonialism and apartheid.
At home Negroes are clearly not going to put
up with further delay on the civil rights issue.
This means tliere may be more incidents, with
pictures such as that of the Birmingham police-
man witli a dog leaping at a Negro. Our strife
will remind people of strife in South Africa.
As tension mounts the Negro elements of the
population become a more articulate force in
the public life of this country. As a matter of
practical politics, they may be expected to exer-
cise this force in other fields than domestic civil
rights. This trend is both an opportimity and
a problem in the conduct of policy toward
Africa, for if Negro opinion is well informed
it will be helpful but if it is merely a reflection
of its frustration at home it could easily be
harmful to our long-term interests in Africa.
Drive for Self-Determination
The significant developments in Africa which
may bring about a dangerous situation are
these :
We have increasingly endorsed self-deter-
mination in Africa and have welcomed the
emergence of the independent African nations.
With one exception this transformation has
been amazingly peaceful. However, we are
down to the hard core of dependent Africa. We
have been hopeful that Portugal and South
Africa will find it in their interest to cooperate
in peaceful political change. There has been
little evidence that this is their intention, and
African nations demand that the world choose
now to support more positive actions.
In our relations with the rest of Africa we
may find ourselves having to acquiesce in more
extreme action or face, sharply reduced influ-
ence, to tlie detriment of other important objec-
tives. At the U.N. we shall more and more
be branded as hypocrites by the Afro-Asians
and branded as traitors to the West by their
opponents.
As I indicated earlier, at Addis Ababa Afri-
can leaders organized themselves for a con-
certed assault on these pockets of resistance.
Conference resolutions condemned racial dis-
crimination everywhere and set up a special
fund to assist in the liberation of southern
AUGUST 19, 10G3
287
Africa. The conference also adopted resolu-
tions on decolonization, urging tlie great powers
to cease aid to colonial governments which use
that aid to suppress nationalist liberation
movements.
In the weeks since Addis Ababa the Africans,
in an impressive demonstration of their new-
found unity, attempted at the annual Geneva
meeting of the International Labor Organiza-
tion to obtain the expulsion of South Africa
and, failing that, withdrew from further con-
ference participation. In a subsequent meet-
ing the governing Ijody of ILO recommended
to the United Nations that it take up the ques-
tion of the expulsion of South Africa from the
world organization.
At the UNESCO education meeting a reso-
lution expelling Portugal was adopted, and
Portugal withdrew protesting the resolution's
illegality.
This week in Geneva also, where the United
Nations Economic and Social Council is meet-
ing. South Africa voluntarily withdrew from
participation in the work of the ECOSOC
regional Economic Commission for Africa.
South Africa had been prevented from partici-
pating etTectively in that organization's work
and withdrew in the face of the c<;rtainty of a
vote formally to expel her.
President Nyerere " made clear African feel-
ing on Monday [July 15] in his speech at the
National Press Club when he said :
Altliuugh wo have as much to gain as anyone [from
participation in international bodies], we break up use-
ful te<-linical mcetluKs because we will not cooperate
with South Africa and Portugal.
Many jicople do not understand these things. They
ask us why we do not get on with the job of dealing
with the social and economic problems facing our own
countries, and why we do not leave the other matters
alone until we have done so. . . . Our nationalist
motivation . . . means that continuing colonialism
anywhere— but particularly in Africa— is an affront to
those of us who have won Independence. . . . Tan-
Itanylka cannot rest content while alien rule continues
In the si.iiih of our continent.
'Julius K. .Nyerere. President of Tanganyika, made
an olllclal visit to the United States July 14-20; for
text of u Joint conimiinlriue by President Kennedy and
President Nyerere, see ibid., Aug. 5, 1903, p. 198.
Problem of Political Stability
The problem of maintaining political stability
in a newly independent nation is an extremely
complicated and delicate task. The people de-
mand much, and often there is relatively little to
give. And the task of providing what little
there is satisfactorily calls for a high degree of
statesmanship.
In most African colonies only a limited num-
ber of indigenous civil ser\'ants were trained.
Therefore the new governments have had to
choose between continuing all or part of a
trained European civil service or employing un-
trained or partially trained indigenous people.
This choice has been and remains a liard one be-
tween governmental efficiency and tiie political
pressure of rapid Africanization. There is no
question but that Africans can be trained to do
the job, but this cannot be done overnight.
Schools of public administration, therefore, be-
come a tremendously important part of any
African program.
In the larger countries with well-developed
tribal loyalties there is the added problem of
making the power of the central government
effective in the remoter regions.
It is challenges such as these that tend to en-
courage the development of vigorous, often one-
party systems to provide order and direction
during the transition from strong centralized
colonial rule to the yet -to-be-developed African
national norms. According to a recent analysis
of political systems in 32 African nations, the
one-party system prevails in 15 countries and
the multiparty system flourishes in another 15
states, while in 2 African comntries (Libya and
Sudan) no elections have been held in some
time.
Much as we would prefer systems more in
keeping with the particular kind of democratic
tradition we are accustomed to, it is important
to understand Africa's one-party systems.
First of all, they normally bear little resem-
blance to the monolithic Nazi and Communist
models that the term "one-party system'* imme-
diately evokes in this country. There is a vary-
ing amount of internal discussion and plurality
in decision-making inside the one-party frame-
work. Furthermore, it can be hoped that the
288
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
present phase is transitional. We must remem-
ber there was no two-party system in this comi-
try immediately after our Revolution. Most of
today's African political leaders are the revolu-
tionary fathers of their countries, and wide-
spread formal opposition to them is probably
not to be expected in the early days of
independence.
An explanation of the party system and de-
mocracy in Africa was recently given by Tom
llboya, Minister of Justice and Constitutional
Affairs in Kenya and Secretary-General of the
recently victorious Kenya African National
Union. He said:
Democracy is government of the people, by the i>eo-
ple, for the people. The supporters of the party sys-
tem argue as though the word "people" in this
definition read "party." A government which gives all
citizens the right to vote, the right to contest elections,
and the right to express themselves freely inside and
outside parliament is not undemocratic.
Concern With Living Standards
While Africa is making progress toward im-
proving its political societies, its leaders are in-
creasingly concerned with the urgent necessity
of improving the standards of living of their
people, which are abnormally low when com-
pared with Europe or the United States. The
average annual per cajjita income is only $90
for sub-Saharan Africa, and for Africa as a
whole, $132. Compare that with the $2,500 per
capita income in the United States. The aver-
age African farmer — and most Africans are
farmers — can produce only about 4 percent of
the output of his North American counterpart.
Such statistics as these give some indication of
Africa's imperative needs.
Foreign capital investments have played an
important role in the development of African
enterprises and should continue to do so in the
future. The Africans have said that they wel-
come private capital investment with the caveat
that it should contribute to the economic well-
being of the country as a whole and not be
merely for the benefit of "outsiders." The days
of colonial exploitation in Africa have virtually
come to an end.
If the African people over the long term are
to obtain a higher standard of living, they must
look primarily to their own resources to develop
their economic and social potentialities. Afri-
can leaders, faced with a paucity of university-
educated people and a literacy rate averaging
only about 10 percent, therefore are deeply con-
cerned with develo^jing educational and teclmi-
cal training facilities that will provide the pro-
fessional and skilled personnel so urgently
needed in all sectors of their society.
American programs of assistance, encompass-
ing aU levels of formal education as well as
technical and professional courses and intern-
ships in Africa and overseas, are helping to
fulfill this need. Our assistance also includes
health programs designed to improve the pro-
ductivity and general well-being of individuals.
Private American philanthropic organiza-
tions such as the Ford and Rockefeller Foun-
dations, the Carnegie Corporation, and the
Phelps-Stokes Fund are engaged in vitally
needed educational and health projects in vari-
ous African areas. Through the activities of
Operations Crossroads about 300 students from
American colleges paid their own passage to
Africa to work on worthwhile projects along-
side young Africans. Their goal was to im-
prove relations between Africa and the United
States and to help Africans help themselves.
One of the most heartening developments in
the African training program has been the out-
standing success scored by the Peace Corps.
These trained and dedicated volunteers are ex-
cellent "ambassadors of good will" for the
United States. The volunteers, besides helping
to build better societies in Africa, are giving
the Africans a glimpse of American idealism in
action. Nearly 1,500 American men and
women are serving as Peace Corps volunteers
in 16 African countries.
The United Nations programs in Africa,
which the United States is supporting, are pro-
viding substantial assistance to the well-being
of Africa. The U.N. through its specialized
agencies has been especially active in the fields
of education and health. The U.N.'s Food and
Agriculture Organization has given high pri-
ority to projects for improving agriculture to
bolster the economic development of the
African nations.
American leadership in world affairs re-
AUGTJST 19. 1963
289
quires us to take a positive role in Africa. "We
must keep our eyes on the long-term future of
Africa, wliicii I regard as brigiit witli promise.
Tlicrofore let us not be dismaj-ed by tcmpo-
niry disjippointments, misunderstandings, and
l)erliaps setbacks. In the formulation of
I'nited States foreign policies toward Africa,
we see these nations as important members of
the world community, liaving their own dignity
and sharing with us in the great aspirations of
huinan riirhts. freedom, and independence.
Ambassadors Asked To Report
on Activities in Promoting Exports
I'rts.s release 101 dated August 2
The Secretary of State on August 2 signed a
letter to American ambassadors abroad concern-
ing the strong emphasis which the export drive
continues to require for balance-of -payments
reasons. The text of Secretary Rusk's letter
follows.
August 2, 1963
Dear 'S\n. Ambassador: You will recall that
in my letter of October 19, 1962,' I emphasized
the role which our Chiefs of Mission and their
senior staff members would need to play in order
for us to succeed in our joint efforts to expand
adequately the volume of American exports.
I am sure you are aware that our balance-of-
payments situation remains a very real and
stubborn problem, even though our current ex-
port volume constitutes some improvement over
the recent past. The facts are that imports in
1062 increased by Sl.7 billion while exports in-
crea.sed by $800 million (from $20.1 to $20.9
billion) . Hence our net surplus on merchandise
trade declined. International payments of all
types, which include military expenditures and
foreign aid, of course, continued to exceed re-
ceipts and our balance of payments remained
in the red by .some $2.2 billion.
As a companion piece to the export drive, the
Administration is taking all actions which it
believes are currently possibles-consistent with
our foreign policy objectives and position of
' For text, gee Btn.LrriN of Nov. 5, 19C2. p. G82.
leadership in the free world — to moderate the
balance-of-payments impact of our govern-
mental activities and programs abroad.*
Clearly these actions need to be kept within
those bounds which will neither impair our na-
tional security and other foreign policy objec-
tives nor circumscribe the latitude which our
citizens enjoy in their trade and financial rela-
tionships abroad. If the United States can
push its exports to a substantially higher pla-
teau, manj- elements of our balance-of-payments
problem will disappear without resort to ac-
tions which would be unpalatable both domes-
tically and internationally. The rough road of
restrictive retrogression is the last thing that we
would wish to contemplate.
Since I wrote to Chiefs of Mission last fall
on the importance of their personal participa-
tion in the support of export promotion, I have
had many gratifying reports as to what they
and their senior staff members have been doing
to further this vital activity.
Because of the special emphasis which we in
"Washington attach to the Export Exiiansion
Program for balance-of-payments reasons, I
should appreciate it if your Embassy would
prepare for my guidance and that of the Secre-
tary of Commerce a summary of your Mission's
recent activities in line with the concepts ex-
pressed in my earlier letter. I should like such
a report to cover the specific ways in which the
Embassy has found it possible to give support
to this program. I would also like to know of
the particular difficulties encoimtered in pro-
moting United States exports, what the Em-
bassy thinks needs to be done to solve these prob-
lems, as well as any suggestions for improving
our export expansion work as a whole. Material
already submitted need not be repeated but only
brought up to date.
I look forward to receiving such a report, and
I am confident that it will reflect that degree of
participation and support necessary to ensure
the success of our export drive.
Sincerely,
Dean Rusk
' For text of a special message of President Ken-
nedy to the Congress dated July 18, see ihid., Aug. 12,
1903, p. a.'JO.
200
nrPAUTMF.XT OF STATE BULLETIN
The Kennedy Round — Progress and Promise
by William T. Gossett
Deputy Special Representative for Trade Negotiations '
A little over 9 months ago the Trade Expan-
sion Act was launched, upon a tranquil sea and
with a favoring wind. Since then, it has been
buffeted by high winds of protectionism and
of nationalism, sometimes mounting to gale
force. Despite all that has happened, we have
kept afloat — and we have even made some
headway.
Certainly — and tliis has been a source of
great strength to us — the dedication of Presi-
dent Kennedy to the principles and goals of
the act has not weakened or even wavered.
The negotiations authorized by the act, already
known as "the Kennedy Round," are, he said
in Frankfurt last month,^ "a test of our unity."
And he added, very pertinently: "While each
nation must naturally look out for its own in-
terests, each nation must also look out for the
common interest. . . ."
I shall give you this evening a short accoimt
of our voyages and adventirres so far. I shall
also take a look at what lies ahead of us before
we can hope to make harbor. I do so with the
warning, inspired by experience, that we must
expect tlie unexpected and be prepared to ad-
just to it.
Indeed, it was while Governor Herter
[Christian A. Herter, the President's Special
Representative for Trade Negotiations] and I
were on our initial exploratory mission to Eu-
rope that we had our first painful surprise — the
collapse of the negotiations for British entry
' Address made before the Koppers Company Busi-
ness International Boundtable at Pittsburgh, Pa., on
July 17.
• Bulletin of July 22, 1963, p. 118.
into the Common Market.' Apart from its
many other unfortunate consequences — with
which we shall have to live until Britain takes
her rightful place in Europe, as I am confident
she will — this made the "dominant supplier"
provision of the Trade Expansion Act virtually
ineffective. Under this provision, as you know,
the President has authority to bargain for the
complete elimination of tariffs on items for
which the United States and the EEC [Euro-
pean Economic Community] accoimt for 80 per-
cent of the free world's exports. With Britain
in the EEC, tliis would have embraced a very
wide range of trade; without her, it applied
only to aircraft and possibly one or two other
items.
Even so, the President has vmprecedented bar-
gaining authority. He has the basic authority
to reduce tariffs by 50 percent over a 6-year
period. He also can cut tariffs by any amount
on any item the current duty on which is 5 per-
cent or less, and on agricultural commodities
and tropical agricultural and forestry products
under certain circumstances. I stress these
points because it is often forgotten that, despite
the Brussels breakdown, the Trade Expansion
Act still has these liberal provisions for slashing
tariffs down to zero.
"It Takes Two To Tango" was the theme of a
popular dance tune. And it takes two to make
a success of the coming trade negotiations. The
United States, as I have indicated, is willing
and able to negotiate on a wide front. Much
depends upon whether our principal trading
' For background, see ihid., Feb. 18, 1963, p. 237.
AUGUST 19, 1963
291
partner, the Kuropean Connnon Market, is
equally able and willing. This is what we ex-
plored during the spring months of this year,
culminating in the GAIT ministerial meeting
in May.*
The Concept of "Ecretement"
Those of you who have taken an interest in
trade union negotiations in the United States
over the years will recall that able and resource-
ful union spokesmen sometimes raise an issue —
like the demand to "open the books" in the auto-
mobile industr}-— !us a talking point preliminary
to actual bargaining. By its novelty, such a
talking point can attract favorable publicity
and keep management on the defensive. Some-
times, when such an issue has been squeezed dry
of all the tactical advantages it offers, it is
dropped; sometimes it is pressed at the bar-
gaining table in a watered-down and more
readily negotiable form.
IMiether it was so planned or not, a sugges-
tion made by the EEC, called ecretement^
turned out to be just such a gambit to the
G ATT meet ing in May. Like "open the books,"
it had an attractive sound and a plausible
content.
Tlie U.S. tariff schedule, while it averages
about the same as the Common Market's, has
more high rates and more low rates; EEC tar-
iffs, in the process of being averaged among the
six member nations, are bunched in the middle.
It was suggested^first through friendly jour-
nalists and then formally at a preliminary work-
ing party — that ecretement — roughly translat-
able as "de-peaking" — was the magic answer.
Instead of the across-the-board, linear tariff
cuts for which we had been preparing for many
months — and which the Six have been practic-
uig among themselves — an entirely new and
complex negotiating formula was put forward.
It was proposed that the industrialized coun-
tries should move toward uniform tariffs — one
level for raw materials, another for semimanu-
factures, still another for manufactured prod-
uct.s. During the forthcoming round of tariff
negotiations, according to the plan, each coun-
try would lower its tariffs by half of the dif-
• Ibid., June 24, 1063, p. 000.
ference between its present tariff rates and the
target figures for the various categories. The
effect, of course, would be to require deeper cuts
in high tariffs than in medium or low tariffs.
The concept of ecretement was, one must ad-
mit, a fine flower of the subtle Gallic mind.
The main drawback to it is that it does not take
us very far along the way to the reduction of
tariffs and the promotion of international trade.
Indeed, when we put our slide rules to work and
brought ecretement down out of the clouds into
mundane figures, we foimd that — as originally
proposed — it would have resulted, on the aver-
age, in 10-percent cuts in the Common Market's
tariffs and 12-percent in ours. In view of our
long-proclaimed goal of a 50-per'.'ent tariff cut,
Shakespeare's "Much Ado About Nothing"
would have been a more entertaining fantasy to
play at Geneva.
Achievements at GATT Ministerial Meeting
The EEC spokesmen did not actually press
for ecretement at the GATT ministerial meet-
ing. May 16 to 21. They chose rather to stress
the "disparities" presented by high U.S. tariffs
and to seek some formula by which to bring
them under attack. This was the issue that was
debated long and vigorously, and finally re-
solved. It emerged as the fourth of the "Prin-
ciples" listed in the ministerial resolution' and
reads in part as follows :
. . . the tarlfif negotiations . . . shall be based upon
a plan of substantial linear [across-the-board] tariff
reductions with a bare minimum of exceptions which
shall be subject to confrontation and justification.
The linear reductions shall be equal. In those cases
where there are significant disparities in tariff levels,
the tariff reductions will be based upon special rules
of general and automatic application.
In presenting this language, the conference
chairman added for the record that "significant"
disparities are construed to be "meaningful in
trade terms." This is, in our view, an essential
part of the compromise that was hammered out
at Geneva.
There have been a variety of verdicts on the
Geneva meeting. I note for example that Trade
Talk, published by the Committee for a Na-
tional Trade Policy, declared editorially :
" For text, see ihid., p. 995.
292
Dia'ARTMENT OF STATE BTTIXETIN'
Many were disappointed that there seemed to be so
little substantive progress at the recent negotiations.
It seemed that, after monumental preparations by the
EEC and the USA, the mountain had given birtii to a
mouse.
I understand the reasons for such a feeling,
and I suspect that some of you may share it. I
think, however, that we have some solid reasons
for satisfaction at the outcome.
At the verj' least, we avoided a crackup of the
Kennedy Eound. ~\Mien Ulysses sailed his boat
between Scylla and Charybdis, he may have ne-
gotiated only a few hundred yards — but without
surviving that passage he never would have
reached Ithaca.
Moreover, the Ministers showed a willingness
to make firm decisions, rather than to put them
off — notably in tackling the thorny problem of
rules for the negotiations, and m settmg a def-
inite date, May 4, 1964, for the actual beginning
of the talks.
Also, the Ministers made remarkable progress
in other matters. They did much to recognize
the needs of the less developed nations in the
field of trade. They made important decisions
about the inclusion of agriculture in a general
lowering of trade barriers. And they deter-
mined that all barriers to trade — not merely
tariffs — must be attacked.
"We consider these to be very substantial
achievements, although they left formidable
problems to be resolved — the precise way in
which the tariff disparities question is to be
dealt with and the manner in which agriculture
can be involved in the negotiations.
Speaking of the disparities question, the Ger-
man Vice Chancellor, Dr. Ludwig Erhard, aptly
commented : "We are agreed on the shell of an
egg. "\Aniat will be in the egg, we do not know."
While agreeing with Dr. Erhard that only
the shell was settled — that is, very general rules
of procedure with vitally important details still
to be spelled out — we take considerable satisfac-
tion in the shape of the shell. It provides for a
full measure of reciprocity between the U.S. and
the EEC. It places no arbitrary limits on re-
ductions in tariffs and upholds the important
principle of equal reductions. It provides the
means for dealing with disparities whenever
they make a real dollar difference to any nation.
And it endorses linear tariff reductions and pro-
vides safeguards against unjustified exceptions.
Question of Agricultural Trade
In the longer nm the question of agriculture
is likely to be crucial. From the beginning we
have made it clear that the negotiations we seek
cannot be confined to industrial goods. The
level of U.S. exports depends heavily upon
markets for agricultural commodities, especially
in the EEC. "
We have already had a sharp warning, in the
form of the prohibitive tariffs imposed upon our
poultry exports,'' of protectionist tendencies in
the common agricultural policy of the EEC.
Let me dwell a bit on this poultry question, be-
cause we consider it an excellent illustration of
the case for freer trade among nations.
Modern American methods of producing
broilers are so efficient as to amount to a genu-
ine technological breakthrough. Between 1948
and 1962, while virtually all other prices of con-
sumers' goods were rising, the prices received by
our producers of broilers actually dropped from
32.3 cents per pound to 15.2 cents.
Through international trade, the benefit of
this breakthrough was widely shared by con-
sumers in many countries — and particularly in
Germany, where cheap broilers created what
was virtually a new market. Between 1956 and
1962 the per capita consimiption of poultry
meat in West Germany almost tripled — from 4.6
pounds to 12.3 pounds. Thus the average Ger-
man family could look forward to chicken every
Sunday — instead of every 3 weeks, as in the
past.
They are not getting such a bargain at pres-
ent. Between mid-1962 and the present, the
total duty on U.S. broilers imported into West
Germany has been stepped up from less than
5 cents per pound to about 131A cents.
Poultry — although an important test case — is
only a small portion of our total agricultural
exports to the Common Market. They
amounted to $1.2 billion in 1962, as compared
with only $200 million in U.S. imports of EEC
agricultural products. Tliey account for almost
all our trade surplus with the Common Market,
' For background, see ihid., p. 996.
AUGUST 19, 1963
696-535—63 —
293
out of whicli our vital military commitments
there aro fiiiiUKetl.
Those exports are in frrave danger of being
drastically slashed if the EEC common agri-
cultural policy takes the protectionist path that
it did in jwultry. Crucial to this question is the
level at which the Common Market target price
for grain is set. If it is set at or near the high-
est price levels prevailing in the Common Mar-
ket— those in Germany — French agriculture
will become immensely profitable. Output will
1x3 e.xpanded greatly.
This decision is inuninent — among other
things, becau.se the French have made it clear
that the EEC's common agi'icultural policy
must be implemented before they will engage
in serious tariff negotiations. And, once the
decision is made, it will, because of the slow-
ness with which agricultural systems change
and the special political compulsions to which
they give rise, affect the world's economy for
many years to come.
It is not only our interests that are mvolved.
The Common Market's agricultural policy,
even at its present early stage of implementa-
tion, has already brought on an economic crisis
in neighboring Denmark so grave that drastic
austerity measures have been taken by its Gov-
ernment to cope with it. If a high target price
for grain stimulates French production, export-
ing nations like Australia and Canada will be
increasinglj' plagued by the problems of un-
manageable world surpluses.
It is for this reason that we are seeking, in
the coming round of GATT talks, what we call
'•arrangements" for cereals, meats, and dairy
products.
"We recognize the ])olitical problems in each
of the participating countries. We have our
own political problems as well. But, as a niani-
festation of the seriousness of our intentions
to tackle these problems on a worldwide scale,
we are willing to discuss our own agricultural
sy.stem at the bargaining table.
Technical Problems
Apart from the serious and difficult issues
at .stake, negotiations with the EEC present
challenging technical problems. At this stage
in their coalescence, the six member nations find
achieving a common outlook — and hence endow-
ing the EEC Commission with negotiating au-
thority— a long and difficult process. Decisions
are hammered out only after prolonged discus-
sion and tend to come very late in the day.
For example, as I speak now, the EEC Com-
mission has yet to be granted authority to nego-
tiate on commodity arrangements for meats and
cereals, on nontariff barriers to trade, and even
on poultry.
Even when the Six do endow their Commis-
sion spokesman with negotiating authority, the
representatives of the member nations ride very
close herd on him and are quick to jog his elbow
when questions of national interest are at stake.
It is precisely for this reason that the respon-
sibility for setting a sensible pace, for moving
"with all deliberate speed" toward the target
date of May 4, 1964, rests squarely upon us.
We have important homework to do. By get-
ting aiiead with it, we can help and inspire —
and perhaps even prod — the Common Market
to get ahead wnth theirs.
By early September we hope that the Presi-
dent will be able to submit to the Tariff Com-
mission a list of the articles on which we con-
template negotiating. The length and depth
of tliis list will, we believe, be more than ade-
quate to demonstrate to the rest of the world
that the United States is fully dedicated to the
policy of freeing trade. Our list, I believe, will
challenge the EEC to enter this phase of the
negotiations in the same spirit.
The Trade Expansion Act requires the Tariff
Commission to advise the President as to the
probable economic effect of any proposed trade
agreement concession on any article. The Com-
mission is required to hold hearings in the course
of its investigations and to give all interested
persons an opportunity to present their views.
It must render its advice to the President within
0 months of the time he submits the list to it.
In addition, the Trade Information Commit-
tee— an interagency committee — will hold hear-
ings roughly during the same period. At these
hearings any interested person may present his
views on any matter relevant to the proposed
trade agreement. These hearings will focus
largely ujion determining which foreign tariffs
and tinule restrictions are most burdensome to
294
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
U.S. exporters, and I hope that the exporters
among you will be forthcoming with this vital
information, which only you, really, are in a
position to give.
In any program of linear tariff cuts, there
must be excei^tions. Indeed, the EEC nations
have made exceptions to the tariff cuts among
themselves. The Trade Expansion Act itself
specifically reserv^es certain items from the
negotiations. In addition, the President has
complete discretion to reserve additional items,
taking into accomit the advice of the Tariff
Commission. "We expect this discretion to be
used sparingly and that other nations will show
equal self-restraint.
(Prospects for Kennedy Round
Tlie question recurs, however — will this moun-
tain of effort produce only a mouse of tangible
achievement?
I begin by sounding a cautionary note. Some
■commentators have accused us of taking what
they call the "hard line'' with the EEC. I
prefer to call our line flexible but firm.
We are flexible in our recognition of the legit-
imate needs of other nations and in our willing-
ness to seek means, within the framework of
an agreement which is generally equitable, to
accommodate them. We do not consider this
the kind of negotiation in which one side must
lose if the other wins.
As we see it, both sides stand to gain — and can
gain.
But we are firm in our determination not to
make an imprudent agreement for the sake of
appearances, or for public relations purposes,
or merely to paper over the cracks without
really closing them. We are prepared to sit at
the bargaining table so long as an agreement
fair to both sides seems even remotely possible
of achievement. But we are also prepared to
walk away from the bargaining table if no such
agreement is feasible.
So much for the cautionai*y note. Now I shall
give reasons for optimism — a prudent opti-
mism— about the outcome of all our efforts.
In the aeronautical industry they used to de-
scribe the airplane as "a machine so complicated
that it almost doesn't work." Sometimes these
trade negotiations likewise seem so complex and
so beset with difficulties of all kinds that it
seems just barely possible that they will work
out.
'Wliat makes the airplane fly is the power of
its engine. AVliat can make these trade nego-
tiations succeed is the motive power provided by
the needs — and the hopes — of many nations and
of most of mankind.
First, a few facts about the urgent need for
success in lowering tariff's and otlier barriers to
trade.
There is need for it within tlie EEC itself.
Since the door was closed — temporarily, we
hope — on Britain, the gulf between Europe's
two great trading blocs, the EEC and the Euro-
pean Free Trade Association, has widened and
deepened. Each expects to eliminate all in-
ternal tariffs by 1967. The EEC has already
gone 60 percent of the way, and EFTA will
reach this point by the end of the year.
The tariff discriminations thus created will
cut squarely across traditional channels of trade.
To take one example: West Germany's world
trade surplus is estimated at $500 million for
last year, but with EFTA alone it was $1.4
billion. Without its markets in EFTA — which
will be increasingly threatened by tariff dis-
crimination— Germany would have suffered a
trade deficit of $900 million in 1962.
The EFTA nations likewise will suffer from
this widening trade gap. Sweden's trade with
Belgium, for example, was considerably re-
duced last year, and Swedish authorities have
described the prospects after the latest EEC
internal tariff cut as "even more unpromising."
They have warned that the tariff gap between
the EEC and EFTA has reached the point
where it menaces intra-European trade.
The ultimate solution, and one to which the
United States looks forward with long-term
confidence, is the economic integration of Eu-
rope. Since the breakdown at Brussels, such
integration is not imminent, but success at
GATT in lowering tariffs can keep the split
from deepening and may even help to heal it.
The impact of the EEC is not confbied to
Europe but is woi-ldwide in character. I have
already referred to the grave concern of na-
tions, like ourselves, which export Temperate
Zone agricultural products, a concern which the
AUGUST 19. 19G3
295
developing pattern of the EEC's common agri-
cultural policy fully justifies.
The less developed nations are also deeply
worried over the possible disruption of tradi-
tional patterns of trade. This is one of the chief
forces behind the U.N. Conference on Trade and
Development, scheduled for next year. It is a
warning too that GATT must work effectively,
in the general interest of all its members, or the
pressure to establish alternative trade ma-
chinery will be irresistible.
All these j)ressures already converge upon the
EEC, and they will inci-ease in the coming
months. As we are, the EEC is a world force,
and it is in the process of facing up to world
responsibilities. Its officials have publicly rec-
ognized this fact. President Walter Hallsteiii
of the EEC Commission said last month :
The two a.speot.s of our nature — that we cohere in-
ternally and are open to the world and turned toward
the world — are inseparable from each other.
It is not only the needs of much of the world
but the hopes as well that focus upon Geneva.
There are the hopes of the great majority of
Europeans for the "fully cohesive Europe" of
which the President spoke at Frankfurt.
There are the hopes of men of good will on both
sides of the Atlantic for a fruitful partnership.
There are the hopes of the less developed na-
tions, mostly in the southern half of the world,
for the opportunities in trade that will enable
llieiii to earn a better living for their peoples.
The "Grand Design"
These are the same hopes which make up wliat
has been called the "Grand Design."
A regiment of self-appointed Cassandras has
been in full cry in recent months. We have
lieen told that Europe is in outright rebellion
against the United States— against "Governess
America," as one colunmist put it. We have
been told that neutralism is sweeping Europe
or, alternatively, that Europe is seeking to be-
come a "third force," playing the United States
off against the Soviet Union and ^-ice versa.
These "waves of the future," it is predicted, will
sweep the Grand Design away like a castle in
the sand.
290
There even seems to be a tendency to belittle
the plirase itself — a tendency which I am un-
able to understand. Ours is a great nation,
and grand objectives become it better than petty
ones.
There is one feature which is common to all
this babble of voices. They purport to tell us
what Europeans are thinking, but they seldom
quote what influential Europeans have been
saying.
To mention a few, Lord Home, Britain's
Foreign Secretary, has called the idea of a
European imity excluding America "pro-
foundly mistaken." And, just to make it unani-
mous for Britain, Harold Wilson, leader of the
British Labor Party, said during his visit to
Washington this spring that his party has as its
goal "an Atlantic— and wider than Atlantic-
Community."
The self-same sentiments are widely and
deeply held within the Common ilarket, as
evinced, for example, by the insistence of the
German Parliament that its approval of the
Franco-German treaty should in no way dimin-
ish its dedication to a wider European unity
and to an Atlantic partnership with America.
Different sentiments may occasionally be ex-
pressed in some German schloss or some French
salon. But they are minority voices, voices of
the past. The debates of recent months have
only underlined the fact that those who look to
the future look to the Atlantic. They prefer
the Grand Design of the future to the grandeurs
of the past. Indeed, the words of Governor
Herter 2 days after the collapse of the British
talks ^ today are as true as when they were
spoken :
Regardless of the setbacks that it may meet now and
then, I am confident that the development of this
[Atlantic] partnership represents the true course of
the history of our countries.
Necessity compels, hope inspires. Both
necessity and hope, deeply and widely felt, will
be sitting at the table in Geneva next year, and
they will be mighty forces working on and
through the delegations of many nations toward
the success of the Kennedy Round.
For text, see ihid., Feb. 2~^. 1963, p. 29
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
:
U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee
To Meet at Washington
Press release 397 dated July 30
The eighth annual meeting of the Joint
United States-Canadian Committee on Trade
and Economic Affairs will be held in Washing-
ton September 20-21.
Kepresenting the Government of Canada will
be the Honorable Paul Martin, Secretary of
State for External Affairs; the Honorable Wal-
ter Gordon, Minister of Finance ; the Honorable
Mitchell Shar^D, ]\Iinister of Trade and Com-
merce; and the Honorable Harry Hays, Min-
ister of Agriculture.
The United States will be represented by the
Honorable Dean Rusk, Secretary of State; the
Honorable Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the
Treasury; the Honorable Luther H. Hodges,
Secretary of Commerce ; the Honorable George
W. Ball, Under Secretary of State; the Hon-
orable Charles S. Murphy, Under Secretary of
Agi'iculture ; and the Honorable John A.
Carver, Jr., Assistant Secretary of the Interior.
The annual meetmg of the Jomt Committee
which was inaugurated in 1953 provides an
opportunity for Cabinet officers of both govern-
ments to consider economic and trade matters of
common concern to the two countries. Previous
meetings have been beneficial in furthering un-
derstanding between the two governments on
economic and trade matters. The last meeting
was held in Ottawa January 12-13, 1962.^
AID Closes Mission in Haiti
The Agency for International Development
on August 1 announced the closing of its mis-
sion in the Republic of Haiti. The action cul-
minates the phasing out of AID programs and
services over the past year. The three remain-
ing employees in the Port-au-Prince office will
be assigned to other duties.
With two exceptions AID has now suspended
all its projects in Haiti. Reflecting the abiding
interest of the United States in the welfare of
'■ For text of a communique issued at the close of the
meeting, see Bulletin of Jan. 29, 1962, p. 168.
the island's people, AID will continue its sup-
port of a malaria-eradication project and a
Food-for-Peace program serving 160,000 Hai-
tians, including many children.
The malaria project, financed with the help
of a U.S. grant, employs Haitian nationals
supervised by four U.S. and seven Pan Amer-
ican Health Organization technicians. In the
future the malaria project will be administered
by that agency.
The United States will continue to donate
food commodities to CARE, Catholic Relief
Services, and Church World Service, which
distribute the food under contract agreements
with Haiti.
W. M. Blumenthal Confirmed
Deputy for Trade Negotiations
The Senate on July 31 confirmed W. Michael
Blumenthal to be a Deputy Special Representa-
tive for Trade Negotiations, with the rank of
Ambassador.
Members of Advisory Commission
on Cultural Affairs Confirmed
Tlie Senate on July 31 confirmed Walter
Adams and Mabel M. Smythe to be members
of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Interna-
tional Educational and Cultural Affairs, each
for a term of 3 years expiring May 11, 1966, and
until a successor is appointed and has qualified.
Letters of Credence
Algeria
The newly appointed Ambassador of Algeria,
Cherif Guellal, presented his credentials to
President Kennedy on July 2-4. For texts of
the Ambassador's remarks and the President's
reply, see Department of State press release
388 dated July 24.
AUGUST 19. 19G3
297
THE CONGRESS
President Recommends Revision
of Immigration Laws
Following in the text of a Utter from Presi-
dent Kennedy to Lyndon B. Johnson, President
of the Senate. An identical letter was sent on
the same day to John TF. McCormack, Speaker
of the Ilouse of Representatives.
White Uouse press release dated July 23
July 23, 1963
Dr,vr Mr. President : I am transmitting here-
with, for the consideration of the Congress, leg-
islation revising and modernizing our immigra-
tion laws. More than a decade has elapsed since
the last substantial amendment to these laws.
I believe there exists a compelling need for the
Congress to re-examine and make certain
changes in these laws.
The most urgent and fundamental reform I
am recommending relates to the national ori-
gins system of selecting immigi-ants. Since
1924 it has been used to determine the number
of quota immigrants permitted to enter the
United States each year. Accordingly, al-
though the legislation I am transmitting deals
with many problems which require remedial
action, it concentrates attention primarily upon
revision of our quota immigration system. The
enactment of this legislation will not resolve
all of our important problems in the field of im-
migration law. It will, however, provide a
sound basis upon which we can build in devel-
oping an immigration law that serves the na-
tional interest and reflects in every detail the
principles of equality and hiunan dignity to
which our nation subscribes.
Elimination of Discrimination Based on National
Origins
Pre.sent legislation establishes a system of
annual quotas to govern immigration from each
countrj'. Under this system, 156,700 quota im-
migrants are permitted to enter the United
States each year. The system is based upon
the national origins of the population of the
United States in 1920. The use of the year 1920
is arbitrary. It rests upon the fact that this
system was introduced in 1924 and the last prior
census was in 1920. The use of a national ori-
gins system is without basis in either logic or
reason. It neither satisfies a national need nor
accomplishes an international purpose. In an
age of interdependence among nations, such a
system is an anachronism, for it discriminates
among applicants for admission into the United
States on the basis of accident of birth.
Because of the composition of our population
in 1920, the system is heavily weighted in favor
of immigration from northern Europe and
severely limits immigration from southern and
eastern Europe and from other parts of the
world. An American citizen with a Greek
father or mother must wait at least 18 months
to bring his parents here to join him. A citi-
zen whose married son or daughter, or brother
or sister, is Italian cannot obtain a quota nimiber
for them for an even longer time. Meanwhile,
many thousands of quota numbers are wasted
because they are not wanted or needed by na-
tionals of the countries to which they are
assigned.
I recommend that there be substituted for the
national origins system a formula governing
immigration to the United States which takes
into accoimt (1) the skills of the immigrant and
their relationship to our needs, (2) the family
relationship between immigrants and persons
already here, so that the reuniting of families is
encouraged, and (3) the priority of registration.
Present law grants a preference to immigrants
with special skills, education or training. It
also grants a preference to various relatives of
United States citizens and lawfully resident
aliens. But it does so only within a national
origins quota. It should be modified so that
298
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
those witli the greatest ability to add to the na-
tional welfare, no matter where they were born,
are granted the liighest priority. The next pri-
ority should go to those who seek to be reunited
with their relatives. As between applicants
with equal claims the earliest registrant should
be the first achnitted.
Many problems of fairness and foreign policy
are involved in replacing a system so long en-
trenched. The national origins system has
produced large backlogs of applications in some
countries, and too rapid a change might, in a
system of limited immigration, so drastically
curtail immigration in some countries the only
effect might be to shift the unfairness from one
group of nations to another. A reasonable
time to adjust to any new system must be pro-
vided if individual hardships upon persons who
were relying on the present system are to be
avoided. In addition, any new system must
have sufficient flexibility to allow adjustments to
be made when it appears that immigrants from
nations closely allied to the United States will
bo unduly restricted in their freedom to furnish
the new seed population that has so long been a
source of strength to our nation.
Accordmgly, I recommend :
First, that existing quotas be reduced gradu-
ally, at the rate of 20 percent a year. The quota
numbers released each year would be placed in
a quota reserve pool, to be distributed on the new
basis.
Second, that natives of no one country receive
over 10 percent of the total quota numbers au-
thorized in any one year. This will insure that
the pattern of immigration is not distorted by
excessive demand from any one country.
Third, that the President be authorized, after
receiving recommendations from a 7-man
Immigration Board, to reserve up to 50 percent
of the unallocated quota numbers, for issuance
to persons disadvantaged by the change in the
quota system, and up to 20 percent to refugees
whose sudden dislocation requires special treat-
ment. The Immigration Board will be com-
posed of 2 members appointed by the Speaker
t of the House of Representatives, 2 members ap-
pointed by the President Pro Tempore of the
Senate, and 3 members appointed by the Presi-
dent. In addition to its responsibility for
foi'mulating recommendations regarding the
use of the quota reserve pool, the Board will
make a continuous study of our iirunigration
policy.
All Quota Numbers Used
But it is not alone the initial assignment of
quota numbers which is arbitrary and mijust;
additional inequity i-esults from the failure of
the law to permit full utilization of the au-
thorized quota numbers. "While American
citizens wait for years for their relatives to re-
ceive a quota, approximately 60,000 quota num-
bers are wasted each year because the countries
to which tliey are assigned have far more num-
bers allocated to them than they have emigrants
seeking to move to the United States. There is
no way at present in which these numbers can
be reassigned to nations where immense back-
logs of applicants for admission to the United
States have accumulated. I recommend that
this deficiency in the law be corrected.
Asia-Pacific Triangle
A special discriminatoiy formula is now used
to regulate the immigration of persons who are
attributable by their ancestry to an area called
the Asia-Pacific triangle. This area embraces
all countries from Pakistan to Japan and the
Pacific islands north of Australia and New
Zealand. Usually, the quota under which a
prospective immigrant must enter is determined
by his place of birth. However, if as much as
one-half of an immigrant's ancestors came from
nations in the Asia-Pacific triangle, he must
rely upon the small quota assigned to the coun-
try of his ancestry, regardless of where he was
born. This provision of our law should be re-
pealed.
Other Provisions
In order to remove other existing barriers to
the reuniting of families, I recommend two ad-
ditional improvements in the law.
First, parents of American citizens, who now
have a preferred quota status, should be ac-
corded nonquota status.
Second, parents of aliens resident in the
United States, who now have no preference,
AUGUST 19, 1963
299
should be accorded a preference, after skilled
specialists and other relatives of citizens and
alien residents.
These changes will have little effect on the
number of immigrants admitted. They will
have a major effect upon the individual hard-
ships many of our citizens and residents now
face in being separated from their parents.
In addition, I recommend the following
changes in the law in order to correct certain
deficiencies and improve its general application.
1. Changes in the Preference Structure. At
present, the procedure under which specially
skilled or trained workers are permitted to en-
ter this country too often prevents talented
people from applying for visas to enter the
United States. It often deprives us of immi-
grants who would be helpful to our economy
and our culture. This procedure should be
liberalized so that highly trained or skilled
persons may obtain a preference without requir-
ing that they secure employment here before
emigrating. In addition, I recommend that a
special preference be accorded workers with
lesser skills who can fill specific needs in short
supply in this country.
2. Non-quota status for natives of Jamaica.,
Trinidad and Tobago should he granted. Un-
der e.xisting law, no numerical limitation is im-
posed upon the number of immigrants coming
from Canada, Mexico, Cuba, Haiti, the Domini-
can Republic, the Canal Zone, or any inde-
pendent country in Central or South America.
But the language of the statute restricts this
privilege to persons bom in countries in the
Caribljean area which gained their independ-
ence prior to the date of the last major amend-
ment to the immigration and nationality stat-
utes, in 1952. This accidental discrimination
against the newly independent nations of the
Western Hemisphere should be corrected.
3. Persons afflicted with mental health prob-
lems should be admitted provided certain stand-
ards are met. Today, any person afflicted with
a mental disease or mental defect, psychotic per-
sonality, or epilepsy, and any person who has
suffered an attack of mental illness, can enter
this country only if a private bill is enacted for
his benefit. Families which are able and will-
ing to care for a mentally ill child or parent are
often forced to choose between living in the
United States and leaving their loved ones be-
hind and not living in the United States but
being able to see and care for their loved ones.
Mental illness is not incurable. It should be
treated like other illnesses. I recommend that
the Attorney General, at his discretion and un-
der proper safeguards, be authorized to waive
those provisions of the law which prohibit the
admission to the United States of persons with
mental problems when they are close relatives of
United States citizens and lawfully resident
aliens.
4. The Secretary of State should be author-
ized, in his discretion, to require re-registration
of certain quota imm,igrant visa applicants and
to regulate the time of payment of visa fees.
This authority brings registration lists up to
date, terminates the priority of applicants who
have refused to accept a visa, and ends the prob-
lem of "insurance" registrations by persons who
have no present intention to emigrate. Regis-
tration figures for oversubscribed quota areas
are now inaccurate because there exists no way
of determining whether registrants have died,
have emigrated to other countries, or for some
other reason no longer want to emigrate to the
United States. These problems are particularly
acute in heavily oversubscribed areas.
Conclusion
As I have already indicated the measures I
have outlined will not solve all the problems of
immigration. Many of them will require addi-
tional legislation ; some cannot be solved by any
one country. But the legislation I am submit-
ting will in.sure that progress will continue to
be made toward our ideals and toward the real-
ization of humanitarian objectives. The meas-
ures I have recommended will liclp eliminate
discrimination l>etween peoples and nations on
a basis that is unrelated to an^' contrilMition that
immigrants can make and is inconsistent with
our traditions of welcome. Our investment in
new citizens has always been a valuable source
of our strength.
Sincerely,
John F. Ivennedt
300
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIK
Department Welcomes Amendment
to Philippine War Damage Act
Press release 400 dated July 31
DEPARTMENT STATEMENT
The Department of State on July 31 wel-
;onied the passage by the House of Representa-
ives of tlie Fulbright-Hays amendment to the
Philippine War Damage Act of 1962. The
imendnient provided equitable settlement of all
lutstanding claims based on a $25,000 limita-
ion on any individual claim. This ceiling
vould permit 99.6 percent of the 86,000 claim-
mts to be paid in full. Balances of claims over
;25,000, which previously would have gone to
187 large claimants, would be paid into a spe-
ial account to be used for educational programs
n the Philippines and educational exchange
s agreed upon between the President of the
'hilippines and the President of the United
states.
It is estimated that this special educational
und would amount to aiDproximately $20 mil-
ion to $30 million. Senator Fulbright made
lear in his comments to the Senate describing
he amendment that the educational programs
t could cover could be broadly conceived. As
xamples, Senator Fulbright noted the fund
ould be used in the Philippines for school con-
truction; assistance to teachers salaries; pro-
iding training, salaries, and equipment of
ommunity development specialists, to provide
upport for the educational aspects of the youth
lovement; vocational training and agricul-
ural extension work.
lEMARKS BY MR. HILSMAN'
Tlie amendment to the Philippine War
Claims Bill which has just passed the American
vongress seems to me to be a symbol of the
inique relationship between the United States
nd the Philippines. It is also, I might say, a
tangible vote of confidence in President Maca-
pagaFs administration and in the ability of his
achiiinistration to get things done.
You will note that the amendment provides
for a full settlement of the mass of the claims.
Ninety-nine point six percent of the 86,000
claimants will be compensated to the maximum
permitted under the original 1946 legislation.
But, in addition, this compromise legislation
provides a special educational fund which will
amount to some $20 million or $30 million,
which will be available to the Philippine Gov-
ernment for educational programs and ex-
change. It is not just for educational exchange.
Senator Fulbright stressed that it was the in-
tent of the American Congress that these pro-
grams could be most broadly conceived.
Sympathetic consideration is given in Senator
Fulbright's statement to training and educa-
tional assistance, to teachers salaries, to what-
ever serves to promote education in the Philip-
pines.
It is up to the Government of the Pliilippines
to determine which programs it wishes to use
this money for. The fund can be geared to
and be an integral part of President Maca-
pagal's 5-year social economic program and
Land Reform Act. We in the United States
will cooperate to the fullest extent permitted
under the legislation to make this money have
a broad impact on the whole of the Philippines.
The Government of the Philippines can then
redirect its own appropriations from the edu-
cational field into other areas of economic and
social development.
Thus the amendment insures that the smaller
claimants will be paid in full. At the same
time, the Filipino people as a whole, who suf-
fered as a nation through the war, will receive
the benefits of rehabilitation payments. Not
just a narrow segment of society but the whole
of the Philippines will benefit by this special
fund set up under the compromise legislation.
^ Roger Hilsman, Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern
Affairs.
TJGTJST 19, 1963
301
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings ^
Adjourned During July 1963
U.N. IX'.M'K Training Center Seminar on Customs Administra- Bangkok May 2S-July 2
tion.
U.N. Trusteeship Council: 30th Session New York May 29-July I
ILO Inter-American V'ocational Training Research and Documenta- Rio de Janeiro .... June 24-July 2
tion Center: 2d Preparatory Meeting.
FAO Council: 40th Session Rome June 24-July 3
FAO/WHO Codex Alimentarius Commission Rome June 25-July 3
GATT Working Group on Printing Costs Geneva July 1-2
OI'X'D Industry Coininiltee Paris July 1-2
OKCD Fisheries Committee Paris July 1-3
IMCO Working Group on the Carriage of Dangerous Goods by London July 1-5
Sea.
International Whaling Commission: 15th Meeting London July 1-5
GATT Meats Group Geneva July 1-6
GATT Tariff Reduction Subcommittee Geneva July 1-6
2Gth International Conference on Public Education Geneva July 1-12
IBE Executive Committee Geneva July 1-12
U.N. ECOSOC Regional Cartographic Conference for Africa . . Nairobi July 1-15
OECD Committee for Manpower and Social Affairs Paris July 2-3
OECD Energy Committee Working Party Paris July 2 (1 day)
UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Working Paris July 2-5
Group on the International Cooperative Investigations of the
Tropical Atlantic.
U.N. EC.\FE Regional Symposium on Flood Control, Reclamation, Bangkok July 2-9
Utilization, and Development of Deltic Areas.
OECD Development Assistance Committee: Meeting on the Paris July 3 (1 day)
Congo.
U.N. Sugar Conference London July 3-4
OECD Committee for Agriculture Paris July 4-6
FAO Group on Grains: St h Session Rome July 4-12
3d International Film Festival Moscow July 7-21
OECD Joint Working Party on Apples and Pears Paris July 8 (1 day)
IMCO Subcommittee on the International Code of Signals . . . . London July 8-12
South Pacific Commission: Exploratorv Talks London JulV 8-12
GATT Working Party on Relations With Poland Geneva Julv9-ll
OECD Maritime Transport Committee Paris July 9-10
OECD Economic Policy Committee Paris Julv 10-11
OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party III (Balance of Paris Julv 12-13
Payments).
Conference of Aeronautical Authorities Ottawa July 15-20
OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II (Economic Paris July 16-17
Growth).
lA-ECOSOC Special Committee on Planning and Project Formula- San Jos6 July 16-24
tion: 2(1 Session.
lA-ECOSOC Special Committee on Fiscal and Financial Policies and San Jos6 July 16-24
Administration: 2d Session.
lA-ECOSOC Special Committee on Agricultural Development and San Jos6 July 16-24
Agrarian Reform: 2d Session.
U.N. EC A Meeting of Experts on Establishment of an African Khartoum, Sudan . . . Julv 16-26
Development Bank.
OECD Development Assistance Committee: Meeting on East Paris Julv 18-19
Africa.
' Prepared in the Offico of International Conferences, Aug. 2, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations:
ECA, Economic Commission for Africa; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECOSOC,
Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization: GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade; lA-ECOSOC, Inter-American Economic and Social Council; IBE, International Bureau of Education;
ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; OECD,
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; WHO, World Health Organization.
302 DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Inter-American Conference on Biology Education San Jos6 July 21-28
OECD Tourism Committee Paris July 22 (1 day)
Working Party on Costs of Production and Prices of the OECD Paris July 23 (1 day)
Economic Policy Committee: Ad Hoc Working Party of Experts
on the Relation of Wage Differentials to Labor Mobility.
OECD Oil Committee Paris July 23-25
OECD Development Assistance Committee: Ministerial Meeting . Paris July 24-25
In Session as of August 1, 1963
Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament . Geneva
U.N. Economic and Social Council: 36th Session Geneva
lA-ECOSOC Special Committee on Industrial Development and
Financing of the Private Sector: 2d Session.
lA-ECOSOC Special Committee on Health, Housing, and Commu-
nity Development: 2d Session.
U.N. ECA Conference of African Finance Ministers for the Estab-
lishment of a Development Bank.
International Coffee Council
Mar. 14, 1962-
July 2, 1963-
San Jos6 July 26-
San Jos6 July 26-
Khartoum, Sudan
July 27-
GATT Trade Negotiations Committee Geneva
London July 29-
July 31-
United States Explains Position
on Portuguese Territories
Folloiolng are statements made hy Ambas-
sador Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative
in the Security Council, on July 26 and 31,
together with the text of a resolution adopted
hy the Council on July 31.
STATEMENT OF JULY 26
D.S./U.N. press release 4230
The question which the Security Council has
been discussing for the past week has, as we all
know, troubled and concerned the United Na-
tions for several years. This concern has been
as deeply felt by my Government, I believe, as
any other.
The question of Portuguese territories has
been considered in the United Nations during
this period of time from three separate but very
much related aspects. The General Assembly
has examined the question in its relationship to
chapter XI of the charter and has unequivocally
declared itself.' The General Assembly has ex-
amined the question in relationship to Eesolu-
tion 1514, the Declaration on the Granting of
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo-
ples, and again has unequivocally declared
itself.- Finally, the Security Council has
examined at least part of the question — the
situation in Angola — in its relationship to inter-
national friction and the maintenance of inter-
national peace and security.^
And now once again the Security Council at
the request of 32 African nations has taken up
consideration of this question, and this time in
the broader framework of all of the Portuguese
territories in Africa.
The position of the United States and our
convictions on each of these aspects of the ques-
tion of Portuguese territories have been set
forth both in the Assembly and in the Security
Council. However, in order to make entirely
clear the starting point or, better perhaps, the
broad basis from which the United States ap-
proaches our current deliberations, I would,
with the indulgence of the Council, like to re-
view very briefly our position with regard to
each of these aspects.
First of aU, the General Assembly has found
the territories under Portuguese administration
are non-self-governing territories within the
meaning of chapter XI of the charter and,
therefore, are subject to the provisions of that
chapter. We supported that view in the Gen-
eral Assembly, and we have urged Portugal to
cooperate with the United Nations and to ful-
fill the obligations under chapter XI both as
regards the administration of the territories
U.N. doc. A/RES/1542 (XV).
'■ Bui-LETIN of Jan. 2, 1961, p. 21.
' Ihtn., Apr. 3. 1961, p. 497, and July 10, 1961, p.
ArOUST 19, 1963
303
themselves iind also the submission of informa-
tion to the Secretary-General.
Second, we have steadfastly supported the
principle of self-determination. I might add
what you already know that this position long
antedates the declaration contained in Resolu-
tion 1514, that it was first expounded as a uni-
versal doctrine by Woodrow AVilson at the end
of the First World War. At that time it was
still a new idea — though persuasive enough to
contribute to the creation of many independ-
ent nation-states both in Europe and in the
Middle East as successors to the Austro-Hun-
garian and the Ottoman empires. The right of
peoples to choose the terms of their political,
economic, and social destiny is written into our
Declaration of Independence and our Constitu-
tion, as it is written into the Charter of the
United Nations.
Hence the United States delegation has con-
tinuously supported in the United Nations, since
the initial consideration of Angola in the Se-
curity Council, measures calling for Portuguese
recognition of this principle and for an accelera-
tion of political, economic, and social advance-
ment for all inhabitants of Portuguese terri-
tories toward the full exercise of this
self-determination. Consistent with this belief
we have publicly and privately and continu-
ously urged Portugal to accept this principle
and give it practical effect for the peoples of
Portuguese territories.
We believe the I'nited Nations as an organ
devoted to the reduction of international fric-
tion, the maintenance of peace and security,
and dedicated therefore to peaceful change,
must relentlessly strive for a solution to this
proi)lem through the creative paths of peace,
difficult though these paths may often seem.
This principle is fundamental not only to the
charter but to the very concept of the United
Nations and is one which we shall not abandon.
To this end we have supported measures in the
Council and in the Assembly. We have also
undertaken bilateral efforts, some of which are
not unknown to the members of the Coimcil,
and we shall continue to do so as long as the
source of friction presented by the situation in
Portuguese territories continues to e.xist.
Peaceful Self-Determination
Mr. President, up until now I have delayed in
participating in this discussion. I have done so
because I wished to define the situation within
the terms of the charter and the functions of
the Security Council. To this end I have stud-
ied carefully the letter and accompanying
memorandum * submitted to the President of
the Security Council by the representatives of
32 African nations. I have carefully and at-
tentively considered the presentations of the
four African foreign ministers representing
the African chiefs of state and heads of govern-
ment who met so recently at Addis Ababa. I
have listened with equal attention and studied
just as carefully the Foreign Minister of Por-
tugal's statement to the Council. And after
hearing the subsequent statements of the mem-
bers of the Council, I believe we have a clearer
idea of the problem facing the Council and
how the Council might act to resolve what is
both a stalemate and a dispute. It is a stale-
mate because we have perceived no progress.
It is a dispute because there is a fundamental
difference of opinion.
Stalemates are of course a dangerous con-
dition in human affairs. They are the powder
kegs of history, and unless they are resolved
they may explode at any time into violence
with unpredictable consequences for the peace
of the world. Change will come in the Portu-
guese colonies; the present temporary stalemate
of forces will be broken one way or another in
the not too distant future.
The pace of decolonization in the last 18 j'ears
has been phenomenal. Wlien World War II
ended there were just over 50 independent na-
tions in the world. Today — less than a gen-
eration later — hardly 2 percent of the world's
population still live in dependent territories.
More independent nations have been created in
that period than existed in all the world at the
close of World War II. Here is a record to
satisfy the most impatient of us. No one can
complain that there has not been action and
progress — indeed action and progress far be-
yond what the most optimistic could liave ex-
pected in 1945.
* U.N. doc. S/5347.
304
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Most of this great achievement was accom-
plished with very little or no bloodshed. This
I think is also something of which all of us,
liberated and liberators alike, particularly we
the members of tliis great peacekeeping orga-
nization, can be proud. We have achieved free-
dom and we have kept the peace, and we have
many members of this organization, both lib-
erated and liberators, to thank.
Now that should also be our goal in the case
of the Portuguese territories. Change will
come, self-determination will come. There can
be no question about tliat. Tlie only question
is whether it will come peacefully or with a vio-
lence and bloodshed which will reflect on the
prestige of the United Nations and on the loy-
alty of its members to the charter and which
will cause suffering and hardship to the peoples
in whose interests we profess to act, the peoples
of the Portuguese territories.
There is no conflict of principle before this
liouse. The only issue before us — complex as
it may be — is to discover and to agree npon the
most practical way open to this organization
to help bring about peaceful change, in the
interests of the people of the Portuguese ter-
ritories, in the interests of the Republic of Por-
tugal, and of the independent states of Africa
and the peace of the world.
The core of the problem is the acceptance
and the application of the right of self-deter-
mination, as the preceding speakers have said.
Dr. [Alberto Franco] Nogueira, the distin-
guished Foreign Minister of Portugal, has con-
tended that the criteria and procedure defined
by the United Nations for the exercise of this
concept cannot justifiably or realistically be
considered the only criteria for valid self-
determination.
I hope he does not fear that any of us are
seeking to deprive Portugal of its proper place
in Africa. Many African leaders around this
table and elsewhere have emphasized that, once
Portugal has granted self-determination, it will,
in the interest of the inhabitants of its present
territories as well as in its own interest, have
a great role to play in the field of economic
and cultural development and progress. The
United States has in the past offered to give
sympathetic consideration to any request by
Portugal for material assistance in fulfilling
certain aspects of that responsibility. No doubt
otliers would likewise be prepared to assist.
But in any case, with or without help, Portu-
gal's role in Africa will be ended only if it re-
fuses to collaborate in the great and the inevi-
table changes which are taking place. If it
does collaborate, its continuing role is assured,
and I for one, sitting here in my own belialf,
should like to express with pride the gratitude
of my Government for the progress that Portu-
gal is attempting to make to improve the con-
ditions of life among the inhabitants of its
territories.
However, the overwhelming majority of the
United Nations, which have been most effec-
tively represented by the African ministers
present at the Council table, do not agree that
the self-determination of which the Foreign
Minister of Portugal speaks is sufficient. And
this disagreement has been the subject not only
of this discussion here during the past week
but of many decisions in tlie United Nations.
We must persevere, I suggest, as the charter
requires in peaceful efforts to establish this
principle and to get it cai'ried out. We believe
the African states have shown a sense of re-
sponsibility in coming to the Council with such
a clear and such a reasonable objective.
For our part, the United States cannot ac-
cept and must emphatically reject the concept
suggested to the Council that an acceptable
means of solving such a problem is to aggra-
vate the situation until it does indeed become
a threat to international peace and security, as
my distinguished British colleague has said
here a moment ago. This concept is a contra-
diction of the provisions and the spirit of the
charter itself to which we and our governments
are pledged to conform. We are not here to
create threats to peace and security but to pre-
vent them; we are not here to endanger the
peace but to guard it. We are here to
strengthen and not to burn the moral and the
legal foundations of a peaceful world order.
Unfortunately the problem is that there is
no dialog going on and thus little chance for the
voice of reason to prevail. There is a kind of
vacuum in which emotions can only continue
to become embittered. But we believe — based
ArorST 19, 1963
305
on the statements of the four foreign ministers,
who in the lirst instance seek a peaceful solu-
tion and have appealed for Portuguese coopera-
tion, and on tlie statement of the Foreign Min-
ister of Portugal, who suggested conversations
with African leadere without reservations or
restrictions — that the grounds exist for these
channels to be reopened in the interests of the
people of the Portuguese territories.
Getting Parties Together
Tills tliun, it seems to us, is the place to start.
The second essential is to make sure that they
are talking about tiie right things, including
the means of exercising self-determination.
Now. Mr. President, third parties cannot speak
for Portugal, nor can they speak for the people
of t he Portuguese colonies, nor for the African
leaders. Yet it is plain that the principals in
this dispute need help in getting together, in
breaking down the barriers which prevent any
discussion at all from even beginning. And
this is one place where I suggest that the Secu-
rity Council can play an effective role.
The United States is convinced that it would
be useful to designate a special representative
of the Security Council whose task it would be
to facilitate a meaningful dialog between the
Government of Portugal and appropriate Afri-
can leaders. Such a representative would visit
the territories, would consult with all concerned,
would take appropriate steps to open consulta-
tions to bring about a real exercise of self-
determination and the reduction of interna-
tional friction. If that can be done, the right
people will be talking about the riglit subject.
It is our belief that this Council must make
everj' possible ell'ort to get significant consulta-
tions started. And in this connection we note
with gratification that the Foreign Minister of
Portugal has invited the African foreign min-
isters or their representatives to visit Portu-
guese territories. He has placed no conditions
or limitations on these visits. And this seems,
too, a most valuable offer made in a spirit of
cooperation. Though this invitation is obvi-
ously only a partial step, we hope that it will
be accepted and that it will contribute to the
achievement of the objectives we all approve.
"We have seen the end of apparent stalemate
many times in the course of history — frequently,
I remind you, when the outlook seemed darker
than ever and, on occasion, just in the nick of
time. I need only refer by way of example to
the news that came to us only yesterday that
the long, dreary, frustrating stalemate in the
nuclear testing issue appears to be broken." It
was broken because men declined to surrender
to despair, because men worked patiently and
imaginatively to break that deadlock.
Obligations of U.N. Members
Finally, Mr. President, there is even more, I
would like to suggest, at stake here than the
course of events in tlie Portuguese colonies in
the next few years.
There is, I believe, an obligation on the part
of the United Nations to do its utmost to see
that the great story of national liberation — to
which the United Nations has already contrib-
uted so much — ends on a note of peaceful change
and not in a bloodbath.
There is, I believe, an obligation to prove that
this democratic institution, the Security Council
of the United Nations, possesses the central vir-
tue of a democratic institution and that is the
capacity to support and to stimulate peaceful
change, which is the only alternative to violence
and war in a world of rapid change.
And there is, I believe, a heavj' obligation
on each of us to strengthen the United Nations
by a realistic appraisal of its limitations as well
as its capacities — and working day in and day
out to expand these capacities until the day
comes when the United Nations is fuUy
equipped to keep the peace of the world and to
manage and enforce peaceful change.
In these respects our actions here will echo
in the historj' of the years to come.
Three-Power Resolution
Now in the draft resolution ® before us sub-
mitted by Ghana, Morocco, and the Philippines,
there is little of substance with which my dele-
gation disagrees. Our aims are very close to its
aims, and we shall be happy to support them if
' For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963,
p. 234.
' U.N. doc. S/5372.
306
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
they are couched in a fomi and hinguage which
we can accept and which are consistent with the
charter, which is the sovereign hxw of all of us.
But the present language of the resolution
we cannot accept, and we could not vote for
the resolution m its present form. Though we
agree that the situation in the Portuguese terri-
tories in Africa gives rise to very serious inter-
national friction and might, if continued,
endanger the maintenance of international
peace and security, we do not agree that a threat
to the peace already exists. We do not agree,
therefore, that the situation falls Avithin the
scope of chapter VTI of the charter or that the
language of any resolution we adopt should so
suggest.
Moreover, some of the language of the resolu-
tion before us is almost certain not to promote
but to inhibit the consultations to which we have
referred and which we consider the most hope-
ful approach toward a peaceful, prompt settle-
ment of this problem on the basis of the prin-
ciples every member of the Security Council
has endoi'sed.
Let us not surrender to the emotion and frus-
tration that this issue has generated, no matter
what the provocation, but rather carefully select
the tone and the words most likely to further
the ends we so earnestly seek.
The restriction on the sale and the supply
of arms and military equipment to Portugal for
use in its African territories, which appears in
paragraph 6 of the draft resolution, is a policy
which the United States has in fact, as we have
frequently stated in the United Nations, been
pursuing for some years. We would, therefore,
see no reason for objecting to such a rec-
ommendation based on the fact that such sales
might contribute to increasing international
friction in the area in a resolution otherwise
satisfactoi'y.
Finally, we must not impose an impossible
burden on the Secretary-General or on any rep-
resentative he may name to deal with this prob-
j lem. It cannot under the best of circumstances
be solved overnight. Let us assign him reason-
'able goals to be achieved without undue delay
and also without unrealistic time limits which
would only arouse false hopes. I have already
suggested that an alternative to imposing this
burden directly upon the Secretary-General
might be to ask him to appoint someone to serve
as a special representative of the Security Coun-
cil who would be able to devote himself exclu-
sively to this case and whose mandate in the
implementation of self-determination might be
spelled out more extensively in a resolution.
We believe that, through further consulta-
tions among members of this Council and the
four African ministers who are visiting us, a
draft can be produced which could command
general acceptance and could enable the Coun-
cil to adopt a resolution by a large majority.
It is far better, it seems to lis, to take joint
action by an impressive degree of unanimity,
even though it does not go as far as many would
like, than to fail to reach agreement and find
ourselves unable to take any effective action at
all on this great issue.
STATEMENT OF JULY 31
U.S. /U.N. press release 4232
It is the very sincere hope of the United
States delegation that the resolution ' which
has just been adopted by the Council will not
hinder but will contribute to the peaceful solu-
tion of the situation in the Portuguese terri-
tories.
The United States abstained on the resolu-
tion primarily because we do not believe that it
is drafted in either language or form best cal-
culated to achieve the results which we all seek
as quickly and as harmoniously as possible.
In my earlier statement before the Council,
I remarked that the aims of the resolution orig-
inally proposed by Ghana, Morocco, and the
Philippines were very close to our aims and that
I thought that, through further consultations
among the members of this Council and with
the African foreign ministers, a resolution could
be produced which would command more gen-
eral acceptance. Consultations did take place,
and I should like to express appreciation for
the spirit of reasonableness, of cooperation and
accommodation of the sponsors of the resolu-
tion, of the African foreign ministers and the
other members of the Security Council.
' U.N. doc. S/53S0.
AUGUST 19, 1963
307
As a result of these consultations, some wel-
come modifications which in our judgment im-
proved the resolution were suggested and ac-
cepted by the sponsors. They have been pro-
posed as amendments* by the distinguished
representative of Venezuela and have now been
adopted by the Council. These changes have
helped to relieve the apprehensions of the
United States about the use of language which,
in our opinion, clearly fell within the terms of
chapter VII of the charter. We welcome the
statement of the distinguished delegate of
Ghana that even the wording in the resolution
draft was not intended to invoke chapter VII.
And we are glad to see that tlie language has
now been further changed to leave no doubt on
that score.
We regret that other objections which we had
to the original text, however, still remain and
that, accordingly, it was not possible to produce
a full agreement among us.
I repeat in this explanation of our abstention
what I have already said. While the United
States cannot agree with some of the provisions
of the resolution just adopted, we do agree with
much of the substance of the resolution and
have from the very infancy of our Republic be-
lieved in the principle of self-determination of
peoples. The heart of this resolution and the
settlement of the danger posed by the situation
in the overseas territories of Portugal in Africa
is the recognition and the application of that
right of self-determination for the peoples of
these territories. The Council has called on
Portugal to recognize this right and to under-
take negotiations on this basis. We firmly be-
lieve that the developments we all want can be
achieved and can only be achieved in an orderly,
peaceful manner and without further violence
and suffering on both sides as a consequence of
such negotiations conducted in good faith.
By its action the Council has also requested
the Secretary-General to furnish such assistance
as he may deem necessary to this end. This we
believe is a significant provision, and the assist-
ance of a third party may be helpful, if not
indispensable, to a peaceful solution. The task
'U.X. doc. S,5379.
could be time consuming and heavily tax the pa-
tience, the resourcefulness, and the skill of such
a third party. We hope he will draw on the
many resources and methods available to him
in a persistent and continuing effort to insure
progress. We are confident that the Secretary-
General and his representatives in pursuing this
formidable mission will also in accordance
with his charter authority and responsibility
take every possible step to reduce friction and
to bring about the change in a peaceful setting.
But ultimately he must count on the spirit of
cooperation and accommodation of the parties.
Without it there can be no satisfactory sequel to
the Council's action here today.
The resolution also asks that member states
refrain from the sale or the supply of arms
and military equipment to Portugal for use in
the Portuguese overseas territories in Africa.
The United States has felt that arms supplied
to Portugal for other purposes and used in its
overseas territories might well contribute to an
increase in friction and danger. With these
considerations in mind, the United States has
for a number of years followed a policy of pro-
viding no arms or military equipment to Por-
tugal for use in these territories. .:Vnd with
these same objectives in mind, we have also pro-
hibited direct export of arms and military
equipment to the Portuguese territories. The
United States will continue to adhere to this
policy. We trust, Mr. President, that other
states will exercise a similar restraint, avoiding
actions of any kind which could further in-
crease the tensions in the area and that tlipy will
cooperate fully to assure that the solution will
be achieved through peaceful means.
To resolve the longstanding controversy
about the future of these territories in a man-
ner consistent with the course of history, with
the wishes of all of the inhabitants, and in ac-
cordance with the Charter of the United Na-
tions would be a great boon to this troubled
world. And my Government earnestly hopes
that the interested parties, with the help and
the encouragement of the United Nations and
all of the friends of peace, will arrive at that
destination. They can count on the help, if
wanted, of the Government of the United
States.
308
DEPARTMEXT OF STATE BULLETIN
TEXT OF RESOLUTION*
The Security Council,
Having examined the situation in the Territories
under Portuguese administration as submitted by the
thirty-two African Member States,
Recalling Security Council resolution S/4S35 of 9
June 19G1 '" and General Assembly resolutions 1807
(XVII) of 14 December 1962 and 1819 (XVII) of
18 December 1962,
Recalling General Assembly resolution 1542 (XV)
of 15 December 1960 which declares the Territories
under Portuguese administration to be Non-Self-
Governing Territories within the meaning of Chapter
XI of the Charter, as well as General Assembly resolu-
tion 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, by which the
General Assembly declared inter alia that immediate
steps be tal^en to transfer all powers to the people of
these Territories without any conditions or reserva-
tions in accordance with their freely expressed wishes,
without distinction as to race, creed or colour in order
to enable them to enjoy complete freedom and
independence,
1. Confirms resolution 1514 (XV) of the General
Assembly of 14 December 1960 ;
2. Affirms that the policies of Portugal in claiming
the Territories under its administration as "overseas"
territories and as integral parts of metropolitan Portu-
gal are contrary to the principles of the Charter and
the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and
Security Council ;
3. Deprecates the attitude of the Portuguese Govern-
ment, its repeated violations of the principles of the
United Nations Charter and its continued refusal to
implement the resolutions of the General Assembly
and of the Security Council ;
4. Determines that the situation in the Territories
under Portuguese administration Is seriously disturb-
ing peace and security in Africa ;
5. Urgently calls upon Portugal to implement the
following :
"(a) The immediate recognition of the right of the
peoples of the Territories under its administration to
self-determination and independence ;
(b) The immediate cessation of all acts of repres-
sion and the withdrawal of all military and other
forces at present employed for that purpose ;
(c) The promulgation of an unconditional political
jmnesty and the establishment of conditions that will
lUow the free functioning of political parties ;
I (d) Negotiations, on the basis of the recognition of
he right to self-determination, with the authorized
•epresentatives of the political parties within and out-
side the Territories with a view to the transfer of
° r.X. doc. S/5380 and Corr. 1 ; adopted by the Council
'in July 31 by a vote of 8 to 0, with 3 abstentions (U.S.,
J.K., France).
" Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 89.
power to political institutions freely elected and rep-
resentative of the peoples, in accordance with resolu-
tion 1514 (XV) ;
(e) The granting of independence immediately
thereafter to all the Territories under its administra-
tion in accordance with the aspirations of the jjeoples ;"
6. Requests that all States should refrain forthwith
from offering the Portuguese Government any assist-
ance which would enable it to continue its repression
of the peoples of the Territories under its administra-
tion, and take all measures to prevent the sale and
supply of arms and military equipment for this purpose
to the Portuguese Government ;
7. Requests the Secretary-General to ensure the im-
plementation of the provisions of this resolution, to
furnish such assistance as he may deem necessary and
to report to the Security Council by 31 October 1963.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those
listed below) may he consulted, at depository libraries
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may
be purchased from the Sales Section of the United
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
Security Council
Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Coun-
cil on latest developments concerning the proposed
Yemen observation mission. S/5325. June 7, 1963.
ip.
Note verbale dated June 7, 1963, from the U.S. repre-
sentative addressed to the Secretary-General con-
cerning the appointment of Gen. Hamilton H. Howze
as commanding general of the military forces made
available to the unified command. S/5327. June
19, 1963. 1 p.
Letter dated June 10, 1963, from the representative of
the Syrian Arab Republic addressed to the Secre-
tary-General regarding alleged violation of the armis-
tice agreement by Israel, S/5329, June 10, 1963, 1 p. ;
note verbale dated June 11, 19<33, from the repre-
sentative of Israel to the Secretary-General in reply,
S/5332, June 11, 1963, 2 pp.
Letter dated June 14, 1963, from the representative
of Saudi Arabia addressed to the Secretary-General
enclosing a summary of alleged Egyptian air raids on
Saudi Arabian territory, S/5333, June 17, 1963, 3 pp. ;
letter dated June 20, 1963, from the representative
of the United Arab Republic to the Secretary-Gen-
eral in reply, S/5336, June 21, 1963, 2 pp.
Letter dated June 22, 1963, from the representative of
the Yemen Arab Republic addressed to the Presi-
dent of the Security Council and the Secretary-Gen-
eral regarding alleged armed aggression by British
forces, S/5338, June 24, 1963, 2 pp.; letter dated
July 1, 1963, from the deputy permanent representa-
tive of the United Kingdom to the President of the
Security Council In reply, S/5343, July 2, 1963, 4 pp.
VUGUST 19, 1963
309
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Narcotics
Protocol for limiting and regulating the cultivation of
the iKippy plant, the production of, international and
wholesale trade in, and use of opium. Done at New
York June Zi, 1!>.')3. Entered into force March 8,
1!)(W. TIAS '•■2-:i.
Ratification deposited: Turkey, July 15, 1963.
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries
Protocol (relating to harp and hood seals) to the In-
ternational Convention for the Northwest Atlantic
Fisheries (TIAS 2089). Done at Washington
July 1.".. I'.k;.-'..'
Signatures: France and Portugal, July 29, 1963.
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere, in outer space and under water. Signed at
Moscow August .">, 1903. Enters into force after
deposit of ratifications by the United States, the
United Kingdom, and the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics.
Signatures: United States, United Kingdom, and
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
Trade
Protocol for the accession of Spain to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
April 30, 1963.'
Signature: United States, July 26, 1963.
BILATERAL
Brazil
Agreement amending the agreement of November 5,
1957, as amended (TIAS 3SH9, 4036), for financing
certain educational exchange programs. Effected by
exchange of notes at Rio de Janeiro May 20 and
June 6, 1963. Entered into force Jime 6, 1963.
Japan
Arrangement providing for Japan's financial contribu-
tions for United States administrative and related
' Not In force.
expenses during the Japanese fl.scal year 1963 under
the mutual defense assistance agreement of March 8,
1954. Effected by exchange of notes at Tokyo July
19, 1963. Entered into force July 19, 1963.
Malagasy Republic
Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Effected
by exchange of notes at Tananarive July 26, 1903.
Entered into force July 26, 1963.
United Kingdom
Amendment to the agreement of June 15, 1955, as
amended (TIAS 3321, 3359, 3608, 4078), for coopera-
tion on the civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at
Washington June 5, 1963.
Entered into force: July 31, 1963.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Confirmations
The Senate on July 31 confirmed the following
nominations :
George W. Anderson, Jr., to be Ambassador to Por-
tugal. ( For biographic details, see White House press
release dated May 21. )
Howard Rex Cottam to be Ambassador to the State
of Kuwait. (For biographic details, see Department
of State press release 405 dated August 6.)
Donald A. Dumont to be Ambassador to the Kingdom
of Burundi. (For biographic details, see White House
press release dated July 26. )
Henry Cabot Lodge to be Ambassador to the Re-
public of Viet-Nam.
James I. Loeb to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Guinea. (For biographic details, see White House
press release dated June 21. )
Claude G. Ross to be Ambassador to the Central
African Republic. (For biographic details, see White
House press release dated July 13. )
Appointments
Samuel Z. Westeriield. Jr., as Deputy Assistant Sec-
retary for Economic Affairs, effective July 28. (For
biographic details, see Department of State press re-
lease 398 dated July 30. )
310
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtJLLETIJT
INDEX August 19, 196S Vol. XLIX, No. 1260
Africa. OurPolicy Toward Africa (Fredericks) . 284
Agriculture. The Kennedy Round — Progress
and Promise (Gossett) 291
Algeria. Letters of Credence (Guellal) . . . 297
Atomic Energy. Negotiating a Limited Treaty
for Banning Nuclear Tests (Harriman) . . 278
Burundi. Dumont confirmed as Ambassador . 310
Canada. U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee To
Meet at Washington 297
Central African Republic. Ross contirmed as
Ambassador 310
Congress
Confirmations (Anderson, Cottam, Dumont,
Lodge, Loeb, Ross) 310
Department Welcomes Amendment to Philippine
War Damage Act (Hilsman) 301
Members of Advisory Commission on Cultural
Affairs Confirmed 297
President Recommends Revision of Immigration
Laws (text of letter) 298
W. M. Blumenthal Confirmed Deputy for Trade
Negotiations 297
Department and Foreign Service
Ambassadors Aslied To Report on Activities in
Promoting Exports (Rusk) 290
Appointments (Westerfleld) 310
Confirmations (Anderson, Cottam, Dumont,
Lodge, Loeb, Ross) 310
Economic Affairs
Ambassadors Asked To Report on Activities in
Promoting Exports (Rusk) 290
The Kennedy Round — Progress and Promise
(Gossett) 291
U.8. -Canadian Economic Committee To Meet at
Washington 297
Westerfleld appointed Deputy Assistant Secre-
tary 310
W. M. Blumenthal Conflrmed Deputy for Trade
Negotiations 297
Ecuador. U.S. Recognizes Military Junta as
Government of Ecuador 282
Educational and Cultural Affairs
Department Welcomes Amendment to Philippine
War Damage Act (Hilsman) 301
Members of Advisory Commission on Cultural
Affairs Confirmed 297
Europe. The Kennedy Round — Progress and
Promise (Gossett) 291
Foreign Aid. AID Closes Mission in Haiti . . 297
Guinea. Loeb confirmed as Ambassador . . 310
Haiti. AID Closes Mission in Haiti .... 297
Immigration and Naturalization. President
Recommends Revision of Immigration Laws
(text of letter) 298
International Organizations and Conferences.
<'alendar of International Conferences and
.^leetings 302
Korea. U.S. Comments on Communist Inspired
' Incidents in Korea 283
Kuwait. Cottam confirmed as Ambassador . . 310
Military Affairs. U.S. Comments on Communist
Inspired Incidents in Korea 283
Philippines. Department Welcomes Amendment
to Philippine War Damage Act (Hilsman) . 301
Portugal
Anderson confirmed as Ambassador .... 310
United States Explains Position on Portuguese
Territories (Stevenson, text of resolution) . 303
Presidential Documents. President Recom-
mends Revision of Immigration Laws . . . 298
Treaty Information
Current Actions 310
Negotiating a Limited Treaty for Banning
Nuclear Tests (Harriman) 278
U.S.S.R. Negotiating a Limited Treaty for
Banning Nuclear Tests (Harriman) . . . 278
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents 309
United States Explains Position on Portuguese
Territories (Stevenson, text of resolution) . 303
Viet-Nam. Lodge confirmed as Ambassador . 310
Name Index
Adams, Walter 297
Anderson, George W 310
Blumenthal, W. Michael 297
Cottam, Howard Rex 310
Dumont, Donald A 310
Fredericks, .1. Wayne 284
Gossett, William T 291
Guellal, Cherif 297
Harriman, W. Averell 278
Hilsman, Roger 301
Kennedy, President 298
Lodge, Henry Cabot 310
Loeb, James I 310
Ross, Claude G 310
Rusk, Secretary 290
Smythe, Mabel M 297
Stevenson, Adlai E 303
Westerfleld, Samuel Z., Jr 310
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: July 29-August 4
Press releases may be obtained from the Of-
fice of News, Department of State, Washington,
D.C. 20.520.
Releases issued prior to July 29 which appear
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 388 of July
24 and 390 of July 18.
N'o. Date Subject
*395 7/29 U.S. participation in international
conferences.
t396 7/29 Modernization of consular opera-
tions (rewrite).
397 7/30 U.S.-Canadian Committee on Trade
and Economic Affairs.
*398 7/30 Westerfleld appointed Deputy As-
sistant Secretary for Economic
Affairs (biographic details).
399 7/31 Relations with Ecuador resumed.
400 7/31 Department statement on Philippine
war damage legislation.
401 8/2 Rusk : letter to ambassadors on ex-
port drive.
t403 8/3 Gardner: "Human Rights— Some
Next Steps" (as-delivered text).
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
. 60VERNHENT F
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY EECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
,n Public Library
ndent ot Documents
1963
DEPOSITORY
Vol. XLIX, No. 1261
August 26, 1963
NUCLEAR TEST BAN TREATY SIGNED AT MOSCOW, TRANSMITTED TO
SENATE FOR ADVICE AND CONSENT TO RATIFICATION 3U
HUMAN RIGHTS— SOME NEXT STEPS
Address by Richard N. Gardner, Presidents Letter to Senate,
and Texts of Conventions 320
SECURITY COUNCIL CALLS FOR BAN ON SALE OF ARMS
TO SOUTH AFRICA
Statements iy Ambassadors Adlai E. Stevenson and Charles W. Yost
and Text of Resolution 333
For index see vimde book cover
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Signed at Moscow, Transmitted
to Senate for Advice and Consent to Ratification
A treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the
atmosphere, in outer space, and under water was
signed by representatives of the United States,
the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union at
Moscow on August 6} Following are texts of
remarks mn.de by Secretary Busk at the sign-
ing ceremony and a joint commvm.ique released
simultaneously by the three Governments, to-
gether with a message from President Kennedy
transmitting the treaty to the Senate on August
8 and a memorandum from the Acting Secre-
tary of State which accompanied the Presidents
m,easage.
THE SIGNING AT MOSCOW
Remarks by Secretary Rusk
Our three Governments have today taken
what all mankind must hope ■will be a first step
on the road to a secure and peaceful world.
The treaty we have signed today is a good first
' For text of the treaty, initialed at Moscow on July
25, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 239.
step — a step for which the United States has
long and devoutly hoped. But it is only a
first step. It does not end the threat of nuclear
war. It does not reduce nuclear stockpiles; it
does not halt the production of nuclear weap-
ons; it does not restrict their use in time of war.
It is therefore not possible for us to guar-
antee now what the significance of this act will
be. History will eventually record how we deal
with the unfinished business of peace. But each
of our Governments can and will play an im-
portant role in determining what future his-
torians will report.
For it will be our individual policies, atti-
tudes, and actions by which this step in the
arms control field can be made the first and only
one, or the first of many. If collectively we
and other nations pursue a course to insure that
the forward momentum of tliis agreement is
maintained by further steps, man's long, hope-
ful quest for peace will cease to be only a dream
and will begin to acquire solid reality.
So today the President of the United States
directed me to sign this treaty, which I have
done with great satisfaction, preparatory to its
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 1261 PUBLICATION 7S90 AUGUST 26, 1963
The DepnrlineDt of State Bulletin, a
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311
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BTJI.I.ETIN
submission to om- Senate for its consideration
under our constitutional system. In a broader
sense, the signature of tliis treaty represents the
readiness of the United States to join with
the two other original signatories, and with
other nations, in a determined and sustained
effort to find practical means by which tensions
can be reduced and the burdens of the arms
race lifted from the shoulders of our peoples.
For this reason, we are particularly pleased that
Secretary-General U Thant has accepted our in-
vitation to be here for this occasion.
Text of Communique
Press release 404 dated August 5
On August 5 in Moscow in the Grand Krem-
lin Palace A. A. Gromyko, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics, Mr. Eusk, Secretary of State of the
United States of America, and Lord Home,
Her Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, signed a Treaty Ban-
ning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere,
in Outer Space and Under Water.
U Thant, Secretary General of the United
Nations, who had been invited by the three
signatory Governments, was present at the
signing of the Treaty.
The signing ceremony was attended on be-
half of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
by N. S. Khrushchev, Chairman of the Council
of Ministers of the U.S.S.R., L. I. Brezhnev,
Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R., A. P. Kirilenko, L. N.
Efremov, Yu. V. Andropov, L. F. Ilichev,
B. N. Ponomarev, V. N. Titov, A. N. Shelepin,
D. F. Ustinov, "V. Ye. Dymshits, M. A. Lesech-
ko, P. F. I^mako, I. T. Novikov, K. N. Rudnev,
L. V. Smirnov, R. Ya. Malinovski, E. P. Slav-
ski, A. M. Petrosyants, V. V. Kuznetsov, V. A.
Zorin, A. A. Sobolev, A. A. Grochko, S. K.
Tsarapkin, A. F. Dobrynin, A. A. Soldatov,
and the following Chiefs of Sections of the Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. : M. N.
Smirnovski, G. I. Tonkin, L. M. Zamyatin, F.
F. Molochkov, Z. V. Mironova; on behalf of
the United States of America by Honorable
Adlai Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the
United Nations, Senator Aiken, Senator Ful-
bright. Senator Saltonstall, Senator Humphrey,
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Open for Signing
statement hy Acting Secretary Ball ^
The treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the
atmosphere, in outer space, and under water is
open for signing today in three capitals of the
world. Nations representing every continent and
every political system will sign the treaty in this
room today. Alany more have made clear that
they intend to accede, and we look forward to the
time when almost every nation in the world will
subscribe to the treaty's obligations.
This agreement between the United States, the
United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union was the
solemn act of the three major nuclear i)owers,
resolved to begin the business of trying to arrest
and control the nuclear arms race — a race that
is devouring our resources at an increasing rate,
a race that prepares us for a war no sane man
can want, and in which there can be no "victory."
Yet, in today's world, none of the nuclear
powers can stop or even slow that race alone.
Only by the joint action of nations willing to
move forward together can we make progress.
No one can predict what this treaty will bring.
We may hope, however, that it will lead to the
further and broader measures that the world so
sorely needs to secure a just and lasting peace.
' Made at the signing ceremony at Washington
on Aug. 8 (press release 408). The treaty was
also open for signature at London and Moscow
on the same date.
Senator Pastore, Honorable William C. Foster,
Director, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency, Honorable Glenn Seaborg, Chairman,
U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, Honorable
Llewellyn Thompson, Ambassador at Large,
Honorable Arthur Dean, Consultant to Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency, Honorable
Foy D. Kohler, U.S. Ambassador to the
U.S.S.R. ; on behalf of the United Kingdom by
The Right Honorable Edward Heath, Lord
Privy Seal, Mr. Peter Thomas, Minister of
State, Sir Harold Caccia, Permanent Under
Secretary, Foreign Office, Sir Humphrey
Trevelyan, Her Britannic Majesty's Ambassa-
dor in Moscow.
The Treaty, in three original and identical
texts in the Russian and English languages, was
signed simultaneously by A. A. Gromyko, Mr.
AUGUST 26, 1963
315
Rusk and Ix)r(l Home. The signers and the
Seoivtary (ieneral of the U.N. made brief
speeclies whicli are published separately.
The three Governments which signed the
Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the
Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water
have agreed that this Treaty is an important
initial step towards the lessening of intema-
tioiuil tension and the strengthening of peace,
and have expressed their hope that further
progress will be achieved towards that end.
The three Governments have expressed the
hope that other States will accede to the Treaty.
They will themselves take the necessary meas-
ures for the prompt ratification of the Treaty in
accordance with their respective constitutional
procedures.
It was agreed that the Treaty would be open
for signature in all three capitals beginning on
August 8.
The signing of the Treaty was attended by
numerous representatives of the Soviet and
foreign press, radio and television.
TRANSMITTAL TO THE SENATE'
The President's Message
The White House, August 8, 1963
To the Senate of the United States:
With a view to receiving the advice and con-
sent of the Senate to ratification, I transmit
herewith a certified copy of the treaty banning
nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in
outer space, and underwater, signed at Moscow
on August .'), 196.3, on behalf of the United
States of America, the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
This treaty is the first concrete result of 18
years of effort by the United States to impose
limits on the nuclear arms race. There is hope
that it may lead to further measures to arrest
and control the dangerous competition for in-
creasingly destructive weapons.
The provisions of the treaty are explained in
the report of the Acting Secretary of State,
transmitted herewith. Essentially it prohibits
" 9. Ex. M, asth CoriK., Ist ses8.
only those nuclear tests that we ourselves can
police. It permits nuclear tests and explosions
underground so long as all fallout is contained
within the country where the test or explosion
is conducted.
In the weeks before and after the test ban
negotiations, the hopes of the world have been
focused on this treaty. Especially in America,
where nuclear energy was first unlocked, where
the danger of nuclear war and the meaning of
radioactive fallout are so clearly recognized,
there has been understanding and support for
this effort. Now the treaty comes before the
Senate, for that careful study which is the
constitutional obligation of the members of that
body. As that study begins I wish to urge that
the following considerations be kept clearly
in mind:
First: This treaty is the whole agreement.
U.S. negotiators in Moscow were instructed not
to make this agreement conditioned upon any
other understanding; and they made none.
The treaty speaks for itself.
Second : This treaty advances, though it does
not assure, world peace; and it will inhibit,
though it does not prohibit, the nuclear arms
race.
Wliile it does not prohibit the United States
and the Soviet Union from engaging in all
nuclear tests, it will radically limit the test-
ing in which both nations would otherwise
engage.
While it will not halt the production or re-
duce the existing stockpiles of nuclear weap-
ons, it is a first step toward limiting the
nuclear arms race.
Wliile it will not end the threat of nu-
clear war or outlaw the use of nuclear weap-
ons, it can reduce world tensions, open a way
to further agreements, and thereby help to
ease the threat of war.
Wliile it cannot wholly prevent the spread
of nuclear arms to nations not now possessing
them, it prohibits assistance to testing in these
environments by others; it will be signed by
many other potential testers; and it is thus
an important opening wedge in our effort
to "get the genie back in the bottle."
Third: The treaty will curb the pollution of
our atmosphere. While it does not assure ihe
316
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
world that it will be forever free from the fears
and dangers of radioactive fallout from atmos-
pheric tests, it will greatly reduce the numbers
and dangers of such tests.
Fourth: This treaty protects our rights in
the future. It cannot be amended without the
consent of the United States, including the con-
sent of the Senate ; and any party to tlie treaty
has the right to withdraw, upon 3 months'
notice, if it decides that extraordinary events
related to the subject matter of the treaty have
jeopardized its supreme interests.
Fifth: This treaty does not alter the status
of unrecognized regimes. The provisions relat-
ing to ratification by others, and the precedents
of international law, make it clear that our ad-
herence to this treaty, and the adherence of any
other party, can in no way accord or even imply
recognition by the United States or any other
nation of any regime which is not now accorded
such recognition.
Sixth: This treaty does not halt American
nuclear progress. The United States has more
experience in imderground testing than any
other nation ; and we intend to use this capacity
to maintain the adequacy of our arsenal. Our
atomic laboratories will maintain an active de-
velopment progi'am, including underground
testing, and we will be ready to resume testing
in the atmosphere if necessary. Continued re-
search on developing the peaceful uses of atomic
energy will be possible through underground
testing.
Seventh: This treaty is not a substitute for,
and does not diminish the need for, continued
Western and American military strength to
meet all contingencies. It will not prevent us
from building all the strength that we need;
and it is not a justification for unilaterally cut-
ting our defensive strength at this time. Our
choice is not between a limited treaty and ef-
fective strategic strength — we need and can
have both. The continuous buildup in the
power and invulnerability of our nuclear arsenal
in recent years has been an important factor in
persuading others that the time for a limitation
has arrived.
Eighth : This treaty will assure the security
of the United States better tlian continued un-
limited testing on both sides. According to a
comprehensive report prepared by the respon-
sible agencies of Government for the National
Security Council, the tests conducted by both
the Soviet Union and the United States since
President Eisenhower first proposed this kind
of treaty in 1959 have not resulted in any sub-
stantial alteration in the strategic balance. In
1959 our relative nuclear position was strong
enough to make a limited test ban desirable, and
it remains so today. Under this ti'eaty any
gains in nuclear strength and knowledge which
could be made by the tests of any other power —
including not only underground tests but even
any illegal tests which might escape detection —
could not be sufficient to offset the ability of
our strategic forces to deter or survive a nuclear
attack and to peneti-ate and destroy an aggres-
sor's homeland. We have, and under this treaty
we will continue to have, the nuclear strength
that we need. On the other hand, unrestricted
testing — by which other powers could develop
all kinds of weapons through atmospheric tests
more cheaply and quickly than they could un-
derground— might well lead to a weakening of
our security. It is true that the United States
would be able to make further progress if at-
mospheric tests were continued — but so would
the Soviet Union and, indeed, so could other
nations. It should be remembered that only
one atomic test was required to complete the de-
velopment of the Hiroshima bomb. Clearly the
security of the United States— the security of all
mankind— is increased if such tests are pro-
hibited.
Ninth : The risks in clandestine violations un-
der this treaty are far smaller than the risks in
unlimited testing. Underground tests will still
be available for weapons development; and
other tests, to be significant, must run substan-
tial risks of detection. No nation tempted to
violate the treaty can be certain that an at-
tempted violation will go undetected, given the
many means of detecting nuclear explosions.
The risks of detection outweigh the potential
gains from violation, and the risk to the United
States from such violation is outweighed by the
risk of a continued unlimited nuclear arms race.
There is further assurance against clandestine
testing in our ability to develop and deploy ad-
ditional means of detection, in our determina-
AUGUST 26, 1963
317
tion to maintain our owii arsenal through
underground tests, and in our readiness to re-
sume atmosplieric testing if the actions of
others so require.
Tenth: This treaty is the product of the
steady effort of the U.S. Government in two
administrations, and its principles have had the
explicit support of both great political parties.
It grows out of the proposal made by President
Eisenhower in 1059 and the resolution passed
by the Senate in that same year; and it carries
out the explicit pledges contained in the plat-
forms of l)oth parties in 1960. Nothing has
liappened since then to alter its importance to
our security. It is also consistent with the pro-
posals this administration put forward in 1961
and 1962 — and with the resolution introduced
in the Senate, with wide bipartisan support, in
May of 1963.
Tliis treaty is in our national interest. ^Yliile
experience teaches us to be cautious in our ex-
pectations and ever vigilant in our preparations,
there is no reason to oppose this hopeful step.
It is rarely possible to recapture missed oppor-
tunities to achieve a more secure and peaceful
world. To govern is to choose; and it is my
judgment that the United States should move
swiftly to make the most of the present oppor-
tunity and approve the pending treaty. I
strongly recommend that the Senate of the
United States advise and consent to its ratifi-
cation.
Memorandum From Acting Secretary of State ^
Department of State,
Washington, August 8, 196S.
The President.
The White Unusr:
I hove the honor to submit to you. with the recom-
mendation that it he transmitted to the Senate for its
advice and consent to ratification, a certified copy of
the treaty linnninR nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere, in outer space and under water, signed at Mos-
cow on AuKiist .I. 1!)»!3, on behalf of the United States
of America, the I'nited Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics.
On October 31, 1958. the United States and the
United Kingdom began negotiations with the Soviet
Union at U.eneva fur an elTectively controlled nuclear
teat ces.sallon agreement. As you are aware, continued
studios and assessmenta of the technical, political, mill-
*A1ho released as Department of State press release
409dated Aug. S.
tary, and other aspects of this subject have been con-
ducted since that time In connection with the
negotiations.*
The Senate has followed the test ban negotiations
with close attention, holding many hearings and en-
acting a resolution in support of the efforts of the
executive branch (S. Res. 96, 8Gth Cong., 1st sess.).
Congressional advisers have attended the negotiations
at Geneva at various times since 1958.
The first proposal for a limited test ban treaty was
advanced by the United States and the United King-
dom on April 13, lO.'jQ. On that date, supported by
Prime Minister Macmillan, President Eisenhower pro-
posed in a letter to Chairman Khru.shchev '' a ban on
tests above ground and up to .50 kilometers. On Sep-
tember 3, 1961. you and Prime Minister Macmillan pro-
posed to Chairman Khrushchev that the three
Governments agree immediately not to conduct "nu-
clear tests which take place in the atmosphere and
produce radioactive fallout".'
On August 27, 1962, the United States and the United
Kingdom submitted to the Conference of the IS-Nation
Committee on Disarmament a draft treaty banning
nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, outer space,
and underwater.' Both proposals have been renewed
by the United States and the United Kingdom at
various times since then.
On May 27, 1963, Senators Dodd and Humphrey in-
troduced in the Senate a resolution (S. Res. 148, 88th
Cong., 1st sess.). This resolution, cosponsored by 32
other Senators, urged negotiation of a treaty banning
tests in the atmosphere and the oceans.
On June 10, 1963, in a speech at American Univer-
sity," you announced further negotiations with the So-
viet Union for a nuclear test ban and a suspension of
United States tests in the atmosphere so long as other
nations did not conduct them.
On July 2, 1963, Chairman Khrushchev expressed the
willingness of the Soviet Government "to conclude an
agreement banning nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in
outer space and under water."
Commencing July 15, 1963, negotiations were held in
Moscow between W. Averell Harriman, representing
the United States, Lord Hailsham, representing the
United Kingdom, and A. A. Gromyko, representing the
Soviet Union, looking toward the possibility of conclud-
ing a treaty banning nuclear weapons tests in three
environments, but not underground. On July 25, 1963,
these negotiations resulted in an agreed draft initialed
by the representatives of each of the parties." On
• For an article by William J. Gehron on the history
of political and technical developments of the negotia-
tions from Oct. 31, 1958, to Aug. 22, 1960, see Bulletin
of Sept. 26, 1960, p. 482.
' For text, see ihid.. May 18, 1959, p. 704.
• Ihid., Sept. 18, 1961, p. 476.
' For text, see ibid., Sept. 17, 1962, p. 415.
' For text, see ihid., July 1, 1963, p. 2.
• For an address to the Nation on July 26 by Presi-
dent Kennedy, see ihid., Aug. 12, 1963, p. 234.
318
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUI.LETIN
August 5, 1963, the treaty was signed in Moscow by
Secretary Rusk on behalf of the United States, by A. A.
Groniylio on behalf of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, and by Lord Home on behalf of the United
Kingdom.
The treaty consists of a preamble and five articles.
The preamble indicates the relationship of this treaty
to the much broader aim of achieving an agreement on
general and complete disarmament under strict inter-
national control, as well as to the more specific aims of
eventually preventing nuclear weapons tests in all
environments, meanwhile stopping the contamination
of the atmosphere by radioactive fallout.
Article I contains the principal substantive obliga-
tions of the parties. Under its first paragraph the
parties undertake to prohibit, to prevent, and not to
carry out, at any place under their jurisdiction or
control, nuclear weapons tests or other nuclear ex-
plosions in the atmosphere, in outer space, or under
water. In the context of provisions devoted to ob-
taining a complete, verifiable ban on tests in these
three environments, the treaty language relates "any
nuclear weapon test explosion" to "any other nuclear
explosion," thus preventing evasion based on the con-
tention that a particular detonation was not a weapon
test but the explosion of an already tested device.
The phrase "any other nuclear explosion" includes
explosions for peaceful purposes. Such explosions are
prohibited by the treaty becau.se of the difiiculty of
differentiating between weapon test explosions and
peaceful explosions without additional controls. The
article does not prohibit the use of nuclear weapons
in the event of war nor restrict the exercise of the
right of self-defense recognized in article 51 of the
Charter of the United Nations.
Underground nuclear explosions are not prohibited
so long as they do not cause radioactive debris to
be present outside the territorial limits of the state
under whose jurisdiction or control such explosions
are conducted. Thus, so long as adequate precautions
are taken to prevent such spread of radioactive debris,
the treaty will not prohibit the United States from
conducting underground nuclear weapons tests or un-
derground nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes.
The second paragraph of article I contains an under-
taking by the parties to refrain from causing, encourag-
ing, or in any way participating in, the carrying out
of the prohibited tests and explosions anywhere by
anyone. This provision prevents a party from doing
indirectly what it has agreed to refrain from doing
directly.
Article II contains a procedure for amending the
treaty. Any party may propose an amendment, and
a conference to consider such an amendment must be
called if requested by one-third or more of the parties
although a conference would not be necessary for the
adoption of an amendment. To be effective, an amend-
ment must be approved and ratified by a majority of
all the parties which must include the United States,
Great Britain, and the Soviet Union. Thus, no amend-
ment can become effective without the advice and con-
sent of the Senate.
Article III provides that the treaty shall enter into
force upon the deposit of instruments of ratification by
all three original parties and specifies how other states
may become parties. It designates the three original
parties as Depositary Governments and contains other
provisions of a formal nature relating to ratification,
accession, and registration with the United Nations.
An increasing number of countries have indicated
their intention of becoming parties to the treaty and of
thus broadening its effectiveness. The provisions for
signature and accession have been designed to permit
the widest possible application of the treaty. At the
same time adherence to the treaty will in no way
imply recognition or change in status of regimes the
United States does not now recognize. Nor will it in
any way result in according recognition or change in
status to any regime not now recognized by any other
party.
Article IV provides that the treaty shall be of un-
limited duration. It also creates a special right of
withdrawal, upon 3 months' notice, if a party finds
that extraordinary events related to the subject matter
of the treaty have jeopardized its supreme interests.
Article V provides that the English and Russian
texts of the treaty are equally authoritative and makes
provision for the deposit of the original treaty instru-
ments and the transmittal of certified copies to signa-
tor.v and acceding states.
There is transmitted for your information, and for
that of the Senate, the agreed communique issued by
the representatives of the original parties on July 2.5.
1963, at the conclusion of the Conference in Moscow
at which the treaty was formulated.
I believe that the signing of this treaty is a signifi-
cant achievement. Its ratification by the three original
parties and by such other states as may sign or accede
to it will be an important and hopeful step toward the
reduction of international tensions, alleviation of the
fears and dangers caused by radioactive fallout, and
the prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons capa-
bility. I believe it will promote the security of the
United States and the entire free world.
In view of these advantages, and of the hopes and
expectations of virtually every nation in the world.
it is my sincere hope that the United States will
promptly ratify this treaty.
Respectfully submitted.
George W. Ball
AUGUST 2G, 19 6 3
319
Human Rights — Some Next Steps
CONVENTIONS ON SLAVERY, FORCED LABOR, AND POLITICAL RIGHTS OF WOMEN
More than 150 years ago, Thomas Jefferson
predicted that from this country the "fire of
freedom and human rights" would "be liglited
up in other regions of the earth." Today this
fire glows brightly : Men of many races, nations,
and creeds — some only lately awakened to their
birthright of equality — are now demanding
their full measure of freedom.
In the struggle against repression the front
is everj'where. No nation is so remote or so
familiar, so tiny or so large, so poor or so
wealthy, so backward or so advanced, as to stand
apart. In less than two decades the number of
independent nations has doubled. Today
barely 2 percent of the world's peoples live in
non-self-governing territories. With national
independence so nearly secure, the arena of ac-
tion has broadened from the nation to the in-
dividual. The contest will not be won until
men, like nations, determine their own destinies.
With the Declaration of Independence, the
United States dedicated itself to preserving and
enlarging individual human rights. In the in-
tervening years it built upon this foundation a
series of specific guarantees, among which the
Bill of Rights, tlie Emancipation Proclamation,
the 13th and 19th amendments, the Child Labor
Act, the minimum wage laws, and the 1951:
Supreme Court decision are only the more
familiar.
Small wonder, then, that many of the emerg-
' .Madf licforc the Rotary Clul) of Ypsilanti, Ypsilanti,
.MIr-h.. on AiiR. r, (presH release 403 dated Aug. 3; as-
dcllvorcd text). Mr. Gardner Is Deputy Assistant Sec-
retary for International Organization Affairs.
ADDRESS BY RICHARD N. GARDNER'
ing nations shaped their constitutional doc-
trines after the same concepts which molded
our own. Nor is it surprising that these same
nations look to the United States for support
in world affairs when fundamental human
rights are at stake.
I submit that the real significance of Little
Rock and Birmingham and Cambridge is not
that the United States is making no progress in
civil rights but precisely that we are making
progress. Certainly we are far from perfect.
But it is gratifying that so many other countries
have observ-ed recent events in our country with
sympathy and imderstanding because they are
aware that we are sincerely trj-ing to do some-
thing about our shortcomings.
The United Nations, like tlie United States,
was built on a foundation of respect for indi-
vidual freedom. In article 56 of the charter the
members of the U.N. "pledge themselves to take
joint and separate action in cooperation with the
Organization for the achievement of the pur-
poses set forth in Article 55" — which include
"universal respect for, and observance of, hu-
man rights and fundamental freedoms for all
without distinction as to race, sex, language, or
religion."
In accordance with these provisions, the Gen-
eral Assembly and other U.N. organs have con-
sidered questions of racial discrimination and
other violations of human rights where they
are members' official policy and are inconsistent
with the obligations in articles 55 and 56, as is
the case with the apartheid policy of the Union
of South Africa.^
' See p. 333.
320
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Beyond these charter provisions, the General
Assembly in 1948 adopted the Universal Decla-
ration of Human Rights without a single nega-
tive vote and with the abstention only of the
Soviet bloc, Saudi Arabia, and South Africa.
Wliile this document does not have the binding
force of an international agreement, it does rep-
resent an historic effort to define "a common
standard of achievement for all peoples and all
nations" in the field of human rights and funda-
mental freedoms.
Following its adoption, the members of the
U.N. turned to the drafting of binding legal
instruments on specific human rights on which
a widespread consensus existed and which ap-
peared appropriate for embodiment in conven-
tion form.
Just over 2 weeks ago, President Kennedy
sent three of these conventions — those on forced
labor, slavery, and the political rights of
women — to the Senate for advice and consent to
ratification.^ Although the legal standards es-
tablished by these conventions are already re-
flected in our Constitution and statutes, and
have long been deeply rooted in our legal and
moral heritage, the United States has so far
not ratified them, or any other human rights
convention drafted under U.N. auspices — a fact
which many of our friends find hard to under-
stand.
Just what do these conventions provide ?
The supplementary convention on slavery,
thus far ratified by 49 countries, supplements
the 1926 slavery convention, to which the United
States is a party, by dealing with conditions
akin to slavery. It requires states parties to
take all practicable and necessary measures to
bring about as soon as possible the complete
abolition of such practices as debt bondage,
serfdom, involuntary marriage or transfer of
women for payment, transfer of widows as in-
herited property, and exploitation of children.
It provides that states parties shall make par-
ticipation in the slave trade a criminal offense
and that any slave who takes refuge on board
any vessel of a party shall ipso facto be free.
It provides that the states parties shall make
the mutilation, branding, or marking of a slave
' See p. 322.
or person of servile status and the act of en-
slaving or inducing another person into slavery
criminal offenses.
The convention concerning the abolition of
forced labor, already ratified by 60 countries,
provides that each ratifying member under-
takes to suppress and not to make use of any
form of forced or compulsory labor
— as a means of political coercion or educa-
tion or as a pimishment for holding or express-
ing political views or views ideologically op-
posed to the established political, social, or
economic system;
— as a method of mobilizing and using
labor for purposes of economic development;
— as a means of labor discipline;
— as a punishment for having participated in
strikes; or
— as a means of racial, social, national, or
religious discrimination.
The convention on the political rights of
women, ratified by 40 countries, provides that,
on equal terms with men and without discrimi-
nation, women shall: first, be entitled to vote
in all elections; second, be eligible for election
to all publicly elected bodies established by
national law; and third, be entitled to hold
public office and exercise all public functions
established by national law.
It is worth repeating that each of these con-
ventions deals with an important human right
already guaranteed by our Federal Constitution
and by existing Federal law. Consequently,
no change in our domestic legislation would be
required.
But what, exactly, is the practical benefit of
ratifying these conventions?
Their ratification can play a modest but still
significant part in building an international
environment congenial to American interests.
We have learned from hard experience of the
intimate interdependence between human rights
and our national security. Nazi Germany
should have taught everyone the lesson that
internal suppression is often the handmaiden
of external aggression — that the destruction of
freedom at home can quickly lead to the de-
struction of freedom abroad.
President Kennedy summed up this relation-
AUGUST 26, 1963
321
ship eloquently in his speech at Americjin Uni-
versity in June * when he asked, "And is not
pe^ice, in tlie last analysis, basically a matter
of human rights . . .?" Worldwide profrress in
the vindication of human ri<!;hts and fundamen-
tal fi-ecdoms will also be pro<rress toward creat-
in<i a peaceful and stable world order.
Obviously, words on paper are not enough.
NolKidy believes that the signing of a human
rights convention in and of itself brings auto-
mafic improvement in the condition of people
around the world. But U.S. participation in
the great effort under U.N. auspices to define
and clarifj- basic human rights of the kind em-
bodied in these three conventions can make a
practical contribution to our national interest
in promoting human rights in at least three
ways:
Firxt, these conventions have an influence on
the constitutions and laws of the countries which
are parties to the conventions and thus may be
implemented in practice within their societies.
This is jiarticularly true of many of the newly
independent countries which consciously take
the TT.N. conventions as a model. United States
ratificjxtion will attract wide attention and en-
courage similar commitments by others.
Second, the adherence of the United States
to these conventions will put us in a position, as
a contracting party, to blow the whistle on coun-
tries that have ratified the conventions but have
failed to implement them in practice. Our fail-
ure to accept these conventions ourselves makes
it more diflicult for us to work for the improve-
ment of human rights within other countries.
Third, U.S. ratification of these conventions
is our entrance fee to influence in the future
drafting of legal norms in the human rights
field. If wo continue to fail to ratify any hu-
man rights conventions, other countries may
come to discount our views when such basic is-
sues are discussed.
It is essential that the United States demon-
strate its continuing adherence to fundamental
concepts which have motivated our country
since its birth. Our power in the world derives
not just from our position as an arsenal of
weapons or as a storehouse of commodities but
as a society which seeks the universal realiza-
tion of the dignity of man.
With a growing nimiber of human rights is-
sues competing for world attention, the United
States is under challenge by friend and foe alike
to maintain its leadership in this field. Other
nations may measure our sincerity in terms of
the commitments we share with them, and we
.should not hesitate to make those commitments
which accord with our own constitutional
guarantees.
Our adherence to these conventions will affirm
anew our faith in basic freedoms throughout
the world. It is this belief in the importance
and worth of every individual, a belief which
motivates our eff"orts for social and economic
progress, that distinguishes us from the totali-
tarians of the left and of the right.
As the President said in his letter to the Presi-
dent of the Senate at the time he transmitted
the conventions to the Senate:
The United States cannot afford to renounce respon-
sibility for support of the very fundamentals which
distinguish our concept of government from all forms
of tyranny.
Let us assure that no nation can accuse us of
extinguishing Jefferson's "fire of human rights"
or of obscuring its light from the earth.
PRESIDENT'S LETTER TO SENATE
Following is a letter jrom President Kennedy
to Lyndon B. Johnson, President of the Senate,
transinifting the conventions on slavery, forced
labor, and the political rights of women.
White House press release dated July 22
July 22, 1963
T>KAR "Mr. Presidext : I have today trans-
mitted to the Senate three conventions with a
view to receiving advice and consent to ratifica-
tion. These are:
1. The Supplementary Convention to the Ab-
olit ion of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institu-
tions and Practices Similar to Slavery,'
' niri.l.ETl.v (if .Inly 1, IOC..*?, ji. 2.
' S. Ex. L, 8Sth Cong., l.st sess.
322
DErARTSIEXT OF ST.\TE BULI-ETIN
prepared under the direction of the United
Nations in 1956, to which 49 nations are now
parties.
2. The Convention on the Abolition of Forced
Labor," adopted by the International Labor Or-
ganization in 1957, to which 60 nations are now
parties.
3. The Convention on the Political Rights of
Women,' opened for signature by the United
Nations in 1953, to which 39 [40] nations are
now parties.
United States law is, of course, already in
conformity with these conventions, and ratifica-
tion would not require any change in our do-
mestic legislation. However, the fact that our
Constitution already assures us of these rights
does not entitle us to stand aloof from docu-
ments which project our own heritage on an in-
ternational scale. The day-to-day unfolding of
events makes it ever clearer that our own wel-
fare is interrelated with the rights and free-
doms assured the peoples of other nations.
These conventions deal with human rights
which may not yet be secure in other countries;
they have provided models for the draftei'S of
constitutions and laws in newly independent
nations ; and they have influenced the policies of
governments preparing to accede to them. Thus,
they involve current problems in many
countries.
They will stand as a sharp reminder of world
opinion to all who may seek to violate the hiunan
rights they define. They also serve as a con-
tinuous commitment to respect these rights.
There is no society so advanced that it no longer
needs periodic recommitment to human rights.
The United States cannot afford to renounce
responsibility for support of the very funda-
mentals which distinguish our concept of gov-
ernment from all forms of tyranny. Accord-
ingly, I desire, with the constitutional consent
of the Senate, to ratify these Conventions for
the United States of America.
Sincerely,
TEXTS OF CONVENTIONS
Convention on Abolition of Slavery
SUPPLEMENTARY CONVENTION ON THE ABO-
LITION OP SLAVERY, THE SLAVE TRADE,
AND INSTITUTIONS AND PRACTICES SIM-
ILAR TO SLAVERY "
Pbeamble
The States Parties to the present Convention
Considering that freedom is the birthright of every
human being;
Mindful that the peoples of the United Nations
reaffirmed in the Charter their faith in the dignity
and worth of the human person ;
Considering that the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, proclaimed by the General Assem-
bly of the United Nations as a common standard
of achievement for all peoples and all nations,
states that no one shall be held in slavery or servi-
tude and that slavery and the slave trade shall be
prohibited in all their forms ;
Recognizing that, since the conclusion of the
Slavery Convention signed at Geneva on 25 Sep-
tember 1926," which was designed to secure the
abolition of slavery and of the slave trade, further
progress has been made towards this end ;
Having regard to the Forced Labour Convention
of 1930 and to subsequent action by the Interna-
tional Labour Organisation in regard to forced or
compulsory labour;
Being aware, however, that slavery, the slave
trade and institutions and practices similar to slav-
ery have not yet been eliminated in all parts of tke
world ;
Having decided, therefore, that the Convention
of 1926, which remains operative, should now be
augmented by the conclusion of a supplementary
convention designed to intensify national as well
as international efforts towards the abolition of
slavery, the slave trade and institutions and prac-
tices similar to slavery ;
Have agreed as follows:
John F. Kjinnedy
' S. Ex. K.
' S. Ex. J.
'Opened for signature at Geneva Sept. 7, 1956;
entered into force Apr. 30, 1957. As of July 1, 1963, the
following countries had become parties to the supple-
mentary convention through ratification or accession :
Albania, Australia, Belgium, Bulgaria, Byelorussian
S.S.R., Cambodia, Canada, Ceylon, China, Cyprus,
Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecua-
dor, Finland, Federal Republic of Germany, Ghana,
Haiti, Hungary, India, Iran, Ireland. Israel, Italy,
Jordan, Kuwait, Laos, Malaya, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan,
Poland, Portugal, Rumania, Sierra Leone, Sudan,
Sweden, Syria, Tanganyika, Ukrainian S.S.R., Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Republic,
United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia.
"46 Stat. 2183 and Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 3532.
AUGUST 26, 1963
323
Section I
Institutions anh I'bactices Similar to Slavery
ABTICLE 1
Each of the States Parties to this Convention shall
take all practicable and necessary legislative and other
measures to bring about progressively and as soon as
IHissibie the complete abolition or abandonment of
the following institutions and practices, where they
still exist and whether or not they are covered by the
dellnition of slavery contained in article 1 of the Slav-
ery Convention signed at Geneva on 25 September
1920:
(a) Debt bondage, that is to say, the status or con-
dition arising from a pledge by a debtor of his per-
sonal services or of those of a person under his control
as security for a debt, if the value of those services
as reasonably assessed Is not applied towards the liqui-
dation of (he debt or the length and nature of those
services are not respectively limited and defined ;
(b) Serfdom, that is to say, the condition or status
of a tenant who is by law, custom or agreement bound
to live and labour on land belonging to another person
and to render some determinate service to such other
person, whether for reward or not, and Is not free to
change his status;
(c) Any institution or practice whereby :
(i) A woman, without the right to refuse, is
promised or given in marriage on payment of a
consideration in money or in kind to her parents,
guardian, family or any other person or group ;
or
(11) The husband of a woman, his family, or
his clan, has the right to transfer her to another
person for value received or otherwise ; or
(ill) A woman on the death of her husband is
liable to be inherited by another person ;
(d) Any institution or practice whereby a child or
young person under the age of 18 years is delivered
by either or both of his natural parents or by his
guardian to another person, whether for reward or
not, with a view to the exploitation of the child or
young person or of his labour.
ARTICLE 2
With a view to bringing to an end the institutions
and practices menti<ined in article 1 (c) of this Con-
vention, the States Parties undertake to prescribe,
where aiiproiiriato, suitable minimum ages of marriage,
to encourage the use of facilities whereby the consent
of both parties to a marriage may be freely expressed
in the presence of a competent civil or religious author-
ity, and to encourage the registration of marriages.
Section II
The SI.AVE Trade
ARTICLE 3
1. The act of conveying or attempting to convey
slaves from one country to another l)y whatever means
of transport, or of lieing accessory tliereto, shall be a
criininai offence under the laws of the States Parties
to this Convention and persons convicted thereof shall
be liable to very severe penalties.
2. (a) The States Parties shall take all effective
measures to prevent ships and aircraft authorized to
fly their flags from conveying slaves and to punish
persons guilty of such acts or of using national flags
for that purpose.
(b) The States Parties shall take all effective meas-
ures to ensure that their ports, airtields and coasts are
not used for the conveyance of slaves.
3. The States Parties to this Convention shall ex-
change information in order to ensure the practical
co-ordination of the measures taken by them in combat-
ing the slave trade and shall inform each other of
every case of the slave trade, and of every attempt
to commit this criminal offence, which comes to their
notice.
ARTICLE 4
Any slave who takes refuge on board any vessel of
a State Party to this Convention shall ipso facto be
free.
Section III
Slavery and Institutions and Practices
Similar to Slavery
article 6
In a country where the abolition or abandonment of
slavery, or of the institutions or practices mentioned
in article 1 of this Convention, is not yet complete, the
act of mutilating, branding or otherwise marking a
slave or a person of servile status in order to indicate
his status, or as a punishment, or for any other reason,
or of being accessory thereto, shall be a criminal offence
under the laws of the States Parties to this Convention
and persons convicted thereof shall be liable to punish-
ment.
article 6
1. The act of enslaving another person or of inducing
another person to give himself or a person dependent
upon him into slavery, or of attempting these acts, or
being accessory thereto, or being a party to a conspiracy
to accomplish any such acts, shall be a criminal of-
fence under the laws of the States Parties to this Con-
vention and persons convicted thereof shall be liable
to punishment.
2. Subject to the provisions of the introductory para-
graph of article 1 of this Convention, the provisions
of paragraph 1 of the present article shall also apply
to the act of inducing another person to place himself
or a person dependent upon him into the servile status
resulting from any of the institutions or practices men-
tioned in article 1, to any attempt to perform such
acts, to bring [being] accessory thereto, and to being a
party to a con.spiracy to accomplish any such acts.
Section IV
Definitions
article 7
For the purposes of the present Convention :
(o) "Slavery" means, as defined in the Slavery Con-
324
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
vention of 1926, the status or condition of a person over
whom any or all of the powers attaching to the right
of ownership are exercised, and "slave" means a person
in such condition or status ;
(6) "A person of servile status" means a person in
the condition or status resulting from any of the insti-
tutions or practices mentioned in article 1 of this
Convention ;
(c) "Slave trade" means and includes all acts in-
volved in the capture, acquisition or disposal of a per-
son with intent to reduce him to slavery ; all acts in-
volved in the acquisition of a slave with a view to
selling or exchanging him ; all acts of disposal by sale
or exchange of a person acquired with a view to being
sold or exchanged ; and, in general, every act of trade
or transport in slaves by whatever means of conveyance.
Section V
Co-OPEBATION Between States Parties and
Communication op Information
abticle 8
1. The States Parties to this Convention undertalje
to co-operate with each other and with the United
Nations to give effect to the foregoing provisions.
2. The Parties undertalie to communicate to the
Secretary-General of the United Nations copies of any
laws, regulations and administrative measures enacted
or put Into effect to implement the provisions of this
Convention.
3. The Secretary-General shall communicate the in-
formation received under paragraph 2 of this article
to the other Parties and to the Economic and Social
Council as part of the documentation for any discus-
sion which the Council might undertake with a view to
making further recommendations for the abolition of
slavery, the slave trade or the institutions and practices
which are the subject of this Convention.
Section VI
Final Clauses
abticle 9
No reservations may be made to this Convention.
ARTICLE 10
Any dispute between States Parties to this Conven-
tion relating to its interpretation or application, which
is not settled by negotiation, shall be referred to the
International Court of Justice at the request of any
one of the parties to the dispute, unless the parties
concerned agree on another mode of settlement.
ARTICLE n
1. This Convention shall be open until 1 July 1957 for
signature by any State Member of the United Nations
or of a .specialized agency. It shall be subject to rati-
fication by the signatory States, and the instruments of
ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-
General of the United Nations, who shall inform each
signatory and acceding State.
2. After 1 July 1957 this Convention shall be open
for accession by any State Member of the United
Nations or of a specialized agency, or by any other
State to which an invitation to accede has been ad-
dressed by the General Assembly of the United Nations.
Accession shall be effected by the deposit of a formal
instrument with the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, who shall inform each signatory and acceding
State.
ARTICLE 12
1. This Convention shall apply to all non-self-govern-
ing, trust, colonial and other non-metropolitan terri-
tories for the international relations of which any State
Party is responsible ; the Party concerned shall, subject
to the provisions of paragraph 2 of this article, at the
time of signature, ratification or accession declare the
non-metropolitan territory or territories to which the
Convention shall apply ipso facto as a result of .such
signature, ratification or accession.
2. In any case in which the previous consent of a non-
metropolitan territory is required by the constitutional
•aws or practices of the Party or of the non-metro-
politan territory, the Party concerned shall endeavor
to secure the needed consent of the non-metropolitan
territory within the period of twelve months from the
date of signature of the Convention by the metropolitan
State, and when such consent has been obtained the
Party shall notify the Secretary-General. This Con-
vention shall apply to the territory or territories named
in such notification from the date of its receipt by the
Secretary-General.
3. After the expiry of the twelve month period men-
tioned in the preceding paragraph, the States Parties
concerned shall inform the Secretary-General of the
results of the consultations with those non-metro-
politan territories for whose international relations
they are responsible and whose consent to the applica-
tion of this Convention may have been withheld.
ARTICLE 13
1. This Convention shall enter into force on the date
on which two States have become Parties thereto.
2. It shall thereafter enter into force with respect to
each State and territory on the date of deposit of the
instrument of ratification or accession of that State or
notification of application to that territory.
ARTICLE 14
1. The application of this Convention shall be divided
into successive periods of three years, of which the first
shall begin on the date of entry into force of the Con-
vention in accordance with paragraph 1 of article 13.
2. Any State Party may denounce this Convention by
a notice addressed by that State to the Secretary-
General not less than six months before tlie expiration
of the current three-year period. The Secretary-
General shall notify all other Parties of each such
notice and the date of the receipt thereof.
3. Denunciations shall take effect at the expiration
of the current three-year period.
4. In cases where, in accordance with the provisions
of article 12, this Convention has become applicable to a
non-metropolitan territory of a Party, that Party may
AUGUST 26, 1063
325
at any time tbereufter. with the fousent of the terrl-
torj' conoennMl, give notice to the Secretary-General of
the UniteU Nations denouncing thia Convention sepa-
rnlely in rpsiK>ct of that territory. The denunciation
Hhall talte effect one year after the date of the receipt
of such notice by the Secretary-General, who shall
notify ull other Parties of such notice and the date of
the receijit thereof.
ARTICLE IB
This Convention, of which the Chinese, English,
French, Ru.ssian and Siwuish texts are equally authen-
tic, shall l)e deiHisited in the archives of the United
Nations Secretariat. The Secretary-General shall pre-
pare a certified copy thereof for communication to
States Parties to this Convention, as well as to all other
States Members of the United Nations and of the
si>ecialired agencies.
In wit.nebs whereof the undersigned, being duly
authorized thereto by their respective Governments,
have signed this Convention on the date appearing
opposite their respective signatures.
Done at the EuroiH?an Office of the United Nations at
Geneva, this seventh day of September one thousand
nine hundred and fifty six.
Convention on Abolition of Forced Labor
Com-ENTION 105
CONVENTION CONCERNING THE ABOLITION OF
FORCED LABOUR "
The General Conference of the International Labour
Organisation,
Having been convened at Geneva by the Govern-
ing Body of the International Labour Ofl3ce, and
having met in Its Fortieth Session on 5 June 1957
and '
Having considered the question of forced labour
which is the fourth item on the agenda of the
session, and
Having noted the provisions of the Forced
Labour Convention, 1930, and
^Ilaving noted that the Slavery Convention, 1926.
"Adopted at the 40th session of the General Confer-
ence of the International Labor Organization at Ge-
neva June o.--,. 19.-,7. As of July 1. 19^3. the following
countries had l)ecome parties to the convention through
rntiflcation or acce.ssion : Argentina, Australia Aus-
tria, Helgium. Cameroon, Canada, Chad. China Costa
Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Dahomey, Denmark, Dominican
Republic, I5cundor, El Salvador, Finland, Gabon Fed-
eral Republic of Germany. Ghana, Greece. Guatemala
Guinea, Haiti. Honduras. Iceland, Iran. Iraq, Ireland
Israel, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Jordan, Kuwait. Liberia'
Libya, Malaya. Mali. Mexico. Netheriands Niger Ni-
Keria. Norway, Paldstnn, Peru, Philippines. Poland
Portugal. Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somali ne-
public, Swe.len, Switzerland, Syria, Tanganyika Tu-
nisia. Turkey. United Arab Republic, and United
Kingdom.
provides that aU necessary measures shall be
taken to prevent compulsory or forced labour from
developing into conditions analogous to slavery
and that the Supplementary Convention on the
Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Insti-
tutions and Practices Similar to Slavery. 1956,
provides for the complete abolition of debt bond-
age and serfdom, and
Having noted that the Protection of Wages Con-
vention, 1949, provides that wages shall be paid
regularly and prohibits methods of payment which
deprive the worker of a genuine possibiUty of
terminating his employment, and
Having decided upon the adoption of further
l)roposals with regard to the abolition of certain
forms of forced or compul.sory labour constituting
a violation of the rights of man referred to in the
Charter of the United Nations and enunciated by
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and
Having determined that these proposals shall
take the form of an international Convention
adopts this twenty-fifth day of June of the vear one
thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven the following
Convention, which may be cited as the Abolition of
Forced Labour Convention, 1957 :
Article 1
Each Member of the International Labour Organisa-
tion which ratifies this Convention undertakes to sup-
press and not to make use of any form of forced or
compulsory labour —
(o) as a means of political coercion or educa-
tion or as a punishment for holding or expressing
political views or views ideologically opposed to
the established political, social or economic
system ;
(6) as a method of mobilising and using labour
for purposes of economic development ;
(c) as a means of labour discipline;
(d) as a punishment for having participated in
strikes ;
(e) as a means of racial, social, national or
religious discrimination.
Article 2
Each Member of tie International Labour Organisa-
tion which ratifies this Convention undertakes to take
effective measures to secure the immediate and com-
plete abolition of forced or compulsory labour as
specified in Article 1 of this Convention.
Article 3
The formal ratifications of this Convention shall be
communicated to the Director-General of the Interna-
tional Labour OflJce for registration.
Article 4
1. This Convention shall be binding only upon those
Members of the International Labour Organisation
whose ratifications have been registered with the
Director-General.
2. It shall come Into force twelve months after the
date on which the ratifications of two Members have
326
DEPARTMENT OP STATE BULLETIN
been registered witli the Director-General.
3. Thereafter, this Convention shall come into force
for any Member twelve months after the date on which
its ratification has been registered.
Article 5
1. A Member which has ratified this Convention may
denounce it after the expiration of ten years from the
date on which the Convention first comes into force, by
an act communicated to the Director-General of the
International Labour OflSce for registration. Such de-
nunciation shall not talie effect until one year after the
date on which it is registered.
2. Each Member which has ratified this Convention
and which does not. within the year following the ex-
piration of the period of ten years mentioned in the
preceding paragraph, exercise the right of denunciation
provided for in this Article, will be bound for another
period of ten years and, thereafter, may denounce this
Convention at the expiration of each period of ten
years under the terms provided for in this Article.
Article 6
1. The Director-General of the International Labour
Otfice shall notify all Members of the International
Labour Organisation of the registration of all ratifica-
tions and denunciations communicated to him by the
Members of the Organisation.
2. When notifying the Members of the Organisation
of the registration of the second ratification communi-
cated to him, the Director-General shall draw the at-
tention of the Members of the Organisation to the date
upon which the Convention will come into force.
Article 7
The Director-General of the International Labour
Office shall communicate to the Secretary-General of
the United Nations for registration in accordance with
article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations full
particulars of all ratifications and acts of denunciation
registered by him in accordance with the provisions of
the preceding Articles.
Article 8
At such times as it may consider necessary the Gov-
erning Body of the International Labour Office shall
present to the General Conference a reiwrt on the work-
ing of this Convention and shall examine the desir-
ability of placing on the agenda of the Conference the
question of its revision in whole or in part.
Article 9
1. Should the Conference adopt a new Convention
revising this Convention in whole or in part, then,
unless the new Convention otherwise provides —
(a) the ratification by a Member of the new
revising Convention shall ipso jure involve the
immediate denunication of this Convention, not-
withstanding the provisions of Article 5 above,
if and when the new revising Convention shall
have come into force ;
(6) as from the date when the new revising
Convention comes into force this Convention shall
cease to be open to ratification by the Members.
2. This Convention shall in any case remain in force
in its actual form and content for those Members
which have ratified it but have not ratified the revis-
ing Convention.
Article 10
The English and French versions of the text of this
Convention are equally authoritative.
The foregoing is the authentic text of the Convention
duly adopted by the General Conference of the Inter-
national Labour Organisation during its Fortieth Ses-
sion which was held at Geneva and declared closed the
twenty-seventh day of June 1957.
In Faith Whereof we have appended our signatures
this fourth day of July 1957.
The President of the Conference,
Harold Holt.
The Director-General of the International Labour
Office,
David A. Morse.
The test of the Convention as here presented is a
true copy of the test authenticated by the signatures of
the President of the International Labour Conference
and of the Director-General of the International Labour
Office.
Certified true and complete copy.
For the Director-General of the International
Labour Office:
Francis Wolf,
Legal Adviser of the International Labour Office.
Convention on Political Rights of Women
CONl'ENTION OX THE POLITICAL RIGHTS OF
WOMEN "
Tlie Contracting Parties,
Desiring to implement the principle of equality of
rights for men and women contained in the Charter of
the United Nations,
Recognizing that everyone has the right to take part
in the government of his country, directly or indirectly
through freely chosen representatives, and has the right
to equal access to public service in his country, and
desiring to equalize the status of men and women in the
" Opened for signature at New York March 31, 1953;
entered into force July 7, 1954. As of July 1, 1963, the
following countries had become parties to the conven-
tion through ratification or accession (asterisk indi-
cates ratification or accession with reservation) : Al-
bania, Argentina, Bulgaria, Byelorussian S.S.R.,
Canada*, Central African Republic, China, Congo
(Brazzaville), Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark*,
Dominican Republic, Ecuador*, Finland*, France,
Greece, Guatemala*, Haiti. Hungary, Iceland, India*,
Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Korea, I^ebanon, Nicaragua,
Norway, Pakistan*, Philippines, Poland, Rumania,
Senegal*, Sierra Leone, Sweden, Thailand, Turkey,
Ukrainian S.S.R., Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
and Yugoslavia.
AUGUST 2 6, 1963
327
enjoyment and exercise of iHjUtlcal rights, In accord-
ance Willi the provisions of the Charter of the United
Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights.
Having resolved to conclade a Convention for this
purpose.
Hereby agree as hereinafter provided :
Abtici-E I
Women shall be entitled to vote In all elec'tions on
equal terms with men, without any discrimination.
Article II
Women shall be eligible for election to all publicly
elected bodies, established by national law, on equal
terms with men, without any discrimination.
Article III
Women shall be entitled to hold public oflSce and to
exercise all public functions, established by national
law, on equal terms with men, without any discrimina-
Uon.
Article IV
1. This Convention shall be oi)en for signature on be-
half of any Member of the United Nations and also on
behalf of any other State to which an invitation has
been addressetl by the General Assembly.
2. This Convention shall be ratified and the instru-
ments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations.
Article V
1. This Convention shall be open for accession to
all States referred to in paragraph 1 of article IV.
2. Accession shall be effected by the deposit of an
Instrument of accession with the Secretary-General of
the United Nations.
Articix VI
1. This Convention shall come into force on the
ninetieth day following the date of deposit of the sixth
Instrument of ratification or accession.
2. For each State ratifying or acceding to the Con-
vention after the deposit of the sixth instrument of
raUflcation or accession the Convention shall enter
into force on the ninetieth day after deposit by such
Stale of its instrument of ratification or accession.
Ahticle VII
In the event that any State submits a reservation to
any of the articles of this Convention at tlie time of
signature, rntlflcatlon or accession, the Secretary-
General shall communicate the text of the reservation
to all Slates which are or may become pnrlies to this
Convention. Any Slate which objects to the reserva-
tion may, within a period of ninety days from the date
of the said communlcntion (or upon tlie date of Its
becoming a party to ihc Convention), notify the Secre-
tary-General that It does not accept It. In such case,
the Convention shall not enter Into force as between
such State and the State making the reservation.
Article VIII
1. Any State may denounce this Convention by writ-
ten notification to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations. Denunciation shall take effect one year after
the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary-
General.
2. This Convention shall cease to be in force as from
the date when the denunciation which reduces the
number of parties to less than six becomes effective.
Article IX
Any dispute which may arise between any two or
more Contracting States concerning the interpretation
or application of this Convention whicli is not settled
by negotiation, shall at the request of any one of the
parties to the dispute be referred to the International
Court of Justice for decision, unless they ag^ee to
another mode of settlement.
Article X
The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall
notify all Members of the United Nations and the non-
member States contemplated in paragraph 1 of article
IV of this Convention of the following:
(o) Signatures and instruments of ratification
received in accordance with article IV ;
(&) Instruments of accession received in ac-
cordance with article V ;
(c) The date upon which this Convention enters
into force in accordance with article VI ;
(rf) Communications and notifications received
in accordance with article VII ;
(e) Notifications of denunciation received In
accordance with paragraph 1 of article VIII ;
(/) Abrogation in accordance with paragraph 2
of article VIII.
Article XI
1. This Convention, of wliich the Chinese, English,
French, Russian and Spanish texts shall be equally
authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the
United Nations.
2. The Secretary-General of the United Nations
shall transmit a certified copy to all Members of the
United Nations and to the non-member States con-
templated in paragraph 1 of article IV.
In faith whereof the undersigned, being duly au-
thorized thereto by their respective Governments, have
signed the present Convention, opened for signature at
New York, on the thirty-first day of March, one thou-
sand nine hundred and fifty-three.
Department Closes Thirteen Posts
The Department of State announced on July
29 (press release 396) that, in a long-planned
move to modernize its consular operations
abroad, it is in the process of closing 13 con-
328
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
sular posts between now and September 1.
The decision to close the 13 consuUxtes residts
from a series of management surveys conducted
over the past 30 months. William J. Crockett,
Deputy Under Secretary for Administration,
said:
By direction of Secretary Rusk, the reviews will con-
tinue. They may lead to additional consular post
closings.
More effective administration of overseas operations
is the primary reason for the action announced today.
It does not reflect any change whatsoever in United
States relationships with the countries or areas in
which the posts are to be closed.
The closing of these posts will result in an estimated
saving in excess of $300,000 in the current fiscal year
and more than $500,000 annually thereafter. A reduc-
tion of overseas expenditures will also contribute to
balance-of-payments savings.
The management surveys are designed to lead to the
most effective use of trained personnel and to provide
the most efficient Foreign Service possible within
available resources. Modernization and improvements
in communications, travel, and methods of handling
consular work are some of the factors that make it
feasible to close some consular posts.
The consular posts to be closed are those at
Salzburg, Austria; Santos, Brazil; Edmonton,
Canada; Manchester, England; Le Havre,
France; Cork, Ireland; Haifa, Israel; Venice,
Italy; Penang, Malaya; Piedras Negras, INIex-
ico: Basel, Switzerland; Cardiff, Wales; and
Sarajevo, Yugoslavia.
In addition, consular work of the consulate
general at Geneva will be transfeiTed to the
Embassy at Bern, but officers of the U.S. Mis-
sion to the European Office of the United Na-
tions and Other International Organizations at
Geneva will be available to provide certain serv-
ices. Most of the acti\-ities of the consulate gen-
eral at Yokohama will be transferred to the
Embassy at Tokyo, but a small staff will be
retained in Yokohama.
Consular agents will be appointed at Cork,
Ireland, and Haifa, Israel, to provide essential
consular services at these locations, and consid-
eration will be given to the appointment of con-
sular agents at other locations where warranted.
As of July 1 there were 166 U.S. consulates
tliroughout the world. In their local fields they
deal with visa services; citizensliip and pass-
port services; protection and welfare services
for American citizens, property, and int-erests;
notarials; services for ships, seamen, and air-
men ; and special services for other Federal and
State agencies.
Revised Tariff Schedules
To Be Effective August 31
Christian A. Herter, the President's Special
Eepresentative for Trade Negotiations, an-
nounced on July 25 that the revised tariff
schedules of the United States are slated to
become effective on August 31. The tariff
schedules will take effect 10 days after a Presi-
dential proclamation of the new nomenclature
and rates contained in them. This proclama-
tion will be issued m accordance with the
authoi-ity of the Tariff Classification Act of
1962.
The Tariff Classification Act of 1962 author-
izes the President, upon the completion of cer-
tain procedures, to proclaim new U.S. tariff
schedules based upon studies and recommenda-
tions of the Tariff Commission. The Commis-
sion's work was initiated under the authority of
the Customs Simplification Act of 1954.
The new tariff schedules will simplify the
detennination and application of U.S. import
duties. They will thus benefit domestic pro-
ducers, who will have more dependable knowl-
edge of the rates of duty applying to the types
of products they sell and the materials they
buy. They will also benefit importers and
consumers.
Entry into force of the new schedules has been
approved by the Contracting Parties to the
General Agi-eement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) and by the countries with wliich the
U.S. still maintains bilateral trade agreements.
The schedules, annotated for statistical pur-
poses, will be on sale by the Superintendent of
Docmnents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington, D.C. 20402. The annotated
schedules became available on August 1 at a
subscription price of $5.00 ($1.25 additional for
foreign mailing). The subscription price in-
cludes supplementary material for an indefinite
period.
AUGUST 26, 1963
697-373 — 63 3
329
Public Hearings Pertaining
to Trade Agreements
REGULATIONS OF TRADE INFORMATION
COMMITTEE '
Folloicing is the text of regulation.'! of the
Trade Information Committee, Part 211 of
Chapter II ( Office of the Special Representative
for Trade Negotiations) of Title ^S of the Code
of Federal Regulations.
In Chapter II of Title 48 of the Code of Federal
Regulations a new Part 211 is added to read as follows :
See.
211.1
211.2
211.3
211.4
211.5
211.(5
211.7
211.8
211.9
Office, mallinf; ndtlross, and hours.
JJotlces of public henrlngs.
Requests for public hearings under section 252(d).
Submission of written briefs.
Presentation of oral testimony at public hearings.
Presentation of oral testimony at Informal conferences.
Information open to public Inspection.
Information exempt from public Inspection.
Information available to United States Government
agencies.
AOTHOBITI: ii 211.1 to 211.9 Issued under sec. 202.3(b) of
this chapter. Sees. 211.2 to 211.6 also Issued under sees 223,
252(d). 76 SUt. 875. 880 ; 19 U.S.C. 1843, lS82(d).
§211.1 Office, mailing address, and hours.
(a) The office of the Trade Information Committee
(hereinafter referred to as the Committee) is in the
Executive Office Building, 17th Street and Pennsyl-
vania Avenue X\V., Washington, D.C., 20500.
( b) All communications to the Committee should be
addres.sed to the "lixeoutive Secretary, Trade Informa-
tion Committee, Executive Office Building, 17th Street
and Pennsylvania Avenue NW., Washington, DC
2O.".O0".
(c) The regular hours of the office of the Committee
are from 9:30 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. on each business day,
Monday through Friday.
§211.2 Notices of public hearings.
The Comiiiitlee .shall |.iil>li.<li iu the Federal Register
a notice of a proposed public hearing, the subject mat-
ter of the i)roposed public hearing, the period during
which written briefs may be submitted, the period dur-
ing which ref|upst.s may be submitted to present oral
testimony, and the time and place of the proposed pub-
lic hearing, in the following instances—
(a) Upon publication of a list of articles by the
Pre.sldent under section 221(a) of the Tiade Expansion
Act of 1002 (hereinafter referred to as the Act), as
a result of which public hearings are required to be
held by section 223 of the Act with resjiect to any mat-
ter relevant to a proposed trade agreement,
' 2H Fed. Reg. 7947.
(b) Upon the granting by the Committee of a re-
quest, made by an interested party in accordance with
§211.3, for a public hearing under section 252(d) of
the Act with respect to a foreign import restriction,
(e) Upon request by the Trade Executive Committee,
or
(d) Upon the Committee's own motion.
§211.3 RequesU for public hearings under section
252(d).
(a) A request by an interested party for a public
hearing under section 252(d) of the Act may be sub-
mitted in writing at any time. Such request will be
granted only if it identifies with particularity the for-
eign import restriction complained of, states the rea-
sons why the restriction is believed to be of the kind
covered by section 252 of the Act, and describes con-
cisely the effect of the restriction uiwn United States
exports.
(b) A request for a public hearing under section
252(d) of the Act shall be submitted in not less than
fifteen (15) copies, which shall be legibly typed, printed,
or duplicated, and of which at least one copy shall be
made under oath or affirmation.
(c) After receipt and consideration of a request for
a public hearing under section 252 fd) of the Act, the
Committee will notify the appUeant whether the re-
quest is granted, and if so. will take action under
§ 211.2, and if not, will give the reasons for the denial.
§211.4 Submission of written briefs.
(a) Participation by an interested party in a public
hearing announced under § 211.2 shall require the sub-
mission of a written brief before the close of the period
announced in the public notice for its submission.
Such brief may be. but need not be, supplemented by
the presentation of oral testimonv in accordance with
§ 211.5.
(b) A written brief by an interested party concern-
ing any aspect of the trade agreements program or any
related matter not subject to paragraph (a) of this
section and submitted pursuant to a public notice shall
be submitted before the close of the period announced
in the public notice for its submission.
(c) A written brief by an interested party concern-
ing any aspect of the trade agreements program or any
related matter not subject to paragraph (a) or para-
graph (b) of this section may be submitted at any time.
(d) A written brief .shall state clearly the position
taken and shall describe with particularity the evidence
supporting such position. It shall be submitted in not
less than fifteen (15) copies which shall be legibly
t.vped, printed, or duplicated, and of which at least
one copy shall be made under oath or affirmation.
§ 211.5 Presentation of oral testimony at public hear-
ings.
(a) A request by an interested party to present oral
testimony at a public hearing shall be submitted in
writing before the close of the period announced in the
330
DEPARTKENT OF STATE BULLETIN
public notice for its submission, and sbaU state briefly
the interest of the applicant and the position to be
taken by the applicant. Such request will be granted
only if a written brief has been prepared and submitted
in accordance with § 211.4.
(b) After receipt and consideration of a request to
present oral testimony at a public hearing, the Com-
mittee wUl notify the applicant whether the request is
granted, and if so, the time and place for his appear-
ance and the amount of time allotted for his oral testi-
mony, and if not, the reasons for the denial.
(c) Oral testimony presented at a public hearing
shall be made under oath or affirmation. The interested
party may briefly summarize and should supplement
the information contained in the written brief, and
should be prepared to answer questions relating to such
information.
(d) A stenographic record shall be made of every
public hearing.
§211.6 Presentation of oral testimony at informal
conferences.
(a) A request by an interested party to present oral
testimony to the Committee concerning any aspect of
the trade agreements program or any related matter at
an informal conference may be submitted in writing
at any time. Snch request will be granted only if it is
accompanied by a written brief prepared in accordance
with § 211.4(d).
(b) After receipt and consideration of a request to
present oral testimony to the Committee at an informal
conference, the Committee will notify the applicant
whether the request is granted, and if so, the time and
place for his appearance and the amount of time al-
lotted for his oral testimony, and if not, the reasons
for the denial.
(c) At an informal conference the interested party
may briefly summarize and should supplement the in-
formation contained in the written brief, and should
be prepared to answer questions relating to such in-
formation.
(d) A stenographic record shall be made of every
informal conference.
(e) A request to present oral testimony to the Com-
mittee at an informal conference wiU not be granted
if the Committee determines tJiat the subject matter
of the proposed oral testimony comes within the sub-
ject matter of a contemporaneous public hearing as
announced by a public notice.
§211.7 Information open to public inspection.
Witi the exception of information covered by § 211.9,
an interested party may, upon request to the Executive
Secretary, inspect at the oflice of the Committee —
(a) Any written request, brief, or sunUar submission
of information,
(b) Any stenographic record of a public hearing or
an informal conference, and
(c) Other public written information concerning the
trade agreements program and related matters.
§211.8 Information exempt from public inspection.
(a) The Committee shall exempt from public inspec-
tion business information submitted by an interested
party if the Committee determines that such informa-
tion concerns or relates to the trade secrets, processes,
operations, style of work, or apparatus, or to the
identity, confidential statistical data, amount or source
of any income, profits, losses, or expenditures of any
person, firm, partnership, corporation, or association,
the disclosure of which is not authorized by law or by
the interested party furnishing such information.
(b) A party requesting that the Committee exempt
from public inspection business information submitted
in writing shall clearly mark each page "For Official
Use Only" at the top. A party requesting that the
Committee exempt from public inspection business in-
formation submitted orally at an informal conference
shall ask that such information be marked "For Of-
ficial Use Only" on the stenographic record.
(c) The Committee may deny a request that it ex-
empt from public inspection any particular business in-
formation if it determines that such information is not
entitled to exemption. In the event of such denial,
the party submitting the particular business informa-
tion will be notified of the reasons for the denial and
will be permitted to withdraw his submission.
§ 211.9 Information available to United States Govern-
ment agencies.
All information received by the Committee shall be
available to the agencies of the United States Govern-
ment represented on the Committee, and to such other
agencies of the United States Government as the Com-
mittee may designate.
Elective date. This part shall become effective on
the date of its publication in the Federal Register.
By the Committee.
Beenaed Noewood,
Chairman.
August 2, 1963.
NOTICE OF PUBLIC HEARING'
Public Hearing Concebning Proposed Inceeases in
Rates op Duty on Certain Articles
1. Notice of puMic hearing. Pursuant to its regula-
tions, and in particular § 211.2(d) of Title 48 of the
Code of Federal Regulations (28 F.R. 7947) the Trade
Information Committee in the Office of the Special
Representative for Trade Negotiations has ordered a
public hearing with respect to proposed increases in
rates of duty on articles to be selected from those listed
in Annex A below.
2. Subject matter of public hearing. The purpose
of the public hearing will be to receive information and
views concerning the economic effects of an increase in
= 28 Fed. Reg. 8066.
AUGUST 26, 1963
331
the rate of duty on any article identified in Annex A
below.
Tlie parposc of such Increases in rates of duty would
be to redress the imbalance of tariff concessions be-
tween the United States and the European Economic
Community arising out of the withdrawal of a Ger-
man tariff concession on poultry which has been fol-
lowed by the imposition by the European Economic
Community of unreasonable import restrictions ui)on
United States exports of frozen poultry. Such in-
creases in rates of duty as are finally decided upon
would be proclaimed by the President j)ursuant to sec-
tion 2."2ic) of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962.
3. Time find pinrr of puhlio hearing. The public
hearing will bo held beginning at 10:00 a.m., e.d.s.t.
on Wednesday, September 4, 1963, in the Hearing Room
of the Tariff Commission, 8th and E Streets NW.,
Washington, B.C. (3d Floor, F Street side).
4. Presentation of oral testimony. A request to
present oral testimony shall be submitted in writing to
the Executive Secretary of the Committee on or before
Wednesda.v, August 21, 1963, and in accordance with
the ai)plicable provisions of this notice and the Com-
mittee's regulations (Part 211 of Title 48 of the Code
of Fwleral Regulations (2S F.R. 7947)).
Any such request .shall include the name, address,
telephone number, and organization of the party sub-
mitting the request, a brief statement of the party's in-
terest in the subject matter of the public hearing, a
brief statement of tie position to be taken, and the
name of the person who will present oral testimony.
Each party submitting a request will be notified
whetlier the request is granted, and if so, the date on
which he is scheduled to apiiear and the amount of
time allotted for his testimony, and, if not, the reasons
for the denial.
5. Submission of written briefs. In order to ensure
due consideration, written briefs shall be submitted as
early as possible, and in no case later than Tuesday,
September 3, 1963. Written briefs shall be prepared
and submitted in accordance with the applicable pro-
visions of this notice and the Committee's regulations
( Part 211 of Title 48 of the Code of Federal Regula-
tions (28 F.R. 7947)).
6. Limitation (ni presentation of vieics. Oral testi-
mony and written briefs shall be limited to a considera-
tion of the probable economic effects of an increase in
a rate of duty on any article identified in Annex A of
this notice. Consideration will not be given to oral
testimony or written briefs dealing with any article
not identified in Annex A.
All communications regarding this notice should be
aildrcHswl to the Executive Secretary, Trade Informa-
tion Committee. Executive Office Building, Washington,
D.C., 20506.
Bernard Norwood,
Chairman.
AuousT 6, 1963.
332
Annex ,\
Tarifl Schedule
of the United
8tstes (new)
Item No.
117.45-. 50
125. 30
132. 50
167. 30
168. 20-. 22
252. 35
254.25
256. 10
310. 01- 02
437. 02
437. 18
455. 16-. 20
455. 22-. 24
455. 40
609. 22
650. 91
683. 50
692. 05
723. 10
723. 15
723. 30
Roquefort cheese
Bulbs, roots, rootstocks,
clumps, corms, tubers,
and herbaceous perenni-
als: Other, imi)orted for
horticultural purposes.
Potato starch
Still wines produced from
grapes, containing not
over 14 percent of alco-
hol by volume, in con-
tainers each holding not
over 1 gallon.
Brandy
Cigarette paper, whether
or not cut to size or
shape, cigarette books,
and cigarette bookeovers.
Singles yarns, wholly of
continuous man-made fi-
bers (multifilament
yams) , with twist but not
over 20 turns per inch.
Caffeine
Theobromine
Edible gelatin
Photographic gelatin
Inedible gelatin and animal
glue, valued under 40
cents per po\ind.
Dextrine and soluble or
chemically treated
starches.
Flat wire, of iron or steel
other than alloy iron or
steel, not coated or
plated with metal, over
0.05 inch in thickness.
Cloth, gauze, fabric, screen,
netting, and fencing, all
the foregoing, of stain-
less steel, whether in
rolls, in endless bands, or
in lengths, but not cut to
shape, if woven (of
simple warp and weft
construction), with
meshes finer than 90
wires to the lineal inch
in warp or filling.
Scissors and shears, and
blades therefor, all the
foregoing valued over
$1.75 per dozen.
Shavers and scissors, with
self-contained electric
motors, and parts there-
of.
.'Vutomobile trucks valued
at $1,000 or more, and
motor buses.
Motion-picture film, 1 inch
or more in width, sensi-
tized but not exposed.
Photographic film other
than motion-picture film,
sensitized but not ex-
posed.
Silver halide photographic
papers, sensitized but
not exposed.
DEP.\RTMEXT OF STATE BULLETIN
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Security Council Calls for Ban
on Sale of Arms to South Africa
Following are statements made in the U.N.
Security Caimcil hy U.S. Representatives Adlai
E. Stevenson and Charles W. Yost, during de-
hate on the racial 'policies of the RepuMic of
South Africa, together with the text of a reso-
lution adopted hy the Council on August 7.
STATEMENT BY MR. STEVENSON, AUGUST 2
U.S./U.N. press release 4233
All of us sitting here today know the melan-
choly truth about the racial policies of the Gov-
ernment of South Africa. Our task now is to
consider what further steps we can take to in-
duce that Government to remove the evil busi-
ness of apartheid, not only from our agenda but
from the continent of Africa.
The policy of apartheid denies the worth and
the dignity of the human person. And for this
very reason we must try to express our feelings,
we believe, with as much restraint as we can
muster. Self-righteousness is no substitute for
practical results.
It is all too true that there is scarcely a society
of the world that is not touched by some form
of discrimination. Who among us can cast the
first stone or boast that we are free of any
semblance of discrimination, by color or religion
or in some other form ?
I take the liberty of quoting to you a few
lines from a speech I made in Geneva a couple
of weeks ago.^ I said that :
... in my country too many of our Negro citizens
still do not enjoy their full civil rights — because an-
cient attitudes stubbornly resist change in spite of the
vigorous official poUcy of the Government. But such
indignities are an anachronism that no progressive
society can tolerate, and the last vestiges must be
' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 26.5.
abolished with all possible speed. Actually in the past
few years we have made more progress in achieving
full equality of rights and opportunities for all of our
citizens than during any comparable period since Abra-
ham Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation freed our
Republic and our national conscience from a heavy
burden 100 years ago.
The very struggles which now call worldwide atten-
tion to our shame are themselves signs of a progress
that will be increasingly visible in the months ahead.
The sound and fury about racial equality that fill our
press and airwaves are the sounds of the great thaw ;
the logjam of the past is breaking up.
I wanted to repeat what I said in Geneva to
leave no doubt that the United States position
is not one of self -righteousness, self-satisfaction.
The question before us, however, is how and
when the logjam of racial discrimination will be
loosened and brought into the mainstream of
the United Nations Charter. If we all suffer
from the disease of discrimination in various
forms, at least most of us recognize the disease
for what it is — a disfiguring blight.
The whole point is that in many countries
governmental policies are dedicated to rooting
out this dread syndrome of prejudice and dis-
crimination, while in South Africa we see the
anachronistic spectacle of the Government of a
great people which persists in seeing the disease
as the remedy, prescribing for the malady of
racism the bitter toxic of apartheid.
Mr. President, just as my country is deter-
mined to wipe out discrimination in our society,
it will support efforts to bring about a change
in South Africa. It is in the United States'
interest to do this ; it is in the interest of South
Africa ; it is in the interest of a world which has
suffered enough from bigotry and prejudice and
hatred.
Present Situation Offers Little Hope
The past two decades have seen an explosion
of nationhood miequaled in history. Certainly
the pace of decolonization m Africa has been
AUGUST 26, 1963
333
nothiiifj less flinn phenomenal, and it offers a
record of progress far beyond what the most
optimistic among us could have expected in
194."). The new states of Africa are gaining
strength, resolutely lighting to build prosper-
ous, dynamic societies and to do this in coopera-
tion with other African states.
Hut as this meeting of the Security Council
so graphically emphasizes, the full potential of
this new era cannot be realized because of South
Africa's self-chosen isolation. Worse yet, prog-
ress in Africa is overshadowed by the racial bit-
terness and resontnipnt caused by the policies of
the South African Government. And it is the
duty of this Council to do what it can to insure
that this situation does not deteriorate further
:iiid that tlie injustice of (jpartheid comes to an
end — not in bloodshed and bondage but in peace
and freedom.
"WTiat we see and hear, however, offers us at
present little hope. Indeed, the situation is
worse than it was 3 years ago when this Council
first met on the question of apartheid." Speak-
ers before me have reviewed the record of pre-
vious discussions of apartheid by this Council
and of the General Assembly. As they have
pointed out, we have called repeatedly upon tlie
Government of South Africa to consider world
opinion, to cooperate with the United Nations,
and to set in molion some meaningful steps to-
ward ending discrimination and policies and
practices that would offend the whole world
wherever they were pureued.
Outside of this organization, many mem-
bers—not the least of which is my own Govern-
ment— have attempted repeatedly to persuade
the South African Government to begin moving
along the lines of these resolutions. I myself,
Mr. Pre,sident, have had something emphatic to
sjiy on this .score on two occasions in the Repub-
lic of South Africa— things that had grieved
me to liave to say after enjoying so much cour-
tesy and hospitality from the friendly and the
gracious people of that lovely land.
But it is only stating a fact of life to say that
the vi.siblo result of all of these discussions and
resolutions here in the United Nations and all
diplomatic activity so far is zero.
It is only stating the obvious to say that up
• Ihid., Apr. 2.-, 19C0, p. 007.
until this time our efforts have yielded no tan-
gible results.
It is only calling things by their right name
to say that we are confronted for the moment
with a deadlock between the overwhelming ma-
jority of mankind and the Republic of South
Africa.
There has been no forward motion; indeed,
there has been retrogression — calculated retro-
gression.
Need I read the bill of particulars?
For tlie past 15 years the Government of
South Africa has built a barrier between the
races— piling new restrictions upon old restric-
tions.
All South Africans must carry identification
cards indicating racial ancestry.
Segi-egation in religion, education, and public
accommodation is total.
Freedom of employment is limited; wage
rates for the same work and the same respon-
sibility are different according to the color of
3'our skin.
Freedom of movement is inhibited.
Strikes by Africans in South Africa are
illegal.
Africans in South Africa are prohibited from
residing, from doing business or acquiring real
property in most cities, and in large areas of the
countryside.
Voters are registered on separate rolls accord-
ing to race, and since 1958 non-European voters
have had no representation whate\-er — even by
Europeans — in the legislature.
This is not the whole story. But the point is
that these and other measures of discrimina-
tion— aimed at the total separation of races into
privileged and unprivileged segments of so-
ciety— do not represent inherited social defects
for which remedies are being sought but in-
justices deliberately and systematically imposed
in the recent past.
Summary of Basic Principles
^Ir. President, we are all agreed and we have
proclaimed again and again in this body and in
the General Assembly, and in many other for-
ums of the I'nited Nations, certain basic views
about the issue before us. However, we must
restate them again and again so that we can
334
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
sum up where we stand and deliberate with
clarity and candor on how to move forward.
First, we have affirmed and reaffirmed tliat
apartheid is abhorrent. Our belief hi the self-
evident truths about human equality is en-
shrined in the charter. Apartheid and racism —
despite all of the tortured rationalizations we
have heard from the apologists — are incom-
patible with the moral, the social, and the con-
stitutional foundations of our societies.
A second basic principle on which we are
agreed is that all membei-s of the organization
have pledged themselves to take action, in coop-
eration with the organization, to promote ob-
servance of human rights without distinction as
to race.
Thirdly, we continue to believe that this mat-
ter is of proper and legitimate concern to the
United Nations. We have often stated in the
General Assembly our belief that the Assembly
can properly consider questions of racial dis-
crimination and other violations of human
rights where they are a member's official policy
and are inconsistent with the obligations of that
member under articles 65 and 56 of the charter
to promote observance of human rights with-
out distinction as to race. Moreover, the apar-
theid policy of South Africa has clearly led to
a situation the continuance of which is likely to
endanger international peace and security.
Measures U.S. Has Taken
We also believe that all members, in the
words of the resolution ^ passed almost unani-
mously by the 16th General Assembly should
take such separate and collective action to bring
about an abandonment of apartheid as is open to
them in conformity with the charter. The
United States supported that resolution and has
complied with it.
I should like to take this occasion to bring
up to date the record of the measures the United
States has taken to carry out this purpose.
First, we have continued and, indeed, have
accelerated our official representations to the
Government of South Africa on all aspects of
apartheid in that country. We have done this
through public words and private diplomacy,
expressing our earnest hope that the South
•U.N. doc. A/RES/1663(XVI).
African Government would take steps to re-
consider and to revise its racial policies and to
extend the full range of civic rights and oppor-
tunities to non whites in the life of their country.
And we have observed to the South African
Government that, m the absence of an indica-
tion of change, the United States would not
cooperate in matters which would lend support
to South Africa's present racial policies.
We have utilized our diplomatic and consular
establishments in South Africa to demonstrate
by words and by deeds our official disapproval
of apartheid.
And as the United States representative in-
formed the Special Political Committee of the
General Assembly on October 19, 1962," the
United States has adopted and is enforcing the
policy of forbiddmg the sale to the South Af-
rican Government of arms and military equip-
ment, whether from Government or commercial
sources, which could be used by that Govern-
ment to enforce apartheid either in South Af-
rica or in the administration of South-West
Africa. We have carefully screened both Gov-
ernment and commercial shipments of military
equipment to make sure that this policy is rigor-
ously enforced.
But I am now authorized to inform the Se-
curity Council of still another important step
which my Government is prepared to take.
We expect to bring to an end the sale of all
military equipment to the Government of South
Africa by the end of this calendar year in order
further to contribute to a peaceful solution and
to avoid any steps which might at this point di-
rectly contribute to international friction in the
area. There are existing contracts which pro-
vide for limited quantities of strategic equip-
ment for defense against external threats, such
as air-to-air missiles and torpedoes for sub-
marines. We must honor these contracts.
The Council should be aware that, in an-
nouncing this policy, the United States as a
nation with many responsibilities in many parts
of the world naturally reserves the right in the
future to interpret this policy in the light of
requirements for assuring the maintenance of
international peace and security. If the in-
terests of the world community require the pro-
' Bulletin of Nov. 19, 1962, p. 791.
AUGUST 26, 1963
335
vision of equipment for use in the common de-
fense effort, we would naturally feel able to do
so witliout violating the spirit and the intent of
this resolve.
Now, Mr. President, we are taking this
further step to indicate the deep concern which
the Government of the United States feels at the
failure of the Republic of South Africa to
abandon its policy of apartheid.
In pursuing this policy, the Republic of
South Africa, as we have so often said, is failing
to discharge its obligations under articles 55
and 56 of the charter, whereby members pledge
themselves to take joint and separate action in
cooperation with the organization for the
achievement of, among other things, universal
respect for the observance of human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all without distinc-
tion as to race, sex, language, or religion.
Stopping the sale of arms to South Africa
emphasizes our hope that the Republic of South
Africa will now reassess its attitude toward
apartheid in the light of the constantly growing
international concern at its failure to heed the
numerous appeals made to it by various organs
of the United Nations, as well as appeals of
member states, such as my Government.
Question of Sanctions
As to the action of this Council in this pro-
ceeding, we are prepared to consult with other
members and with the African foreign min-
isters present at the table, and we will have
some suggestions to make. It is clear to my
delegation that the application of sanctions
under chapter VII in the situation now before
us would be both bad law and bad policy.
It would be bad law because the extreme
measures provided in chapter VII were never
intended and cannot reasonably be interpreted
to apply to situations of this kind. The found-
ers of the United Nations were very careful to
reserve the right of the organization to employ
mandatory coercive measures to situations
where there was an actuality of international
violence — or such a clear and present threat to
the peace as to leave no reasonable alternative
but resort to coercion. We do not have that kind
of a situation here. Fortunately for all of us,
there is still time to work out a solution throucrh
measures of pacific settlement, and any solution
adopted by this Council must be reasonably cal-
culated to promote such settlement.
It is bad policy because the application of
sanctions in this situation is not likely to bring
about the practical result that we seek, that is,
the abandonment of apartheid. Far from en-
couraging the beginning of a dialog between the
Government of South Africa and its African
population, punitive measures would only pro-
voke intransigence and harden the existing
situation.
Furthermore, the result of the adoption of
such measures, particularly if compliance is not
widespread and sincere, would create doubts
about the validity of and diminish respect for
the authority of the United Nations and the effi-
cacy of the sanction process envisioned in the
charter. Also on this matter, views differ so
widely that we cannot hope to agree on the
necessary consensus to make such action effec-
tive even if it were legitimate and appropriate.
And as for suggestions of diplomatic isola-
tion, persuasion cannot be exercised in a vac-
uum ; conflicting views cannot be reconciled in
absentia.
Instead, we believe still further attempts
should be made to build a bridge of commimica-
tion, discussion, and persuasion. If the human
race is going to survive on this earth, wisdom,
reason, and right must prevail. And let us not
forget that there are many wise and influential
people in that great country who share our
views.
It is regrettable accomplishments in so many
fields of human endeavor in South Africa are
being obscured by a racial policy repugnant to
Africa and to the world. Certainly one ultimate
goal for all of us is to assist South Africa to
rejoin the African Continent and to assist in
the development of all the peoples of Africa.
And this, Mr. President, is why my Govern-
ment has looked with such favor on the idea of
appointing special representatives of the Secu-
rity Council who can work energetically and
persistently and be free to exercise their own
ingenuity and to pursue every prospect and
every hint of a useful opening.
We cannot accept the proposition that the
only alternative to apartheid is bloodshed.
.330
DEPARTIIEXT OF STATE BULLETIK
We cannot accejJt the conclusion that there is
no way out — no direction to go except the pres-
ent collision course toward ultimate disaster in
South Africa.
Certainly there are alternatives, and they
must be identified and they must be explored
before it is too late.
It is a matter of considerable regret to my
delegation that the Government of South Af-
rica has chosen to absent itself from these pro-
ceedings. But regrets to the side, Mr. President,
it is exceedingly difficult in this shrunken and
interdependent world to live in self-ostracism
from international society; in this world of in-
stant communication, it is progressively more
hazardous to fly in the face of world opinion.
And certainly the obligation to talk about dan-
gerous disputes is too solemn to be ignored by
even the most stubborn of leaders today.
Mr. President, there is nothing inherently
immutable in any impasse in human affairs.
Many a seemingly hopeless cause has prevailed
in the course of history. I had occasion just
last week to recall here that negotiations over
the testing of nuclear weapons looked hopeless
for five long, dreary, and frustrating years — un-
til the impasse was broken suddenly, to the vast
relief of an anxious world. And as I said, the
stalemate was broken because men refused to
give up hope, because men declined to give in
to despair, because men worked consistently and
doggedly to break the deadlock. Manifestly
this treaty does not solve all of the problems in
connection with nuclear armaments; but every
long journey begins with a single step and this
is a beginning.
So I should like to suggest very emphatically
that we approach the problem of apartheid in
South Africa as a similar challenge to ingenu-
ity, to the instinct for survival of humankind.
As President Kennedy said with reference to
the atomic treaty, we must not be afraid to test
our hopes.^
It is m the spirit of testing our hopes that
this sad episode will end in reason and not in
flame that I on behalf of my Government sol-
emnly, earnestly, appeal to the Government of
South Africa to change course and embark on
' Ihid.. Aug. 12, 1963, p. 234.
a policy of national reconciliation and emanci-
pation.
STATEMENT BY MR. YOST, AUGUST 7,
IN EXPLANATION OF VOTE
U.S./U.N. press release 4235
My Government is able to support this resolu-
tion because it reflects the attitude of the United
States toward the racial policies of the Repub-
lic of South Africa. We particularly appreci-
ate the cooperation of the sponsors of the reso-
lution which has facilitated our desire to vote
in favor of it.
We have over a period of years expressed our
strong disapproval of the policy of racial dis-
crimination being pursued in South Africa
contrary to the obligations of the Republic Gov-
ernment under articles 55 and 56 of the charter.
Thus we wholeheartedly endorse the appeal to
South Africa to abandon these policies and to
liberate those persons who have been impris-
oned, interned, or subjected to other restrictions
merely because they are opposed to the policy of
apartheid.
My delegation also supports the request that
all member states cease forthwith the sale and
shipment of arms and military vehicles. As
you will recall, Ambassador Stevenson an-
nounced in this chamber on August 2 that the
United States Government had taken another
important step demonstrating its concern at the
continued lack of progress in ending racial dis-
crimination in South Africa by voluntarily de-
ciding to end the sale of all military equipment
to the Government of South Africa by the end
of this year.
Mr. President, the Council will also recall
that at the time the United States representa-
tive announced this new policy he explained that
our decision not to sell armaments after the end
of this year to South Africa was without preju-
dice to the completion of delivery of certain
strategic equipment, such as air-to-air missiles
and torpedoes on which contracts had already
been signed. In addition, it will be recalled
that we naturally reserved the right to interpret
this policy in light of any future requirements
for the common defense effort in assuring the
maintenance of international peace and security.
AUGUST 26, 1963
337
Mr. President, liaving commented on the
principal operative jjortions of the resolution,
may I also mention two preanibular paragraphs
and related aspects of the text.
With respect to the seventh preanibular para-
grai)h of the resolution, I wish to emphasize
that the I'nitetl States is most gratilied that the
sponsors have seen fit to change their original
formulation from "is seriously endangering in-
ternational peace and security" to "is seriously
disturbing international peace and security."
In making this change they clearly recognize
that a number of Council members are not pre-
pared to agree that the situation in South Af-
rica is one which now calls for the kind of
action appropriate in cases of threats to the
peace or breaches of the peace under chapter
VII of the United Nations Charter. As mem-
bers of the Council are aware, chapter VII does
not speak in terms of disturbances to the peace,
even serious ones, but only of actual threats to
the peace, or breaches of the peace, or acts of
aggression.
The resolution's preambular reference to dis-
turbing the peace thus refers to those under-
lying elements of this certainly serious situa-
tion which, if continued, are likely to endanger
the maintenance of international peace and se-
curity. This is quite different from finding a
fully matured threat to or breach of the peace
in the present situation. There are in this
troubled world many disturbances to interna-
tional peace and security. But even in those
parts of the world where there is now sporadic
fighting on international frontiers, this orga-
nization has wisely been cautious about invok-
ing the powei-s of the Security Council under
chapter VII.
The change in wording to which I have re-
ferred has been of the greatest importance in
determining the decision of the United States
to vote for this resolution; in fact, it was a
decisive factor.
I might add that the fact that operative para-
graphs 2 and 3 of the resolution as adopted "call
upon" meml)er states to take certain action does
not, of course, give these paragraphs a manda-
tory character. The words "call upon" are
found in chapter VI as well as chapter VII of
the charter; they have l)een repeatedly employed
by the General Assembly as well as the Security
Council ; and in the customary practice of the
United Nations they do not carry mandatory
force.
May I make one further point, Mr. President,
about preambular paragraph 6, which reads:
"Regretting that some States are indirectly pro-
viding encouragement in various ways to the
Government of South Africa to perpetuate, by
force, its policy of apartheid.'''' In our view,
the allegation that some member states are in-
directly providing support of tliis kind is of
questionable accuracy and propriety. In fact,
we have seen no evidence that any state is en-
couraging the Government of South Africa to
perpetuate, whether by force or otherwise, its
policy of apartheid, wliich we all condemn. For
this reason, we would have preferred to have
this paragraph omitted.
With these explanations of our attitude to-
ward certain paragraphs of the resolution, we
were most happy to join with other members of
the Coimcil in voting for it. We profoundly
hope that the Government of South Africa will
take to heart this solemn warning from the
highest body of the United Nations and will
promptly take steps to abandon the indefensible
and dangerous racial policy which it is now
pursuing.
TEXT OF RESOLUTION'
The Security Council,
Having considered the question of race conflict in
South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid
of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, as
submitted by the thirty-two African Member States,'
Recalling Security Council resolution S/4300 of
1 April 1960,
Taking into account that world public opinion has
" U.S. doe. S/53S6 ; adopted by the Council on Aug. 7
by a vote of 9 to 0, with 2 abstentions I France, U.K.).
In an earlier vote, operative paragraph 3 of the original
draft resolution failed of adoption by a vote of 5
(Ghana, Morocco, Philippines, U.S.S.R., Venezuela) to
0, with 6 absentions (Brazil, China, France, Norway,
U.K., U.S.). It read as follows: "Call-K upon all Statea
to boycott all South African goods and to refrain from
exporting to South Africa strategic materials of direct
military value."
' U.N. doc. S/5348.
.338
DKr.\RTMF.XT OF ST.XTE BULLETIN
been reflected in General Assembly resolution 1761
(XVII) and particularly in its paragraphs 4 and 8,
Noting with appreciation the two interim reports of
the Special Committee on the policies of apartheid of
the Government of South Africa contained in docu-
ments S/5310 of 9 May 1963 and S/5353 of 17 July 1963,
Noting with concern the recent arms build-up by the
Government of South Africa, some of which arms are
being used in furtherance of that Government's racial
policies.
Regretting that some States are indirectly providing
encouragement in various ways to the Government of
South Africa to perpetuate, by force, its policy of
apartheid.
Regretting the failure of the Government of South
Africa to accept the invitation of the Security Council
to delegate a representative to appear before it.
Being convinced that the situation in South Africa is
seriously disturbing international peace and security,
1. Strongly deprecates the policies of South Africa in
its perpetuation of racial discrimination as being in-
consistent with the principles contained in the Charter
of the United Nations and contrary to its obligations as
a Member State of the United Nations ;
2. Calls upon the Government of South Africa to
abandon the policies of apartheid and discrimination as
called for in the previous Security Council resolution
of 1 April 1960, and to liberate all persons imprisoned,
interned or subjected to other restrictions for having
opposed the policy of apartheid ;
3. Solemnly calls upon aU States to cease forthwith
the sale and shipment of arms, ammunition of all types
and military vehicles to South Africa ;
4. Requests the Secretary-General to lieep the situa-
tion in South Africa under observation and to report to
the Security Ctmncil by 30 October 1963.
World Bank Issues Financial
Statement for Fiscal Year 1963
The International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development reported on August 6 addi-
tions of $11-4 million to its reserves during the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1963, raising its total
reserves to $813 million.
Additions during the year were made up of
net earnings of $82.7 million and loan commis-
sions of $31.3 million. The earnings were
placed in the supplemental reserve against losses
on loans and guarantees, and the loan commis-
sions were credited to the special reserve. These
figures compare to net earnings of $70.3 million
and loan commissions of $30 million in the fiscal
year 19G2. On June 30, 1963, the supplemental
reserve totaled $558.1 million and the special
reserve was $254.9 million.
Gross income, exclusive of loan commissions,
was $203.9 million, compared with $188.3 mil-
lion in the preceding year. Expenses, which
included $103.7 million for interest on Bank
borrowing and other financial expenses, totaled
$121.2 million, compared with $118 million last
year.
During the year the Bank made 28 loans to-
taling the equivalent of $448.7 million, com-
pared with a total of $882.3 million last year.
The loans were made in Colombia (3 loans),
Cyprus, El Salvador, Finland, India, Israel,
Mexico, Morocco, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan
(3 loans), Panama, Peru, Philippines (2 loans),
Singapore, Swaziland, Thailand (4 loans),
Uruguay, and Yugoslavia (2 loans). This
brought the gross total of loan commitments
at June 30 to $7,121.5 million. By June 30, as
a result of cancellations, repayments, sales of
loans, and exchange adjustments, the portions
of loans signed still retained by the Bank had
been reduced to $4,712.3 million.
Disbursements were $620.4 million, compared
with $485.4 million in the preceding year. Cu-
mulative disbursements amounted to $5,425.5
million on June 30, 1963.
During the year the Bank sold or agreed to
sell $273.3 million principal amount of loans.
On June 30 the total sales of loans amounted to
$1,605.3 million, of which all except $69 million
was without the Bank's guarantee.
Repayments of principal received by the
Bank during the year amounted to $112.9 mil-
lion, and repayments to purchasers of parts of
loans amounted to $130.6 million. This brought
total principal repayments to $1,318.9 million
on June 30, consisting of $655.4 million repaid
to the Bank and $663.5 million repaid to the
purchasers of borrowers' obligations sold by
the Bank.
The outstanding funded debt of the Bank
amounted to $2,519.2 million on June 30, 1963,
reflecting a net decrease of $1.6 million in the
past year. During the year there was a gross
increase in borrowings of $124 million. This
consisted of a Netherlands guilder public bond
issue in the amount of f.40 million (US$11 mil-
lion equivalent) ; a public offering of $5 million
AUGUST 26, 1963
339
of U.S. dollar bonds in Austria, and a place-
ment of $5 million of U.S. dollar notes with the
central bank of Austria; the private placement
of an issue of $100 million of U.S. dollar bonds;
and the delivery of $3 million of bonds wliich
had l)een subject to delayed delivery arrange-
ments. The funded debt was decreased by
$125.6 million as a result of the maturing of the
equivalent of $107.8 million of bonds and of
sinking fund and purchase fund transactions
amounting to $17.8 million.
TREATY INFORMATION
United States and India Sign
Atomic Energy Agreement
Pre»» relDase 411 dated Aiigiiet 9
An agreeTnent for cooperation which -pro-
vides the legal basis for imtatting and operating
a 380-megaioatt nuclear power station of United
States design at Tarapur, India,' was signed on
August 8, 1963, at the Department of State hy
Indian Ambassador Braj Kumur Nehru, Assist-
ant Secretary of State Phillips Talbot, and Dr.
Glenn T. Seaborg, Chairman of the Atomic
Energy Commission. In compliance with the
Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended, the
agreement lias been placed before the Joint
Committee on Atomic Energy for a period of
30 days. Follotcing is the text of the agreement.
AOREEMKNT FOR COOPERATION BETWEEN THE
Government of the United States of
America and the Go\t>rnment of India
Concerning the Cutl Uses of Atomic
Energy
■\Miereas the peaceful uses of atomic energy
hold great promise for all mankind;
Wliereas the Government of India has de-
cided to construct and operate a civil atomic
' For backsround, see Bulletin of July 22, 1963, p.
power station near Tarapur in Maharashtra
State as hereinafter specified ;
Whereas the Government of the United States
of America and the Government of India desire
to cooperate with respect to the construction
and operation of the aforesaid civil atomic
power station ;
Now therefore the Parties hereto agree as
follows :
Article I
Unclassified information shall be exchanged
between the Parties hereto with respect to the
development, design, construction, operation,
and use of the Tarapur Atomic Power Station,
including research and development related
thereto and problems of health and safety con-
nected therewith.
Article II
A. During the period of this Agreement the
United States Commission will sell to the Gov-
ernment of India and the Government of India
will purchase from the United States Commis-
sion, as needed, all requirements of the Govern-
ment of India for enriched uranium for use as
fuel at the Tarapur Atomic Power Station, it
being understood that the Tarapur Atomic
Power Station shall be operated on no other
special nuclear material than that made avail-
able by the United States Commission and
special nuclear material produced therefrom.
The enriched uranium, which shall contain no
more than twenty per cent (20% ) U-23r), will be
made available in accordance with the terms,
conditions and delivery schedules set forth in a
contract to be made between the Parties: pro-
vided, however, that the net amount of U-235
contained in the enriched uranium sold here-
under shall not exceed 14,500 kilograms. The
net amount of U-235 shall be the gross quantity
of U-235 contained in the enriched uranium
sold to the Government of India hereunder less
the quantity of U-235 contained in recoverable
uranium resold or otherwise returned to the
Government of the United States of America
or transferred to any other nation or gi-oup of
nations or international organization with the
approval of tlie Government of the United
States of America.
340
department of state bulletin
B. The net amount of U-235 contained in
the enriched uranium to be sold pursuant to
Paragraph A of this Article has been agreed
upon by the Parties on the basis of estimated
requirements for fueling the Tarapur Atomic
Power Station. If the construction of the
Tarapur Atomic Power Station is not begun
by June 30, 1965, the United States shall not
be required, unless it is otherwise agreed, to
sell enriched uranium for fueling the Tarapur
Station under this Agreement.
C. Within the limitations contained in Para-
graph A of this Article the quantity of enriched
uranium sold by the United States Commission
under this Article and held by the Government
of India pursuant to this Agreement shall not
at any time be in excess of the quantity neces-
sary for the full loading of the Tarapur Atomic
Power Station, plus such additional quantity
as, in the opinion of the Parties, is necessary
to permit the efficient and continuous operation
of the Station.
D. The Government of India will retain title
to any enriched uranium purchased from the
United States Commission.
E. It is agreed that when any special nuclear
material utilized in the Tarapur Atomic Power
Station requires reprocessing, and recourse is
not taken by the Government of India to the
provisions of Article VI C of this Agreement,
such reprocessing may be performed in Indian
facilities upon a joint determination of the Par-
ties that the provisions of Article VT of this
Agreement may be effectively applied, or in
such other facilities as may be mutually agreed.
It is understood, except as may be otherwise
agreed, that the form and content of any irradi-
ated fuel elements removed from the reactors
shall not be altered before delivery to any such
reprocessing facility.
F. With respect to any special nuclear mate-
rial produced in the Tarapur Atomic Power
Station which is in exc«ss of the need of the
Government of India for such material in its
program for the peaceful uses of atomic energy,
the Government of the United States of Amer-
ica shall have the first option to purchase such
special nuclear material at the fuel value price
of the United States Commission which may
be in effect domestically at such time as it may
exercise its option. If such option is not exer-
cised, the Government of India may with the
approval of the Government of the United
States of America transfer such excess special
nuclear material to any other nation or group
of nations or international organization.
G. Some atomic energy materials which the
Government of India may request the United
States Commission to provide in accordance
with this Agreement are harmful to persons
and property imless handled and used care-
fully. After delivery of such materials to the
Government of India, the Government of India
shall bear all responsibility, insofar as the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America is
concerned, for the safe handling and use of such
materials.
Article III
Materials needed for use at or in connection
with the Tarapur Atomic Power Station, other
than source materials or the special nuclear ma-
terials required for fueling the reactors, will,
when such materials are not available com-
mercially, be transferred by the Government
of the United States of America to the Govern-
ment of India on such terms and conditions and
in such amounts as may be mutually agreed;
provided, however, that special nuclear mate-
rial transfers will be confined to limited
quantities.
Article IT
The application or use of any information
(including design drawings and specifications)
and any material, equipment and devices, ex-
changed or transferred under this Agreement,
shall be the responsibility of the Party receiv-
ing it, and the other Party does not warrant
the accuracy or completeness of sucli informa-
tion and does not warrant the suitability of such
information, materials, equipment and devices
for any particular use or application.
Article V
It is agreed that the Government of the
United States of America will permit persons
under its jurisdiction to transfer and export
materials, equipment and devices, other than
source or special nuclear materials, to, and per-
form services for, the Government of India and
such persons under its jurisdiction as are au-
AUGITST 26, 1963
341
tliorizcd by the Government of India to receive
and possess such materials, equipment and de-
vices, and utilize such services for the Tarapur
Atomic Power Station, subject to applicable
laws, regulations and license requirements of
the Government of the United States of Amer-
ica and the Government of India.
Article VI
A. The Parties to this Agreement emphasize
their common interest in assuring that any ma-
terial, equipment or device made available to
the Government of India for use in the Tarapur
Atomic Power Station, or in connection there-
with, pursuant to this Agreement shall be used
solely for peaceful purposes. The Government
of India emphasizes, in contrast to the position
of the Ignited States, that its agreement to the
provisions of this Article in relation to equip-
ment or devices transferred pursuant to this
Agreement has been accorded in consideration
of the fact that, as provided in this Agreement,
the Tarapur Atomic Power Station will be oper-
ated on no other special nuclear material than
that furnished by the Government of the United
States of America and special nuclear material
produced therefrom, in consequence of which
the provisions of this Article in relation to
equipment or devices in any case ensue from
the safeguards on fuel.
B. The following arrangements shall be ap-
plicjible between the Parties :
1. The Parties have reviewed the design of
tlie Tarapur Atomic Power Station and may
review any significant modification in this de-
sign for the sole purpose of determining that
the arrangements provided in this Article can
be effectively applied. For the same purpose,
the Parties may review the design of other fa-
cilities which will u.se, fabricate or process any
special nuclear material made available pur-
suant to this Agreement or produced in the
Tarapur Atomic Power Station. Such a re-
view of the design of these other facilities will
not l>e required if the Government of India, pur-
suant to mutually acceptable measurement ar-
rangements, has placed an agreed equivalent
amount of the same type of special nuclear
material under the scope of this Agreement.
2. The Parties have agreed that a svstem of
records and reports shall be e.stablished to as-
sure the complete accountability of any special
nuclear material which is made available to
the Government of India pursuant to this
Agreement or which is produced in the Tarapur
Atomic Power Station. This system of records
and reports shall be as described in the schedule
annexed hereto and marked Annexure "A".
3. Any special nuclear material made avail-
able pursuant to this Agreement or produced in
the Tarapur Atomic Power Station, which is
surplus to the current needs of the fuel cycle
for the Tarapur Atomic Power Station and
which is not transferred by the Government
of Iiidia pursuant to this Agreement, shall, un-
less otherwise mutually agreed, be stored at the
Tarapur Atomic Power Station.
4. There will be consultations and periodic
exchanges of visits between the Parties to give
assurance that the objectives set forth in para-
graph A of this Article and the provisions of
this Agreement concerning transfers are being
observed. To the extent relevant to the accom-
plishment thereof, personnel designated by the
Government of the United States of America,
following consultation with the Government of
India, upon request of the Government of the
United States of America, and personnel desig-
nated by the Government of India shall have
full access to the Tarapur Atomic Power Sta-
tion and to conversion, fabrication and chemical
processing facilities in India at such time as spe-
cial nuclear material transferred to the Govern-
ment of India for, or received from, the Tarapur
Atomic Power Station is located at such facili-
ties, and at such other times as may be relevant
to the accomplishment of the above-noted objec-
tives. Personnel so designated shall also be
afforded access to other places and data, and to
persons, to the extent relevant to the accomplish-
ment of those objectives. The personnel desig-
nated by either Party, accompanied by person-
nel of the other Party if the latter so requests,
may make such independent measurements as
either Party considers neccssarv; and nothing
in this Agreement is intended to impede the
ability of either Party to have prompt access to
data, places and persons to the extent relevant
to accomplish the above-noted objectives. The
Government of the United States of America
342
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIM
I
■will keep such access to a minimum consistent
with the need for effective verification that those
objectives are being observed.
C. Notwithstanding anything contained in
this Agreement the Government of India shall
have the right, upon prior notice to the Govern-
ment of the United States, to remove from the
scope of this Agreement quantities of special
nuclear material provided it has, pursuant to
mutually acceptable measurement arrange-
ments, placed agreed equivalent quantities of
the same type of special nuclear material under
the scope of this Agreement.
D. In the event of noncompliance with the
guarantees or with the provisions of this Article,
and the subsequent failure of the Government
of India to fulfill such guarantees and provi-
sions within a reasonable time, the Government
of the United States of America shall have the
right to suspend or terminate this Agreement
and require the return of any equipment and
devices transferred under this Agreement and
any special nuclear material safeguarded pur-
suant to this Article.
Article VII
A. The Government of India guarantees that
the safeguards in Article VI shall be maintained
and that :
1. No material, equipment or device trans-
ferred to the Government of India or authorized
persons under its jurisdiction pursuant to this
Agreement, by sale, lease or otherwise, will be
used for atomic weapons or for research on or
development of atomic weapons or for any other
military purpose, and
2. That no such material, equipment or device
will be transferred to unauthorized persons or
beyond the jurisdiction of the Government of
India except as may be agreed to by the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and
the Government of India, and then only if in
the opinion of the United States Conunission
such transfer falls within the scope of an Agree-
ment for Cooperation between the Government
'of the United States of America and the other
nation or group of nations or international
organization.
B. The Government of the United States of
America guarantees that no special nuclear
material produced at the Tarapur Atomic
Power Station and acquired by it, or an equiva-
lent amount of the same type substituted there-
for, shall be used for atomic weapons or for
research on or development of atomic weapons
or for any other military purpose.
Article VIII
A. Recognizing the desirability of making
use of the facilities and services of the Interna-
tional Atomic Energy Agency, the Parties agree
in principle that, at a suitable time, the Agency
will be requested to enter into a trilateral agree-
ment for the implementation of the safeguards
provisions of Article VI, in accordance with the
following paragraphs. In addition, in accord-
ance with the objectives set forth in the Statute
of the International Atomic Energy Agency,
the Government of the United States of Amer-
ica is prepared, in principle, to include appro-
priate provisions in the aforementioned trilat-
eral agreement, for the application of Agency
safeguards to such special nuclear material pro-
duced in the Tarapur Atomic Power Station as
may be received in the United States, or to
equivalent material substituted therefor.
B. After the Agency has adopted a system of
safeguards for the reactors of the size of those
of the Tarapur Atomic Power Station and at a
reasonable time to be mutually agreed upon, the
Parties will consult with each other to deter-
mine whether the system so adopted is generally
consistent with the safeguards provisions con-
tained in Article VI. If the system is generally
consistent with these provisions, the Parties will
request the Agency to enter into a trilateral
agreement as referred to in the preceding para-
graph. While the Parties recognize that the
trilateral agreement should be implemented as
soon as practicable, it is agreed, in order to
avoid any dislocation or uncertainty during the
period of early operation of the Tarapur Atomic
Power Station, that the Government of India
may specify that the agreement shall not be im-
plemented until the Station has reached reliable
full-power operation.
C. In the event the Parties do not reach a
mutually satisfactory agreement on the terms of
the trilateral arrangement envisaged in this Ar-
AUOUST 26, 1963
343
tide, paraprraph A, cither Party may, by notifi-
cation, terminate tliis l)i]ateral ajj^reement. Be-
fore eitlier Party taiies steps to terminate, the
Parties will carefully consider the economic
eflVct of any siidi termination. Neither Party
will invoke its termination rights until the other
Party has been given sufficient advance notice to
peraiit arrangements by the Government of
India, if it is the other Party, for an alternative
source of power and to permit adjustment by
the Government of the United States of Amer-
ica, if it is the other Party, of production sched-
ules. The Government of the United States of
America will not invoke its termination rights
unless there has been widespread acceptance, by
those nations with whom it has bilateral agree-
ments, of the implementation of safeguards by
the Agency or of provisions similar to those
contained in this Agreement. In the event of
termination by eitlier Party, the Government of
India shall, at the request of the Government of
the United States of America, return to the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America all
special nuclear materials received pursuant to
this Agreement and in its possession or in the
possession of persons under its jurisdiction.
The Government of the United States of Amer-
ica will compensate the Government of India for
such returned material at the current schedule
of prices then in eifect domestically.
Article IX
For the purposes of this Agreement :
(a) "United States Commission" means the
United States Atomic Energy Commission.
(b) "Tarapur Atomic Power Station" means
an electrical generating power plant consisting
of two boiling water reactors and associated
equipment with a combined net output of ap-
proximately 380 MAVe, to be located near Tara-
pur, Maharashtra State, India.
(c) "Equipment and devices" and "equipment
or device" means any instrument, apparatus, or
facility and includes any facility, except an
atomic weapon, capable of making use of or
producing special nuclear material, and com-
ponent parts thereof.
(d) "Person" means any individual, corpora-
tion, partnership, firm, association, trust, estate,
public or private institution, group, government
agency, or government corporation, but does not
include the Parties to this Agreement.
(e ) "Reactor" means an apparatus, other thaa
an atomic weapon, in which a self-supporting
fission chain reaction is maintained by utilizing
uranium, plutonium, or thorium.
(f ) "Atomic weapon" means any device uti-
lizing atomic energy, exclusive of the means for
transporting or propelling the device (where
such means is a separable and divisible part of
the device), the principal purpose of which is
for use as, or for development of, a weapon,
a weapon prototype, or a weapon test device.
(g) "Special nuclear material" means (1)
plutonium, uranium enriched in the isotope 233
or in the isotope 235 and any other material
which the United States Commission pursuant
to the United States Atomic Energy Act deter-
mines to be special nuclear material ; or (2) any
material artificially enriched by anj^ of the fore-
going.
(h) "Source material" means (1) uranium,
thorium or any other material which is deter-
mined by either Party to be source material;
or (2) ores containing one or more of the fore-
going materials in such concentration as either
Party may determine from time to time.
(i) "Parties" means the Government of the
United States of America and the Government
of India, including the United States Commis-
sion on behalf of the Government of the United
States of America. "Party" means one of the
above-mentioned "Parties".
(j) "Reliable full power operation" shall be
deemed to have been reached one year after the
Tarapur Atomic Power Station has first oper-
ated continuously for one hundred hours at full
power. In computing this one-year period,
periods during which either reactor is not in
operation for more than four consecutive weeks
will be excluded.
Article X
This Agreement shall enter into force on the
date on which both Governments have notified
each other of compliance with all statutory and
constitutional requirements for entry into force
of such Agreement and sliall remain in force for
a period of thirty (30) years.
844
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
ANNEXURE A
The Parties have agreed that the system of records
and reports for the Tarapur Atomic Power Station
will consist of the following elements :
A. With resi)ect to records, information covering the
following will be included :
1. receipts of all nuclear materials ',
2. internal movements of all nuclear materials,
3. any removal of nuclear materials, Including ship-
ments, known losses, and unaccounted for
quantities,
4. inventories of all nuclear materials on hand at the
end of each accounting period, showing form,
quantity, and location, and
5. reactor-operating data necessary for determining
and reporting on the production and consumption
of any nuclear materials and the use of the
Tarapur Atomic Power Station.
B. With respect to reports, information covering the
following will be included :
1. all receipts and removals of nuclear materials,
2. any production and consumption of nuclear
materials,
3. any known losses and unaccounted-for nuclear
materials,
4. all inventories of nuclear materials, and
5. the operation of the Tarapur Atomic Power Sta-
tion, including unusual incidents ; and significant
modifications made or to be made in the plant or
in the fueling program.
Routine reports covering the foregoing elements shall
be submitted to the Government of the United States of
America and the Government of India on a monthly
basis. Any losses of nuclear materials, however, or
any unusual incidents or major changes in the fueling
program will be reported as soon as the loss has been
discovered or the change has been scheduled.
The Parties further agree that if any special nuclear
material which is made available to India pursuant to
this Agreement or produced in the Tarapur Atomic
Power Station is placed, in accordance with this Agree-
ment, in any facilities in India other than the Tarapur
Atomic Power Station, then the principles of the
agreed-upon system referred to in Paragraph B.2 of
Article VI of this Agreement and set forth in this
Annexure will be applied to such a situation.
The records and reports will include such details as
may be relevant to the achievement of the objectives of
Article VI and may be modified by mutual agreement.
In the event of unusual incidents, special reports may
be requested, including such amplifications and elucida-
tions as each party considers relevant to the achieve-
ment of the objectives of Article VI.
'The term "nuclear material" as used in this
Annexure means both source materials and special
nuclear materials as they are defined in Article IX of
this Agreement. [Footnote in original.]
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere,
in outer space and under water. Done at Moscow
August 5, 10G3.'
Signatures affixed at Washington: Afghanistan, Ar-
gentina, Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Bul-
garia, Canada, Chile, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Fin-
land, Greece, Honduras, Hungary, India, Iran,
Ireland, Israel, Italy, Liberia, Malaya, Mexico,
New Zealand, Philippines, Poland, Rumania, Thai-
land, Tunisia, United Arab Republic, Yugoslavia,
August 8, 1963; Congo (L^opoldville), Denmark,
Ethiopia, Ghana, Netherlands, Norway, Sudan,
Turkey, August 9, 1963.
Postal Services
Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding
airmail \\ith final protocol. Done at Ottawa October
3, 1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202.
Ratification deposited: Colombia April 5, 1963.
BILATERAL
Belgium
Amendment to agreement of June 15, 1955, as amended
(TIAS 3301, 3738, 4317), concerning the civil uses
of atomic energy. Signed at Washington August 7,
1963. Enters into force on the day on which each
Government receives from the other written notifica-
tion that it has complied with all statutory and con-
stitutional requirements.
India
Agreement for cooperation concerning the civil uses
of atomic energy. Signed at Washington August 8,
1963. Enters into force on the date on which both
Governments have notified each other of compliunce
with all statutory and constitutional requirements.
Ireland
Amendment to the agreement of March 16, 1956, as
amended (TIAS 4059, 4690), concerning civil uses of
atomic energy. Signed at Washington August 7,
1963. Enters into force on the day on which each
Government receives from the other written notifica-
tion that it has complied with all statutory and con-
stitutional requirements.
Japan
Protocol amending the agreement of June 16, 1958, as
amended (TIAS 4133, 4172), concerning civil uses of
atomic energy. Signed at Washington August 7,
1963. Enters into force on the day on which each
Government receives from the other written notifi-
cation that it has complied with all statutory and
constitutional requirements.
Philippines
Amendment to agreement of July 27, 1955, as amended
(TIAS 3316, 4515), concerning civil uses of atomic
energy. Signed at Washington August 7, 1963. En-
ters into force on the day on which each Government
AUGUST 26, 1963
345
receives from the other written noHflcatlon that It
has coinpllcil with all statutory and constitutional
roiiilri'Uic'nls.
Viet-Nam
Agrit-nicnt amending the aBriouItural commodities
ugreemcnl of Noveml)or 21, 1962. as amended (TIAS
r>2ri0 ) . KITected bj- exchange of notes at Saigon July
24. lixa. Eutcrwl into force July 24, 1!)C3.
Recent Releases
For nalc by the Supcrintai(tent of nocumentx. U.S. Oov-
emmcnt Printing Office, Washington, B.C. 20402. Ad-
dress rcuumts direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the ca.ie of free publications, ichich
may tie obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State.
Treaties in Force: A List of Treaties and Other Inter-
national Agreements of the United States in Force on
January 1, 1963. Compiled by the Treaty Affairs Staff,
Office of the Legal Adviser, Department of State. Pub.
74.S1. :«(i pp. $1.75.
Foreign Affairs— Excerpt From the State of the Union
Message, January 14, 1963. Address of the I'resident
delivered l)efore a Joint session of the Senate and the
House of Representatives. Pub. 7487. General For-
eign Policy Series 185. 19 pp. Limited distribution.
Red China and the U.S.S.R. A transcript of the tele-
visi<in program "State Department Briefing : Red
China and the U.S.S.R." in which four top Depart-
ment officers participated. Pub. 7497. General For-
eign Policy Series 186. 35 pp. 25(f.
Sample Questions From the Junior Foreign Service
Officer Examination (Revised). Pamphlet of interest
to candidates seeking a career in the Foreign Service
of the United States. Pub. 7500. Department and
Foreign Service Series 111. 39 pp. Limited distribu-
tion.
Communist Subversion in the Western Hemisphere.
Foreign .Affairs Outlines — No. 2. Address by Edwin
M. Martin, A.ssistant Secretary for Inter-American
Affairs before the Latin American Subcommittee of
the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Pub. 7509.
Inter-American Series 85. 19 pp. \i>i.
The United States and Europe: Policy in Evolution.
Foreign Afjnirs Outlines — No. 3. Leaflet based on a
letter of February 15, 1903, from Under Secretary of
State George \V. Ball to Senator Paul Douslas, Chair-
man of the Joint Economic Committee of the Senate
and House of Representatives, concerning the break-
down in ni'gotiatiiins between the I'liited Kingdom and
the European Economic Community. Pub. 7518.
European and British Commonwealth Series 65.
4 pp. 5<?.
Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, 1962. l.">th
anniml repurt to the I'nited Nations on the adminis-
tration of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands,
July 1, 1901— June 30, 1D02. Pub. 7.521. International
OrganlzjitloD and Confere.ice Series 39. 281 pp. 75(J.
Department of State 1963 — A Report to the Citizen.
An illustrated report describing the functions and
policies of the Department and some examples of the
problems and hazards routinely encountered in the
day-to-day administration of foreign affairs at home
and abroad. Pub. 7530. General Foreign Policy
Series 187. 150 i)p. $1..jO.
Telecommunication — Coordination and Use of Radi»
Frequencies Above 30 Megacycles per Second. Agree-
ment with Canada. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Ottawa October 24, 1902. Entered into force October
24,1902. TIAS 5205. 31pp. 15(?.
Indo-Pacific Fisheries CounciL Agreement with Other
Governments, as amended at the Ninth Session of the
Council, Karachi, January 0-23, 1901. Entered into
force November 23, 1901. An amendment adopted
December 17, 19."i8, by the Council at the Eighth Ses-
sion. Colombo. Entered into force December 17, 1908.
TIAS 5218. 17 pp. lOtf.
Army Mission to Panama. Agreement with Panama,
extending the agreement of July 7, 1942, as amended
and extended. Exchantje of notes — Signed at Panamil
March 2(5 and July 6, 1902. Entered into force July
6, 1902. And amending agreement. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Panama September 20 and October
8, 1902. Entered into force October 8, 19(52. TIAS
5220. 7 pp. 10(J.
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade — Declaration
Giving Effect to the Provisions of Article XVI: 4 of
the Agreement of October 30, 1947. Agreement with
Other Government.s. Done at Geneva November 19,
1900. Entered into force with respect to the United
States November 14, 1902. TIAS 5227. 8 pp. 10<f.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Pakistan,
amending the agreement of October 14, IfK)!. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Karachi December 3. 19(52.
Entered Into force December 3, 1902. TIAS ."228. .?
pp. 5(t.
Amendments to the Constitution of the United Nations
Food and Agriculture Organization, as Amended.
Adopted at the Eleventh Session of the Food and Agri-
culture Organization, Rome, October 30-November 24,
1901. TIAS 5229. 5 pp. 5(f.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Argentina,
amending the agreements of April 25, 1955, as amended,
and December 21, 1955. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Buenos Aires September 19 and November 26, 1962.
TIAS 5230. 4 pp. 5(}.
Sampling of Radioactivity of Upper Atmosphere by
Means of Balloons. Agreement with Australia, extend-
ing the agreement of May 9. 1961. Exchange of
notes — Dated at Canberra September 11 and October
.30. 1902. TIAS 5231. 3 pp. .5<'.
Defense — Disposition of Equipment and Materials.
Agreement with Turkey, amending the agreement of
May 26, 1955. Exchange of notes — Signed at Ankara
August 10. 1902. Entered into force August 10, 1962.
TIAS .5232. 3 pp. 5(i.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Bolivia,
amending the agreement of February 12, 1962, as
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at La Paz De-
cember 0, 19(52. TIAS .52.33. 4 pp. 5<'.
Mutual Defense Assistance — Administrative Expendi-
tures. Agreement with Belgium, amending .\nnex B
to the agreement of January 27, W.^O. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Brussels October 29 and November 20,
1902. Entered into force November 20, 1902. TIAS
5234. 3 pp. 5!*.
34G
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX August 26, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1861
Atomic Energy
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Open for Signing
(Ball) 315
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Signed at Moscow,
Transmitted to Senate for Advice and Con-
sent to Ratification (Ball, Kennedy, Rusk,
text of communique) 314
United States and India Sign Atomic Energy
Agreement (text of agreement) 340
Congress
Human Rights — Some Next Steps (Gardner,
Kennedy, texts of conventions) 320
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Signed at Moscow,
Transmitted to Senate for Advice and Con-
sent to Ratification (Ball, Kennedy, Rusk,
text of communique) 314
Department and Foreign Service. Department
Closes Thirteen Posts 328
Economic Affairs
Public Hearings Pertaining to Trade Agree-
ments (regulations and notice of hearing) . . 330
Revised Tariff Schedules To Be Effective Au-
gust 31 329
World Bank Issues Financial Statement for Fis-
cal Year 1963 339
Human Rights. Human Rights — Some Next
Steps (Gardner, Kennedy, texts of conven-
tions) 320
India. United States and India Sign Atomic
Energy Agreement (text of agreement) . . . 340
International Organizations and Conferences.
World Bank Issues Financial Statement for
Fiscal Year 1963 339
Presidential Documents
Human Rights — Some Next Steps 320
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Signed at Moscow,
Transmitted to Senate for Advice and Con-
sent to Ratification 314
Publications. Recent Releases ...... 346
South Africa. Security Council Calls for Ban
on Sale of Arms to South Africa (Stevenson,
Yost, text of resolution) 333
Treaty Information
Current Actions 345
Human Rights — Some Next Steps (Gardner,
Kennedy, texts of conventions) 320
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Open for Signing
(Ball) 315
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Signed at Moscow,
Transmitted to Senate for Advice and Con-
sent to Ratification (Ball, Kennedy, Rusk,
text of communique) 314
United States and India Sign Atomic Energy
Agreement (text of agreement) 340
U.S.S.R.
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Open for Signing
(Ball) 315
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Signed at Moscow,
Transmitted to Senate for Advice and Con-
sent to Ratification (Ball, Kennedy, Rusk,
text of communique) 314
United Kingdom
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Open for Signing
(Kail) 315
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Signed at Moscow,
Transmitted to Senate for Advice and Con-
sent to Ratification (Ball, Kennedy, Rusk,
text of communique) 314
United Nations
Human Rights— Some Next Steps (Gardner,
Kennedy, texts of conventions) 320
Security Council Calls for Ban on Sale of Arms
to South Africa (Stevenson, Yost, text of
resolution) 332
Name Indem
Ball, George W 314 315
Gardner, Richard N 320
Kennedy, President 314 320
Rusk, Secretary 314
Stevenson, Adlai E 333
Yost, Charles W 333
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: August 5-11
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Releases issued prior to August 5 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 396
of July 29 and 403 of August 3.
No. Date Subject
*402 8/5 U.S. participation In international
conferences.
404 8/5 Communique on nuclear test ban
treaty.
*405 8/6 Cottam sworn in as Ambassador to
Kuwait (biographic details).
*406 8/6 Angler Biddle Duke biographic de-
tails.
*407 8/7 Delegation to inauguration of Presi-
dent of Paraguay.
408 8/8 Ball : signing ceremony for nuclear
test ban treaty.
409 8/8 Ball : memorandum on nuclear test
ban treaty.
t410 8/8 Foreign policy briefing at Boston.
411 8/9 Atomic energy agreement with India.
*412 8/9 Diplomatic passports for retired
FSO's.
t413 8/9 Gardner : "Outer Space : Problems of
Law and Power" (revised).
♦Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletln.
Superintendent of Documents
U.S. government printing office
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20402
PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOII
PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, faOO
IGPOI
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Treaties in Force . . . January 1, 1963
This publication is a guide to treaties and other international agreements in force between th'
United States and other countries at the beginning of the current year.
The list includes bilateral ti-eaties and other agreements, arranged by comitry or other politica
entity, and multilateral treaties and other agreements, arranged by subject with names of states whid
have become parties. Date of signature, date of entry into force for the United States, and citationi
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECOKD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol XLIX, No. 1262
September 2, 1963
THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN TREATY: SYMBOL OF A NEW COURSE
Statement hy Secretary Rush 350
SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF AUGUST 16 356
EEC: A FEDERATION IN THE MAKING
hy Andreas F. Lowenfeld 372
OUTER SPACE : PROBLEMS OF LAW AND POWER
hy Richard N. Gardner 367
SMhn Enblic Library
Snperisitnident oi Uocumei
SE'
r>EPOSir;
For index see inside hack cover
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty: Symbol of a New Course
Statement by Secretary Rusk •
I appear here tliis morning to support the
Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the
Atmospliere, in Outer Space and Under Water.^
Last week in Moscow tlie treaty was signed on
behalf of the United States and the other orig-
inal parties — the United Kingdom and the
U.S.S.R. The Senate of the United States now
has the constitutional responsibility to examine
this treaty with care so that it may give the
President its advice and, I earnestly hope, its
consent to a prompt ratification.
The President has given the treaty before
you this morning an apt characterization. It
is, he has said,' "not the millennium. . . . But
it is an important first step — a step toward
peace — a step toward reason — a step away from
' Made before the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions on Aug. 12 (press release 418). Representatives
of the Senate Armed Services Committee and the Joint
Atomic Energy Committee also attended the hearing.
' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 239.
•Ibid., p. 234.
war." Since 1789 the Senate has given its con-
sent without reservation to the ratification of
943 treaties. I believe this may well prove one
of the most significant occasions for the exercise
of that constitutional prerogative.
U.S. Efforts for International Controls
The United States, as the first nation to un-
leash the power of the atom, recognized from
the beginning its awesome potentialities for
good and evil. In the less than two decades
since the first use of a nuclear weapon, the
United States has worked continuously to
achieve effective international controls so that
the power of the atom might be committed to
the improvement, rather than the destruction,
of mankind. Disarmament and the control of
weapons, both nuclear and conventional, have
been concerns of the highest priority for the
three administrations that have borne respon-
sibility for the great issues of peace and war
during the atomic era.
Less than a year after the explosions at Hiro-
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 1262 PUBLICATION 7592 SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
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350
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
shima and Nagasaki the United States presented
its first comprehensive proposal for interna-
tional control of the atom. As offered by Ber-
nard Baruch at the first meeting of the United
Nations Atomic Energy Commission on June 14,
1946/ the plan called for the creation of an In-
ternational Atomic Development Authority
with responsibility for control of all atomic en-
ergy activities potentially dangerous to our
security, with the power to control, inspect, and
license all other atomic activitie»s, and with the
duty of fostering the beneficial uses of atomic
energy.
During the remainder of the Truman admin-
istration the United States continued to press
these proposals in the United Nations and else-
where. Though the great majority of the
countries accepted the basic principles of the
plan, the Soviet Union, unfortunately, did not.
President Eisenhower was in office less than
} months when he renewed the United States
)ffer for "international control of atomic en-
irgy to promote its use for peaceful purposes
)nly and to insure the prohibition of atomic
weapons." ^ Two years later at the summit
meeting in Geneva he personally launched the
'open skies" proposal.' Throughout the ensu-
Jig years, no matter what the temperature of the
5o]d war, the United States has pursued in every
ivailable forum its search for peace through
jffective and verified disarmament.
These efforts disclosed a wide gap between
;he approach of this country and that of the
3oviet Union to disarmament problems, mainly
m the question of inspection and control. In
.he middle 1950's, therefore, the United States
indertook to explore more limited measures.
The most promising of these was control of nu-
ilear weapons testing. There were good rea-
lons for this. All mankind had what might
(ven be described as an instinctive impulse to
md the pollution of the air and earth that was
I consequence of unrestricted testing. And,
vhile arrangements banning bomb tests could
,iot be wholly self-enforcing, the problem of
letection and control seemed manageable. An
agreement to stop testing — or not to begin —
would not strip a nation of its defenses or carry
it too far into the unknown. Here, many felt,
was a good point from which to start.
The first Western proposal for control of
nuclear tests was submitted to the Disarma-
ment Subcommittee of the United Nations
General Assembly on August 21, 1957.' Spon-
sored by the United States, the United King-
dom, Canada, and France, it called for a com-
prehensive 12-month ban on testing. This
proposal, however, again encountered the reluc-
tance of Communist states, with closed societies,
to accept the international inspection and con-
trol required for effective enforcement of a com-
prehensive ban. On April 13, 1959, after
months of inconclusive debate on this issue of
inspection and control, President Eisenhower
and Prime Minister Macmillan advanced a pro-
posal for a ban on tests in the atmosphere up
to an altitude of 50 kilometers.* This proposal
did not require on-site inspection since signifi-
cant tests of this kind could be detected and
identified by national systems. Even this, how-
ever, was not accepted by the Soviet Union.
When the present administration assumed
office, President Kennedy immediately inider-
took further explorations of the possibility of
banning nuclear weapons tests. In 1961 Presi-
dent Kennedy, again with Prime Minister Mac-
millan, proposed a ban on tests in the atmos-
phere that would produce radioactive fallout.*
It was rejected by the U.S.S.R. The full text of
a treaty embodying a ban on nuclear tests in
the atmosphere, in outer space, and under water
was tabled by the United States and United
Kingdom delegations at Geneva on August 27,
1962.^° At the same time they tabled the text
of a comprehensive treaty which provided for
on-site inspections for detecting and identify-
ing underground tests.^^
* Ihid., June 23, 1946, p. 10.57.
' Ibid., Apr. 27, 1953, p. .599.
' ma., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173.
' For text, see ibid., Sept. 16, 1957, p. 451.
' For text of a letter from President Eisenhower to
Premier Khrushchev on Apr. 13 and the latter's reply,
see ibid.. May 18, 1959, p. 704.
' For text of a joint statement, see ibid., Sept. 18,
1961, p. 476.
" Ibid., Sept. 17, 1962, p. 415.
" Ibid., p. 411.
EPTEBIBER 2, 1963
351
Before these texts were tabled there were con-
sultations both with appropriate committees of
Con-rrcss and witli our allies and associates.
For the past year the text of a three-environ-
ment test ban has been before the world for
comment and discussion. The treaty we have
just signed in Moscow and which is now before
you is based in its essential elements on the
draft tabled in Geneva a year ago. Through-
out this period, the concept has remained the
same — to take a first step toward the control of
nuclear weapons by prohibiting testing in those
environments where our national systems are
capable of detecting significant violations, leav-
ing for subsequent steps the elimination of those
tests that can be detected and identified only
with an adequate system of inspection.
Limiting the Risic of Nuclear War
Some may ask why three administrations
representing both of our great political parties
have devoted so much effort in attempting to
make progress toward disarmament and, in par-
ticular, toward a ban on nuclear tests when
those same administrations were also building
a nuclear arsenal of increasing and massive
destructive power. The answer lies at the heart
of the dilemma which troubles our world.
The values that are the heritage of a free soci-
ety have been menaced by a Communist bloc
armed with the most modern weapons and in-
tent on world domination.
For our nation this poses a special problem.
We must, for our own security and as the leader
of the free world, maintain a mastery of the
most advanced weapons while technology moves
forward at a breathtaking pace. At tlie same
time we must use all our resources of will and
intellect in an effort to halt the burdensome and
dangerous competition in weapons that is the
somber characteristic of the present world
situation.
I recall the comment of a fellow officer in
104.''>, when we heard about the explosion of
the first atom bomb. "War," he said, "has de-
voured itself." Today the United States has
operational weapons in its arsenal hundreds of
times as destructive as that first atom bomb.
The Polaris and Minuteman missiles are armed
with warheads tens of times as powerful. The
Soviets also have weapons of great destructive
power.
The hard fact is that a full-scale nuclear ex-
change could erase all that man has built over
the centuries. War has devoured itself because
it can devour the world.
If our nation is to survive today, we must
be able at all times in the absence of the far-
reaching disarmament which still eludes us to
endure a nuclear attack and deliver counter-
blows of vast devastation. As Secretary [of
Defense Kobert S.] McNamara will make clear
tomorrow, we have the ability to do so. We
intend to keep it that way, lest others be tempted
by ambition to abandon reason.
Yet the facts must be faced. No one can
realistically think of "victory" in a full-scale
nuclear exchange. Last October during the
Cuban crisis, men confronted decisions that
might have moved to a nuclear war. That ex-
perience has been sobering for all.
No responsible man will deny that we live in
a world of vast and incalculable risks. "Wliere
decisions may be required in minutes, we must
be constantly on guard against the accident or
miscalculation that can lead where no one wants
to go. A local conflict anywhere around the
globe in which the interests of the great powers
are engaged might suddenly pose the prospect
of nuclear war.
Nor can any responsible person say that we
can improve our security by an unlimited arms
race extending without relief into the future.
On the contrary, great as the risks now are,
they would rapidly increase. Arsenals will
grow larger, weapons more destructive, the
frustrations of stalemate and fear more intense.
The risks will increase unpredictably as nuclear
weapons become available to more and more
countries.
It is against this prospect, which the world
must frankly face, that the Senate is asked to
consider the present treaty. If there may be
marginal risks in it, they are far less in my
opinion than the risks that will result if we
accept the thought that rational man must pur-
sue an unlimited competition in nuclear
weapons.
All three of our Presidents who have borne
supremo responsibility for our national security
during the nuclear age have found the risks of
852
Dr.r.\RTsrENT of state botxetin
an unlimited nuclear race far greater than those
inlierent in safeguarded progress toward arms
control.
Provisions of tlie Treaty
Let me review with you the provisions of this
treaty.
The treaty before you is a self-contained doc-
ument, and it embodies the whole of the agree-
ment. As the President said in his message
< of transmittal,^" there are no side arrangements,
understandings, or conditions of any kind.
The fundamental obligation is set forth in
article I. That article prohibits nuclear
weapon tests as well as all other nuclear explo-
sions in peacetime in three environments: the
atmosphere, under water, and outer space.
Underground explosions are permitted so long
as the radioactive debris remains within the
country where the explosion takes place.
■ Each party also undertakes not to assist any
other country, whether or not a party, in con-
ducting nuclear explosions of a kind prohibited
under the treaty.
This treaty does not affect the use of nuclear
weapons in war. It has to do with nuclear
weapon testing in time of peace. Nuclear ex-
plosions for peaceful jiurposes are, however,
subject to the same limitations as nuclear weap-
j ens tests. This restriction is necessary because
' it is difficult to distinguish between the two
without on-site inspection. It will not mean
the end of our Plowshare program. Many of
the peaceful experiments and uses in which we
are interested can be conducted underground
within the limits of the treaty. Dr. Seaborg
[Glenn T. Seaborg, Chairman of the U.S.
Atomic Energy Commission] will discuss this
with you in detail.
Article II provides a procedure for amend-
ing the treaty. Amendments may be proposed
by any party and are approved by a majority
vote. The majority must include the United
States, the United Kingdom, and the U.S.S.R.
Amendments do not enter into force until in-
struments of ratification have been deposited
by a majority of the parties, "including the in-
struments of ratification of all the Original
' For test, see ilid., Aug. 26, 1963, p. 316.
Parties." Thus no amendment to the treaty
can enter into force until it has been consid-
ered and approved by the Senate.
It has been said that this amendment process
involves a veto. It does. I regard such a veto
as essential to the security interests of the
United States. Without it, the ban could be
extended on terms and conditions that would
be unacceptable — as, for example, to under-
ground testing without on-site inspection.
Article II also provides that, if one-third of
the parties so desires, a conference may be called
to consider amendments, but a conference is not
a necessary part of the amending process.
Article III prescribes the procedures for rati-
fication and accession. We hope the treaty will
have the widest possible application.
It has been suggested that, by the act of
subscribing to the treaty, a regime might gain
recognition by parties to the treaty that do not
now recognize it. No such effect can occur.
In international law the governing criterion of
recognition is intent. We do not recognize,
and we do not intend to recognize, the Soviet
occupation zone of East Germany as a state or
as an entity possessing national sovereignty, or
to recognize the local authorities as a govern-
ment. Those authorities cannot alter these
facts by the act of subscribing to the test ban
treaty. The President made this clear in his
press conference of August 1. On August 2
the Department of State issued a formal state-
ment to the same effect. Copies of both should
be a part of the record of this hearing.
All this would necessarily follow from the
general rule of international law that participa-
tion in a multilateral treaty does not affect the
recognition status of any authority or regime.
But this treaty contains additional safeguards.
Treaties typically provide for a single deposi-
tary. Article III, however, provides that each
of the three original parties will be a depositary
of the treaty. No depositary need accept a
signature or an instrument of accession from
authorities in a territory it does not recognize
as a state.
The East German authorities will subscribe
to the treaty in Moscow. The Soviet Union
may notify us of that act. We are under no
obligation to accept that notification, and we
SEPTEMBER 2, 196 3
353
U.S. Policy on East Germany
Not Affected by Test Ban Treaty
At his Augtint Jut newi conference President
Kennedy was asked whether the signing of the
nuclear test ban treaty by the East Oerman
regime tcould amount to tacit recognition of
East Germany. Following is the President's
reply.
That Is not correct. This matter was dis-
cnssed anil the jKisition of the United States and
Britain was made very clear to tlie Soviet Union,
and as a matter of fact the Soviet Union men-
tioned a regime which it did not recognize and
did not wish to recognize. So that a procedure
was developed whereby a regime which is not
recognized by one of the other parties to the
treaty can aie ita assent with one of the three
parties.
This act would not constitute recognition by
the remaining signatories. The fact of the mat-
ter is that we signed a part of a multilateral
treaty on Laos which the Red Chinese also
signed, but we do not recognize the Red Chinese
regime. This is a matter of Intent. Diplomatic
procedure, custom, and law provide that recogni-
tion is a matter of intent. We do not intend to
recognize the East German regime, and therefore
the language which Is in the treaty was part
of the treaty when it was tabled more than a
year ago, and it has been before us for a year
and it does not provide for recognition of East
Germany and we will not recognize it, and we
believe strongly in the reunification of Germany
as a free, democratic country. That is our pol-
icy in the past and our present policy and our
future policy and would not be affected by this
test ban agreement.
I do think that it is important that we have
as great a participation in this nuclear test
ban agreement as possible. We have received no
encouriigemont, but we would like the Red
Chinese to come into the agreement. It looks
like they will not, but It would obviously be In
the Interest of world peace. But that does not
constitute recognition.
have no intention of doing so, but the East Ger-
man regime would have committed itself to
abide by tlie provisions of the treaty.
By this arrangement we not only assure that
no implication of recognition may arise, but
we reserve our right to object if later the East
German regime should seek to assert privileges
under the treaty such as voting or participating
in a conference called under article II.
Article IV gives any party the right to with-
draw from the treaty "if it decides that extraor-
dinary events, related to the subject matter of
this Treaty, have jeopardized the supreme inter-
ests of its country." A party must give 3
months' notice of its decision to withdraw.
This provision is in our interest. If and when
events occur that make testing in any of the
three environments necessary for the security
of the United States, we will be able to
resume. Under the treaty we alone will
decide whether extraordinary events have oc-
curred and whether they jeopardize our
supreme national interests. We need answer
to no tribunal and to no authority other than
our own conscience and requirements. We
hope that the treaty will last and will grow in
strength, but certainly no President of the
United States would hesitate to exercise the
right of withdrawal if the national security
interest requires it.
If the Soviet Union itself were to test in
violation of the treaty, the fundamental obli-
gation that is the consideration for our adher-
ence would disappear. In that case the United
States could, if it chose, consider itself released
from its reciprocal obligation and could resume
testing without delay.
U.S. Security Maintained
Under this treaty the national security of the
United States can and will be fully maintained.
This country has learned much from the ex-
perience of the last 18 years. We do not pro-
pose to forget those lessons. We have no basis
yet for assuming a fundamental change in
Soviet objectives. We are still engaged in a
contest between free choice and coercion. The
President made this clear, and I want to reit-
erate it here today.
But there is nothing inconsistent between this
treaty, or other effectively enforcible arms con-
trol agreements, and a policj' of vigilance. The
same three administrations that have sought
disarmament over the past 18 years have effec-
tively met Communist threats of aggression —
in Iran, in Greece and Turkey, in Berlin and
Western Europe, in Korea, in Southeast Asia,
in Cuba. But whatever may be the funda-
354
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
mental antagonisms between us and the Soviet
Union, we have a mutual interest in avoiding
mutual destruction.
We shall remain ready to meet further chal-
lenges. The treaty permits underground test-
ing. The policy of the United States is to
continue to test underground as necessary to
our security. Moreover, although we hope for
compliance, we cannot discount the possibility
that the Soviet Union may violate the treaty.
We shall be on the alert for any violations, and
we have a high degree of confidence in our
ability to detect them. The Secretary of De-
fense and the Director of the Central Intelli-
gence Agency will discuss this capability in
detail. But I am confident that, if significant
testing in violation of the treaty takes place, we
will know about it. And we will be ready at
all times to resume testing in all environments,
and promptly, if that should become necessary.
Dr. Seaborg will be prepared to deal with these
matters in detail.
Concrete Gains of the Treaty
This is a limited treaty. The President
listed the things it does not do, and we must
keep them in mind in judging its significance.
At the same time, if — as seems likely — most of
the nations of the world adhere to the treaty,
and if they observe its obligations, this will in
itself bring concrete gains.
First, the United States and the Soviet Union
already have enough nuclear power to inflict
enormous destruction on each other. Still, the
search for bigger, more destructive weapons
goes on. Each generation of major weapons
has been more expensive than the last. Each
has involved an increasing burden, an increas-
ing diversion of resources from the great unfin-
ished business of mankind. Yet greater
armament has not demonstrably brought
greater security. The treaty, if observed,
should slow this spiral, without damage to our
• relative strength.
Second, the treaty will help contain the
spread of nuclear weapons. Most of the coim-
tries with the capacity and the incentive to
develop nuclear weapons over the next decade
Department States Views on Status
of East German Regime
Department Statement '
We understand the Federal Republic's concern
that this treaty should work no recognition or
change in status for East Germany. This ques-
tion is one of great importance for the Federal
Republic, and it is entirely right and proper
that they should study the matter carefully and
satisfy themselves fully on it.
Under Secretary [W. Averell] Harriman and
his advisers had this problem very much in mind
during the negotiation of the treaty.
Now, it is a well-established proposition of
international law that recognition is not ac-
corded to an unrecognized regime when that
regime acts to become a party to a multilateral
treaty along with states that do not recognize it.
Similarly, such action by an unrecognized regime
does not result in any recognition or acknowledg-
ment of the existence of the state which the
regime purports to govern.
Diplomatic recognition of a government and
also recognition or acknowledgment of the ex-
istence of a state is a matter of intention. No
government is held to recognize unless it In-
tends to do so.
The United States does not recognize that East
Germany constitutes a state.
Now, you will recall that the United States
signed the Lao agreements together with Com-
munist China and North Viet-Nam. We have al-
ways maintained that this does not afifect recog-
nition status of the other signatories.
We are fully satisfied that the recognition
problems have been effectivel.v handled and the
East German regime cannot change its status or
achieve recognition from us or any other state
which does not now recognize it merely by ad-
hering to the treaty.
We are confident that, when the Government
of the Federal Republic of Germany completes
its study of the international law and practice
on this question, it will reach the same conclu-
sion.
' Read to news correspondents by a Depart-
ment spokesman on Aug. 2.
or SO have already annoimced that they will
accept the self-denying ordinance of the treaty.
Wliile this does not guarantee that they will
never become nuclear powers, their renuncia-
tion of atmospheric testing will act as a deter-
rent by making it much more difficult and ex-
SEITEMBER 2, 196 3
355
pensive for tliem to develop nuclear weapons.
Third, the treaty will reduce the radioactive
pollution of the planet. The increased radio-
activity from nuclear testing has thus far
stayed within tolerable limits, in a statistical
sense. But as the President said, "this is not a
natural health hazard, and it is not a statistical
issue." Moreover, if testing were not re-
stricted, more and more countries would con-
duct tests. Many of them would lack either
the incentive or the means to minimize the fall-
out. We have a high obligation to safeguard
life and health and the genetic integrity of the
human race. Today no one can say for certain
how much fallout is too much. But if this
treaty is observed it will go a long way to assure
that we do not transgress the limits.
"A Choice Between the Quick and the Dead"
For 18 years we have held the Communist
drive in check largely by tlie deterrent force of
our massive military strength. We shall main-
tain that overwhelming strength until we are
certain that freedom can be assured by other
means.
But throughout we have known that a lasting
peace could not be founded upon armed might
alone. It can be .secured only by durable inter-
national institutions and by a respect for law
and its procedures. The problem has been to
convince the Communist world that its interest
also lay in that direction.
The most important thing about the treaty is,
therefore, what it may symbolize and what new
paths it may open. That, no one can now
foretell.
But as the Senate undertakes its appraisal of
this treaty it is well to recall the vivid state-
ment that Bernard Baruch made to the United
Nations when the nuclear age was first upon
us: "
We are here [he said] to make a choice between the
qulclt and the dead. . . .
Holilnd (he bluclc portent of the new atomic age lies
a hope which, seized upon with faith, can work our
Balvniinn. If we fall, then we have damned every man
to be the slave of Fear.
For 17 years all men have lived in that
shadow of that fear. But if the promise of this
treaty can be realized, if we can now take even
this one step along a new course, then frail and
fearful mankind may find another step and an-
other until confidence replaces terror and hopei
takes over from despair.
Secretary Rusk's News Conference
of August 16
Press release 425 dated August 16
Secretary Rusk : I understand that the leader-
ship of the House of Representatives is plan-
ning to bring the Foreign Assistance Act to
the floor next Tuesday [August 20]. This
legislation authorizes our programs of military
and economic aid.^ The appropriation stage
will of course come later.
Foreign aid is today, and has been since
World War II, a key tool of American foreign
policy. The basic objective of our foreign aid
programs has not changed since the beginning
of the Marshall Plan. The programs are de-
signed to assist other countries to maintain their
independence and to develop into self-support-
ing nations.
The record of accomplishment over these
years has been very good indeed. We have
already been able to terminate economic aid
programs in 17 countries, and another 6
countries should be able to join this list in the
near future. Of the 49 nations to gain inde-
pendence since 1943, not one has chosen a Com-
munist form of government.
The foreign aid program makes a positive
contribution and a vital contribution to the
decent world order which is a central aim of
our foreign policy. T hope very much that the
House will pass the legislation, and without
crippling amendments, and that the requested
funds will then be provided in full measure.
This is not the time for us to relax our effort
in the present world situation.
' Ibid., June 23. 1S>10, p. lO.")?.
' For statements made by Secretary Rusk before the
House Committee on Foreijai Affairs on Apr. 5 and the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on June 11,
see Bui-i-ETiN of Apr. 29, 196.3, p. 664, and July 1, 1963,
p. 19.
35G
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Now I am ready for your questions.
Q. Mr. Secretary, how do you assess the
Chinese Comviunist charge that the Soviets
agreed and then decided not to provide them
with atomic weapons?
A. It has been our impression that there was
a period during which tlie Soviet Union ex-
tended very considerable teclmical assistance to
the Chinese, and that some of this was in the
nuclear field, but that in 1959 or early 1960 much
of this technical assistance was withdrawn. I
would think that what Peiping said on this
subject in general conforms to our own informa-
tion. But I think I would not want to specu-
late too broadly upon what this might have
meant.
I do think that nuclear powers, particularly
the two largest nuclear powers, are both con-
cerned about the problem of proliferation. I
suppose that, as difficulties developed and ten-
sions developed between Moscow and Peiping,
this question of cooperation in the nuclear field
was one of the victims of that tension.
Proposal on Static Control Posts
Q. Mr. Secretary.
A. Yes.
Q. On another topic, is there any substance
to the reports that the United States is ready to
accept the Soviet offer to station ground inspec-
tors in East and West?
A. Well, I think that if you will look at the
full statement — actually I have not myself seen
the actual full statement made in Geneva in the
last day or so — but this is simply an indication
that we are prepared to look further into this
point of static control posts as a measure against
surprise attack — control posts at key ports and
railway stations, highway centers, and airfields.
You will recall that Mr. Khrushchev referred
to that earlier in the summer as one of the steps.
Now, one of the problems of course will be
whether this is something that can be taken
up specifically as a precise move with respect to
surprise attack or whether it is going to be
related to other and more difficult questions,
such as levels of forces or nuclear-free zones or
questions of that sort.
Back in 1958 this was a proposal which was
part of a complex — a complex which I think
would not be a basis for agreement at this point.
But I would think that, both from what Mr.
Stelle said and what Mr. Tsarapkin said,^ this
is a subject which can be discussed further, but
at the moment I don't see clearly that there will
be a rapid agreement on this point.
Q. In that connection —
A. Yes.
Q. There is a report out of Bonn that the
U.S. is considering reducing its forces in West
Germany hy 10 percent. Would this have any-
thing to do loith our negotiations in Geneva?
A. No. I don't understand this particular
report. As you know, there has been a report
of very broad reorganizations in the structure
of our Armed Forces, particularly in the Army,
but I have no basis for that particular report.
Q. So you reject that?
A. I say I don't have any information that
would lead me to think that that report is ac-
curate. We are not planning those reductions.
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Q. Mr. Secretary, in the nuclear test ban
hearings, Senator [Wayne] Morse has called for
a statement from you on whether we intend to
give — to share — American nuclear secrets with
France in view of the fact that the administra-
tion now considers it a nuclear poxoer. He says
any such move would be a hypocritical act and
would cause him to vote against the treaty.
Could you clarify this for us?
A. Well, I expect to return to the Senate
before these hearings are over for discussion
of particular points that might be left dangling
during the discussions thus far.^ I would call
your attention to the treaty itself,* article I,
" Charles C. Stelle, U.S. representative to the Confer-
ence of the 18-Nation Committee on Disarmament,
which reconvened at Geneva on July 30, and Semyon
Tsarapkin, Soviet representative.
" For a statement made by Secretary Rusk before
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Aug. 12,
see p. 350.
*For text, see Buixetin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 239.
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
357
pariif^nijjli 2, wliich provides tliiit each of the
parties undertakes to refrain from causing, en-
couraging, or in any way participating in the
carrying out of any nuclear weapon test ex-
plosion, or any other nuclear explosion any-
where which would take place in any of the
prohibited environments.
We would consider ourselves of course bound
by that paragraph, and this would be a I'uling
consideration in any assistance that we might
give or will be asked to give to any countrj'
that is involved in this nuclear field.
I also call your attention to the fact that
recently in his press conference President de
Gaulle referred to this question as a hypotheti-
cal quexStion. I think I might j>ist leave it with
those two comments.
Q. Mr. Secretary.
A. Yes.
Q. Senator Morse of course referred to ele-
ments other than the three prohibited environ-
ments. He referred of course to nuclear assist-
ance in any respect irhich would involve the
spread of nuclear weaponry.
A. Well, I would have to study what he has
said, and I will have a chance to go into that
fully when I go back down to the Senate.
Possibility of Additional Steps
Q. Mr. Srrirtiin/.
A. Yes.
Q. Before you went to Moscow there was
some question expressed here as to jtist what
were Soviet intentions in reaching a test han
agreement, whether Khrushchev was interested
in a very broad solution on East-West prob-
lems, or simply limited solutions, a kind of
breathing spell. After your trip there, have
you any clearer views as to just tchat are Soviet
intentions?
A. Well, it is always a little dangerous to
try to enter fully into the mind of someone else
on a matter of this sort. I got the impression —
or had the impression during these past few
week.s — that we are not involved in a compre-
hensive discussion of the full range of East-
West relations looking toward some negotiated
detente across the board. I do have the im-
pression that it is worth exploring particular
points — for example, some of these measures in
the surprise-attack field would be a good exam-
ple— to see whether there might not be other'
points of agreement.
You will have observed, both from what was
said by Lord Home [British Foreign Secretary]
and me and by Chairman Khrushchev and Mr.
Gromyko, that references were made to the
test ban treaty as a possible first step, and ex-
pressions of the hope that other steps might be
found. Well, we have not yet found tliose other
steps, but I think there will be further contact
and discussion in the weeks and months ahead
to see whether some additional steps could not
be taken. I think that this surprise-attack field
is one that we might lie able to build further on.
I do believe tliat tlie Soviet Union has some
real interests in this test ban treaty and in ex-
ploring these matters further. I think the ar-
gument between Moscow and Peiping alx)ut the
role of thermonuclear war in the modern world
is a serious argument.
I believe that the Soviet Union does have, as
all of us have, some great unfinished tasks for
its own people in which it would like to make
substantially large investments. There are
considerations which, looked at objectively and
without regard to ideological differences —
there are considerations which would indicate
that the Soviet Union may be ready to take up
some of these particular points and see what
might be done with them. But this is specula-
tive. One can be wrong by tomorrow morning.
We just have to keep working at it and see what
can happen.
But we do not have — I want to emphasize —
we do not have undisclosed agreements on points
that surrounded or had anything to do with
this test ban discussion. The agreement is fully
known, fully public; there are no strings or
reservations, anything of that sort, connected
with it.
Q. Mr. Secrefan/, at his last press canference,
General de Gaulle made a proposal for a four-
poxoer disarmament conference. Have you
been ahle to obtain, any details of the proposal?
A nd is it now under active consideration at all?
A. No. We have had nothing further on
that.
358
DEP.VRTMENT OF STATE BUI.LETIN
Q. There was a similar proposal, Mr. Sec-
retary— well, not in numiers — fro?n Chinese
Comviimist leadership calling for some sort of
worldwide disarmament conference. I helieve
that was delivered officially to the U.S. Govem-
ment. Have you studied it? Do you expect
to reply to it?
A. Well, I wouldn't quite call that a similar
proposal. President de Gaulle was talking
about a four-power consultation ; and the Chi-
nese have talked about a large worldwide chief-
of-government party to look at nuclear dis-
armament.
We have had what the Chinese have made
public on those proposals, and they were
repeated when our Ambassador saw the Chinese
representative in Warsaw the other day, but I
don't see in those proposals any opportunity to
move forward on what is a very far-reaching,
complex matter. I think the manner of the
proposal and the character of the proposal
from Peiping has not added very much to the
situation.
Situation in South Viet-Nam
Q. Sir, the religious situation in South Viet-
Nam appears to he worsening. Would this he
likely to have any effect on our attitude toward
the Diem, government?
A. Well, I think it is obvious that we are
deeply distressed by the dissensions that have
occurred in South Viet-Nam, arising out of
religious differences, and these internal matters
with which you are familiar. We are espe-
cially distressed because we regret anything
which seems to create disunity at a time when
things were moving in a favorable direction, in
the security field, and moving toward a position
where the South Vietnamese could be finally
safe and independent in their own activities.
The numbers of incidents have been dropping
rapidly from last year. Such elements as sabo-
tage, propaganda incidents, the larger sized at-
tacks, those were dropping. Additional areas
of the country were coming under Govern-
ment control. The strategic-hamlet program
had been moving forward. I think it is still
moving forward.
So that we would hope very much that the
Government, President Diem, and the Buddhist
leaders — based upon what has been said by both
sides in recent days — would find a way to re-
solve these differences among themselves so that
everyone could return to the central task of the
coimtry, which is to insure its safety and its
freedom. We will do what we can in this
regard. These are complex and difficult issues.
We hope very much that the Government out
there will take a strong lead now to bring about
a greater degree of peace and serenity within
the country itself.
Q. Mr. Secretat^, since the President on Au-
gust 1 ^ indicated an interest in giving France
soms nuclear help, has there been any movement
on this proposal, or is it still as it luas on
August 1?
A. I think there has be«n no change. My
comments made today would cover that point, I
think.
Trade With Yugoslavia and Poland
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes.
Q. Coming hack to the Foreign Assistance
Act, tohat is the present position of the Depart-
ment of State on the most-favored-nation
clause in regard to Yugoslavia and Poland?
And tohat do you think the chances are for the
Congress to reverse its original position on that
point?
A. Well, I think the attitude of the Depart-
ment of State is, and has been, that we believe
that the Pi-esident, the Executive, ought t-o have
flexibility in dealing with this question of trade
with yugosla\aa and Poland. We regret very
much the amendment to the bill last year, wliich
barred the most-favoi-ed-nation treatment,
which would cause us to interrupt our trade
relationships. We would hope very much that
the Congress this year would give us the amend-
ment that we have sought.
I think that it is perhaps not for me to try
to predict what the result will be. I would
hope, however, that we could get the flexibility
that we need in a matter of that sort.
' At a news conference.
SEPTEMBER
359
Q. Mr. Secretary, what is delaying the
Chiang Kai-shek govemment^a signature to the
partial test ban treaty?
A. I, frankly, don't know just what the status
of their consideration of that matter is.
As you may know, 63 have sinrncd the treaty
thus far. There will be 3 more today, bringing
the total to 66. There will be a considerable
number of others who will sign. I don't have
precise information about what might be the
situation with regard to Nationalist China.
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes.
Q. Mr. Secretary, on the subject of the sur-
prise attack, do you have any indications that
we may have French cooperation in that?
A. Of course, anything that involves our
NATO allies would have to be discussed fully
with our NATO allies. We could not, for ex-
ample, make arrangements ourselves, nor even
could the four NATO members now sitting at
Geneva be able to make arrangements, on con-
trol posts throughout the NATO alliance with-
out fullest consideration in NATO. So I am
sure that, if this appears to be moving toward
serious discussions, France would, necessarily,
have to be consulted and have to consider what
its own attitude would be.
Q. But you haven't had any indication from
them?
A. "Well, these matters have been before
NATO, and they have been informed of the
discussions thus far. But they haven't reached
a point of— what shall we say— maturity, where
the precise attitudes of the NATO countries
have been worked out, because we don't really
know what propositions are possible, and what
linkages the other side might attempt to inject
into these conversations, and what the frame-
work is. So that there is still a good deal of
work to be done on that.
Yes.
Q- The White Flome has said you have been
directed to consider the possible negotiation of
an international agreement on wool textiles.
Do you feel there is any possibility of obtaining
such an agreement?
A. Well, quite frankly, I am not really well
briefed on that this morning. I would like to
pass that one, because that is very complicated
and, shall I say, a delicate matter. And I think
that anything I might say could well be wrong
at the moment. So I will pass that one, if you
don't mind.
Q. Mr. Secretaiy, during your talks with Mr.
Gromyko, it was understood that the issue of
Cuba was raised. And, if so, could you tell us
what his response was to the status of Soviet
troops on the island?
A. Well, I did, while I was in Moscow, ex-
press our continuing concern about the presence
of Soviet military personnel in Cuba. And also
our well-known concern about the attempts of
Castro to interfere in other countries in this
hemisphere. But I don't think that I should
today go into that in any detail, nor to say what
Mr. Gromyko's reply was.
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes.
Q. Reports from Geneva this morning say
that one of the linkages lohich Russia appears to
be injecting into these surprise-attack talks is a
reduction of forces in the two Germanics and
the placing of inspectors in the two Germanics.
Is this the kind of linkage that would be ac-
ceptable?
A. Yes. I would think that what wo ought
to try to do is to find out whether there are other
precise steps, as precise as the "hot line," as
precise as the test ban in three environments, as
precise as, say, static control posts, on which we
can move. The more things are linked into
other matters, the more difficult they become.
And I don't see myself that linking static con-
trol posts into mutual reduction of forces is
likely to lead to an early agreement. I think
that makes it a very, very unpromising prospect.
Portuguese Territories in Africa
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes, sir, back here.
Q. What is your view, sir, on Spain^s de-
cision in the past few days to grant some degree
of self-rule to its African territories, and also
360
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtTLLETIN
on the Portuguese Premier's speech in the past
jeio days regarding Portuguese African terri-
tories, farticxdarhj his criticism of American
folicy toward those territories?
A. Well, we can't be expected to like some of
the things that Dr. [Antonio de Oliveira]
Salazar said about U.S. policies in his state-
ment— what seems to us to be a distortion of our
aims in a situation of this sort, or that we are
somehow trying to exercise, extend some sort of
sphere of influence, as far as the United States
is concerned.
It's well known that the people of this coun-
try really do attach importance to the simple
notion that governments derive their just pow-
ers from the consent of the governed and that
what the people of a particular territory think
about their circumstance or situation is an im-
portant question.
Now, this is not just a question of, shall we
say, high principle. It's a very practical notion
in the modern world that political arrange-
ments are stable and promising when they
clearly rest upon the consent of those directly
involved. And so we would hope that this
factor could be taken fully into account and that
the European relationship to Africa or the Por-
tuguese presence in Africa could be sustained
by the demonstrated consent of the people.
But it's for the people themselves to clarify that
point.
And so we will continue to work at this and
counsel on it, as far as our responsibilities to
the United Nations are concerned.
I think that perhaps that is about all that I
would say at this point on that issue.
Q. Mr. Secretary, a little tohile ago you were
talking of the questions you m,ight explore with
Soviet Russia in the wahe of the test han. And
among them you mentioned Peiping-Moscow
relations. Have you or your diplomats had
frank exchange of views on this point with
Soviet Russia?
A. No. I might have misled someone if I
indicated that Moscow-Peiping relations was a
subject for exploration with Moscow. That
has not been a subject of conversation between
us.
Q. Mr. Secretary, there are some people who
say that in a nuclear age any agreement between
East and West to station inspectors on each
other''s soil to watch military movements on
the ground and potentially in the xcater — that
this ^ooiddnH really he much of a step to ease
tensions. What is your view on this, and how
do you regard it as potentially significant?
A. Well, I wouldn't think that conventional
forces are unimportant simply because there are
nuclear weapons in the background. I think
there could be some advantages. Obviously,
such a step would not solve all the problems.
But I should think there could be some ad-
vantages in people knowing whether or not
there are significant changes in the deployment
or concentration of conventional forces.
After all, it is entirely possible that if there
is a crisis, or if there is a prospect of war,
it might well start or be precipitated in the
conventional side first. But it would be a lim-
ited step. But the fact that it is limited doesn't
necessarily mean that it would not be worth
while.
Question of Soviet Troops in Cuba
Q. Mr. Secretary.
A. Yes.
Q. Without going into what Mr. Gromyko
told you on the question of Soviet troops in
Cuba, do you have the feeling or impression —
or, what impression do you have about the pos-
sibilities of an early Soviet troop withdrawal
fiom Cuba?
A. I just wouldn't be able to speculate on
that, and I certainly don't want to get into that
famous numbers game here today. I don't
have any information that would lead me to be
able to make a responsible comment on that
point.
Q. Do you feel that the troop withdrawal
might greatly help in facilitating the settlement
of some of these other points that you
mentioned?
A. Oh, I think there would be no question
about the complete withdrawal of Soviet mili-
tary personnel in Cuba making a very helpful
contribution to the general state of relations. I
think that would be very apparent. Any —
SEPTEMBEK 2, 1963
361
Safeguards In Relation to Test Ban
Q. Mr. Stcretanj/
A. Yes, sir.
Q. The qxiestion has been raised in the test
ban hearings on Capitol Hill as to whether a
delay in providing specifics about the safe-
guards which would accompany a treaty would
delay ratification. Do you anticipate any de-
lay in providing details to the Congress about
the required safeguards, sir?
A. No, I would tliink not. I mean, the safe-
fruards of the sort we are talkino; about have
been matters of policy in the executive branch
straight through. And I think each of the wit-
nesses has emphasized tlie importance of these
safeguards, such things as the continuation of
imderground testing, such things as the mainte-
nance of our laboratories in full operational
capability, such things as the preparation for
prompt resumption of testing in these three
prohibited environments, if violation should oc-
cur, and we ourselves had to resume testing.
Questions of that sort have been up, of course,
and it is our strong view in the executive branch
that these safeguards must be in hand.
That will require support from the Con-
gress— appropriations. It will require a good
deal of advanced planning on the part of our
o\<a\ nuclear establishment. But I think they
are of great importance.
I don't believe that this is an issue on which
there is any real difference of view between the
executive and legislative branches. Therefore
I don't see why it should delay the hearings.
Q. Mr. Secretory, when Governor Harriman
got back from Moscow, some of us got the im-
pression that tlie Soviets xoould not agree to any
further accord on any .<nihject urdess they first
got something along nonaggression declaration
lines. Is that still your impression here, or
does the di.<icussion about the static posts indi-
cate that they will yield on tliat point?
A. "Well, I don't believe there was any cate-
gorical position on that particular point. As
you know, during the Ilailsham-Harriman dis-
cussions in Moscow,* the Soviets did press
rather hard on this nonaggression idea. We
I
• niujrriN of AuB. 12. 19«3, p. 239.
agreed that it would be discussed with th&
NATO alliance. Tliose discussions have not'
been completed, although NATO has taken
note of the nonaggression proposal which the
Soviets introduced at Geneva quite some months
ago.
No, those discussions will go forward in
NATO at the appropriate time. But it is not
my impression that resolution of this question
is a prerequisite to discussing any other ques-
tion. In other words, it's not a condition. It's
not a sine qua non of taking up other points.
As you have observed, Mr. Tsarapkin today did
enter into a discussion of the control posts prob-
lem at Geneva.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in view of the case in Cuba
again where American planes watched while a
kidnaping was conducted by Castro^s troops in
British waters, do you think there is room for
an agreement where instantaneous action could
be taken by either the British or the United
States in defense of that area?
A. Well, I think there were several problems
there. I personally believe that our own mili-
tary people conducted themselves correctly in
that situation. It is not, I think, for us to go
into British territory in a situation of that sort.
The British were promptly informed. But also
remember, it is not a very suitable mission for
an aircraft to take on the job of trying to res-
cue refugees who are in the hands of somebody
else and where firing fi-om the air will endanger
the refiigees as much as those who are doing
something with the refugees. In other words,
the means available were limited basically to
observation. And this is something, of course,
we are discussing with the British. But I tliink
that our men there acted correctly in that
situation.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in what sense do you mean
it is being talked about with the British?
A. Well, we are discussing with them this
particular problem, and this, of course, raises
the question of what the situation could be or
might be if this sort of thing were repeated and
how one can give protection to refugees who
might come out under these circumstances.
Q. On the question of control posts, do you
think that stationary control posts are sufficient
862
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
enough to toatch and prevent surprise attacks^
or does the United States think in the shape of
mobile control posts in the respective area?
A. Well, how mobile, I think, would be a
question to be taken up in discussions. But the
idea of this particular static control post pro-
posal would be that at a given airfield, at a given
port or railway center, these observers would be
able to determine whether there were substan-
tial troop movements through those centers.
Now, obviously, it would have to be mobile
enougli at the port to be able to know what
was happening at the port. But I doubt that
would mean they would be rambling around
the coimtryside. My guess is that there will
be no problem about the degree of mobility
required in the immediate location to carry out
the mission tliat tliey liave in tliat immediate
location.
But my furtlier guess is that the Soviet Union
is not prepared at this point to accept roving
observers with any degree of radius from their
assigned position.
Position on Comprehensive Test Ban
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes, sir?
Q. It has been disclosed note on the Hill that
Sometime hack, before the partial test ban came
into negotiation, final negotiation, that the
Joint Chiefs of Staff took a negative position
on the comprehensive treaty proposal of the
United States. Could you tell us whether that
position, taken at that time, led the State De-
partment to alter its position? Or were you
prepared to go ahead regardless of the Penta-
gon, the Joint Chiefs of Staff opposition?
A. Well, that poses what has turned out to
be a hypothetical question. I don't Icnow that
there is much profit in going back on an "as if"
basis.
Q. I asked the question —
A. We have had, as General Taylor [Max-
well D. Taylor, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of
Staff] pointed out, regular consultations, fre-
quent consultations with the Joint Chiefs on
these disarmament questions. They have been
sitting regularly with the so-called Committee
of Principles at Cabinet level, and they have
sat in on discussions at the White House with
the President about these disarmament ques-
tions. I think the pi'incipal obstacle to a com-
prehensive treaty has been the attitude of the
Soviet Union toward inspections.
Q. I asked the question because I believe the
testimony has been that, despite the fact we
have only a limited test ban treaty, this Govern-
ment xoants a total test ban treaty. And, in
fact, Mr. Harriman raised that point at Moscow.
Is that not correct?
A. The policy of the United States is, as ex-
pressed among other places in the preamble of
this limited treaty itself, to seek a comprehen-
sive test ban. But that will require a fully ade-
quate assurance, inspection arrangements, so
that we would know that there would not be
any significant cheating that could affect our
security.
Q. But it is a fact —
A. It remains our policy. The present pros-
pect is that that question is not likely to move
very fast in the near future.
Q. But it is a fact that tJiere is now an un-
resolved difference in this Government on that
comprehensive treaty, is it not?
A. Well, I don't — I'm not sure that I would
call such a difference unresolved. After all, the
executive branch is headed by the President of
the United States. (Laughter.)
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes?
Q. Is this country free under the test ban
treaty to offer nuclear assistance to France if
that assistance is intended to avoid future
French testing?
A. Well, I think the treaty itself makes clear
that assistance in carrying out prohibited ex-
plosions is prohibited by the treaty. Now, I
don't want to get into what might be permitted
under the treaty itself. I think that if all coun-
tries sigia the treaty and there were clearly to be
no prohibited explosions, tlien these issues would
move over into another field in terms of nuclear
policy, alliance policy, and the rest of it. But
I can't get into that today.
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
363
Q. Mr. Secretary?
A. Yes?
Q. Do you foresee any important changes in
our relationship with Eastern Europe follow-
ing the situation that exists around Berlin?
A. I think one 1ms had the impression that
the countries of Eastern Europe have been in-
terested in incrcasinf^ tiieir trade relations and
exchanjie relations with Western Europe, and
there have been some signs they would like to do
that also with the United States.
I don't think it is possible to generalize com-
pletely on that, or to draw too many conclusions
from it, but we liave sensed that they have been
interested in finding ways to increase their trade.
I think that, for example, a country like Czech-
oslovakia lives as much on trade as any other
country in Europe. And it has expanded its
trade with Western Europe.
As you know, there is a very large trade going
on between Western Europe and the Socialist
bloc to the East, the Soviet Union and the
Eastern European countries, now more than
$51/^ billion in both directions each year. I
think that the Eastern European countries have
been looking for ways to improve their relations
with the West. But it's a little early yet, I
think, to categorize that in great detail or to
draw long-range conclusions from it.
Q. Thank you, sir.
A. All right
U.S. Agrees to Extradition
of Ex-President of Venezuela
DEPARTMENT STATEMENT
Frcu rrlraic 417 datrd Aiicuiit \'2
The Secretary of State on August 12 informed
the Ambassador of Venezuela that the United
States has agreed to the request of the Govern-
ment of Venezuela for the extradition of Marcos
Perez Jimenez.
The request was made in August 1059 under
the oxtrndition treaty of 1022 between the
United States and Venezuela ' in which the two
countries hind themselves, on a reciprocal basis,
to extradite persons charged with committing
any of the crimes enumerated in the treaty. At
the conclusion of the extradition hearing on tha
Venezuelan request. United States Districfci
Judge George W. Wliitehurst, sitting as extrti-
dition magistrate, found that the evidence pre-
sented by Venezuela showed probable cause to
believe Marcos Perez Jimenez guilty of the
crimes of embezzlement or criminal malversa-
tion, breach of trust, and receiving money un-
lawfully obtained; that there was no legal
impediment to his extradition; and that, there-
fore, the requirements of the treaty had been
met. Thus, under United States law, the Secre-
tary of State was authorized to extradite Marcos
Perez Jimenez for trial on only the crimes of
embezzlement or criminal malversation, breach
of trust, and receiving money unlawfully ob-
tained, and, under the treaty, Venezuela could
try him only for those offenses were he to be
extradited.
In habeas corpus proceedings, brought by
Marcos Perez Jimenez to challenge the decision
of the extradition magistrate, the decision of
the magistrate was upheld by the United States
District Court for the Southern District of
Florida and by the United States Court of
Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. The habeas
corpus proceedings were finally terminated
■when, on June 17, 1963, the Supreme Court
denied a petition for rehearing of a petition for
certiorari to review the decision of the Court
of Appeals.
In addition to the record of the extradition
hearing and the habeas corpus proceedings, the
Secretary has had before him written submis-
sions from the attorneys for Marcos Perez
Jimenez and from the Government of Vene-
zuela. The Secretary also met with attorneys
for Marcos Perez Jimenez at their request, at
which time they presented arguments in opposi-
tion to extradition. Finally, the Government of
Venezuela presented a note giving assurances
that should Perez Jimenez be returned to Vene-
zuela careful security measures would be taken
to insure his phj'sical safety, that he would be
given a fair trial and given all the rights
' 43 Stat. 1698.
8M
DEPABTMENT OF STATE BTJLLETIJ»
accorded an accused under the laws of Vene-
zuela, including the riglit to full and effective
defense and including the right to be defended
by counsel of his own choosing, and that, in
accordance with article XIV of tlie treaty, he
would be tried only for those offenses for which
extradition was gi'anted.
TEXTS OF NOTES
Secretary Rusk to Ambassador Tejera-Paris
August 12, 1963
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to note No.
320, dated August 5, 1961," in which the Government of
Venezuela formally requested the extradition of Marcos
Perez Jimenez for the ci'imes of embezzlement or
criminal malversation, receiving money or valuable se-
curities knowing the same to have been unlawfully ob-
tained, and fraud or breach of trust, as specified in
paragraphs 14, 18 and 20 of Article II of the Extradi-
tion Treaty of 1922, between our two countries.
As you are aware, an extradition hearing was held
pursuant to the provisions of Section 31S4, Title 18,
United States Code, at the conclusion of which the
Honorable George W. Whitehurst, United States Dis-
trict Judge for the Southern District of Florida, sitting
as extradition magistrate, found that the evidence
presented by your Government showed probable cause
to believe Marcos Perez Jimenez guilty of the above-
mentioned crimes, but that insufficient evidence had
been presented to warrant his extradition on the
charges of complicity in murder with which he was also
charged in Venezuela. Habeas corpus proceedings
brought to challenge the decision of the extradition
magistrate resulted in his decision being upheld by the
United States District Court for the Southern District
of Florida and by the United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit On June 17, 1963, the United
States Supreme Court denied the petition of Marcos
Perez Jimenez for a rehearing on that Court's denial
of his petition for certiorari to review the decision of
the Court of Appeals.
I have taken note of your Government's assurances,
contained in your note No. 1396, dated July 22, 1963,
that careful security arrangements have been made by
your Government to eliminate any risk of physical
harm to Marcos Perez Jimenez should he be extradited,
that he would be tried only for those offenses for which
his extradition is granted, that he would be given all
the rights accorded an accused under the laws of your
country, including the right to full and effective de-
fense, and that he would have the right to adequate
legal counsel of his own choice.
Accordingly, there is enclosed my warrant" direct-
ing the United States Marshal for the Southern Dis-
trict of Florida or any other public officer or person
having charge or custody of Marcos Perez Jimenez to
surrender and deliver him up to such person or per-
sons as may be duly authorized by your Government
to receive him in order that he may be returned to
Venezuela for trial for the crimes of embezzlement or
criminal malversation, receiving money or valuable se-
curities knowing the same to have been unlawfully
obtained, and fraud or breach of trust. The specific
offenses which are considered, in this case, to be en-
compassed by the crimes and those for which extradi-
tion is granted are those charges set forth in para-
graphs 15. B, 15. C and 15. D(3) of the Second
Amended Complaint for Extradition filed March 8, 1960,
in the District Court of the United States for the
Southern District of Florida, Miami Division, by Man-
uel Aristeguieta in case No. 9425-M-Civil entitled
Manuel Aristeffiiieta, Consul General of the Republic of
Venezuela, Plaintiff, v. Marcos Perez Jimenez, Defend-
ant.
Inasmuch as the extradition magistrate found suf-
ficient evidence of criminality of Marcos Perez Jimenez
only with respect to these crimes, his extradition is
granted on the condition, specified in Article XIV of
the Extradition Treaty of 1922, that he shall be tried
only for those crimes.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my
highest consideration.
Dean Rusr
His Excellency Dr. Enrique Tejera-Paris,
Ambassador of Venezuela.
Ambassador Tejera-Paris to Secretary Rusk
Embajada de Venezxtela
Washington, D.C., July 22, 1963
l.'JQG
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to Your Ex-
cellency's note of July 19, 1963,= in which Your Excel-
lency invites my comments on certain contentions
made to Your Excellency by attorneys for Marcos
Perez Jimenez in connection with his extradition.
The contentions are groundless.
The attorney's suggestion that the accused would be
subject to the danger of physical harm is quite un-
wan-anted. As has already been indicated to the De-
partment of State, the careful security arrangements
that have been made by my Government for the custody
of the accused eliminate any risk of such harm. I am
quite prepared to submit the details of such arrange-
ments to Your Excellency. Your Excellency wiU un-
derstand that my Government has a far greater interest
even than Your Excellency in assuring against any
such danger. I am sure also that Your Excellency is
fully aware that my Government inflicts no harm on
prisoners such as had been resorted to in my country
Ijrior to January 1958.
The attorney's suggestion that the accused would
' Not printed here.
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
698-575—63 3
365
likely be tried for offenses other than those for which
Your Excellency will grant extradition is irrespon-
sible. I Invite Your Elxcellency's attention to the clear
guarantee contained in the treaty of extradition itself
that an extradited accused can be tried only on the
charges for which extradition is granted. I need
hardly remind Your Excellency of my Government's
meticulous adherence to its international obligations,
reijeatedly demonstrated. Moreover, Your Excellency
will find, upon examination of the requisition for
surrender and its attachments presented to Your Ex-
cellency on behalf of my Government, that the charges
for which surrender is requisitioned — to which the
trial will be confined — are stated with unusual particu-
larity by the Supreme Court of Justice of my country
and coincide precisely with those which have been
sustained by the courts of Your Excellency's country
in the extradition proceedings against the accused.
Hence neither Your Excellency's Government nor the
accused will have the slightest difficulty in confirm-
ing that there is strict compliance at the trial with
the limit-ation.s of the requisition for surrender and
with the treaty guarantee. Moreover, the very ex-
haustive opinion of the United States Court of Ap-
I>eals for the Fifth Circuit, sustaining the determina-
tion of the lower court in the extradition proceedings,
reviews in detail the evidence found by that Court to
sustain the charges in extradition; the very detail of
that Court's review of the facts provides most effec-
tive assurance that the trial of the accused will be
kept within the bounds prescribed by the treaty. I
believe there is no other case in any country where
such as.suraiice has been so complete.
The attorney's suggestion that the accused would
not receive a fair trial betrays unfamiliarity with the
legal process provided by the Constitution and proce-
dural code of my country, which includes the right to
habeas corpus that had been taken away by the gov-
ernment in office prior to January 1958. The Supreme
Court of Justice of my country has plainly decreed
that, upon the accused's return, it will determine the
court of proper jurisdiction for the trial and this will
be done in accordance with estJiblished procedure ap-
plicable to the specific charges for which extradition
is granted. Trial will occur in the regular civil courts
in all respects in the regular manner. I am sure that
Your Excellency is familiar with the criminal proce-
dure in my country which protects the rights of an
accused to a degree that, in important respects, is
greater than is true in many other great democracies.
Nor is there the least reason to believe that the legal
process in my country will take any such extraordi-
nary length of time as has been consumed by the extra-
dition priK'ess thus far in this case unless the accused
himself prolongs the process by persistent interlocu-
tory appeals and other dilatory measures as defend-
ants in all countries sometimes succeed in doing.
The attorneys' suggestion that the accused would
not be able to retain adequate legal assistance in his
defen.se Is false. The law of my country assures an
accused the right to counsel of his own choice. It is
well known that eminent members of the bar of Vene-
zuela have indicated their willingness to act in the '
defense of the accused ; certain steps to that end,
indeed, seem already to have been taken. This is in
entire accord with the high tradition of the Venezuelan
bar as stated by the former Minister of Justice in an
address to the Bar Association in Caracas on Janu-
ary 11, 1963, when he emphasized that it was inconceiv-
able that lawyers should be dissuaded "from lending
their professional services in the defense of an accused,
whatever may be the nature of the crime or the person-
ality of the accused."'
The determination of my Government to protect the
right of an accused to full and effective defense is
illustrated by an incident involving one of the United
States attorneys for the accused in this case. That
attorney was permitted to go to my country to inves-
tigate the case and was given the privilege of inter-
viewing persons in prison. Unfortunately he exceeded
permissible bounds by taking depositions otherwise
than in the lawful manner which, in my country as
in many others, is a serious offense. It seems that he
also made certain provocative statements to the press.
As a result an individual member of my country's
Congress made a very critical and highly emotional
speech in that Congress. But a committee of that Con-
gress, upon investigation of the incident, not only re-
fused to join in the sentiments expressed in the
individual's speech but file a report which said :
"The freedom of expression of thought and the right
of defense of every accused that the Venezuelan laws
guarantee to foreigners and citizens permits state-
ments to be made without any other limit than those
established by law.
"The aforesaid statements in the press, attributed
to the United States citizen Mr. Moore in his capacity
as defense attorney of the extradition defendant, Mar-
cos Perez Jimenez, do not exceed the right of a for-
eigner to freedom of expression and exercise of the
rights of an accused insofar as they express an opinion
respecting a judicial proceeding against his client."
I may also point out that Your Excellency is aware
of the very effective means at Your Excellency's dis-
posal after the surrender of the accused to assure your-
self that he is treated with entire propriety and in
strict accordance with the requirements of the treaty
and the pertinent inter-governmental obligations.
May I express the hope that Your Excellency will
now determine to carry out your Government's treaty
obligation in response to my Government's requisition
for surrender duly presented two years ago. The
courts of Your Excellency's country have pronounced
the evidence presented by my Government against the
accused to be overwhelming. Xor has the accused at-
tempted even the slightest exculpatory explanation of
this evidence at any time, despite the fact that im-
portant items of such evidence consisted of his own
handwritten memoranda. I feel sure that Your Ex-
cellency wiU find no cause for any further delay in
366
DEPARTMEXT OF STATE BULLETIN
acting favorably on my Government's requisition as
reqnired by the treaty.
It has been a source of great satisfaction to my Gov-
ernment to observe that the courts of Your Excellency's
country have firmly rejected the effort made on behalf
of the accused to introduce into extradition doctrine
some novel and special immunity for one who has held
high governmental oflBce. Those courts properly have
insisted that no man is above the law. It is solely in
vindication of that great principle that my Government
has pursued this case in the face of such discouraging
procedural obstacles as thus far have been thrown in
its way. I am confident that Tour Excellency, no less
than the courts of Your Excellency's country, appreci-
ates the vital importance of vindicating that principle
and will not permit the foregoing baseless contentions
of the accused's attorneys to obscure a principle that
must be maintained faithfully if the governments of
this hemisphere are to enjoy mutual confidence and
their peoples mutual respect.
I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your
Excellency the assurances of my highest and distin-
guished consideration.
E. Tejeba p.
Ambassador of Venezuela
Outer Space: Problems of Law and Power
by Richard N. Gardner
Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Organisation Affairs ^
At 12 noon on April 22, 1889, President Har-
rison threw open several million square miles
of Government land for settlement in the Okla-
homa Territory. Some eager "sooners" sneaked
into tlie territory too soon, but the vast majority
crowded along the border. Long lines of trains
nosed right up to the starting line. Detach-
ments of cavalry held back the mob imtil the
blast of a bugle at noon sent a wild stampede
into the new territory. One train rider — the
trains, by the way, had to run at a set speed so
their occupants didn't obtain an unfair advan-
tage— described the scene:
I saw excited men jump from the windows of
crowded coaches even before the train stopped and
rush off to stake out claims in a cornfield that by noon
the next day was a busy tent city of 10,000 people.
As one historian quipped: "Within a few
hours virtually every tract had one claimant,
and most had three or four."
Seventy-four years after this event we find
^ Address made before the Section on International
and Comparative Law of the American Bar Associa-
tion at Chicago, 111., on Aug. 10 (press release 413
dated Aug. 9, revised).
ourselves on the borders of space. We are now
in Year Six of the Space Age, and each month
brings more astounding progress in the conquest
of outer space. Six years ago an orange-sized
object in orbit filled the headlines. Today men
live in orbit for days in spacecraft weighing
thousands of poimds. Six years ago a vehicle
laimched hundreds of miles into space was a
sensation. In 1962 the United States sent a
vehicle to Venus to find out what the planet
was like. After 110 days of flight at 15,000
miles per hour the vehicle sent radio impulses
36 million miles back to earth with the follow-
ing message :
Venus is hot, 800 degrees Fahrenheit. There is heavy
cloud cover : it is impossible to see the landscape. The
atmosphere contains no oxygen or water. Life as we
know it is generally impossible.
Clearly our scientific capacity is permitting
us to rush into space with impressive speed.
Is our capacity for law and organization in
space equal to the challenge ? The first sooners,
as it were, are already in outer space. Can we
avoid a space "stampede" and achieve orderly
progress?
SEPTEITBER 2. 1963
367
Ix«t anyoiip take this analogy too literally.
I haston to add that I do not envision a flood of
settlers leavinjr siiortly for outer space. Wash-
ington is uncomfortable this time of year, but
Venus appears to be even more so.
The question of concern to lawyers and diplo-
mats is whether nations as they increase their
activities and interests in outer space can de-
velop adequate ground rules to prevent con-
flicting claims and international violence.
These pround rules may be embodied in articu-
lated legiil principles. But, especially in the
beginning, much of the law of outer space may
gi-ow (piietly out of the mutual restraints and
reciprocal concessions which nations accept
tacitly out of enlightened self-interest. Law
will als<i grow out of specific projects of func-
tional cooperation.
Development of Law for Outer Space
When the que.stion is approached from this
broad perspective, one sees considerable prog-
ress in developing law for outer space:
—General A.s.sembly Resolution 1721 (XVI)^
affirmed that international law, including the
U.X. Charter, applies to outer space and celes-
tial bwlies and that outer space and celestial
lx>dies are free for exploration and use by all
states and are not subject to national appro-
priation.
— The members of the U.N., responding to
another part of this same resolution, have
started an ambitious program of worldwide
weather foreca.sting and research, making use
of satellites as well as earth-based instrumen-
tation.'
— XT.N". members have also begun, tlirough
the International Telecommunication Union, to
tackle the technical problems involved in using
outer space for tejeplione, radio, and television
communication. Following creation of the
r..S. Communications Satellite Corporation,
we Iiave begun discussions on the creation
of a single global satellite communication
system, with wide participation in ownership
and management, and operated so as to realize
economic and political benefits to all nations.
— The United States and the Soviet Union
have concluded a bilateral agreement * calling
for the coordinated launching of weather satel-
lites and the exchange of weather information,
the coordinated launching of satellites to map
the eartli's magnetic field, and cooperative ex-
periments with communication satellites.
This record hardly confirms the view that
no law is being made to govern the relations
of states in outer space. And yet it is true that
the efforts in the T'^.N. to reach agreement on
specific legal principles beyond those contained
in Eesolution 1721 have so far been in vain.
"\Aniat has been the cause of the difiBculty?
Is there any way it can be resolved?
As most of you know, the Soviet Union in-
sists that there can be no further agreement on
any legal questions unless and until there is
agreement on a comprehensive code of space law
along the lines of tlie Soviet declaration of basic
principles.' Thus the drafting of agreements
on specific questions such as liability for space
vehicle accidents and assistance to and return
of space vehicles and their pei-sonnel — matters
on which a broad consensus already exists —
is being held up by the Soviets pending agree-
ment on more controversial political issues.
Until recently the Soviet Union adopted a
similar attitude in the test ban negotiations. It
refused to consider an agreement to ban testa
above ground until a comprehensive ban was
achieved embracing imdergi'oimd testing as
well. Happily it has now changed its position,
and a treaty banning tests above ground has
been signed.^ The Soviet Union could do much
to defrost the cold war if it dropped its all-or-
nothing attitude in other fields as well. Cooper-
ation in framing legal principles for outer space
would be one good place to start.
The United States would like to conclude
international agreements at an early date on
both liability and assistance and return. We
would also welcome a Greneral Assembly resolu-
tion covering the general principles of law
' For text. Rep Rrijjn-iN of .Tnn. 20, 1062. p. 185.
" For Itnrkicroiind nnd text of n rpsolution adopted by
fhp<lenornl Asseiiilily on Dis-. 14, 1002, see ihul.. .Inn. 7.
1!M«. p. 21.
' For text, see iftirf., Dec. 24. ]0fi2. p. 06.3.
'For text, see U.X. doc. A/.'>1S1 (Annex III, A).
' l'"'or background, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p.
2,34. nnd Aur. 26. 106.3. p. 314.
868
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
which should govern the activities of states in
outer space. If there is a willingness on all
sides to concentrate on the principles which
unite rather than divide us, we can speedily get
unanimous agreement for a resolution on gen-
eral principles at the next General Assembly.
Such a resolution could contain the following
elements on which a consensus already exists:
— the freedom of outer space for exploration
and use by all states ;
— the unavailability of celestial bodies for
national appropriation ;
— the applicability of international law, in-
cluding the Charter of the United Nations, to
relations among states in outer space ;
— tJie retention by the launching authority of
jurisdiction over the ownership of space
vehicles ;
— assistance to astronauts in distress and re-
turn of space vehicles and their personnel ; and
— liability for injury or damage caused by
space vehicle accidents.
Controversial Principles in Soviet Declaration
So much for the principles on which there is
general agreement. Let me turn now to the
four principles included in the Soviet declara-
tion which cause problems for us and most
other members of the United Nations.
First, there is the Soviet principle which
would prohibit the use of outer space for
"propagating war, national or racial hatred or
enmity between nations." The United States is
understandably skeptical about discussing this
subject in view of the fact that the Soviet
Union, after initiating lengthy negotiations on
war propaganda in the 18-Nation Disarmament
Conference in Geneva, refused at the last
minute to sign the declaration which had been
unanimously agreed upon. We cannot believe
the Soviets would let the question of war prop-
aganda stand in the way of agreement if other
questions could be resolved.
Second, there is the Soviet principle that
space activities shall be carried out "solely and
exclusively by States." This provision, which
would bar private enterprise from space activi-
ties, is an attempt to impose socialist principles
on an important sector of human activity and is
an obvious attack on Telstar and our communi-
cation satellite legislation. The United States
sees no reason why private enterprise should be
prevented from flying in space any more than it
is from sailing on international waters.
On tlie other hand, we can certainly reaffirm
our view that a state bears international respon-
sibility for its activities in space and for the
activities of its nationals. We can also reaffirm
that space operations carried on by private
parties require government authorization and
supervision. A principle phrased along these
lines meets the problem of liability and pre-
vents any irresponsible use of outer space by
private parties.
Third, there is the Soviet principle that prior
discussion and agreement must take place on
any measures to be undertaken by a state which
"might in any way hinder the exploration or
use of outer space for peaceful purposes by
other countries." Wiile this provision might
appear innocent enough at first glance, it would
effectively extend the veto into space.
One can imagine the difficulties that would
result from a multilateral clearance system.
Space exploration could be slowed down or
halted entirely by red tape or political obstruc-
tionism. We cannot accept a Soviet veto over
anything we do in space.
The partial test ban has eliminated testing
in outer space from the list of issues to which
this Soviet principle is addressed. On the po-
tentially harmful effects of other space experi-
ments some agreement may be possible. We
are prepared to support the principle that a
state should undertake appropriate interna-
tional consultations before proceeding with a
space activity if it has reason to believe that its
activity may create a significant risk of harm.
Such a principle would be in accord with
existing U.S. practice, as reflected in the han-
dling of our West Ford experiment.' Project
West Ford placed a large number of tiny fila-
ments in a short-lived orbital belt around the
earth. The purpose was to determine the f easi-
'For text of a letter dated June 6, 19G3, from
Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson to the U.N. Secretary-
General regarding Project West Ford, see ihid., July
15, 10G.3, p. 104.
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
369
bility of using such filaments as passive re-
flectors to i-eluy communications.
Project West Fonl was carefully considered
in otlvancc by both the President's Science Ad-
visory Conuiiittee and the Space Science Board
of the National Aciidemy of Sciences. The
full details of the experiment were made known
well in advance to all interested scientists from
other countries. Wiilc some expressed con-
cern, there was no serious scientific objection to
the e.xperiment on the grounds that it would
impede radio a.«tronomy or other scientific
research.
West Ford is now almost 3 months old, and
to date there has not been a single report of
interference or damage to space activities and
e.xperiments. The results of tho West Ford ex-
periment will be distributed for the informa-
tion and use of the international scientific
community.
Fourth, there is the Soviet principle that the
collection of intelligence from space is "incom-
patible with the objectives of mankind in its
conquest of outer space." The fact is, of
course, that observation and photography from
outer space are consistent with international
law and the U.N. Charter, as are observation
and photography from the high seas. More-
over, space observation can contribute to the
reduction of the risk of war by accident or mis-
calculation inherent in dealings with a closed
society. Observation from space may some
day help the ITnitod Nations to monitor an
armistice or patrol a border. It may play a
part in the verification of a disarmament agree-
ment. Even Premier Khrushchev, according
to C. L. Sulzberger in the New York Timfs of
July 15, admits that satellites can be used for
disarmament inspection.
Quite apart from the undesirability of ban-
ning obsen^ation from space for military pur-
poses, it is becoming increasingly difficult to
make meaningful distinctions on this subject.
Major Gordon Cooper believed he could dis-
tinguish roads, fin-s, and even his own home
while he was in orbit. Equipped witli a spy-
gliLSS and a Brownie camera, could Major
Cooper be classified as a reconnaissance satel-
lite? 'Wliat about the Soviet astronauts who
were members of the Red Air Force and carried
cameras when they passed over U.S. territory?
What about satellites for mapping and weather
observation?
Clearly all these forms of observation from
space are legally permissible and socially desir-
able. We cannot agree to any principle which
casts doubt on this proposition.
Military Uses of Outer Space
This brings me naturally to some concluding
remarks about the military uses of outer space.
It should be obvious that the attempt to build
peaceful space cooperation and a regime of law
for outer space does not eliminate the need
for military space programs to maintain the
security of the United States and the entire free
world. There is no inconsistency in moving
simultaneously on both fronts. For the fore-
seeable future, we need military space programs
to help keep the peace and civilian space pro-
grams to help us live better in peace.
The test of the legitimacy of a particular
use of outer space is not whether it is military
or nonmilitary but whether it is peaceful or
aggressive. Russian cosmonauts are members
of the Soviet Air Force, but this is no reason
to challenge their activities. There is. in any
event, no workable dividing line between mili-
tary and nonmilitary uses of space. A naviga-
tional satellite in outer space can guide a sub-
marine as well as a merchant ship. Thus the
United States has military space programs, but
all of our space activities will continue to be for
peaceful, i.e. nonaggressive and beneficial, pur-
poses.
Space is not a new subject — only a new place
where all the old subjects come up. Wliether
we are speaking of meteorology, communica-
tions, or military uses, the things that take place
in space are inextricably bound up with the
things that take place on the surfa<ve of the
earth. Those people are living in a dream
world who think that space can be wrapped
up in a nice new sanitary package and insulated
from terrestrial reality.
In the interest of the security of the free
world the United States cannot refrain unilat-
erally from all military activities in space until
military activities on earth have been regulated
by disarmament agreements. Wlien the mili-
370
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUTXETIN
tary problems on earth are solved, the military
problems in space will be solved : They are part
of the same problem.
Avoiding an Arms Race in Space
This does not mean that nothing can be done
to save outer space from the arms race on earth
with all its dangerous features. On the con-
trary, if we cannot insulate space completely
from earthly tensions, we may at least be able
to prevent a stampede of space weapons into
orbit.
Today both the United States and the Soviet
Union have the capacity to place thermonuclear
weapons in orbit. But, according to the best
military advice available, there is now no
rational military purpose in doing so. To put
it another way, any purely military advantage
that might be gained by either side from placing
weapons of mass destruction in orbit could
now be achieved with less cost through alter-
native weapons systems — hardened ICBM's
[intercontinental ballistic missiles] or missile-
firing submarines.
To be sure, the deployment of a thermonuclear
weapon in orbit would have a serious political
and psychological effe^^t. If international ten-
sions are to be reduced and world peace assured,
it is necessary that countries refrain from
making use of terror weapons of this kind.
The United States, for all these reasons, has
no intention of placing weapons of mass destruc-
tion in orbit unless compelled to do so by actions
of the Soviet Union. We earnestly hope that
the Soviet Union will likewise refrain from
taking steps that will extend the arms race into
outer space.
Some critics have charged that statements to
this effect by American leaders are tantamount
to unilateral disarmament in outer space.
Nothing could be further from the truth.
Such critics have failed to distinguish be-
tween preparation and deployment. What we
are saying is that we hope to avoid an arms
race in space and will not precipitate one our-
selves. We are not saying that we are neglect-
ing preparations in the event that our hopes
are disappointed. On the contrary, the United
States is taking measures to insure that we will
be in a position, if need be, to deal with threats
to our security from outer space.
For the record you might like to know that
the budget for fiscal year 1962 included $1.1
billion for military space projects. For the
fiscal year just ended, this amount was raised
36 percent to $1.5 billion. These figures do not
include expenditures on fimdamental research
done by tlie National Aeronautics and Space
Administration. In addition to these amounts,
a considerable portion of the Pentagon's re-
search and development budget— a proposed 20
percent for this fiscal year— is devoted to the
military uses of outer space.
In outer space, as on earth, the conduct of
American diplomacy requires the coordinated
use of law and power. Those who emphasize
the one without the other do no service to the
national security of the United States.
Air Transport Agreement
With Mexico Extended
Joint Statement
Press release 424 dated Augrust 14
Delegations of the Govermnent of the United
States of America and the Government of the
United Mexican States have now concluded the
negotiations which began in Mexico City on
July 22, 1963,1 ^^ consider the air transport
agreement ^ wliich was signed in 1960 and
which is due to expire on August 14, 1963.
Following a thorough study of actual expe-
rience under the agreement, the two Govern-
ments, by an exchange of notes, have extended
tlie agreement for 1 year.
The talks which have resulted in the under-
standing mentioned herein were conducted in
the same spirit of friendship and desire for
close cooperation which have marked previous
discussions between the two Govermnents on
civil aviation matters of mutual interest.
' For background, see Bttlletin of May 27, 1963,
p. 840.
° Treaties and Other International Acts Series 4675.
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
371
EEC: A Federation in the Making
by Andreas F. Lowenfeld
Asx/'xfanf Lcpnl Adviser for Economic Affairs ^
That the whole is equal to the sum of its
parts may be an acceptable maxim for the math-
ematician. Not so for the lawyer, economist,
or political scientist. The European Economic
Community exists to fashion from six separate
states and economies something more than the
sum of its parts. Whether the goal is quite so
ambitious as to the American version of the
maxim e pluribus umim, we cannot yet tell. But
the goal — a single economic area governed by a
single set of rules — is an ambitious one. Its
achievement depends ultimately upon the polit-
ical, social, and economic currents at work in
Europe today, and upon the extent to which
these currents can overcome the conflicting tra-
ditions not faced by our own founding fathers.
There are three European communities, the
European Economic Community, EURATOM
(the European Atomic Energy Community),
and the European Coal and Steel Community.
The three are part of a single historical progres-
sion. They share, in part, common institutions.
Although I will focus today on the organiza-
tional structure of the EEC, that structure can
only be understood as part of a broader institu-
tional framework.
In 1950 French Foreign Minister Robert
Schuman made his now-famous proposal to
place French and German coal and steel under
a common authority. This propcsal led to the
Treaty of Paris, signed in lOf)!, which set up a
European Coal and Steel Community. The
' Address mnde before a Joint session of the Sections
on Corporation, Rnnklntr, nnd Business Law nnd Inter-
nntionnl nnd rompnrnllve I,a\v of the American Bar
Association at ChlcnRO, 111., on Aug. 12 (press release
414).
builders of a imited Europe received a setback
when the European Defense Community, mod-
eled in large part on the Coal and Steel Com-
munity, failed of ratification. But economic
integration had proved its value, and it was on
the momentum of the Coal and Steel Com-
munity that the builders of a united Europe
were able to proceed. In 19.57, 6 years after
the Treaty of Paris and 3 years after the EDC
had been rejected, the Rome treaties were
signed. By article 1 of the treaty, "the High
Contracting Parties establish among themselves
a European Economic Community."
Organizational Structure of the Community
Following in general the organizational struc-
ture of the Coal and Steel Community, the
Treaty of Rome creates four organs for the
management and governance of Europe's eco-
nomic activity — the Commission, the Council
of Ministers, the European Parliamentary As-
sembly, and the Court of Justice. Under the
treaty, and a related convention, the parlia-
ment and the Court of Justice of the EEC
supersede those of the Coal and Steel Commu-
nity and serve all three commimities.
Thus, although the EEC, EURATOM, and
the Coal and Steel Community are created and
governed by separate charters and have sep-
arate executive organs, they share in common
a parliament and a court. In addition, they
have joint legal, statistical, and press and in-
formation services.
Executive authority for the EEC is lodged
in the Commission and the Council of Ministers.
Tliis authority is of great importance and il-
lustrates the supranational character of the
372
DEFAHTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Community. Decisions of the Commission or
tlie Coimcil are directly binding in tlie terri-
tory of member states and do not need to be
implemented by national legislation. The
Community can issue regulations and orders
directed to private persons and firms, its investi-
gators and inspectors have direct access to the
books of private firms, and it may impose fines
for infringement of its regulations.
The Commission consists of nine persons ap-
pointed for 4-year terms by the governments
of the member states "acting in common agree-
ment." By the terms of the charter they are
required to be of "indisputable independence"
and to perform their duties as servants of the
Community. States are obligated to respect
this independence.
Wliile the Rome Treaty is silent on the
organization of the Commission, in fact each of
the Commissioners is assigned certain responsi-
bilities, somewhat like a cabinet minister.
Thus one Commissioner is charged with agri-
cultural policy, another with competition, an-
other with external trade, and so on. Each
major area has a directorate-general headed by
a senior civil servant, who in turn supervises the
work of a number of directors and their staffs.
The Commissioners themselves, while inde-
pendent of their national governments and
servants of the Community, are clearly poli-
tical, as contrasted with civil service, officers.
The Commission has two major tasks. First,
it initiates actions and draws up proposals for
the Council of Ministers, much as our executive
branch does. Second, the Commission is
charged with insuring the proper execution of
the treaty and of decisions taken by organs of
the Community. It can issue regulations and
directives addressed to private businesses and
individuals as well as to governments. And it
can call both governments and individuals to
account for failing to fulfill their obligations
under the treaty.
The second branch of the executive is the
Council of Ministers, comprised of one minister
from each member state. It is the only organ
of the Community whose members represent
governments. The primary function of the
Council is to pass on proposals of the Com-
mission. It does so in most cases by weighted
voting, France, Germany, and Italy having
four votes each, Belgium and the Netherlands
two each, and Luxembourg one vote. Pro-
posals of the Commission can in general be ac-
cepted or rejected by a qualified majority,
normally 12 of the 17 votes assigned, but they
can be modified only by unanimous vote. This
gives the Commission considerable leverage in
getting its proposals accepted since the Council
is often faced with the alternatives of accepting
them or leaving the problems unsolved. In
practice the Commission often serves as medi-
ator between member states in the Council,
modifying its own proposals until it can secure
a qualified majority for accepting them. On
the other hand, as the recent poultry negotia-
tions with the United States have shown,^ the
Commission may consider that its authority in
a particular matter is limited and may go to the
Council of Ministers for authorization to take
certain actions.
Many fundamental matters require a unani-
mous vote in the Council, although the treaty
provides for the progressive elimination of the
veto. For example, article 101 directs the
Commission to consult with member states
whenever a disparity between their legislative
or administrative provisions "distorts the con-
ditions of competition." If the consultations
fail to resolve the problem the Council is em-
powered to issue directives to the states con-
cerned. The exercise of this power required
imanimous vote during the first of the three
transition stages but now requires only a quali-
fied majority.
This brief description necessarily oversimpli-
fies the relationship between the Commission
and the Council. By the terms of the charter,
neither is subordinate to the other and they
jointly dispose of the decisionmaking power of
the Community. The treaty leaves vague the
details of their collaboration, providing only
that it shall be settled "by mutual agreement."
European Parliamentary Assembly
The third organ is the European Parliamen-
tary Assembly, composed of 142 parliamen-
tarians, 36 each from Germany, France, and
'For background, see Bulletin of June 24, 1963,
p. 996.
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
373
Italy, 14 each from Relpiuni and tlie Nether-
lands, and 6 from Luxembourg. The parlia-
mentarians are now elected by, and from the
memlx-rship of, national parliaments, but
eventually they will be elected by direct uni-
versal sufTrafre. The parliament has already
drawn up a draft agreement of 23 articles pro-
viding for European elections, but tliis agree-
ment has yet to receive the unanimous approval
of member states.
Even though they are now appointed by
and from national legislatures, the parliamen-
tarians are not national representatives. The
treaty refers to them as "representatives of the
pe/>ples of the States united within the Com-
munity." They arrange themselves along
party and political lines, rather than in na-
tional groups. And the rules of procedure of
the parliament provide for the formation of
supranational political parties. These parties,
of which there are several, have permanent sec-
retariats, are financed in part by Community
funds, and correspond to the major political
partie.s in Europe.
On paper the parliament has only one signif-
icant power. It can, by a two-thirds vote,
censure the Commission and oust its members.
In a variety of ways, however, the parliament
has made itself a more important body than
the treaty sugge.sts. It has, for example, an
elaborately developed committee structure, with
13 standing committees. And it has put to
good use its right to propose oral and written
que.stions to the Commission and the Council.
In part the significance of the parliament lies
simply in the fact it exists and that some day
it may fonn a significant element of a Europe
nnifie<l politically as well as economically.
Court of Justice
Tlie imj)nrtance of the fourtli institution —
the Court of Justice — will not surprise the
American lawyer, though it seems to have sur-
prised some European obsen'ers not so familiar
with the problems of federalism and economic
regulation by a central organization. Tlie
Court is composed of seven judges appointed
for fi-year terms, again "by the Governments
of Member States acting in common agi-ee-
ment." The judges must be qualified for the
highest judicial ofSoe in their respective coun-
tries or be jurists of recognized competence.
Tlie statutB of the Court, which is a protocol to
the Rome Treaty, provides that the Court's
deliberations "shall be and shall remain secret."
Following the continental legal tradition, this
has been interpreted as precluding dissenting
opinions. Hearings of the Court are public,
and the judgments of the Court must be sup-
ported by a statement of reasons and must be
read in open court.
Two advocates-general assist the Court.
Their function is to act as a friend of the court,
that is to present reasoned opinions to the Court
on all issues of law raised by a case, whether
or not these issues have been argued by the
parties. The advocates-general participate in
proceedings before the Court but not in its
deliberations. The Court is, of course, free to
disregard the conclusions of the advocates-
general.
In contrast to the International Court of
Justice, the Community court exercises com-
pulsory jurisdiction. Its writ extends to mem-
ber states, to organs of the Community, and
to individuals. Judgments of the Court are
enforcible against member states, and judg-
ments and orders against individuals are to be
enforced with the aid of instrumentalities of the
member states.
Tlie Commission can simimon a member state
before the Court for failing to fulfill its obliga-
tions under the treaty. So can another member
state. Under article 171 of the Eome Treaty,
If the Court of Justice finds that a Member State
has failed to fulfil any of its oblijrations under this
Treaty, such State shall take the measures rerinlred
for the implementation of the jud.fment of the Court
On the other hand, an organ of the Com-
munity, or any natural or legal person with an
interest in an action or decision of the Council
or the Commission (including a failure to act),
can secure judicial review of such actions by
the Commission or Council. The Court's juris-
diction also extends to civil actions for damages
against the Community, to arbitration in which
the Community is a party, and to disputes con-
cerning employees of the Community.
Finally, the Court has a federal-question
jurisdiction similar to that of our Supreme
374
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Court, although it is exercised in a somewhat
different manner. In addition to its original
jurisdiction over questions concerning the inter-
pretation of the treaty, tlie validity and inter-
pretation of acts of the institutions of the Com-
munity, and the interpretation of statutes of any
bodies established by the Council, the Court
may render preliminary decisions for use in mu-
nicipal proceedings when any such question is
raised. Under article 177 lower national courts
may refer such questions to the Court of Justice
for a preliminary decision. But any domestic
court or tribunal from whose decisions no ap-
peal lies under domestic law must refer such
questions to the Court, prior to the rendering
of its own final judgment. Thus the procedure
is the reverse of ours, presumably to avoid the
embarrassment of appeal from the highest court
of a sovereign state. But the function is the
same. Tlie Community court sees to it that the
treaties are applied in a imiform manner.
How the Common Market Works
In this assembly of lawyers it seems appro-
priate to discuss in some detail at least one case,
which has been the subject of much comment
and which sheds a good deal of light on the way
the Common Market works.
Bosch, tlie ^yell-known German automotive
and appliance manufacturer, had since 1903 had
an agreement with a Dutch company, van Rijn,
whereby van Rijn had exclusive rights to sell
all of Bosch's products in the Netherlands. In
order to safeguard this right and similar ar-
rangements with other countries, Bosch had
agreed to include in every sales contract within
Germany a condition that the product sold
could not be dii-ectly or indirectly exported
without the written consent of Bosch.
In the years 1959 and 1960 — i.e. after the
effective date of the Rome Treaty but before
the regulations under the antitrust articles had
been issued — defendant imported Bosch refrig-
erators into the Netherlands, apparently from
a firm in Germany selling the refrigerators in
violation of its contract with Bosch. Bosch
and van Rijn thereupon brought suit in Hol-
land against the Dutch importer, seeking, in
effect, damages and an injunction. Defendant
admitted the essential facts but said that the
action was based on a contract contrary to the
Common Market treaty, in particular to article
85 prohibiting any agreements "which have as
their object or result the prevention, restriction
or distortion of competition within the Com-
mon Market." Under article 85(2) "Any
agreements or decisions prohibited pursuant to
this Article shall be null and void." There-
fore, said the defendant, no action can lie
against him based on the contract made by Bosch
with van Rijn or with tlie German purchaser.
The District Court in Rotterdam found for
plaintiffs, on the grounds that articles 85 and
86 of the Rome Treaty were not self -execut-
ing— i.e. they could not have the effect of annul-
ling a contract between private parties without
the promulgation of rules by the Commission.
Defendant appealed, and the Court of Appeals
in The Hague ruled that tlie question should
be referred to the Community court. Plaintiffs
petitioned to the Supreme Court of the Nether-
lands to quash the judgment of referral and
then argued to the Community court that it
could not decide the question because the
judgment of the Hague court was not final.
Briefs were submitted by the parties and also
by the EEC Commission and the Govern-
ments of France, Germany, Belgium, and the
Netherlands.
The Community court held first that it did
have jurisdiction. Article 177, as it said, was
designed precisely for questions referred by a
domestic court prior to final judgment. The
Court also rejected a contention by the French
Government that it had no jurisdiction since
the regulations under article 87 had not yet
been issued and therefore tlie Commission still
had exclusive jurisdiction over the interpreta-
tion of the competition articles.
On the merits the Court decided (contrary,
incidentally, to the argument of the advocate-
general) that articles 85 and 86 were not di-
rectly effective in the absence of the issuance of
the Commission's regulations and proceedings
thereunder. The Court said that the treaty
contemplated restrictive arrangements which
would be permissible and that a contrary ruling
would have the intolerable consequence that an
arrangement that had been annulled could sub-
sequently be declared valid. As to the question
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
375
of whether the pjirticulnr arrangements would
be in violation of article 85, wliich the Netlier-
lands court had also asked, tiie Court of Justice
said only that it would not exclude the possi-
bility but woidd not now rule on tlie question.
I do not propose here to discuss tlie correct-
ness of the decision or what, if anythinjr, it
portends for tiio implementation of antitrust
law in the Community. I think the case is in-
terestinp, however, not only for what it shows
about the relation between the Court and the
Community but for what it shows about the
role of tlie Commission and about the problems
of applyinj^ general principles of economic reg-
ulation to specific cases.
Barriers to Trade
In discussing the Common Market in this
country we think generally of common external
tariffs and internal tariff reductions. But tar-
iffs are only the first step. If the aim of the
Common Market is to avoid the distorting ef-
fects of national boundaries and to "promote
throughout the Community a harmonious de-
velopment of economic activities" (article 2),
it is evident that a great many other matters
besides tariffs become subjects of common con-
cern. Cartel policy, of course, has been the
subject of much Community activity, particu-
larly in the area of coal and steel, and we are
told this will increase steadily. Rut once these
obvious forms of distorting factors have been
dealt with, other factors of economic life emerge
as significant barriers to international trade.
Freight rates, for example, can distort com-
petitive patterns. In at least one instance the
Community was seriously concerned over a sit-
uation in which rates for coal from the Ruhr
to steel manufacturing plants in Germany were
lower than the comparable rates from the Ruhr
to steel plants in France. Varying national
taxes, particularly the turnover or value-added
taxes of which tlie Europeans are so fond, could
distort competitive positions resulting from the
removal of tariff barriers. Tax policy in turn
cannot rationally be formulated without some
attention to monetarj' and fi.scal policy. All
of the.se matters are under study by the Com-
mission and by working parties throughout the
six countries.
It is difficult to know where this trend will
end. For example, as goods, capital, and credit
can move freely among the six countries, what
about the movement of labor? Speculation
about the extent of this development is both
beyond my competence and beyond the scope
of this discussion. I do want to point out, how-
ever, tliat the above examples suggest an in-
evitable interaction of economic and political
consequences and a gradual narrowing of the
field of choice for the member states. If, for
instance, not only tariffs but tax rates and pol-
icies, interest rates, and economic growth in
general are governed by Community decisions,
what will be the issues in elections in the mem-
ber states? I do not, of course, suggest that
there will be no issues. But it seems not too
farfetched to suggest that something like the
diminution of the area of control experienced
by our own States vis-a-vis the Federal Govern-
ment will be experienced by the members of the
Community.
With this development, the Court, as arbiter
of the state-Community relationship, is bound
to assume increasing importance. Our own case
law under the commerce clause demonstrates
that economic and political problems are not
easily detached from the mainstream of polit-
ical and social life. T^Hiile the analogous pro-
visions to our own commerce clause are at once
more limited and more detailed, it is inter-
esting to note that the Rome Treaty has its
own "necessary and proper" clause. Article 235
says :
If any action liy the Community appears necessary
to achieve, in the functioning of the Common Market,
one of the aims of the Community in cases where
this Treaty has not provided for the requisite powers
of action, the Council, actlns l)y means of a unnnimous
vote in a proposal of the Commission and after the
Assembly has been consulted, shall enact the appro-
priate provisions.
Wo can expect, I think, that the importance
of the Supreme Court in our country, which
always surprises continental observers, will sur-
prise them less and less. Already they are be-
ginning to see that a decision agreed to by the
Community and, through the Council, by all
of the member countries may hurt individuals
whose own government will not provide them
with a remedy. But the Community's Court
376
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
of Justice will hear their cases and may pro-
vide direct relief.
In recent months the Common Market has
not enjoyed quite the glamor and elation which
we had witnessed in the past few years. The
primary reason, of course, was the French veto
last January of British membership in the Com-
munity. Aside from this rather blunt act, and
perhaps not unconnected with it, the Market
has seen uncertainty in the movement toward
a common agricultural policy, problems with
harmonization of transportation rules, and in
general a leveling in the growth rate both in
economic production and in mstitutional
development.
But since 1959, trade among the member
states has increased 73 percent, trade between
the Common Market and the rest of the world
has increased 27 percent, and the gross national
product of the Community has increased by
24 percent. "We have already seen in the pre-
liminary skirmishes prior to the "Kennedy
Round" of tariff negotiations that the Six are
a powerful bargaining unit and can wield an
influence comparable only to our own. The
Community is already too intertwined to be
unraveled even if the members wished to do so,
and there is no reasonable expectation that they
will.
Perhaps I have strayed somewhat fi'om the
stated topic, which was the organization of the
Community. But even in its short life, it seems
to me, the Community has achieved its own
dynamism, and its organization cannot be dis-
cussed meaningfully without saying something
of its movement and direction. In closing, I
can do no better than to quote the description
of the European Community given by the
Chairman of the EEC Commission in a recent
speech at Columbia. "The European Commu-
nity," in the words of Professor [Walter] Hall-
stein, "is not just a new power bloc or a new
coalition. It is not . . . just the magnification
of 19th-century nationalism to a more than na-
tional scale. It is the embodiment of a new
method and a new approach to the relations
between states. . . . While it is not some brand
of 'Instant Federalism,' it is an attempt to build
on a federal pattern a democratically consti-
tuted Europe. Essentially, the Community
may be described as a federation in the making."
Foreign Policy Conference
To Be Held at Boston
The Department of State announced on
August 8 (press release 410) that it will
hold its next regional foreign policy conference
at Boston on September 11 with the coopera-
tion of the Boston World Affairs Council.
Representatives of the press, radio, television,
and nongovernmental organizations concerned
with foreign policy, and community and busi-
ness leaders from the six New England States
are being invited to participate.
This will be the eleventh in the series of
regional conferences which began in July 1961
at San Francisco and Denver. The purpose of
these regional meetings is to provide an oppor-
tunity for senior Government officials who carry
responsibility for foreign policy to meet with
community leaders, media representatives, and
other interested persons to explore in depth and
exchange views on matters of current import in
world affairs.
Officials of the Government participating in
the conference will be W. Averell Harriman,
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs;
Frank M. Coffin, Deputy Administrator for
Operations, Agency for International Develop-
ment; Robert J. Manning, Assistant Secretary
of State for Public Affairs; Adam Yarmolin-
sky. Special Assistant to the Secretary of De-
fense; Mrs. Katie Louchheim, Deputy As-
sistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs;
Richard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Secre-
tary of State for International Organization
Affairs ; and Mose L. Harvey, a member of the
Policy Planning Comicil of the Department of
State.
Letters of Credence
Pakistan
The newly appointed Ambassador of Pakis-
tan, Ghulam Ahmed, presented his credentials
to President Kennedy on August 13. For texts
of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi-
dent's reply, see Department of State press re-
lease 419 dated August 13.
SEPTEMBER 2, 1963
377
Conference on Export Expansion
Called by President
i'lie Wliitc House lumounced on August 15
that a national conference on export expansion
will bo held at AVashington September 17 and
18 to spur the sales of ^Vmerican goods abroad.
President Kennedy will address the opening
session on September 17.
Secretary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges
will preside. Vice chairmen of the conference
will be Neil C. Hurley, Jr., chairman. National
Export Expansion Council, and chairman of the
board and president, Thor Power Tool Com-
pany; Fred C. Foy, lionorary chairman. Na-
tional Export Expansion Council, and chairman
of the board, Koppers Company, Inc.; and
Thomas J. Watson, Jr., chairman of the board.
International Business Machines. Over 200
business leaders have been invited to participate.
A Federal interagency committee under the di-
rection of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., Under
Secretary of Commerce, is organizing the
conference.
Other speakers include Secretary of State
Dean Rusk, Secretary of the Treasury Douglas
Dillon, Secretary of Agriculture Orville L.
Freeman, Secretary of Labor W. Willard
Wirtz, Ambassador Christian A. Herter, the
President's Special Representative for Trade
Negotiations, and Senator Warren G. Magnu-
son, chairman of the Senate Commerce
Committee.
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings'
Scheduled September Through November 1963
U.N. Ad Hoc Committee on Tungsten: Working Group ....
WHO Uegional Committee for the Western Pacific: 14th Session
U.N. ECE Steel Committee
GATT Action Committee
FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 5th Session . '.
U.N. Committee on the I'oaccful Uses of Outer Space
IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: Extraordinary Session . .
U.N. Human Kiglits Seminar on the Status of Women in Family
Law. ^
.'J2d Conference of the Interparliamentary Union
GATT Committee on Budget, Finance, and Administration . .
U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Economic Development and
Planning: .Sth .Session.
.")th FAO Conference on Wood Technology
IMCO Council: 9th Session '.'..'.'.'.'.'.
Meeting of the Parties to the Convention for High Seas Fisheries
of the North Pacific Ocean.
New York Sept. 2-
Port Moresby, Papua .... Sept. 5-
Geneva Sept. 9-
Geneva Sept. 9-
Rome Sept. 9-
New York Sept. 9-
London Sept. 10-
Bogoti Sept. 10-
Belgrade Sept. 12-
Geneva Sept. 16-
Bangkok Sept. 16-
Madison, Wis Sept. 16-
London Sept. 16-
Tokyo Sept. 16-
PreiMrert in the Office of International Conferences, Aug. 13, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations:
niUI'I. Lnited Internatmnal Bureaus for the Protection of Industrial and Intellectual Property; CCIR, Comit6
consultaUf miernatlonal des radio communications: CCITT, Comity consultatif international t^l^graphique et
"■"■•■' ■•■■•"• ■•■^' '■'■" ■ . - . - - - Far East;
2;reement
Economic and
- - - „ — -«,^„.. , »,^»j..x. Intergovernmental Committee for
hun.|)ean .MlKration ; IL(», Irilernallonal Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Con.sultative
Organlzallon : ITU, Intcrnalionnl Telecommunication Union; OECD. Organization for Economic Cooperation
and nevflopment : PAIR). Pan American Health OrganizaUon ; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations
EducaUonal, Scientific and Cultural OrganizaUon; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WHO, World Health Organi-
zation ; W.MO, World Meteorological Organization.
378
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
U.N. General Assembly: ISth Session
ICAO Limited Southeast Asia Regional Air Navigation Meeting .
12th Pan American Child Congress
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Inter-
national Monetary Fund, International Finance Corporation,
International Development Association: Annual Meetings of
Boards of Governors.
U.N. ECE Coal Committee
IAEA General Conference: 7th Regular Session
ITU CCITT Working Parties of Study Group IV
International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: Symposium
on the Measurement of Abundance of Fish Stocks.
Executive Committee of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refu-
gees: 10th Session.
U.N. ECAFE Subcommittee on Electric Power: 9th Session . .
International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 51st Statutory
Meeting.
ILO Technical Conference on Employment Policy
Caribbean Organization Council: 4th Meeting
PAHO Executive Committee: 49th Meeting
GATT Negotiations on U.S. Tariff Reclassification
6th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations
U.N. Conference on Cocoa
UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 3d
Session.
OECD Ministers of Science
U.N ECE Timber Committee: 21st Session
ICEM Executive Committee: 22d Session
GATT Committee on BaIance-of-Payment.o Restrictions ....
ITU Extraordinary Administrative Radio Conference To Allocate
Frequency Bands for Spaoe Radiocommunication Purposes.
ICEM Council: 20th Session
IMCO Assembly: 3d Session
11th Pan American Railway Congress
U.N. ECE Committee on trade
BIRPI: Committee of Experts on Problems of Less Developed
Countries in Field of Industrial Property.
U.N. ECA Conference on African Electric Power Problems . . .
GATT Committee III on Expansion of International Trade . . .
UPU Consultative Committee on Postal Studies: Management
Council.
ICAO Air Traffic Control Automation Panel: 3d Meeting. . . .
ICAO Visual Aids Panel: 3d Meeting
IMCO Council: 10th Session
Consultative Committee for Cooperative Economic Development
in South and Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan): 15th Meeting.
International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 7th Session ....
South Pacific Commission: 25th Session
WMO Regional Association VI (Europe) : 4th Session
lA-ECOSOC: 2d Regular Annual Meeting at the Expert Level.
lA-ECOSOC: 2d Regular Annual Meeting at the Ministerial
Level.
OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II (Eco-
nomic Growth).
U.N./FAO Intergovernmental Committee on the World Food
Program: 4th Session.
GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions ....
ILO Governing Body: 157th Ses.^ion (and its committees) . . .
ITU CCITT Working Party of Study Groups V and XV . . .
FAO Council: 41st Session
U.N. ECE Iron and Steel Symposium
ITU CCITT Study Group V (Protection)
ITU CCITT Working Party of Study Group XV (Transmission
Systems) .
FAO Conference: 12th Session
IMCO Working Group on Tonnage Measurement
ICAO Panel of Teletvpe^vTiter Specialists: 5th Meeting ....
WHO/FAO/IAEA Seminar on the Protection of the Public in the
Event of Radiation Accidents.
OECD Ministerial Meeting
ICAO Meteorology/Operation Division
GATT Contracting Parties: 21st Session
ITU CCIR/CCITT Plan Committee for the Development of the
International Network.
ICAO Airworthiness Committee: 6th Session
International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 10th Meeting.
New York Sept. 17-
Bangkok Sept. 17-
Buenos Aires Sept. 23-
Washington Sept. 23-
Geneva Sept. 23-
Vienna Sept. 23-
Geneva Sept. 24-
Madrid Sept. 25-
Geneva Sept. 30-
Bangkok Sept. 30-
Madrid Sept. 30-
Geneva Sept. 30-
San Juan September
Washington September
Geneva September
Geneva September
Geneva September
Paris September
Paris Oct. 2-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 7-
Geneva Oct. 14-
London Oct. 16-
M^xico, D.F Oct. 18-
Geneva Oct. 21-
Geneva Oct. 21-
Addis Ababa Oct. 21-
Geneva Oct. 21-
Washington Oct. 28-
Montreal Oct. 28-
Montreal Oct. 28-
London Oct. 29-
Bangkok Oct. 31-
Geneva October
Noumea October
Vienna October
Sao Paulo October
Sao Paulo October
Paris Nov. 4-
Rome Nov. 4-
Geneva Nov. 4-
Geneva Nov. 4-
Geneva Nov. 6-
Rome Nov. 11-
Prague Nov. 11-
Geneva Nov. 11-
Geneva Nov. 11-
Rome Nov. 16-
London Nov. 18-
Montreal Nov. 18-
Geneva Nov. 18-
Paris Nov. 19-
Paris Nov. 19-
Geneva Nov. 21-
Rome Nov. 25-
Montreal or Paris November
Vancouver November
SEPTEMBER
379
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Uitnroijraphril or proccuxcd documcnla (such as those
lislrit bcliiir) may he consulted at depository libraries
in the I'nitcd folates. t/.-V. printed publications may
bo purchased from the Sales Section of the United
Nations, United Nations Plaza, y.Y.
Security Council
I^ltpr <l.it<'(l July 0. V.¥]3. from the representative of
tJie I'.S.S.R. ntiilrossefl to the President of the Sccu-
ritv Council reKnrdinK the situation in northern Iraq,
8/5345. JuU- !t. 1903, 2 pp., and SA"34."/('orr. 1,
July 10, lOra, 1 p.; letter dated July 10. 19C3, from
the representative of Iraq In reply, S/5346, July 10,
19C3. 2 pp.
Note hy the Secretary-General transmittins to the
Security Conncil the report of the Trusteeship Coun-
cil on the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands
coverinc the iierind from July 17, 1962 to June 26,
19C3. S/.'i.340. July 11, 1963. 62 pp.
Letter dated July 19, 19(53, addressed to the President
of the Security Council hy the Ch.nirmnn of the
Special Committee on the Situation With Repard to
the Implementation of the Declaration on the Grant-
Intj of Indepen<lence to Colonial Countries and
Peoples transmitting the Committee's report on ter-
ritories under PortuRuese administration (A/5446/
Add.n. S/5,3.-6. July 19, 1963. 89 pp
Letter dated July 23, 1963, from the deputy representa-
tive of Spain addressed to the President of the
Security Council recardine nn assertion made by the
representative of the M.S.S.R. concerning the pres-
ence of Sjianish troo[)s in Portuguese territor.v,
S/5,369. July 24. 1903, 1 p.; and letter dated July 25
from the deputy representative of the U.S.S.R. in
rei.ly, S/5371. July 25, 1963, 1 p.
Letter dated July 1, 1903. from the Minister for For-
eign .\ffairs of the Rei)ul)lic of Haiti addre.ssed to
the President of the Security Council transmitting
a copy of a memorandum from the Haitian Jlinistry
of Foreign Affairs to the Chairman of the Council of
the Organization of American States regarding a re-
port of the OAS committee responsible for studying
the dispute between Haiti and the Dominican Repub-
Uc. S/5374. July 26, 1963. 14 pp.
General Assembly
T'nitcd Nations Conference on Consular Relations.
(Juide to the Draft Articles on Consular Relations
adopted by the Internatinnnl Liw Commission.
A/CO\F.25/5. January 8. 1963. 170 pp.
Information From Non-SclfGnvcrning Territories.
Summaries of information transmitted to the Sec-
retary-General for 1901 on African and adjacent ter-
ritories. A/.-I40]. March 12, 196.3. 254 pp.
Infernntlonal Law Commission:
Digest of Tiecislons of National Courts Relating to
Succession of States and Governments. A/CN.4/
].'7. April 1,S, 1903. 140 pp.
Second Report (m the Law of Treaties by Sir
Humphrey Waldock. A/CN.4/].">0/.\dd.2, Aiiril .30
1903, 23 pp., and A/CN.4/150/Add.3, June 5, 1963."
4 pp.
Question of Kxtended Participation in General Multi-
lateral Treaties Concluded Under the Atispices of
the I-eague of Nations. Report bv Sir Humphrey
Waldrx-k. A/CN.4/102. June 25, 1903. 14 pp
Addendum to FMrst Report on Relations Between
States and Intergovernmental Organizations by
Abdullah El-Erian. A/CN.4/161/Add. 1. June 28,
1963. 4 pp.
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space.
Letter dated June 6, 1963, from the U.S. representa-
tive addressed to the Secretary-General regarding
Project West Ford. A/AC/105/15. June 7, 1963.
7 pp.
The Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the
Republic of South Africa. Letters addressed to the
Secretary-General from representatives of various
countries regarding General Assembly Resolution
1761 (XVII) : Byelorussian S.S.R., A/r)427, June 7,
1903, 2 pp.; Cameroon, A/5449, July 19, 1903, 3 pp.;
Costa Rica, A/542o, June 0, 1903, 2 pp. : Czecho-
Slovakia (note verbale), A/.5451, July 19, 1963, 2 pp. ;
India (note verbale) , A/54.')2, July 19, 1963, 6 pp. ; Po-
land, A/5439, July 10, 1903. 2 pp. : Ukrainian S.S.R.
(note verbale), A/5424, June 6, 1963, 2 pp.
Second Interim Report of the Special Committee on the
Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the Re-
public of South Africa. A/5453. July 19, 1963.
53 pp.
Views on payment of arrears in financial contributions.
Letter dated June 10, 1963, from the representative
of the U.S.S.R. addressed to the Secretary-General,
A/5431, June 11, 1903, 3 pp.; note verbale dated
June 17, 1963 from the representative of Czecho-
slovakia addressed to the Secretary-General, A/5433,
June 20, 1903, 3 pp.
Constitutions, Electoral Laws and Other I.^'gal In-
struments Relating to the Political Rights of
Women. Memorandum bv the Secretary-General.
A/5456. July 24, 1963. 47 pp.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Law of the Sea
Convention on fishing and conservation of living re-
sources of the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29,
19.-|S.'
Ratification deposited: Venezuela. July 10, 1963.
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere,
in outer space and under water. Done at Moscow
August 5, 19(53.'
Signatures affixed at Washington: Iceland, Jordan,
Laos, Lebanon, Sweden. Trinidad and Tobago,
Uruguay, August 12. 1963; Costa Rica, Iraq. Ja-
maica, Nicaragua, Spain, Syrian Arab Republic,
August 13, 1963; Algeria, Burma. Japan, Pakistan,
Augu.st 14, 1963; Paraguay, August 15, 1903; Co-
lombia, Libya, Venezuela, August 16, 1903.
' Not in force.
380
DEPARTBIENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Patents
Agreement for the mutual safeguarding of secrecy of
invention relating to defense and for wiiich applica-
tions for patents have been made. Done at Paris
September 21, 1960. Entered into force January 12,
llHil. TIAS 4G72.
Ratification deposited: Greece, August 15, 1963.
Safety at Sea
Convention on safety of life at sea. Signed at London
June 10, 1948. Entered into force November 19,
1952. TIAS 2495.
Acceptance deposited: Nigeria, July 3, 1963.
Telecommunications
International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En-
tered into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United
States October 23, 1961. TIAS 4S92.
Accession deposited: Liechtenstein, July 25, 1963.
Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision. 1958) annexed
to the international telecommunication convention of
December 22. 19.52, with appendixes and final pro-
tocol. Done at Geneva November 29, 1958. Entered
into force January 1, 1960. TIAS 4390.
'Notification of approval: Liberia, May 20, 1963.
Kadio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the
international telecommunication convention, 19.59.
Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into
force May 1, 1961 ; for the United States October 23,
1961. TIAS 4893.
'Notifications of approval: Liberia, May 20, 1963;
Mali, April 26, 1963.
Trade
Protocol for the accession of Spain to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
April 30, 1903.
Aeceptance: Spain, July 30, 1963.
Enters into force: August 29, 1963.
Women — Political Rights
Inter-American convention on the granting of political
rights to women. Done at Bogotd May 2, 1948. En-
tered into force April 22, 1949.'
Ratification deposited: Paraguay, August 5, 1963.
BILATERAL
Dominican Republic
Agricultural commodity agreement. Signed at Wash-
ington August 13, 1963. Entered into force August
13, 1903.
Germany, Federal Republic of
Agreement extending the agreement of August 2, 19.55,
as extended (TIAS 3464, 4062, 4490, 48.54), relating
to the lease of air navigation equipment. Effected
by exchange of notes at Bonn July 1 and 24, 1963.
Entered into force July 24, 1963.
Viet-Nam
Agreement supplementing the agreement of Novem-
ber .5, 19.57 (TIAS 39.32), so as to provide for addi-
tional investment guaranties authorized by new U.S.
legislation. Effected by exchange of notes at Saigon
August 8, 1963. Entered into force August 8, 1963.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Appointments
M. Carl Walske as scientific attach^ to the U.S.
Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and
European Regional Organizations at Paris, effective
August 12. (For biographic details, see Department
of State press release 421 dated August 13.)
PUBLICATIONS
' Not in force for the United States.
Recent Releases
For sale t)y the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402.
Address requests direct to tlie Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, which
mag be obtained from the Office of Media Services, De-
partment of State.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Turkey,
amending the agreement of July 29, 1901, as amended.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Ankara November 21,
1962. Entered into force November 21, 1962. TIAS
5235. 3 pp. 5^.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Nigeria. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Lagos August 28 and De-
cember 24, 1962. Entered into force December 24,
1962. TIAS 5237. 3 pp. 5«(.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Greece —
Signed at Athens October 22, 1902. Entered into force
October 22, 1962. With related letter. TIAS 5238.
7 pp. 10(f.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with the Ivory
Coast. Exchange of notes — Signed at Abidjan Decem-
ber 1, 1001. Entered into force December 1, 1061.
TIAS 5242. 5 pp. 5(#.
Technical Cooperation. Agreement with Afghanistan,
amending and extending the agreement of June 30,
19.53, as amended and extended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Kabul September 25 and November 7, 1902.
Entered into force November 7, 1962. TIAS 5243.
3 pp. 5if.
Aviation — Continued Application of Certain Agree-
ments to Scheduled Services Between the United
States and Jamaica. Agreement with Jamaica. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Kingston October 25 and
November 29, 1962. Entered into force November 29,
1062. TIAS 5244. 3 pp. 5<*.
Peace Corps Program. Agreement with India. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at New Delhi November 13
and 21. 1902. Entered into force November 21. 1962.
Operative retroactively December 20, 1961. TIAS 5247.
4 pp. 5<t.
BEPTEJIBER 2, 1963
381
General Acreement on Tariffs and Trade. Protocol
for the actfssion of Portugal to the agreement of Octo-
ber 30. 11)47. Done at Geneva April (i, 19()2. Entered
into force with resiKxt to Uie United States July 1,
HM.V2. TIAS 5-J4H. 67 pp. 25#.
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Protocol
for the accession of Ksrael to the URreement of October
30. 11M7. Done at Geneva April G, 1902. Entered into
force with respect to the United States and Israel July
r>. 1SM;2. TIAS 5249. 68 pp. 25(f.
Indian Ocean Expedition— International Meteoro-
logical Centre. Agreement with India. Exchange of
m,te.t— Dated at New Delhi September 28 and October
."i and 9, 11H12. Entered into force October 9. 1962.
Operative retroactively October 1, 1962. TIAS 5262.
3 pp. 5<f.
Reciprocal Trade. Agreement with Switzerland, modi-
fying Schedule I of the agreement of January 9, 1936,
as mixlilled. Exchanges of ncitcs — Signed at Geneva
and Hern January 18 and December 20 and 28, 1962.
Entered Into force January 1, 1963. TIAS 5264. 6 pp.
5*.
Defense — Furnishing of Articles and Services. Agree-
ment with Peru. Exchange of notes — Signed at Lima
Deceml)cr 17 and 20. 1962. Entered into force Decem-
ber 20, 19(i2. TIAS 5?65. 4 pp. 5^.
General .Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Proc^s-
Verbal extending the Declaration on the Provisional
Accession of Argentina to the agreement of October 30.
1947. Done at Geneva November 7, 1962. Entered into
force for the United States January 1, 1963. TIAS
.'5266. () pp. 5(f.
Trade — United States Compensatory Concessions
Under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Agreement with Japan. Signed at Geneva December
31.1962. Entered into force December 31, 1962. TIAS
5267. 4 pp. r,(*.
Trade — United States Compensatory Concessions Un-
der the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Agreement with Unite<l Kingdom. Signed at Geneva
December 10, 1962. Entered into force December 10,
1902. TIAS 5268. 6 pp. 5(?.
Trade. Interim agreement with Spain, relating to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Signed at
Geneva December 31, 1962. Entered into force Decem-
ber 31, 1902. TIAS 5269. 21 pp. 15#.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Jamaica.
Exchange of notes — Signed nt Kingston December 11.
1962 and January 4. 1963. Entered into force January
4, 1903. TIAS .'■>270. 5 pp. 5('.
Visa.s— Waiver of Fingerprinting Requirements for
Nonimmigrant Visas. Agreement with Cyprus. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Nicosia July 11, 1962 and
January 11, 190.3. TIAS .5271. 2 pp. 5^.
Defense— Extension of Loan of Vessel. Agreement
with Norway. Exchange of notes — Signed at Oslo No-
vember S. 1902 and January 14, 1963. Entered into
force January 14. 1!)03. TIAS ,5272. 2 pp. 5(f.
Narcotic Drugs— Limitation and Regulation of Poppy
Plant Cultivation and Production of. Trade in, and Use
of Opium. Protocol with other Governments. Done
at N«'w Y.>rk June 23, 19,53. Entered Into force March
5, 1903. TIAS ,5273. 89 pp. SOc".
Antarctica— Measures in Furtherance of Principles
and Objectives of the Antarctic Treaty. Kocommenda-
lloiis adopt ed at the second consultative meeting under
Article IX of the Antarctic Treaty, at Buenos Aires
July 2H. 1902. Effective January 11, 1963. TIAS
6274. 5 pp. B#.
Defense — Loan of Vessel. Agreement with Pakistan.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Karachi January 15 and
16, 1963. Entered into force January 16, 196». TIAS
5275. 5 pp. 5tf.
Meteorological Research — Projects in Barbados.
Agreement with United Kingdom. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Bridgetown January 7 and 15, 1963. En-
tered into force January 15, 1963. TIAS 5276. 3 pp.
5(?.
Whaling. Amendments to the Schedule to the Inter-
national Whaling Convention — Signed at Washington
on December 2, 1946. Adopted at the fourteenth meet-
ing of the International Whaling Commission, London,
July 6, 1962. Entered into force October 9, 1962.
TIAS 5277. 1 p. 50.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Trinidad and
Tobago. Exchange of notes — Signed at Port-of-Spain
January 8 and 15, 1963. Entered into force Janu-
ary 15, 1963. TIAS 5278. 5 pp. 5(«.
Visas — Waiver of Visa Fees for Performing Artists
and Groups. Agreement with Poland. Exchange of
notes — Dated at Warsaw December 17, 1962 and Jan-
nary 21, 1963. Entered Into force January 21, 1963.
TIAS 5279. 2 pp. 5«f.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: August 12-18
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Releases Issued prior to August 12 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 410
of August 8 and 413 of August 9.
Date Subject
8/12 Lowenfeld : American Bar Associa-
tion.
8/12 U.S. participation in international
conferences.
8/12 Loeb sworn in as Ambas.sador to
Guinea (biographic details).
8/12 Extradition of P^rez Jimenez to
Venezuela.
8/12 Rusk : nuclear test ban treaty.
8/13 Pakistan credentials (rewrite).
8/13 Itinerary for visit of King and
Queen of Afghanistan.
8/13 WaLske appointed scientific attach^,
USRO (biographic details).
8/14 Lodge sworn in as Ambassador to
Viet-Nam (biographic details).
8/14 Bowdler designated Deputy Coordi-
nator for Cuban Affairs (bio-
graphic details).
8/14 Air tallvs with Mexico.
8/16 Rusk : news conference.
8/15 Ross sworn in as Ambassador to
Central African Republic (bio-
graphic details).
8/16 Century of Negro Progress Exposi-
tion.
8/16 Cultural exchange (Cambodia).
No.
414
•415
•416
417
418
419
•420
•421
•422
•423
424
425
•426
•427
•428
•Not printed.
n82
DEPART3IENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INDEX September 2, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1262
Atomic Energy
Department States Views on Status of East Ger-
man Regime 355
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty : Symbol of a New
Course (Rusk) 350
Secretary Rusk's News Conference of Au-
gust 16 356
U.S. Policy on East Germany Not Affected by
Test Ban Treaty (Kennedy) 354
Ayiation. Air Transport Agreement With Mex-
ico Extended (text of joint statement) . . 371
Congress. The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty : Sym-
bol of a New Course (Rusk) 350
Cuba. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
August 16 356
Department and Foreign Service. Appoint-
ments (Walske) 381
Disarmament. Secretary Rusk's News Confer-
ence of August 16 356
Economic Affairs
Conference on Export Expansion Called by Presi-
dent 378
EEC : A Federation in the Making (Lowenfeld) . 372
Europe. EEC : A Federation in the Making
(Lowenfeld) 372
Foreign Aid. Secretary Rusk's News Confer-
ence of August 16 356
Germany
Department States Views on Status of East Ger-
man Regime 355
U.S. Policy on East Germany Not Affected by
Test Ban Treaty (Kennedy) 354
International Law. Outer Space : Problems of
Law and Power (Gardner) 367
International Organizations and Conferences
Calendar of International Conferences and
Meetings 378
EEC : A Federation in the Making (Lowenfeld) . 372
Mexico. Air Transport Agreement With Mexico
Extended (text of joint statement) .... 371
Pakistan. Letters of Credence (Ahmed) . . 377
Portugal. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of
August 16 356
Presidential Documents. U.S. Policy on East
Germany Not Affected by Test Ban Treaty . 354
Public Affairs. Foreign Policy Conference To
Be Held at Boston 377
Publications. Recent Releases 381
Science
Outer Space : Problems of Law and Power
(Gardner) 3(57
Walske appointed scientific attache, USRO . 381
Treaty Information
Air Transport Agreement With Mexico Extended
(text of joint statement) 371
Current Actions 380
The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty : Symbol of a New
Course (Rusk) 350
U.S.S.R.
Outer Space : Problems of Law and Power
(Gardner) 367
Secretary Rusk's News Conference of August 16 . 356
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents 380
Outer Space : Problems of Law and Power
(Gardner) 367
Venezuela. U.S. Agrees to Extradition of Ex-
President of Venezuela (Rusk, Tejera-Paris) . 364
Viet-Nam. Secretary Rusk's News Conference
of August 16 356
name Index
Ahmed, Ghulam 377
Gardner, Richard N 367
Kennedy, President 354
Lowenfeld, Andreas F 372
P^rez Jimenez, Marcos 364
Rusk, Secretary 350,356,364
Tejera-Paris, Enrique 364
Walske, M. Carl 381
U.S. 60VERNM
Superintendent of Documents
u.s. government printing office
WASHINGTON. O.C. 20402
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Treaties in Force
January 1, 1963
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The list includes bilateral treaties and other agreements, arranged by coimtry or other politic
entity, and multilateral treaties and other agreements, arranged by subject Avith names of states whic
have become parties. Date of signature, date of entry into force for the United States, and citatioH
to texts are furnished for each agreement.
Documents afl'ecting international copyright relations of the United States are listed in the appendi
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CITY, STATE
THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY EECOED OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol. XLIX, No.
September 9, 1963
UNITED STATES POLICY IN THE PACIFIC
hy Assistant Secretary Hilsman 386
THE VIET-NAM SITUATION
ly Theodore J. C. Heavner 393
EDUCATION: PASSKEY TO THE FUTURE
hy Assistant Secretary Battle li.ll
U.S. AND U.S.S.R. AGREE ON IMPLEMENTATION
OF COOPERATIVE SPACE PROGRAM m
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documcni
Slk 1 •■ 1963
DEPOSITORY
For index see inside hack cover
United States Policy in the Pacific
by Roger Hilsman
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs'-
I am pleased to have been invited to speak
before tliis lOtli annual meeting of the National
Legislative Conference in Hawaii. The locale
you have chosen for your meeting — these lovely
islands in the midst of the Pacific — is symbolic.
For Hawaii is not merely our westernmost State
but our easternmost. It recalls that for us the
so-called Far East is in fact our "Near West"
and the United States is as much a country of
the Pacific as the Atlantic.
Let us talk, then, of the stake that America
has in Pacific affairs.
It is a large one. Along the Asian shores of
the Pacific live 1 billion of the world's popu-
lation. If you include the adjacent Indian
Ocean, you must add another half billion people.
And if you include as well the millions who live
on the North and South American shores of the
'Ad(lres.s made before the National Legislative Con-
ference at Honolulu, Hawaii, on Aug. 20 (press release
429).
Pacific, the total is nearly two-thirds of th(
world's population.
Let there be no mistake about the meaning oi
these figures : The Pacific is not a barrier but a
highway — a great link that unites us, facilitat-
ing close trade relations and encouraging th(
free and friendly contacts that are basic to f
peaceful world.
There is a rich diversity in the cultures of th(
peoples living along the Pacific shores. ]SIunj
of the civilizations here have ancient and prouc
traditions. Some are highly industrialized
Others are on the threshold of a self-generating
economic growth. And many are barely emerg-
ing from eons of a "village" economy.
But all these people share common goals.
They want peace. They want a better life — a
doctor for their children, a school, a new cash
crop, an all-weather road. And in the deepest
sense, they want their freedom. Thej' want an
opportunity to develop their full potential as
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DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
individuals and nations. They want- — intense-
ly— to modernize. But they want moderniza-
tion that preserves the essence of their own cul-
tures.
In this context it seems to me that the great
tasks of United States foreign policy in this
Pacific community are twofold :
First — and most dramatic in terms of daily
news headlines — we Americans must help to
deter aggression and to maintain peace. We
must be ready and willing to respond to crises
that demand the use of our militaiy power
in the pursuit of peace — the present and con-
tinuing threats to the independence of free
nations.
Rut second, and of decisive importance in the
long span of history, we must assist the peoples
of the Pacific in their process of nation build-
ing. For free- world military power is a means,
not an end. Free-world military power holds
the ring, but it is what goes on inside the ring,
behind the headlines, that builds the future.
For progress is not military but political, eco-
nomic, and cultural.
Let us look, then, at the problems we face
and the efforts we are making on both these
fronts : in the struggle for peace and independ-
ence and in the struggle for national develop-
ment.
Communist China, a Source of Danger
I turn, first, to the chief sources of danger
in the Pacific community : the Communist coun-
tries and, in particular, Commimist China.
Since 1949 the 700 million people of main-
land China have been denied the opportunity of
friendly and open interchange with the rest of
tlie Pacific community. Their Stalinist leaders
have shut the Chinese people in on themselves
and ordered them to regard their neighbors
with suspicion and even hate. The enormous
numbers of the Chinese, their remarkable hu-
man qualities, and the glories of their ancient
culture and civilization only accentuate this
tragedy — the tragedy of a revolution that lost
its way.
The facade of Communist China is bold and
dangerous looking. The Chinese Commimist
leaders are addicted to reckless words. Turned
to creative tasks, in cooperating with the broad
mass of humanity, the numbers, energy, abil-
ity, and culture of the Chinese could be a pow-
erful force for good in the world. But set
in opposition to the rest of humanity, harnessed
to the aggressive designs of a tiny, self-serving
leadership, the power of China dwindles. For
power is relative. The power of China when
combined with the power of the rest of hu-
manity in pursuit of common goals is quite dif-
ferent from the power of China in opposition
to the rest of humanity and in pursuit of the
selfish goals of a narrow leadership.
From one point of view the large population
of Communist China may appear to be an im-
portant power asset. But from anotlier point
of view it is a grave source of weakness. The
pressure of this very large population on a rela-
tively small amount of arable land creates a
most serious dilemma for the Peiping regime.
The problem is that the Chinese Communists
can find a genuine solution for their agricul-
tural problem, for example, only through meth-
ods that contradict Communist ideology and
objectives. It can do so only by increasing in-
centives to farmers and by a major redirection
of national resources away from development
of industry and into agriculture. The Peiping
regime moved a little way in those directions
in the past year and, as a result, achieved some
improvement in agriculture output. But the
effort appears to be far short of the massive
infusion of resources that is required. And the
temporary relaxation of controls and increase
in individual incentives have led the farmer to
concentrate on private production and to ne-
glect public plots. Consequently the regime
recently has begim to revert to repressive
practices. It is caught between irreconcilable
pressures: the Government's demand for total
control and the economic need for freedom.
Meanwhile, Commmiist China's industrial
development has dwindled and many of its fac-
tories are idle or working only part time. Its
overall trade has shrunk immensely, and a very
large fraction of its limited foreign exchange
has been used to buy food.
It seems vei-y unlikely that the Communist
Chinese can resume industrial growth on a
major scale in the visible future without the
kinds of controls on farm activity that have the
SEFPElNnSER 9, 1963
387
effect of decreasing productivity and without
large-scale aid from the outside. The Soviet
Union closed out its major aid program 3 years
ago and is showing no interest in reviving it.
Tiio Communist Ciiinese leadership itself has
admitted that status as an industrial power —
which in 1958 was envisaged as being just
around the corner — is now perhaps 30 or 40
years away. And the Chinese Communist for-
eign minister has predicted that the standard
of living of the Chinese people cannot be ex-
pected to rise significantly for 100 years.
What kind of model is this for the world?
Wlio in his right mind would wish to copy such
an example — especially when there are other
examples in Asia of much greater success in
dealing with the problems of economic develop-
ment and of agricultural productivity specifi-
cally?
Let me be clear on tliis point : We do not gloat
over the unhappy condition and dismal pros-
pects of the people of mainland China. They
are a great people, with whom we have had
historic ties of friendship. In the ordeal they
are suffering they have our sympathy, and their
sorrow is our sorrow.
Effects of Division in Communist World
Most people realize by now that a large popu-
lation can be a source of economic weakness as
well as a source of economic strength. There
may still be, however, a tendency to equate a
large population with military strength. In
the Korean war we Americans saw the Chinese
Communists employing tactics involving large
masses of men, with little or no regard for cas-
ualties. But let us not forget that in that war
North Korea and Communist China had im-
men.se help in equipment and material from the
Soviet Union. And even today the ability of
the Chinese Communists to manufactui-e arms
is limited to relatively simple weapons.
So it is pertinent to consider the possible mili-
tary effects of the great division that has taken
place in the Communist world — the schisms
dramatized by the meetings in Moscow last
month. It is now 3 years since the Soviet
Union withdrew its military, as well as its non-
military, technicians and drastically curtailed
its shipments of military supplies and equip-
ment to Communist China. Consequently, to
take one example, the Chinese Communist air
force, which is substantial in size and was rela-
tively modem a few years ago, is in a state of
rapid obsolescence. Moreover, it is not believed
that Communist China is any longer obtaining
spare parts for existing Soviet-supplied equip-
ment of any sort. If this situation continues
for long. Communist China's ability to mount
major military operations, especially outside its
borders, will deteriorate. At the same time,
basic economic problems have limited se-
verely Commimist China's ability to develop its
own modern armaments industr}' and even its
present capacity to sustain for a long period
large-scale military operations.
We must take care not to overstate the point.
Compared to any of its Asian neighbors except
the Soviet Union, Commimist China is a strong
military power. It has a very large army. The
leaders of Communist China care little or noth-
ing for human life. And, although up to now
they have behaved more circumspectly than they
advised Chairman Khrushchev to behave, they
may venture reckless, even desperate, actions.
At the same time we cannot rule out the possi-
bility that at some future time Peiping and
Moscow will draw together again.
The free nations of Asia are by no means out
of danger. Communist China is still capable of
grave and costly miscliief. But it is not a for-
midable military power in terms of modern tech-
nology. And it lacks the hea^'y industry, the
economic margin — and the outside aid, which
the Soviet Union had during the Second World
War — for building a formidable military ma-
chine. It cannot become a major modem mili-
tary power, overall, in the foreseeable future.
Tlie Peiping regime does appear to be con-
centrating a good deal of scientific and tech-
nological effort on a nuclear program. We
hope that it will change its mind and decide
to adhere to the recently negotiated test ban
treaty.* But if it doesn't, we can anticipate
that one of these days it will explode a nuclear
device. What would be the meaning of that ?
It should be understood, first of all, that there
is a vast difference between a first test device
' For text, see Bdixetin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 239.
388
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIiLBTIK
and an ability to deliver nuclear weapons on
foreign targets. As Governor Harriman has re-
ported, Chairman Khrushchev thinks it would
take quite a few years for the Chinese Commu-
nists to develop a significant nuclear force.
But even if it had such a force, Peiping would
be imable to calculate that the initiation of nu-
clear warfare would be to its advantage. For it
would be within reach of main U.S. and other
free-world power, wliile the centers of free-
world power would be well beyond the reach of
Communist China.
Why then is Communist China, although
floundering in an economic morass, spending so
much effort on trying to make nuclear weapons ?
One can only speculate about this. Perhaps it
hopes that a nuclear capability will restore some
of the prestige the regime has lost both at home
and abroad. It may hope to add nuclear in-
timidation to the pressures it can bring to bear
on its Asian neighbors.
Objectively analyzed, the effects of a Chinese
Communist nuclear explosion in the measur-
able future would be psychological rather than
military. And the psychological results — out-
side mainland China, at least — would be negligi-
ble if we and the free nations of Asia under-
stand the facts about nuclear weapons that we
have just discussed. The free world has the
power to deter or meet aggression; it has the
power to support nations under attack, as in
Viet-Nam, and to help maintain their freedom ;
it has the determination to use this power should
that be necessary; and it has the will to main-
tain that power at full strength for as long as
it is needed.
Turning to the other Conmiimist countries in
Asia, we find in microcosm the same range of
problems that we fuid in Communist China.
North Viet-Nam and North Korea are both
small rural countries laboring under the delu-
sion, spawned by Communist theory, that the
best route to economic development is a policy
of autarky and of emphasizing the building of
a heavy industrial base, including an advanced
steel industry. Both suffer from high costs of
industrial production, growing populations, low
per capita output, and continuing difficulties
with food supplies.
At the same time, North Viet-Nam, with
other Communist support, has been able to
mount campaigns of organized terrorism and
other low-level military operations in Laos and
South Viet-Nam. These assaults threaten the
independence of Laos and South Viet-Nam.
The free world must not and will not let these
aggressions succeed.
I don't want to minimize the effort it takes
to eliminate terrorist aggression based on an
adjoining country. But I would suggest that
meeting this challenge is less directly connected
with Chinese or other Communist military
power or with the attraction of Communist ex-
ample than with a particular politicomilitary
technique for exploiting wealoiesses that are
typical of most new and developing countries.
The free world has learned a good deal about
this technique in the course of dealing with it
successfully in Greece, the Philippines, and
Malaya. I am optimistic about the ability of
the free world to deal with it not only in Laos
and Viet-Nam but wherever it may occur.
American Commitments in tlie Pacific Community
So much for tlie chief threats to the peace in
the Pacific community. Tliey are threats that
have produced a resolute American commitment
to the defense of those nations under Commu-
nist assault. That commitment has been tested
in Korea, in the Taiwan Straits, and in Laos.
It is now facing a long-term test in Viet-Nam.
We may be sure that it will be tested elsewhere
fi'om time to time.
Wliatever the provocation, we will stand by
our defense commitments. We will do so in
any case, but we will also do so in the hope
that, if strength is met with strength, those who
guide the policies of Asian Communist states
will in time move toward more rational, peace-
ful relationships with their Pacific neighbors.
Such commitments have meaning, however,
only where the people of a region are them-
selves dedicated to their own independence. To
the good fortune of the free world, the dedica-
tion of Asian nations has been amply demon-
strated. The Republic of Korea, with the help
of United Nations forces, repelled a major
Communist aggression. Malaya, the Philip-
pines, and other nations of the area have de-
fended themselves successfully against lesser
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
389
Communist eflForts. Recently we have seen
India rise to the defense of its soil against the
Cliinese Communists. Both Laos and South
Viet -Nam are now under active Communist as-
sault. But they — and we — are determined that
they .shall not lose their independence.
In free Asia generally there is a keener under-
standing than there was a decade ago of Com-
munist purposes and Communist techniques.
And there is a wider realization that commu-
nism is not only brutal but inefficient.
Economic Achievements in Free Asia
Let us turn now to the free i:)eoples of the
Pacific and their progress in the great task of
nation building.
Despite the problems that have beset them,
their experience in the postwar period contrasts
very favorably with the experience of the Com-
munist nations. Although it is difficult to gen-
eralize about the varying experiences of a large
number of different countries, I would like to
try to do so under three broad headings: fii-st,
economic achievements; secondly, political
progress ; and thirdly, success in defending their
independence and finding satisfying and honor-
able roles in the world.
Beneath the surface of apparent difficulties in
free Asia there has been major economic prog-
ress. The supremo example is Japan. "Wliile
Communist China has moved from one disaster
to another and has failed to raise the standards
of life of its people, Japan has advanced to suc-
ce.ssive new heights of production and per
capita income. It has the highest rate of invest-
ment and of growth in the world.
In agricultural production, also, the contrast
between Communist China and Japan is ex-
traordinary. Japan has only one-third as much
cultivated land per person as Communist China.
But while food production in Communist China
has actually declined, Japan has raised its de-
gree of self -.sufficiency in food from 80 to 85
percent — despite a 10-percent increase in popu-
lation. Japanese rice yields are nearly twice
Communist China's.
Japan has achieved these results by precisely
the kind of prescription Communist China finds
it hard, or impossible, to accept — by increasing
incentives to fanners and devoting major re-
sources to the support of agriculture. The in-
centives come from the private ownership of
land, a fair return to the tiller, and the avail-
ability of a wide range of consumer goods.
Japanese industry also provides agricultural
equipment in substantial quantity. And per-
haps the most striking indication of the extent
to which Japan devotes industrial resources to
agriculture is the fact that Japan uses as much
commercial fertilizer on 13 million acres of cul-
tivated land as all the other Far Eastern coun-
tries use on 822 million acres.
It may be objected that it's not quite fair to
compare Commimist China with Japan because,
although Japan had to recover from the de-
struction of war and did, indeed, effect a major
revolution in agriculture, it already had a major
industrial base. Very well then — let's look at
what the Republic of China has accomplished
on the island of Taiwan. In 10 years — from
1952 to 1962 — it increased its agricultural pro-
duction by 50 percent in value, trebled its in-
dustrial output, and doubled its real national
income. Even with a high popidation in-
crease— of 3.4 percent annually — it has in-
creased per capita income by an average of 3.7
percent a year. Its per capita income today is
among the highest in the Far East, after Japan,
and is at least double Communist China's.
The remarkable advance of agriculture on
Taiwan stems from a major redistribution of
land into small, privately owned holdings, simi-
lar to that effected in Japan, and the applica-
tion of significant resources, better seeds, and
modern technology, along with the stimulation
of local initiative. In the gratifj-ing progress
of Taiwan a key role has been played by a
unique institution, the Joint Commi.ssion on
Rural Reconstruction, in which we participate.
That Commission and its broad program of
rural development — economic, social, and politi-
cal— on Taiwan are models which some other
nations might profitably emulate.
Last year Taiwan's exports reached an all-
time high of $218 million. They included such
new export lines as cement, canned mushrooms,
polyvinyl chloride, and fluorescent lamps. In
the past few years the private sector of Tai-
wan's industry has greatly expanded.
Likewise Malaya, Thailand, and the Philip-
390
DEP.\RT]HENT OF STATE BULLETIIT
)ines have scored significant economic gains in
•ecent years. In each of them agricultural pro-
luction has risen on the order of 40 percent or
nore. In each the manufacturing sector and
'oreign trade liave grown appreciably. In each
he economic advantages of private initiative,
)f the free way of life, are being strikingly
lemonstrated.
It may be contended that it is unfair to com-
)are these coimtries with Communist China be-
;ause they are relatively small and not densely
populated. Very well then — let's look at India.
Like China it has a large and growing popula-
,ion on a limited supply of arable land, a lim-
ted industrial base, and a low per capita
ncome. In the past decade the population of
[ndia increased by more than 21 percent. But
its agricultural production expanded by more
:han 41 percent, its industrial production
ioubled, its national income increased by 43
percent, and its per capita income by 17 percent.
India has a mixed economy. And it still
faces grave economic problems. But it has
moved ahead in the same period that per capita
income and agi-icultural production in Commu-
nist China declined. All men who love free-
dom have a deep interest in the success of India,
the most populous democracy in the world.
Pakistan also is advancing economically, de-
spite serious problems. We have a deep inter-
est in her progress, as well as in her security.
Indonesia, which has had many serious trou-
bles since independence, now seems to be grap-
pling seriously with its economic problems.
Xot all the free nations of East and South
Asia have made much economic headway. But
most of them have done strikingly better than
Communist China.
Among the great assets of the Pacific are, of
course, Australia and New^ Zealand, to both of
which we are bound by indissoluble ties. They
have attained living standards among the high-
est in the world. New Zealand is the world's
lowest cost producer of agricultural exports.
Australia not only produces farm staples and
, minerals but has become a modem industrial
nation. Last year the contribution of manu-
factures to Australia's gross national product
was nearly double that of agriculture and min-
ing. We rejoice in the achievements of New
Zealand and Australia and are confident that
they both will continue to thrive.
Encouraging Signs of Political Progress
Some of the new nations of South and East
Asia have experienced political difficulties, and
in several instances these have been severely ag-
gravated, if not caused, by the Commimists.
But beneath a somewhat disordered surface are
both a basic stability and encouraging signs of
the growth of deeper roots for democratic
institutions.
One of the weakest political and administra-
tive links in many Asian societies, as in most
other developing countries, is the connection
between city and village, between the central
government and the countryside. Commmiism
seeks to exploit the wealaiess of these links and,
in doing so, forces the central government to
pay more attention to them. In several Asian
countries, actions taken to cope with terrorist
warfare inspired by the Communists have led
directly to a strengthening of democracy at the
grassroots. That happened in Malaya and the
Philippines. Somewhat the same process is go-
ing on today in South Viet-Nam, where the
strategic-hamlet program is establishing local
self-government and strengthening the admin-
istrative and political links between the rural
people and their national government. This
program is not only helping South Viet-Nam to
defeat the Communists but will help it to ad-
vance politically and economically and socially
after the Communist guerrillas have been com-
pletely eliminated. South Viet-Nam has the
resources— not least the character of its peo-
ple— for a quite brilliant future. Actually, its
progress from the end of the Indochinese war
in 1954 mitil 1959 was one of the most remark-
able in Asia. Probably it was that striking
success, especially when contrasted with the
failure of the vaunted Communist "paradise"
in North Viet-Nam, which prompted the latter
to resume its assault of organized terrorism on
South Viet-Nam in 1959.
India's large-scale conmiunity development
program has, from its begimiing, combined the
stimulation of democratic roots with social and
economic progress. Pakistan likewise has been
strengthening the village roots of democracy.
SEPTEMBER 9, 19C3
391
Some of the new and reborn nations of Asia
have not yet achieved fully functioning, stable
democracies. But nearly all have democracy
as their goal. A few are operating democratic
institutions with creditable success. And Japan
has illustrated how a democratic system can pro-
vide effective leadership that can overcome, in
a single generation, the mistakes of the past and
lay the social and economic, as well as the polit-
ical, base for continuing democracy and
freedom.
Democracy will develop in free Asia, pro-
vided that the free Asian peoples preserve their
independence. And generally they have proved
themselves to be thoroughly determined to pre-
serve their independence.
We see also in free Asia some encouraging
trends toward closer cooperation. Japan and
Australia are undertaking larger roles in pro-
moting the development and stability of the
Pacific area. The Philippines are manifesting
increasing leadership.
Recent weeks have provided striking new evi-
dence that Asian statesmen are deeply conscious
of their responsibilities to their neighbors as
well as to internal development. Tlie leaders
of the Philippines, Indonesia, and the new state
of Malaysia have announced their intention
to bring their nations together in a "Maphil-
indo" confederation. They have done this de-
spite difficult disagreements because of their
clear sense that regional cooperation is the only
path to regional security and prosperity.
Meanwhile, Malaya, Thailand, and the Phil-
ippines have formed the Association for South-
east Asia. The cooperative activities of exist-
ing regional organizations, such as the U.N.
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far
East (ECAFE), have grown apace, and new
organizations, such as the Asian Productivity
Organization, have been created to respond to
new needs as these have been recognized by the
countries of the area. SEATO and ANZUS
continue as important symbols of joint commit-
ment to the independence of the countries of the
area as well as important foci of cooperative
activity to deal with the Communist threat.
Wliile relatively weak and relatively limited in
scope and character, these cooperative activities
among the nations of Asia and the Pacific re-
flect important long-term impulses.
In the light of long-term trends in Com-
munist and free Asia let me now review the ele-
ments of U.S. strategy and policy. Our policy
in the Far East can be summed up in these four t
points :
1. to stand firmly beliind our commitments <
to the defense of independent nations and to
turn back any aggressive thrust from com-
munism ;
2. to contribute as we are able to the pros-
perity and development of nations which re-
quest our assistance as the surest way of helping
to build a system of free, viable, and strong
nations in Asia ;
3. to recognize the value of initiatives by the
Pacific nations themselves to develop their own
modes of cooperation and communication, and
to stand ready to assist when called upon to do
so;
4. to work patiently for the realization of a
Pacific community of nations so prosperous and
progressive that its attraction will prove, in
the long run, irresistible to those peoples now
kept by their rulers from participation in it.
The Chinese Communists and the Test Ban
The nuclear test ban treaty is a recent devel-
opment of considerable importance in man's
continuing search for lasting peace. Wliile it
is no more than a beginning step toward the
general and complete disarmament for which
all people yearn, it is a significant contribution.
An immediate advantage of this treaty to the
welfare of men, women, and children every-
where is the promise it holds for reduction of
the radioactive pollution of the air we breathe.
The Chinese Communist reaction to the treaty
has been to condemn it as a "dirty fraud." They
claim, in expressing this apparent indifference
to the interests of humanity, that they speak
for all peace-loving peoples of the world. It is
clear, however, that the overwhelming majority
of the people of the world have acclaimed the
nuclear test ban treaty and that the Chinese
Communist leaders are in a position of isolation.
We hope that an awareness of the clear benefits
to all mankind of the nuclear test ban treaty
will eventually bring the Chinese Communists
to reconsider their stand.
392
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Perhaps at some point in tlie future the
Chinese Communist leadership may come to
realize that their policy of hostility and isola-
tion is a barren course, perilous to them and to
the whole world. Possibly the influence of time
and experience will eventually persuade the
leadership in Peiping to change their approach
and their attitude.
Finally, I want to recall some words from
President Kemiedy's address "Toward a Strat-
egy of Peace" made on June 10 at American
University : ^
We must . . . persevere in the search for peace in
the hope that constructive changes within the Com-
munist bloc might bring within reach solutions which
aow seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs
in such a way that it becomes in the Communists" inter-
est to agree on a genuine peace.
There would not appear to be any immediate
likelihood of those "constructive changes," of
wliich President Kennedy spoke, appearing on
the mainland of China. But the separation be-
tween the people in mainland China and the free
peoples of the Pacific is such an apparent trag-
edy of the modern world that it seems reason-
able to hope that it is only a temporai-y phenom-
enon. The American people surely look for-
ward to the time when all of the Chinese people
are reunited with the peoples of the Pacific and
the world in friendship, cooperation, and free-
dom.
I am confident that the lasting values we seek,
for ourselves and for the peoples of the Pacific,
will prevail over the dogmas of war and strug-
gle. To do our part to build a world of peace
remains our highest aim. That is our great pur-
pose and our strategy.
The Viet-Nam' Situation
hy Theodore J . C. Heavner
Deputy Director, Viet-Nam Working Group ^
I feel very honored to have the opportunity
Ito speak to you this afternoon. The Veterans
of Foreign Wars organization has played a dis-
tinguished role in American life, and it is com-
posed individually of Americans who have
served their coimtry under the most difficult and
dangerous of all circumstances. As a former
sei\'iceman, as a public servant, and as an Amer-
ican, I am very proud to be with you.
I have been asked to discuss the Viet-Nam
situation. We could begin, in the usual way,
widi some vital statistics about Viet-Nam. It
may be of some passing interest that South
'' Ihiii., July 1, 1963, p. 2.
' Address made before the National Security and
Legislative Committees at the National Convention of
the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States,
S.Mttle, Wash., on Aug. 25.
Viet-Nam has a jDopulation of more than 14 mil-
lion, an area of about 66,000 square miles —
somewhat smaller than the State of Okla-
homa— and that its principal products are rice
and rubber. But I think the most important
thing to know about Viet-Nam, or indeed any
country, is its people.
The Vietnamese are an ancient people, with
more than 2,000 years of history behind them.
They have passed through two colonial periods ;
one, under the Chinese, which lasted more than
1,000 years, and, more recently, a second colonial
period of about 80 years under the French. Be-
tween the Chinese and the French colonial
periods, the Vietnamese enjoyed almost 1,000
years of independence — a period marked, how-
ever, by frequent struggles to maintain that
treasured independence.
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
393
The struggle to get and keep their independ-
ence is sometliing very near the lieart of the
Vietnamese. Every Vietnamese sclioolboy is
intensely proud, for example, of the fact that in
1284, and again in 1287, the Mongol hordes of
Kuhlai Khan were defeated by the Vietnamese
under Marshal Trun Hung Dao. There is a
wonderful story about this victory.
Faced with what appejired to be overwhelm-
ing odds — the Mongol army outnumbered the
Vietnamese forces by at least five to two — Mar-
shal Tran Ilung Dao summoned representatives
of all the Vietnamese villages and provinces to
a great meeting at Dien Hong. He told the
Vietnamese leaders there assembled what they
faced, what the odds were against them, and
what they stood to lose if they fought and lost.
He asked for their advice: Should they sue for
peace or should tliey fight?
According to tiie ancient chronicles — and
knowing the Vietnamese, I certainly believe this
is true — the council called with one voice for
war against the foreign invader.
Vietnamese "Compulsion for Freedom"
These are the same people that poured out of
the Communist north nearly a million strong in
1954 and 1955 to avoid livuig under an alien
regime. Perhaps some of you liad the experi-
ence of seeing this exodus — one of the great
population movements of all time — and cer-
tainly one of the most convincing rejections of
communism which the world lias ever seen. I
am sure that all of you know Dr. [Tom] Dooley's
account of that event. Of these people Dooley
said: "American.3 never fail to like the Viet-
namese when they get to know them. It is im-
possible not to respect their driving compul-
sion for freedom. . . ."
If I may interject a personal note, I would
like to say that I feel I know fii-sthand that the
Vietnamese who are fighting Conmiunist aggres-
sion today are very much the sons of Marshal
Tran Hung Dao. Last November I was in Moc
Hoa, a very small provincial capital in Kien
Tuong Province, in the Plain of Reeds. I speak
Vietnamese, and one hot evening, sitting on the
banks of the Vai Co River, I fell into conversa-
tion with a yoimg Vietnamese Civil Guards-
man. Kien Tuong is one of the provinces most
seriously menaced by Conunimist guerrilla
forces, and hearing small-arms fire across the
river, we both assumed that someone out there
in the dark was fighting the Viet Cong. It
seemed natural for me to ask if he himself had
encountered the Viet Cong in battle.
He pulled a decoration out of his pocket, a
Vietnamese medal carefully encased in a small
box and wrapped in a silk handkerchief. It was
a decoration for bravery in combat. I of course
asked how he hud earned it. It was a simple but
very significant story.
He told me that one night he and a group of
Civil Guardsmen were attacked by the Viet
Cong and that two comers of their position were
overrun, their officer and a number of their men
killed. They withdrew to their last strong-
point, and there, together with their wives and
children, they were waiting for the final Viet
Cong assault.
The Viet Cong called to them, urged them to
surrender, to turn over their weapons, and prom-
ised that they would not be hurt if they gave
up. The remaining defenders held a qu iok coun-
cil of war, quite unlike the great ceremonial
council of Dien Hong in appearance, you may be
sure, but in spirit very much the same.
The young guardsman whom I had met urged
his com{)anions to continue their resistance, and,
to bolster their spirits, his wife picked up the
weapon of one of the dead and took her place
resolutely beside her husband in the defense of
the position. They held off the attack success-
fully until dawn, when they were relieved by
Government forces.
"Wliat I am trj'ing to say is that the Viet-
namese people not only have a long and proud
history of fighting to maintain their independ-
ence, but they are still fiercely determined to
maintain it in the face of Communist attack.
This is perhaps the most significant fact about
the Vietnamese people today.
It is not an easy struggle for them. In their
hot war against Communist aggression they
suffer from grave handicaps. Like Germany
and Korea, Viet-Nam is a divided countrj', with
all that means in human suffering. Viet-Nam is
a country with an underdeveloped economy, an
economy ravaged moreover by intermittent war-
fare ever since 1945. Viet-Nam is under con-
894
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETUf
stant pressure from what is probably the most
effective Communist subversive apparatus in
Asia, if not in the world. And although it has
a history of 1,000 years of independence before
the French came, the modern state of South
Viet-Nam has been in existence only 9 short
years.
For these reasons the Vietnamese need help
if they are to retain their treasured independ-
ence. The United States has been giving them
that help.
The Buddhist Dispute
Before I turn to the Viet-Nam war, and the
/American role in it, I want to touch briefly on
mother aspect of the Vietnamese situation
tvhich has been very much in the news recently,
rhis is the Buddliist dispute.
Let me say emphatically that this is certainly
I very serious matter, and we have made our
;oncern abimdantly clear. The United States
stands firmly for religious freedom, both in our
iomestic life and in our foreign policy. We
ire concerned about the Buddhist dispute in
50uth Viet-Nam, not only because of our own
deals but also because this controversy can only
lelp the Commmiist Viet Cong.
We had hoped that this issue could be
promptly and justly resolved. It now appears,
lowever, that the Government of the Republic
)f Viet-Nam has instituted repressive measures
igainst Vietnamese Buddhist leaders. This ac-
ion represents a direct violation by the Viet-
lamese Government of assurances that it was
Dursuing a policy of reconciliation with the
Buddhists. The United States can only deplore
■epressive actions of this nature.
Wliile this is a matter which the Vietnamese
nust resolve themselves, we as Americans can-
lot fail to express our dedication not only to
he freedom of all men in the political sense
)ut also to their spiritual freedom. We are
lopeful that this dispute can be promptly and
ustly resolved so that the Vietnamese people
;an go forward with one mind in the business
)f defending their nation against Communist
iggression and building a better future for their
■hildren.
One of the most frequent questions about
he Viet-Nam situation is the deceptively sim-
ple query: "How is the war going; who is win-
ning?" I suppose people were asking this
question in 1863 and in 1943, too, and it is as
hard to answer now as it was then. In this
case it is especially hard, because in a guerrilla
war you can't show frontlines moving back-
ward or forward on the map.
The Guerrilla War in Viet-Nam
To understand why President Kennedy said
in his state of the Union message that "The
spearpoint of aggression has been blunted in
South Viet-Nam," " we need to consider the situ-
ation in the fall of 1961 and early 1962. The
Vietnamese were quite plainly losing their fight
against the Communist guerrillas then.
The Communist guerrillas, 1,500 strong,
took and held overnight a provincial capital in
September of 1961, and, to underline the fact,
they publicly beheaded the Chief of Province
there. The flow of rice into Saigon, normally
a rice export center, was choked off by the guer-
rillas to the point where the United States sent
P.L. 480 rice to Saigon in early 1962. Enemy
attacks in January of last year were running
at the rate of more than 120 per week. We even
feared that the Communist Viet Cong might
soon be able to declare "a liberated area" some-
where in the highlands.
Faced with this deteriorating situation,
President Diem in December of 1961 sent a let-
ter to President Kennedy in which he outlined
the nature of the attack on his government and
asked for increased American assistance.^ The
United States considered this request very care-
fully. Vice President Johnson had visited
Viet-Nam in May of 1961,'' and President Ken-
nedy had sent General [Maxwell D.] Taylor to
Viet-Nam again in the fall of that year. So we
were vei-y clear about the nature of the threat.
We knew that the Viet Cong attack was
caused, led, and directed by the Communist au-
thorities in North Viet-Nam. This was a case
of Communist aggression, although the Com-
munists made great efforts to conceal the fact,
aggression against a friendly people with whom
' Bulletin of Feb. 4, 1963, p. 159.
3 For texts of President Diem's letter and President
Kenned.v's reply, see ihid., Jan. 1, 19G2, p. 13.
■• For text of a joint communique, see ihid., June 19,
1961, p. 9.56.
SEPTEMBER 9, 19 63
395
the United States had strong ties. There could
be little question about our decision. We
promptly agreed to step up our military and
economic assistance.
"Wlien we increased our assistance to Viet-
Nam we issued a study of the evidence of
Communist infiltration into South Viet-Nam
and Communist direction of the war against
the Government of South Viet-Nam.» This was
necessary, not just out of a "decent respect for
the opinions of mankind," but because of the
great and continuing Commimist effort to por-
tray tlie Viet Cong as an indigenous and legiti-
mate popular movement against a repressive
government. I thinii it is worth noting in
this connection that the international body spe-
cifically established in 1954 at the Geneva con-
ference to oversee and keep the peace in Viet-
Nam— the International Control Commission,
composed of India, Canada, and Poland — has
confii-med the fact that Communist North Viet-
Nam is engaged in an attempt to overthrow by
violence the Government of South Viet-Nam.
After sifting the evidence for almost a year, the
International Control Commission in June of
1962 issued a special report which makes it clear
that the Viet Cong are the instruments of
Hanoi's deliberate attack on South Viet-Nam.°
If we were losing tlie war in the fall of 1961
and early 1962. where are we today? I tliink
it is fair to say that the tide has now turned
and that the Government of Viet-Nam is M-ith
our help slowly overcoming the Communist
guerrillas. No more provincial capitals have
been taken, the Communists have not "liber-
ated" any part of South Viet-Nam, and Saigon
is once again exporting rice. In fact we antici-
pate tliat Saigon will export 300,000 tons of
rice this year.
Comparing Communist military activity in
the first half of 1962 with the first half of this
year, we see again reason for believing the Com-
munist threat has been stopped and is begin-
' A two-part report ontltlwl A Threat to the Peace:
North Vict-Xam'8 Effort To Conquer South Viet-Nam
(Department of State piil)licatlon 730S) . Parts I and II
are for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Print ine Office, Wa.shlngton, D.C. 20402,
for 2r> cents and .''i.'> cents, rcsiiectively.
• For a Deiiartment statement regarding the report,
see Bdixetin of July IC, 1062, p. 109.
ning to be rolled back. In the first half of
1962 there were 10,270 Viet Cong incidents,
including more than 3,000 armed attacks. In
the first 6 months of this year incidents dropped
by one-third, to a little less than 7,000, while
armed attacks were reduced by 36 percent. The
scale of the attacks also declined. In the first
half of 1962 there were 35 battalion-sized at-
tacks and 118 company-sized attacks. This
year, during the same period, there were only
7 battalion-sized attacks and 65 company-sized
attacks.
The Strategic-Hamlet Program
An even more important indicator of prog-
ress against the Communists is the number of
people who enjoy protection against Viet Cong
terror and extortion. This is always difficult to
measure, but our people in Viet-Nam estimate
that in the past year nearly 1 million Viet-
namese who were fonnerly subject to sporadic
Communist incursions, or even outright Com-
munist control, are now covered by effective
Government administration and protection.
This has been achieved largely through the
strategic-hamlet program. This program is the
heart of the war effort in Viet-Nam. It is a
coordinated, across-the-board political, eco-
nomic, and military response to the Communist
threat.
There has been some misunderstanding about
this program in the United States. Tlie Com-
munist charge that the strategic hamlets are
"concentration camps" has even gained some
currency. Let me tell you how the Vietnamese
make a hamlet "strategic."
The first step in the setting up of a strategic
hamlet is essentially military ; a defense perim-
eter is established, more or less elaborate as the
local security situation demands, and a hamlet
militia is trained and armed.
The second step, which takes place immedi-
ately after or even at the same time as the first,
is purely political. This is the election of a
strategic-hamlet council. This is the first time
in Vietnamese history that hamlet councils
have been elected. It is also the first time in
Vietnamese historj- that the national Govern-
ment has been effectively "plugged in" to ham-
let-level society.
396
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The third step is economic and social in na-
ture. Schools, dispensaries, maternity clinics,
agricultural extension work, and cheap agri-
cultui-al credit are provided. Materials and
technical advice to enable the villages to under-
take their own "self-help," such as access roads
and irrigation works, also come from the
Government.
In short, the population of the hamlet is
given the means to defend themselves, plus an
economic and political stake which they will
want to defend. I tliink you will agree that
this is a strange description for a concentration
camp.
Mao Tse-timg has said that the guerrilla
fighter must live among the people as the fish
lives in tlie water. The strategic hamlet is the
net to get the Viet Cong fish out of water. By
giving the whole population the means — and
the will — to defend themselves against Commu-
nist demands for food and recruits, the basic
strategy of the Communist "war of national
liberation" is being met and defeated.
The American Role in Soutit Viet-Nam
The United States is spending a great deal of
money in South Viet-Nam. Far more impor-
tant, moi-e than 50 American lives have been lost
there as a direct result of Communist attacks or
incidents. Of these Americans, President Ken-
nedy has said : ^
They are among the many who in this century, far
from home, have died for our country. Our task now,
and the task of all Americans, is to live up to their
commitments.
Wliy did the President say this ? The Amer-
ican role in South Viet-Nam is a difficult and
relatively new one for us. It is not well under-
stood, and I think it is worth while to dwell for
a moment on how those American lives were lost
and why. I would like to emphasize here just as
much as I possibly can that this is a Vietnamese
war. They are fightmg it. They are directing
it. Our role is strictly confined to what we call
advisory, logistic, and teclinical assistance.
The question is sometimes raised as to why
tliis should be so. If we are suffering casualties,
why not direct the war effort in South Viet-
' Ibid., Feb. 4, 1963, p. 159.
Nam ? Why not put American officers in com-
mand of Vietnamese units, or even deploy
regular American combat units to "clean up the
mess" and get it over ?
The fact is that only the Vietnamese can win
this war. It is a struggle for the loyalty of a
whole people, the Vietnamese people, and the
main thrust of Communist propaganda is that
the guerrillas are fighting for independence
against an American neocolonial regime. They
say that Diem is an American puppet and that
the Vietnamese people must drive the Amer-
icans out in order to be free. If they are able
to convince the Vietnamese people that tliis is
true, we will have lost the struggle in South
Viet-Nam. We can help the Vietnamese, but
we can't do their fighting for them. And let
me assure you that they don't want us to. They
took 4,400 killed in action last year, and they
are quite prepared to go on doing the fighting.
All they ask from us is the tools and the ex-
pertise which they lack.
We have therefore given the Vietnamese
American advisers and American equipment to
help them improve the effectiveness of their
military organization. To be good advisers, our
men must frequently be at or near the scene
of combat. Moreover, in a guerrilla war there
are no real rear and front areas, and the Com-
munists have made a special target of our peo-
ple. These are the basic reasons that we have
suffered American casualties in South Viet-
Nam.
I should add here that this does not mean
our people are helpless targets for the Viet
Cong. American advisers are armed, and they
have orders to defend themselves if threatened.
I have met a great many of our advisers at their
posts all over South Viet-Nam. Let me assure
you that they know how to take care of them-
selves. They are doing a new and difficult job
for America and doing it very well. We should
all be very proud of them.
Besides advice in military tactics, we provide
the Vietnamese with the technical skills and
equipment which they lack. This has meant
such things as electronics equipment and tech-
nicians, helicopters and Iielicopter pilots. We
are training the Vietnamese as rapidly as possi-
ble so that they can fill these teclmical slots
themselves, but it takes a long time to turn out
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
397
an electronics spe^-ialist or a helicopter pilot.
The Viot Cong will not wait.
The "Why" of Our Involvement
I have described the American role in the
Vietnamese war— the "how" of our involve-
ment. I would like to close by indicating some-
thing of the "why."
You can think of Viet-Nam as a piece of
strategic real estate. It is on the corner of
mainland Asia, across the east-west trade routes,
and in a position that would make it an excel-
lent base for further Commimist aggression
against the rest of free Asia.
You can think of our involvement in South
Viet-Nam in terms of a moral commitment. Tlie
Vietnamese, on the frontier of the free world,
are fighting not just for themselves but for all
men who wish to remain free. I believe the 300-
500 casualties they suffer each week is a precious
contribution to the security of the whole free
world.
You can think of the American role in South
Viet-Nam in terms of our SEATO [Southeast
Asia Treaty Organization] commitment. You
can regard it as a fuliillment of the implied obli-
gation which we as a nation undertook when
we said at the Geneva Conference in 1954 that
we would regard any renewal of aggression in
violation of the Geneva Agreements with grave
concern and as seriously threatening interna-
tional peace and security.
You can think of South Viet-Nam as a test
case; there is good reason to believe that this
is the view of the Communist bloc. In Viet-
Nam we are determining whether or not the
free world can help a nation defend itself
against the subversion and guerrilla warfare
whicli make up the "war of national liberation"
tactics. I think it is fair to say that we have
largely stopped the Commmiist thrust all
around the world in conventional and nuclear
terms. We are now confronted by a new kind
of threat, and we have to a degree invented a
new kind of response to meet it. All of the
imdcrdeveloped nations of the world are watch-
ing the event. If South Viet-Nam falls, their
will to resist this kind of aggression will be
weakened and the whole fabric of free-world
strength and determination damaged thereby.
Perhaps, in more human terms, you may
want to think of our support to Viet-Nam as
American help to the nearly 1 million Vietnam-
ese refugees who fled North Viet-Nam in 1954
and 1955 to avoid living under a Communist
regime.
These are some of the reasons for our support
to the Vietnamese people in their struggle to
defend their independence against Communist
attack. I think they are all good reasons.
Taken together, they seem to me to be
compelling.
United States Assessing Reports
on Conditions in Viet-Nam
Department Statement of August 21
On the basis of information from Saigon, it
appears that the Government of the Republic
of Viet-Nam has instituted serious repressive
measures against Vietnamese Buddhist leaders.
The action represents a direct violation by the
Vietnamese Government of assurances that it
was pursuing a policy of reconciliation with the
Buddhists. The United States deplores repres-
sive actions of this nature.
Department Statement of August 23*
On the assessment of the situation on the mil-
itary side, we have taken note of the statements
by commanders in the field, the military admin-
istrators of the martial law, and broadcasts over
the radio of the Vietnamese Armed Forces to
the effect that the war against the Viet Cong
will be vigorously pursued, and we have no re-
ports from our own sources which would indi-
cate any diminution of this effort in the field.
There has been no change in our basic policy of
assisting Viet-Nam in its prosecution of the
war against the Communist Viet Cong.
On the political side we are continuing the
process of assessing the situation on the basis of
the Embassy's reports. It is too early obviously
to reach any final conclusions. It is clear that
the military is in physical control in that it has
1 Eead to news correspondents on Aug. 23 by Richard
I. Phillips, Director of the Office of News.
398
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
assumed administrative responsibilities in en-
forcing martial law. Under such conditions,
the functions of civil administrators, such as
those of the Interior Ministry, are being super-
vised by the military. Contact between the Em-
bassy and civilian officials continues.
Administration Urges Congress
To Support $4.1 Billion Aid Bill
STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY'
The House of Kepresentatives begins this
week consideration of legislation vital to the
security and well-being of the United States
and the free world, the mutual defense assist-
ance bill of 1964. I hope the House will give
full support to the authorization recommended
. by the Foreign Affairs Committee. Our for-
eign aid program is essential to the continued
strength of the free world. It gives us increased
military security at a cost far lower than if we
had to carry the entire burden alone. It gives
protection against Communist internal take-
over to free people who are yet not able to build
solidly without outside help. It provides essen-
tial assurances to the new nations of the world
that they can count on us in their effort to build
a free society. Only with this assui-ance can
they continue to maintain against the pressures
that are brought upon them.
This does not represent an impossible burden
for the United States ; indeed, it is only half as
heavy as it was during the Marshall Plan.
Then about 2 percent of our gross national
product was allocated to foreign assistance.
The progi-am today costs only seven-tenths of
1 percent. The bill before the House has al-
ready been cut $850 million from our original
estimate last January.- Fortunately, the bill
now has bipartisan political support. More
tlian half of the Republicans on the House
Foreijni Affairs Committee are in favor of the
' Made at the opening of the President's news con-
ference on Aug. 20.
" For excerpts from the President's budget message,
see Bulletin of Feb. 11, 1963, p. 224.
$4.1 billion authorization now before the House.
This program is not an abstract set of numbers,
but a set of concrete and continued actions in
support of our national security.
No party or group should call for a dynamic
foreign policy and then seek to cripple this
program. One wonders which concrete actions
critics would like to stop. Should we scrap the
Alliance for Progress, which is our best answer
to the threat of communism in this Itemisphere?
Should we deny help to India, the largest free
power in Asia, as she seeks to strengthen her-
self against Communist China? Do we wish to
dismantle our joint defenses in Korea, Taiwan,
Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Greece, countries
along the very rim of Communist power? Do
we want to weaken our friends in Southeast
Asia?
This is no time to slacken our efforts. This
fight is by no means over. The struggle is not
finished. Therefore, as has been said on many
occasions before, however tired we may get of
this program, our adversaries are not tired. I
don't think this country is tired, and the cause
of freedom should certainly not be fatigued.
Therefore I think it is necessary that we con-
tinue to make this effort. I hope the House will
support it. Eighty percent of these funds are
spent in the United States, and I think it is
necessary and essential, as the Secretary of
State, the Secretary of Defense, General Clay,
and others, that the House figure be passed.
Experience shows us that the appropriation
traditionally has been less. I think it is incum-
bent upon us to support the action of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, and I hope the
House of Representatives will.
LETTER TO MEMBERS OF HOUSE
Following is the text of a joint letter from
Secretary of State Rmk and Secretary of De-
fense McNamara to Memhers of the House of
Representatives.
Press release 432 dated August 19
August 17, 1963
Dear Mr. Congkessmax : The House of Rep-
resentatives takes up this week a keystone of
United States foreign policy : the Foreign As-
SEPTE5IBER 9, 19G3
399
sistance Act of 1963.' The action taken on this
important legislation will have a far-reaching
effect upon the U.S. position, now and in the
future, in the great struggle for freedom.
The President originally requested $4,945
million for this program. He subsequently re-
duced this request by $420 million.'' The Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs has further reduced
the request by $438 million. Thus, the original
request has been reduced by $858 million since
Januarj'. This reduction is so deep that the bill
before you is already less than last year's final
appropriation, taking into account the previous
two year appropriation for the Social Progress
Trust Fund.
We wish to emphasize that we know of no
reason to assume that our total military and
foreign policy requirements are less than those
of fiscal year 1963. In fact, as we view our
evolving relationsliip with the Soviet Union, the
insistent expansionist aims of Communist
China, the continuing crises in Laos and Viet-
nam, and the imfinished business in Latin
America and in Africa, we believe we cannot
now afford to retreat in our foreign assistance
efforts.
Three authorizations directly involve United
States' security interests: Supporting Assist-
ance (primarily for several coimtries confront-
ing the Sino-Soviet Bloc), Military Assistance,
and the President's Contingency Fund. The
total authorization recommended for these pur-
poses is already $165 million less than was ap-
propriated last year. Although we have made
reductions in these programs as rapidly as pos-
sible (over $1 billion in three years), we believe
that any further reductions here would seriously
restrict the President's ability to respond ef-
fectively to major challenges to Free World
security, including our own.
Any reduction in the existing yearly $600 mil-
lion Alliance for Progress authorization would
give credence to those who claim that the United
States lacks the will and staying power to make
' For a stntoiuont made by Secretary Rusk before the
House Committee on Foreign Affairs on Apr. 5, see
ihid., Apr. 29, 10C3, p. CG4 ; for a statement by the Sec-
retary before the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions on June 11, see ibid., July 1, 1963, p. 19.
' For text of the President's message to Congress on
foreign aid, see iUd., Apr. 22, 19C3, p. 591.
good on its promise of long-term assistance to
Latin America. Further reductions in any of
the other authorizations would seriously under-
cut the ability of the United States to carry
out its foreign policy objective of assisting in-
dependent countries to attain self-supporting
status.
But adequate fimds alone will not support an
effective foreign policy — we must have the nec-
essary flexibility to carry out our common ob-
jectives. A number of restrictive amendments
have been proposed to cut off or drastically re-
duce aid to some countries or organizations
whose actions disturb us. We believe that these
amendments stem from an inadequate appraisal
of the long-term objectives of United States
foreign and military policy. Attempts to place
the conduct of our foreign policy under rigid
legislative restrictions will prevent us from act-
ing in support of American interests in a
rapidly changing international scene.
We strongly urge you to lend your un-
qualified support to this bill without further
restriction or reduction.
Sincerely,
Dean Eitsk
Egbert S. McNamara
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY RUSK<
Today's action by the House of Eepresenta-
tives cutting almost $600 million from the for-
eign aid bill follows earlier cuts of close to $900
million. This slices into the very muscle of
our foreign policy. For almost a decade and a
half we Americans have been helping the less
fortunate countries to move toward strength
and stability. At the moment when steady ef-
fort is being vindicated by progress this con-
gressional action threatens our power to main-
tain the necessary momentum. The cut would
impair our national security, weaken the Al-
liance for Progress, and restrict our ability
to respond to new demands or crises in the
world struggle for freedom. Wlien events are
working in favor of our world of freedom we
Americans should not retreat. We must not
quit.
" Released at Washington on Aug. 23.
400
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The Alliance for Progress
Marks Second Anniversary
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT KENNEDY'
Today, on the second anniversary of the Al-
liance for Prooress, I am heartened by the ad-
vances that have been made in a short space of
time. A peaceful revolution is under way in
Latin America, and this gives promise of bring-
ing a better life to millions of our fellow
Americans in this hemisphere.
The advances made in the first 2 years are
only a start, but they are impressive. Some
140,000 new housing units have been con-
structed; slum clearance projects have begun;
there are 8,200 new classrooms; more than 700
new water systems have been built where there
had been danger of widespread disease from
contamination: land-reform and tax-refox-m
measures have been adopted by many countries;
more than 160,000 agriculture credit loans have
been made and more than 4 million schoolbooks
have been distributed; two common-market
agreements are gaining new impetus ; a revolu-
tionaiy step has been taken to stabilize the price
of coffee in world markets; more than 9 million
children are being fed in 18 countries in a
Food for Peace program; road construction,
especially in some agricultural areas, is pro-
ceeding ahead rapidly.
All this is a beginning, but only a beginning.
We have to do a good deal more if this is going
to be the sixties, a great Decade of Develop-
ment. This is a cooperative effort by all of us
who live in this hemisphere, north and south —
an attempt to provide a better life for our peo-
ple, a better chance for children to live, a better
chance for them to be educated, a better chance
for them to liold jobs, better housing for them,
a chance to live their older age in peace and in
dignity.
These are the objectives of the Alliance for
Progress. These objectives must be realized.
This program must be a success. The first 2
years is only a beginning. But it is my hope
that the people of my own country, the people
of other countries of this hemisphere, will con-
^ Made in the Cabinet Room at the White House
on Aug. 17 (White House press release).
tinue to join together in a great international
effort to make this continent, to make this hemi-
sphere, a source of credit to all of us who live
here and an inspiration to all the world. We
still have a good deal more to do.
It is my hope that the governments of this
hemisphere, including the Govermnent of the
United States, and those who enjoy the ad-
vantages— the people who enjoy the advantages
in this hemisphere, including the people of my
own country — that all of us will continue to
work closely together to provide a better life
for all of our people. That is what the Alliance
for Progress means — to provide progress, revo-
lutionary progress through peaceful, demo-
cratic means. I think it can be done. I think
we have set out on an important journey. I
thmk it is a journey that must be fhiished.
To the completion of that journey, 1 pledge the
people of the United States.
STATEMENT BY VICE PRESIDENT JOHNSON'
On this proud occasion I have come at the
request of the President of the United States
to extend his warm personal greetmgs to each
of you and to express his confident good wishes
for the continuing success of your many labors
together in this vital organizatioji. This second
anniversary of the Alliance for Progress which
we observe today is no written milestone. It
is an amiiversary which some feared and others
hoped the alliance would never attain. Today
it is convincing evidence that both the doubtful
in our own countries and the hostile in other
countries have underestimated the capacity for
unity and the will among Americans.
We have lived together as neighbors for
nearly 350 years.
We have worked together in the Alliance for
Progress structure for only 2 years.
But we can believe that in the long reach of
history what has begun in these 2 years will
have far more meaning to the lives of all who
shall call themselves Americans than what has
gone on during the centuries before.
Survival of the alliance is no longer a real
question. Henceforth we shall observe future
- Made before the Council of the Organization of
American States on Aug. 20.
SEPTEMBER 9,
699-1 S7— I
401
aiuu\ersaries juj milestoues of success — genuine
and growuig success — which we shall achieve
togetlier.
To be optimistic about the future of the al-
liance is not to be imrealistic. Optimism is the
only realism for men who are free and who
retain the prerogative and privilege of deter-
laining their own destiny.
^\'e of the Americas are free.
We are privileged to determine our own
destinies.
We are bound together by both common
heritage and common hope. We share together
a heritage of hatred for oppression, love of lib-
erty, respect for the individual, and a desire for
social justice in progress. We likewise aspire
together for homes, for work and land, for
health and schools. This century has taught
us an indelible lesson that the rich can kjiow no
peace so long as there is no hope for those long
oppressed by poverty, by hutiger, by ill health,
by illiteracy, by landlessness.
There must be a new hope — an opportunity
for a new start.
We do not minimize how long is the road
before us nor how steep the grade we must
climb.
We acknowledge our obstacles now where we
were reluctant to acknowledge any of them be-
fore. Some have been overcome. Others most
certainly will arise. All obstacles may assume
any dimensions under new conditions. But we
are bringing our collective talents, energies, and
resources to bear upon them, and this is prog-
ress of the most important order.
But it is true that from a firm foundation we
have made a good beginning. A year ago we
liad relatively little to show in physical ac-
complislmients of the alliance. This year there
is much — 8,200 classrooms, 700 well and water
supply systems, 900 hospitals and health cen-
ters, 140,000 homes, 160,000 agricultural credit
loans. The funds wliich the United States has
committed over the past 2 years increasingly
are being transfonned into bricks and into
knowledge. New programs like young trees
start slowly. Our 2-year-old tree is already
Ijearing rich fruit. Next year and in succeed-
ing years we expect its harvest to be even
heavier. The task before us, however, is not
one of 2 years nor, perhaps, even of 10. For
some of our nations this task may not be com-
pleted within this generation. But together
we will continue with it. Together w^e will
succeed.
Plaiming groups have been created or
strengthened in every nation. Seven national
plans have been submitted. Fourteen nations
have made reforms in their tax policy or ad-
ministration. Half our nations have made or
begun study of land-reform measures.
On a broader scale, we see the fruit of the
growing spirit of alliance. But we do not
decei\'e ourselves. We know there is no easy
road to development. We know that enduring
progress is not quickly assured. AVe know that
sucii progress must be accompanied by the sup-
port of many needed changes. These are les-
sons we have learned — and will apply.
Most important of these lessons is the fact
that, for the job before us, our resources are not
comfortably abimdant. What we have to work
with is enough only if we carefully and wisely
use it to create the growth now which will free
the growth of the future.
If we are to honor the generosity of our
hearts, we must heed the prudence of our heads.
It would be an empty and foolish exchange to
substitute mere Heeting gifts of money for the
enduring gift of realistic hope — and it is the
richest of hope with which Me seek to endow
the lives of those forgotten Americans. If iden-
tihable needs among us seem inexhaustible, we
know that measurable resources are exhaustible.
Our needs must be carefully gaged against the
total resources and against the eti'orts of each
nation and each people to move toward the goal
of the alliance. This may require us to perfect
still further the machinery we have designed to
implement the alliance. That is ouJy a detail,
not the cause for doubt or despair, when we
consider that the cause before us is not one of 2
years, not even of 10. Together, as mature,
stable, purposeful allies, we shall cari-y the al-
liance forward resisting distraction, rejecting
revisions, resolving dili'erences.
xVbove all other considerations, we recognize
that the alliance can succeed only in a climate
of freedom. We camiot move toward our new-
future by turning back toward an old task.
Progress without freedom is bread without
salt.
402
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
We know dictatorial regimes are incompat-
ible with our hemisphere's future. We know
that totalitarianism is unacceptable and intoler-
able in our midst. If we are to keep our hemi-
sphere moving forward, our first and foremost
task together is to keep it free and in peace.
Tliis we shall do.
Tlie Alliance for Progress is based upon tlie
concept that we have an urgent necessity and
the moral obligation to work together for the
mutual advantage of all our people, and the
desires of the people of the Western Hemisphere
can be summed up in the trinity of freedom,
peace, and progress.
There are — and there will be — alien forces
which seek to disrupt our essential unity.
There are — and there will be — alien voices
which seek to divide us by sowing doubts as to
our mutual good faith.
But I believe that the people of the Americas
have the good sense to judge the sources of
dissension. And I believe even more strongly
that we have the capacity to live together in
mutual respect and understanding and assist
each other in providing freedom, peace, and
progress for our countries.
By working together, we present all human-
ity with inspiration for the future.
These first years of the alliance are the test-
ing years.
We can say on this second anniversary occa-
sion that great tests have been presented to us.
We have met them well : with courage, with re-
sourcefulness, above all with vmitv.
We shall be tested again and again — from
within, from without. But after centuries of
shnnber the great giant of the Western Hemi-
spliere — unity for progress — is awakening and
in that awakening a powerful new force is aris-
ing to stand on the side of freedom, peace, and
justice for all the world.
Gen. Chiang Ching-kuo Visits U.S.
Press release 433 dated August 20
At the invitation of the Department of State,
General Chiang Ching-kuo, Minister Without
Portfolio in the Government of the Republic
of China, will visit the United States from
September 6 to 17. The purpose of his trip
is to visit points of interest in the United States.
While in Washington, General Chiang will
meet with U.S. Govermnent officials. General
Chians last visited the United States in 1953.
Food for Peace Ships $1.5 Billion
in Commodities in Fiscal 1963
The White House announced on August 21
that President Kennedy had on that day sent
to the Congress a re^^ort showing that $1.5 bil-
lion of America's farm commodities were
shipped overseas during fiscal year 1963 under
this nation's massive Food for Peace program.
Food for Peace shipments in the last 6 months
of the fiscal year (January-June 1963) totaled
$904 million, compared with $622 million
shipped in the first 6 montlis of the fiscal year.
The 18th semiannual report on Public Law
480 activities revealed that total U.S. farm ex-
ports in the fiscal year 1963 were at the record
level of over $5 billion established the previous
year. Total shipments under the foreign-cur-
rency and dollar-credit P.L. 480 sales programs
wei'e at an alltime high. Shipments under P.L.
480 donation programs remained at the same
level, while barter transactions declined
sharply. At the same time, commercial exports
of U.S. agricultural commodities continued to
expand : The fiscal year 1963 total of $3.5 bil-
lion was nearly $60 million greater than in 1962.
In submitting the report, the President's Spe-
cial Assistant for Food for Peace, Richard W.
Renter, told the President that he is impressed
by "the contribution of U.S. agricultural abun-
dance to this comitry's total foreign assistance
effort." Mr. Renter observed that in addition
to donating supplemental food to a record total
of 100 million undernourished people, "Food
for Peace is also providing significant stimulus
to the economic development of many nations."
"Food for Peace continues to be an increasingly
important tool of American foreign policy,"
:\rr. Renter assured the President.
SEPTEMBER 9. 196 3
403
U.S. and U.S.S.R. Agree on Implementation of Cooperative Space Program
NASA ANNOUNCEMENT
The U.S. National Aeronautics and Space
Administration announced on August 16 that
NASA and the Academy of Sciences of the
U.S.S.R. liave given final approval to a Memo-
randum of Understanding wliich provides for
implementing a cooperative space agreement
reached in Geneva in June 1962.'
The memorandum outlines procedures to be
followed for cariying out a coordinated weather
satellite program, joint experiments with com-
munications using a passive reflector satellite
(Echo II), and joint contributions of satellite
dat<a to the World Magnetic Survey to be con-
ductxKl in 1965.
I^asic to the coordinated meteorological satel-
lite program is the scheduled establishment by
early 1964 of a full-time telecommunications
link between Washington and Moscow for the
transmission of cloud photographs and other
data from exjierimental meteorological satellites
operated by each countrj-. The memorandum
provides that other countries may receive sucli
information from this link on a cost-sharing
basis, intimately, this program is to involve
coordinated launchings of operational meteoro-
logical satellites.
The experiments witli the Echo II passive com-
munications satellite will involve transmissions
between the Zemenki Observatory of the Gorkv
.■^tate University in the Soviet Union and the
.Todrell Rank Observatory of the ITnivei-sity of
Manchester in the United Kingdom at fre-
quencies of 162 megacycles /second. Scheduled
for early 1964, these experiments will include
transmissions from the United States to the
Soviet Union, using conventional facilities for
that part of the link between the United States
and England.
In the magnetic field survey each country will
launch a specialized satellite equipped to meas-
ure the earth's magnetic field. This effort will
supplement the various ground, sea, and aerial p
measurements undertaken internationally dur-
ing the World Magnetic Survey. Results will
be exchanged and compared in order to obtain
the most authoritative expression of the geo-
magnetic field.
The bilateral space program stems from an
exchange of views between President Kennedy
and Chairman Khrushchev on cooperation in
space activities following the successful orbital
flight of American Astronaut John H. Glenn
in February 1962.-
The principal scientific negotiators have been
Hugh L. Dryden, Deputy Administrator of
NASA, and Anatoly A. Blagonravov, Chair-
man of the Commission on Exploration and
Utilization of Outer Space of the Academy of
Sciences of the U.S.S.R.
The Memorandum of Understanding was
drafted at meetings between American and
Soviet scientists at Rome in March and at
Geneva in May of this year, subject to review
by NASA and the Soviet Academy.
In response to a letter of July 8 from Dr. Dry-
den, Academician Blagonravov on August 1,
indicated Soviet readiness to proceed with im-
plement<ation of the three coordinated programs
in accordance with the provisions of the memo-
randum, which is considered to have entered into
force as of that date.
' For text, see Bui.ijrnN of Dec. 24, 11)62. p. f>63.
' Ibid., Mnr. 12. 1962, p. 411.
404
DEP.^RTMEKT OF ST.\TE BULLETIN
EXCHANGE OF LETTERS
Academician Blagonravov to Dr. Dryden
Academy of Sciences of the USSR
ck)mmission on exploeation and
Utilization of Outer Space
Moscow, August 1, 1963
Wo. 119-643-0
Deab De. Detden : The Academy of Sciences of the
USSR has instructed me to inform you of its consent
to the recommendations on the questions of implement-
ing the bilateral agreement on outer space between
the National Aeronautics and Space Administration of
the USA and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR,
which were presented during the Soviet- American talks
on the peaceful exploration of outer space on March
20, 1963 in Rome, taking into account Section IV of
the text of recommendations (magnetic survey with
the aid of artificial satellites), which were prepared
on May 24, 1963 at Geneva.
The Academy of Sciences of the USSR expresses
its hope that the agreement on peaceful exploration
and utilization of outer space which has been reached,
will promote further cooperation between Soviet and
American scientists in this worthy cause in the name
of scientific progress and the strengthening of peace
on Earth.
Respectfully,
A. A. Blagonravov,
Chairman of the Commission,
Academician
To Dr. Hugh L. Dryden,
Deputy Administrator of the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration,
Washington 25, D.C.
Dr. Dryden to Academician Blagonravov
JtJLY 8, 1963
Academician A. A. Blagonravov
Academy of Sciences of the V.S.S.R.
Lcninski Prospekt H
Moscow, U.S.S.R.
Dear Academician Blagonravov: In my letter of
May 7, 1963,^ I indicated that NASA had no changes
to propose concerning the text of the "First Memoran-
dum of Understanding to Implement the Bilateral
Space Agreement of June 8, 1963 between the Academy
of Sciences of the U.S.S.R. and the National Aero-
nautics and Space Administration of the U.S." agreed
to by us in Rome on March 20 of this year. It is now
my pleasure to inform you similarly with regard to the
text of the mutual understandings reached by us in
Geneva on May 24 concerning the new Section IV,
"Magnetic Field Survey Through the Use of Artificial
Satellites."
I propose, therefore, that the First Memorandum
' Not printed here.
of Understanding, incorporating the new Section IV,
and the changes to Section IV also agreed to by us in
Geneva on May 24, become effective as of the date of
your response to this letter, confirming approval by the
Soviet Academy of Sciences. I hope that by this time
your Academy has already approved both the original
Rome document and the subsequent Geneva text, and
I shall look forward to hearing from you in this
regard.
Sincerely yours,
Hugh L. Dryden
Deputy Administrator
MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING
FIRST MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING
TO IMPLEMENT THE BILATERAL SPACE
AGREEMENT
OF JUNE 8, 1962
BETWEEN THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
OF THE USSR AND
THE NATIONAL AERONAUTICS AND SPACE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE US
I — Preamble
The purpose of the present Memorandum of Under-
standing is to begin the implementation of the sections
of the bilateral space agreement of June 8, 1962 deal-
ing with a coordinated meteorological satellite pro-
gram, world magnetic survey using satellites, and a
passive communication satellite experiment. It also
provides for future discussions by the scientists of
both countries of scientific results obtained from deep
space probes (Mariner II and Mara I).
II — Coordinated Meteorological Satellite Program
A. Exchange of Meteorological Satellite Data
The bilateral space agreement of June 8, 1962 pro-
vided that the exchange of meteorological satellite data
between Moscow and Washington be of approximately
equivalent interest to the two countries.
The following sections describe the data to be ex-
changed. It is agreed that, in general, the data ex-
change is to be completed within six hours of the
observation time so that it will be useful in weather
analysis and forecasting.
In all of the joint activities relating to meteorologi-
cal satellites and exchange of meteorological data, the
pertinent recommendations of the World Meteorologi-
cal Organization shall be given due consideration.
1. Cloud Photographs
a. Selection of Photographs
Cloud photographs will be exchanged ; the
selection of those to be transmitted will be based
on the following criteria :
1. Areas of the earth having few conventional
observations.
2. Pictures along active international air routes,
particularly oceanic.
SEPTEMBER 9, 19G3
405
3. Pictures containing patterns of meteorolog-
ical siKiiilicance such as fronts, vortices, cloud
bands and streets.
b. Accuracy of Location
1. Positions of identifiable cloud elements in
the pictures will be located with an accuracy
of about liOO kui. Where huidmarks are
available, this accuracy should be about 100
km. It is expected that this accuracy will
be improved later.
2. The pictures will include latitude and longi-
tude grids at 2° intervals.
c. Brightness Levels
1. At the satellite receiving stations, six to ten
brightness (gray) levels* will be contained
in the pictures.
2. The pictures as received at the end of the
communications link will contain five to six
brightness levels, if possible.
3. To aid in the interpretation of cloud images,
copies of some of the original pictures trans-
mitted over the link will be mailed to the
other country.
d. Resolution
1. The ground resolution provided by the pic-
tures initially "ill be about 2.5 km and are
cxi)ected to improve to about 1 km.
e. Field of View
1. The minimum field of view, on the earth's
surface, of each picture will be about 1000
km on a side.
2. Nephanalyses
a. Nephanalyses will be transmitted for all pic-
tures received by the meteorological satellites.
b. Wherever possible, format, representation, and
map projections will follow W^orld Meteorolog-
ical Organization recommendations.
c. Polar stereographic projection will be used, ex-
cept in equatorial areas where Mercator projec-
tion will be used.
d. A map scale of 1 :20,000,000 or 1 : 1.5,000,000 will
be used as convenient to the transmitting
country.
3. Other Satellite Observations
As satellite observation techniques are developed
to the point where they provide new useful in-
formation for weather forecasting, the data ob-
tained will be considered for inclusion in this
exchange program.
B. Exchange of Techniques and Results of Scientific
Research
To assist in making maximum use of the satellite
data In weather analysis and forecasting, there will
bo an exchange, on a basis of mutual interest, of tech-
niques of interpretation and analysis.
* Brightness levels should be clearly distinguishable
by eye, such as the ratio of the intensities of adjacent
steps being equal to the square root of two. [Footnote
in original.]
It is also desirable to exchange scientific literature
and data for research purposes, and to organize co-
operative symposia.
C. Exchange of Conventional Meteorological Data
The establishment of a facsimile quality communica-
tions link between W'ashington and Moscow for the
exchange of satellite data provides an opportunity,
when it is not being used for the transmission of satel-
lite data, for the exchange of related data obtained
by conventional means of ob.servations, and related
maps, which will allow for improved correlation be-
tween satellite and conventional observations. Each
country will Indicate which of these data, available in
the other, it wishes to receive and determine the
priority of transmission. Some details of the exchange
of the conventional data are given in an appendix and
others are expected to be clarified, as they arise,
by an appropriate working group.
D. Establishment of Communication Link
W'ith the understanding that the regular exchange
of meteorological data obtained from meteorological
satellites will commence in the beginning of the second
half of 1964, NASA and the Academy of Sciences of
the USSR consider it desirable, in the beginning of the
first half of 1964, to start the occasional exchange of
conventional meteorological data and experimental
satellite data and for this purpose to establish the
communication link between Moscow and Washing-
ton provided in the agreement of June 8, 1902.
1. Characteristics of the Communication Link
The communication link shall be arranged on a
four-wire basis, for full-time use, allowing simul-
taneous transmission of facsimile telegraphy in-
formation in both directions. Tec-hnical param-
eters of the communication link shall conform
to the CCITT [Comity consultatif international
t^l^graphique et t^l^phonique] series T recom-
mendations.
The link shall be equipped for non-simultaneous
voice use to allow technical and meteorological co-
ordination as necessary.
2. Characteristics of Terminal Equipment
Terminal equipment used for transmission of
weather maps and charts shall conform with
WMO recommendation 10.6.17/1 — "Standardiza-
tion of International Meteorological Transmis-
sions by Facsimile — Equipment Characteristics."
The preferred index of cooijeration will be 576.
The drum speed shall be CO, 90, or 120 rpm,
depending upon the results of the technical tests.
Additional reciuirements for the terminal equip-
ment for tran.smitting information obtained from
meteorological satellites shall be determined dur-
ing 19fi.3. Each party shall provide and operate its
own terminal equipment.
3. Routing of Communication Link
The circuit for the link shall be routed
Washington — New York — London or Paris — Ber-
lin— Poland — Moscow, assuming first that ade-
406
DEPARTMEXT OF STATE BULLETIN'
quate facilities (circuits) are available over this
route and second, that tests prove this routing
to be technically acceptable to both NASA and
the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Techni-
cal arrangements for those sections of the link
from Washington to Berlin shall be made by
NASA. Technical arrangements for those sec-
tions of the link from Berlin to Moscow shall
be made by the Academy of Sciences of the USSR.
Joint technical tests of the communication link
along the selected route shall be conducted dur-
ing January 1964, and after this the communica-
tion link will be put into regular operation.
4. Cost of the Communication Link
NASA and the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR shall, within one month, agree upon a
suitable mechanism for the handling of charges
over the entire link in such a way as to provide
for equal sharing of cost of the whole line by
the two parties.
,'5. Reception of Meteorological Data by Weather
Services of Other Countries
The de.sire of Weather Services of other coun-
tries to bridge the line on a receive-only basis
in order to obtain meteorological data for their
own use will be welcomed with the condition
that each such Weather Service wUl make a pro-
portional contribution to the total expenses of
the communication link.
6. Coordination
NASA and the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR shall, within (50 days, designate repre-
sentatives for continuing direct technical coordi-
nation of details concerning this link.
E. Coordinated Launchings of Weather Satellites
The Bilateral Space Agreement of June 8, 1962,
provided, among other things, for the coordinated
launching of operational weather satellites. It is
considered desirable to initiate coordinated launchings
of weather satellites towards the end of the experi-
mental period in order to gain experience with such
coordination and to provide for more frequent receipt
and exchange of data of both experimental and opera-
tional value.
The Academy of Sciences of the USSR and NASA
therefore agree to convene a suitable Joint Working
Group by the end of 1963, so that arrangements may
be made, consistent with the provisions of the June 8,
1962 agreement, for mutually agreeable launching
schedules.
Ill — Arrangements for Passhe Communications
Satellite Experiments
A. General
The National Aeronautics and Space Administration
and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR agree to par-
ticipate jointly in passive communications experiments
using a large reflector satellite. Echo II, (referred to
as Echo A-12" in the agreement of June 8, 1962),
which NASA is expected to laimch prior to the middle
of 1964.
B. Satellite Characteristics
The satellite to be used in these experiments shall
be approximately 44 meters in diameter and shall be
constructed of a material having a radio wave re-
flectivity of 98%. It will carry two telemetry trans-
mitters (approximately 136 mc/s) to be used as track-
ing aids. The intended orbit will be inclined about
82° to the equator and will be roughly circular at an
altitude of 1290 km.
C. Frequencies and Route
Communications experiments shall be carried out
at frequencies of approximately 102 me/s between the
USSR (Zemenki Observatory, Gorky State Univer-
sity) and the United Kingdom (Jodrell Bank Observa-
tory, University of Manchester ) .
In view of the technical desirability of carrying out
communication experiments with a passive satellite
using higher frequencies, NASA and the Academy of
Sciences of the USSR shall consider, within three
months following the date of this agreement, the pos-
sibility of extending these tests into the microwave
region of the radio frequency spectrum. The possibil-
ity of arranging radar and optical observations of the
Echo II satellite sphere during the period of its in-
flation and thereafter shall be considered within the
same period.
D. Arrangements
The Academy of Sciences of the USSR shall make
necessary arrangements for use of the Gorky State
University facilities. NASA shall make necessary ar-
rangements for the use of the facilities of the Univer-
sity of Manchester at Jodrell Bank. Within sixty days
NASA and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR shall
appoint representatives to begin and carry on continu-
ing technical coordination with respect to the experi-
ments at approximately 162 mc/s. NASA will request
the appointment of a corresponding technical repre-
sentative of the University of Manchester.
In case the question of using higher frequencies for
carrying out the passive satellite experiments is set-
tled positively, NASA shall arrange, through the Gen-
eral Post Ofiice of the United Kingdom, for the use
of the Goonhilly Downs Station and shall request
that technical representatives also be appointed by
the General Post Ofl3ce. The technical representatives
for NASA and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR,
referred to in the preceding paragraph, shall al.so
serve to carry on continuing technical coordination
for these experiments or other representatives may be
named for this purpose.
It is understood that there will be no mutual money
reimbursements between NASA and the Academy of
Sciences of the USSR for the use of any facilities.
E. Orbital Information
NASA shall provide a prediction of the expected
initial orbital elements at least two months prior to
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
407
launching of the satelUte. Actual orbital elements
basod on tracking Information will be supplied for
the duration of the experimental period, at Intervals
of approximately once per weel:, or as necessary for
adequate iwilntlng of the communication antennas. The
Academy of Sciences of the OSSR shall provide track-
ing data on orbits that are visible in the USSR but
not in the L'SA in a form to be mutually agreed on by
the technical representatives.
F. Planned Types 0/ Transmission
The iMi.'wive Echo II satellite experiments shaU
basically consist of measurements of the quality of
transmission over the circuit between the USSR and
the UK for the following kinds of transmissions :
(a) Unmodulated carrier
(b) Single frequency modulation
(c) Telegraphy
(d) Facsimile and voice If feasible.
It shall also be an objective of these exi)eriments to
test the feasibility of direct communication between
the US and the USSR using the Echo II satellite as a
part of the link. For this purpo.se NASA will arrange
for the part of the link from the US to the UK.
0. Exchange of Observational Data
The results of the experiments and observations shall
be promptly exchanged between NASA and the Acad-
emy of Sciences of the USSR, and be made generally
available to the scientific and technical community.
Information about the equipment used for the experi-
ments shall he exchanged to the extent necessary for
the interpretation of these data.
E. Future Plans
NASA and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR
will continue experimental research with active com-
munications satellites under their national programs;
after the completion of preliminary national tests, ne-
gotiations will be continued to discuss the possibility
of joint experiments of mutual interest with active
communications satellites.
IV — Magnetic Field Sukvey Thbocgh the Use
OF Artificiai, Satellites
1. Objectives
It shall be the aim of the cooperative effort at this
stage to produce a mapping of the earth's magnetic
field by using US and USSR Satellites flow during the
International Year of the Quiet Sun (IQSY).
2. Satellite Orbits
The forms of orbits, their altitudes and inclination
to the equator will be selected by the satellite-launch-
ing country, in accordance with the objective of the ex-
periment. It is agreed that the accuracy of deter-
mining space and time coordinates for the separate
magnetic measurements on the satellite be such that
after necessary processing by the satellite-launching
country the magnetic data would not contain errors
neater than plus or minus 10 gammas.
3. Times of SatelUte Launchings
The times of satellite launchings will be determined
by the satellite-launching country and will take place
during the IQSY. It is recommended that launchings
take place in 196.5 since one may expect, in I'M)'), that
the ground-based magnetic observatory programs of
all countries participating in the IQSY will be in full
operation.
4. Lifetime of Satellites
It is agreed that the lifetime of each satelUte be such
that the minimum density of magnetic measurements
from each satellite correspond to no less than one
per 200 kilometer square on the earth's surface.
5. Satellite Apparatus
It is agreed that absolute magnetometers of various
tyjjes be used, such as optical pumping and proton
precession magnetometers. It is recommended that
the sensitive elements of magnetometers be located
on the satellites in such a way as to minimize the effects
of magnetic fields from the spacecraft.
C. Time Variation Correctiotis
With a view towards the desirability of working out
a common method of introducing time variation cor-
rections into the results of observations from satellites,
it is agreed that each side conduct research in this di-
rection and exchange results with the other side. The
following possibilities should be considered :
a. Comparison of satelUte magnetic measurements
taken at different times but corresponding to the
same region of space within a diameter of 10-20
kilometers ;
b. Comparison between experimental data obtained
from satelUtes with those from ground-based
magnetic observatories.
For the compilation of a magnetic map it is agreed
that the results of satelUte measurements made on
magnetically quiet days be utilized.
In connection with the above, an exchange is ree-
ommended between the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR and the NASA of the USA, namely : microfilm
copies of magnetograms and tables of hourly averages
of magnetic elements. In addition, copies of mag-
netograms shall be accompanied by data on the pre-
liminary base line values, scale values, temperature
coeflScients, and types of instruments.
It is agreed that these data be exchanged no later
than three months after the month of observation from
the following observatories :
USSR USA
Yakutsk Sitka
Sverdlovsk College [Alaska]
Irkutsk Fredericksburg
Odessa Tucson
Tashkent San Juan
Guam
It is agreed that the final base line values be ex-
changed on a quarterly basis.
408
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULUETrN
7. Exchange of Satellite Magnetic Measurements
It is agreed to exchange results of magnetic meas-
urements from satellites in the form of scientific arti-
cles or reports containing information on the satel-
lite equipment, the data, its accuracy, methods of pro-
cessing, introduced corrections, and estimates of the
accuracy achieved judged necessary by the authors of
the experiment.
It is agreed that each side if necessary will furnish
by mail to the other side any additional data which
may help to clarify the questions which arise in the
use of the data received by exchange to remove the
difficulties in utilization of those data.
8. Exchange of Data from Magnetic Surveys of Other
Types
It is agreed to exchange comparable amounts of data
from magnetic surveys which may be necessary for
the compilation of a magnetic map and which are
made without using satellites (ground, sea, aerial sur-
veys) in the form of maps or of reports with attach-
ments giving the results of surveys in tabular form,
indicating coordinates and the times to which these
data refer.
9. International Cooperation
It is agreed that appropriate organizations under
the International Council of Scientific Unions, includ-
ing the International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics
and COSPAR, concerned with the World Magnetic Sur-
vey be kept informed of the proposed joint US-USSR
contributions to the World Magnetic Survey and of
analysis of the results. Scientific data resulting from
this work which is suitable for storage and dissemina-
tion through the World Data Centers will be supplied
in a timely way.
V — Otheb Questions of Coopeeation
Representatives of the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR and NASA consider it to be useful for further
progress in the space sciences to exchange scientific
data received as a result of the launching in the USSR
of an automatic space station towards the planet of
Mars and the launching in the USA of a space station
towards the planet of Venus. For this purpose it is
desirable to conduct meetings of scientists of the two
countries to discuss the results of those experiments in
outer space. The preliminary discussion of these ques-
tions will be held during the next meeting of COSPAR
in June 1963 in Warsaw. Additional meetings may
be arranged at a later date, dependent on progress in
analyzing the data received from "Mars I" and
"Mariner II" by the scientists of both countries.
VI — ^Effective Date
The recommendations proposed in the present docu-
ment have a preliminary character and will be pre-
sented by both parties to the Academy of Sciences of
the USSR and the National Aeronautics and Space Ad-
ministration of the US for final consideration. If
either of the two parties finds it necessary to make any
corrections, additions, or deletions in the text of the
prepared documents, then all of these changes should
be made in the shortest possible time after the conclu-
sion of discussions concerning the conduct of a world
magnetic survey by means of artificial satellites, by
correspondence, which will be sent to the following
address in Moscow :
Academy of Sciences of the USSR:
Leninski Prospekt 14
Moscow
USSR
and to the following address in Washington :
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
Attention : Dr. Hugh L. Dryden
400 Maryland Avenue, S.W.
Washington 25, D.C.
U.S.A.
If in this final consideration there is failure to agree
on any of the three major areas, the recommendations
in the other major areas will continue in effect.
Rome, Italy and Geneva, Switzerland
March 20 and May 2i, 1963
APPENDIX
Exchange of Conventional Meteobological Data
A. Types of Conventional Data
1. Computer Processed and Checked Upper Air Data
a. It is not anticipated that all conventional data
would be processed and transmitted but rather
the data for a few selected upper air levels that
are particularly significant for analysis and
forecasting. Criteria for the extent of this kind
of data exchange would be based on the fol-
lowing :
1. Limited to these stations from which the
original upper air reports are received
within three to four hours at Moscow or
Washington. (This amounts to a "Regional"
collection.)
2. Original reports will be subjected to rapid
computer processing in order to eliminate
and/or correct erroneous reports and to ar-
range the data in a convenient and system-
atic form for transmission.
3. The upper air levels useful for numerical
weather prediction are 1000 mb, 850 mb, 700
mb, 500 mb, 300 mb, and 200 mb.
4. At the levels indicated above, the following
data will be transmitted: temperature, geo-
potential height, dew point and wind.
5. The areas and network of stations for which
the data are to be transmitted will be deter-
mined later.
2. Conventional Weather Charts
Charts prepared by objective numerical techniques
in graphical form should receive priority for exchange
SEPTEMBER 9, 196 3
409
on the communications link. The tyites of charts that
would contribute to improved world weather analyses
and predictions are:
a. Northern Hemispheric analyses of the 1000 mb
and several upper air levels such as the 500 mb,
300 mb, and 200 mb levels.
b. Northern Homlsphoric i)redictions for 24 hours
with the possibility of extending the period of
forecast to 72 hours in the futtxre, for 500, 300,
and 200 mb.
e. It is desirable in the future to exchange ex-
tended period forecasts of five days or longer
and a selection of the important working charts
or diagrams that may be used in generating
these forecasts.
d. In order to coordinate satellite and conven-
tional observations a.ssociatod with important
weather developments, available detailed analy-
ses and satellite photographs for specific areas
will be transmitted on request as soon as
possible.
3. Timing and Frequency oi Exchanges
To be of maximum operational value, all informa-
tion should be submitted as early as practical. Sug-
gested items are :
a. Processed upper air data within 4-5 hours of
observation (twice per day).
b. Analyses within six hours of observation (twice
per day).
c. Prognoses within (J-5) hours of observation
(twice per day).
4. Map Scales and Projections
a. Polar stereographic projections will be used for
all chart exchanges.
b. Analysis and prognostic charts having a scale
of 1 : 30 million or 1 : 40 million will be used.
c. Si)ecial charts exchanged on request would be
on scales most convenient for the transmitting
country.
U.S. Signs Exchange Agreements
With Afghanistan and Argentina
Afghanistan
Premi rplpnsp 4.'}7 dated August 24
Afghanistan and the United States on August
20 signed an edurational exchange agreement
under tlie Mutual Educational and Cultural
P^xchango Act of 1061 (Fulbriglit-IIays Act).
The agreement was sig7ied at Kabul by Ali
Ahmad Popal, Minister of Education, and by
John M. Steeves, American Ambassador. Un-
der the terms of the agreement $500,000 in U.S.-
owned foreign currency will be used for ex-
changes over the next 5 years.
Argentina
Press release 438 dated Augogt 24
The Governments of Argentina and the
United States on August 21 signed at Buenos
Aires a new agreement putting into operation
a broader program of educational exchanges
under the Fulbright-Hays Act. This agree-
ment will enlarge the scope of exchange activi-
ties between the two countries initiated under
the Fulbright Act in November 1956.^
Under this program, administered in Argen-
tina by the binational Commission for Educa-
tional Exchange between the United States and
Argentina, approximately 25 U.S. citizens and
78 Argentine nationals — professors, research
scholars, teachers, and students — received
grants in 1963. The grantees were in such fields
as economics, American and Argentine studies,
teacher education, and the physical and natural
sciences. During the period 1957-63 a total of
275 Argentine nationals and 101 Americans
were awarded grants under this binational edu-
cational exchange program.
Wliile this program chites only from 1956, the
two Governments have cooperated in educa-
tional exchange programs since 1940. Almost
a century ago President Domingo Faustino
Sarmiento of Argentina, a friend and former
student of Horace Mann, inaugurated one of the
first cultural exchanges with Latin America
when he invited iVmerican teachers to Argen-
tina to assist in the establishment there of
normal schools for teacher training.
Letters of Credence
Afghanistan
The newly appointed Ambassador of Af-
ghanistan, Abdul Majid, presented his creden-
tials to President Kennedy on August 21. For
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 434 dated August 21.
Treaties and Other International .\cts Series 3687.
410
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Education: Passkey to the Future
Statement hy Lucius D. Battle
Assistant Secretary for Educational and Cultural Affairs^
It is a great pleasure to me personally, as well
as a high privilege and honor on behalf of my
delegation, to participate in this meeting of
ministers of education of the member nations of
the Organization of American States.
We are here for a time of accounting, of stock-
taking, and of looking ahead. We have reached
a stage which the conferees at Punta del Este
wisely envisaged when they asked that this
meeting follow the one at Santiago.^
Our combined and cooperative efforts in the
education, science, and culture sector of the Al-
liance for Progress have already produced for-
ward movement. We can approach the second
anniversary of Punta del Este later this month
with a measured optimism on the course our
joint endeavor is taking.
Both the meetings at Punta del Este and at
Santiago provided historic statements of our
common aims and purposes in educational de-
velopment and of our common commitments to
target goals for this decade. But we now need
to know in more detailed terms what we have
done so far to move this sector of our Alian^sa
forward and what concrete action steps we feel
can now be taken to accelerate our progress
toward our soals.
' Made before the Third Inter-American Meeting of
Ministers of Education of the Organization of Amer-
ican States at BogotS, Colombia, on Aug. 4. Mr.
Battle was chairman of the U.S. delegation to the
meeting held at BogotA Aug. 4-10.
^ Conference on Education and Economic and Social
Development in Latin America, held in March 1962 at
Santiago, Chile.
This approach will lead us at Bogota to de-
liberations directed primarily to what needs to
be done. For my delegation let me say that we
welcome this context for these deliberations. In
this way only can we focus our efforts more
sharply toward the great ends we all seek.
I would like now to turn to our own review
of the 2 years since Pimta del Este.
This presentation is in two parts. One is
what we have done as a partner in the alliance
toward fulfillment of the goals outlined at
Santiago. The second part presents some high-
lights of our own domestic educational effort,
which is not without its own problems and dif-
ficulties.
Priority of Educational Development
First, let me speak briefly of the general con-
text—the Alliance for Progress— in which our
presentation is made. On March 13, 1961, Presi-
dent Kennedy, speaking at the Wliite House
before Latin American diplomats. Members of
Congress, and their wives, proposed a vast co-
operative undertaking by the nations of the
Americas for a decade of democratic develop-
ment.^ Twenty of the 21 American Republics
joined together at Punta del Este to make pos-
sible this great endeavor.*
Education, science, and culture were given a
high place in the earliest concept of the alliance.
' Bulletin of Apr. 3, 1961, p. 471.
* For background and text of the Charter of Punta del
Este, see ihid., Sept. 11, 1961, p. 459.
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
411
President Sends Message to Bogota
Meeting of Ministers of Education
FoUotcing is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Kennedy to the Third Inter-American Meet-
ing of Ministers of Education of the Organization
of American States, held at Bogota, Colombia,
August 1,-10. The President's message was read
at the inaugural session by the chairman of the
conference, Pedro Odtnez Valderrama, Minister
of Education of Colombia.
White Hoase press release dated Angast 6
On behalf of the Government and the i)eople
of the United States, and on my own personal
behalf. I have great pleasure in sending greet-
ings and good wishes to the delegates to the
Third Inter-American Meeting of Ministers of
Education, assembled at BogotA.
Your meeting represents yet another step along
the road of inter-American development that
began with the Act of Bogota in 1960 and re-
ceived further Impetus at Punta del Este in 1901
and Santiago in 19G2. In meetings such as these
positive measures can be taken to advance the
grreat goals of our common commitment in the
Alliance for Progress. Education and the devel-
opment of human resources are of the utmost
importance in attaining these goals, for they lie
at the base of economic and social development
and, accordingly, at the base of the alliance itself.
Today, more than ever before, education is
a prerequisite for progress and it is the passkey
to the future. We therefore applaud and en-
courage the increasing emphasis on education
to which you are committed and your efforts to
translate into concrete form the goal of wider
educational opportunities for all.
With you I share the determination that before
this decade comes to a close the Americas will
have entered upon a new era, where the progress
of the Alian:a will truly reflect the great spirit-
ual and cultural heritage of this hemisphere.
In your deliberations and high endeavors, I
wish you every success.
Five of the ten points of tlie President's pro-
posal made specific reference to education, to
science and science teaching, and to cultural
exciuingo and development. Their central place
in the Aliama has become increasingly evident
through the meetings at Punta del Este and
at Santiago. There has been a widening realiza-
tion in all our countries that education lies at
the base of economic and social development.
Accordingly my Government has given high-
est priority attention to educational development
in the alliance. This has not always been trans-
latable into dollars; nor do the totals of author-
ized dollars for educational projects normally
equal those going into programs with higher
basic costs, such as major construction projects.
But the totals themselves already give substan-
tial evidence of the forward movement we see
developing.
Let us now look at the record. First, briefly,
for the alliance as a whole.
In each of the 2 fiscal years since July 1, 1961,
the United States has authorized over $1 billion
toward the objectives of the alliance. In the
first year the Latin American coimtries pro-
vided nearly $8 billion. In 1963 U.S. authoriza-
tions are being increasingly translated into such
terms as classrooms, books, and assistance to
school nutrition programs.
Let us now look at the rate of U.S. educa-
tional, scientific, and cultural investment in the
alliance. The U.S. Government made available .
$120 million in loans and grants in the fiscal
year just concluded, many times the total of such ,
assistance in previous years and considerably '
higher than the $83 million made available in
the immediately preceding year. The $120 mil-
lion total includes exchange programs, book pro-
grams, school nutrition programs, and other
activities of such agencies as the Peace Corps,
National Institutes of Health, and the National
Science Foundation, among others.
Highlights of U.S. Aid Program
In more detailed terms, let me present now
some highlights of our work, in cooperation
with Latm American governments and institu-
tions, in the light of the commitments made by
the U.S. delegation at Santiago in March 1962.
Last year we sponsored participants from 14
countries and two professors from the United
States for the first program in Latin American
educational planning, at the ECLA [Economic
Commission for Latin America] Institute in
Santiago. On July 8 a second course was in-
augurated in Santiago, with 38 students from
16 countries, 25 of them tmder our sponsorship.
We have given greatly increased attention to
manpower planning within our $2 million an-
412
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
nual program, which now supports general
planning and training activities in various
Latin American coimtries. In order to provide
more and better prepared public administrators,
our Government is also giving assistance to uni-
versity-level public administration institutions
in five countries and to inservice public admin-
istration training efforts in seven countries. At
the same time it is offering wider fellowship op-
portunities for administrators on the U.S. main-
land and in Puerto Kico. Tliis has all been in
response to the first and perhaps most critical
problem area — relating to educational planning
and administration — as seen by the U.S. delega-
tion at Santiago.
We have also sought to give significant sup-
port to the acceleration of school construction
programs. Since July 1961, the United States
Government has helped finance the construction
of more than 8,000 primary schoolrooms in
Latin America and has made available funds
to finance an additional 10,000 under a total
loan and grant program which has exceeded
$50 million. We are cooperating with UNES-
CO [United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization], the Government of
Mexico, and others in regard to a jDroposed re-
gional school building center.
A third important program relates to expand-
ing and strengthening teaclier training, to
which we have devoted $2.5 million in nine
countries during the past fiscal year as well as
$500,000 for training more than 100 Latin
Ajnerican teachers at bilingual centers in five
U.S. universities.
In order to assist the development of univer-
sity centers of excellence we are supporting a
$30 million university-to-university program
linking more than 50 U.S. universities and 60
Latin American institutions. Efforts are con-
centrated upon building outstanding faculties
in the critical developmental fields, such as engi-
neering, agriculture, science and education, and
administration. For example, we are working
with the Higher Education Council in Central
America (CSUCA) for this purpose and have
under active consideration, together with other
multilateral agencies and U.S. foundations, im-
portant programs to strengthen leadmg agricul-
tural centers at Chapingo, Mexico, and La
Molina, Pern.
In science teaching our efforts include sup-
port, of 10 contracts at the university level ex-
clusively in this field and several more which
are related. These efforts are directed toward
improving both university-level and secondary
teaching. A new program to be coordinated by
the National Science Foimdation has just been
laimched at a cost of $900,000 to train secondaiy
teachers, to provide teacliing materials, and
strengthen cm-ricula in science and mathematics
throughout Latin America. This program sup-
plements an earlier effort in Central America.
In a major joint effort under the alliance, our
Food for Peace program is now bringing nutri-
tional benefits to one out of four school children
in Latin America. Within not too many months
it is hoped that almost half the Latin American
school population can be reached with this pro-
gram. Other assistance to students has included
local secondary and university scholarship pro-
grams in several countries.
In terms of people served, perhaps the most
dramatic of the enlarged efforts of the U.S.
Government in support of Latin American
educational development has been tliat of pro-
viding textbooks. Eight hundred and fifty
thousand first and second grade readere have
been distributed to Central American school
children within the past few months. Work
is under way to make possible the preparation
of a core series of materials which will be avail-
able for the full six grades m Central America,
with the expectation that 1,500,000 copies will
be in the hands of Central American students
by June of next year. A center to provide simi-
lar services to several South American countries
is being planned for inauguration next year in
Lima.
Through a $1 million annual program, in-
creased numbers of Spanish- and Portuguese-
language textbooks and technical publications
subsidized by the Agency for International De-
velopment (AID) are being published now in
Mexico and soon will be in Buenos Aires. We
have supported the production of science books
and the distribution of scholarly journals in
fields of technical interest. Free books are
available to member libraries of the U.S. Book
Exchange, and the U.S. Information Agency
is providing thousands of books in Spanish and
Portucruese translation to libraries throughout
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
413
Latin America in a proprnm involving $1.4 mil-
lion ammaliy.
Experimental and far-reaching programs of
niral and nrban education have received more
than $21 million in support from the U.S. Gov-
ernment in the past 2 years, including literacy
and ftindamental education efforts, experimen-
tal use of radio and TV, and vocational educa-
tion projects, among other activities.
In the field of educational and cultural inter-
change under the new Fulbright-Hays Act, the
Department of State has increased the level of
exchange and other programs to $8 million an-
nually. More than 2..'')00 persons from both
Latin America and the United States partici-
pated in these programs this past. year. Forty-
two community-sponsored binational schools in
Latin America are also receiving stipjwrt.
Projects and interests related to the alliance,
including the exchange of professors, teachers,
and students, have received priority in this gen-
eral program. Through the AID participant
training program, 1,600 Latin Americans had
project-related visits to the continental United
States and to Puerto Rico, and an additional
number received grants to go to so-called tliird
countries for similar observation and study.
For the first 6 months of the past fiscal year,
there were 1,200 sucli AID participants, indi-
cating expansion in this activity. During the
next year the cultural presentations program
will bring to Latin America performing arts
groups such as the Robert Shaw Chorale, the
University of Illinois Symphony Orchestra, and
the Roger Wagner Chorale.
These are only highlights of a more detailed
sumniai-y which we have prepare<:l and which I
am asking tlie secretariat to distribute as an
annex to this statement."
Educational Challenges and Problems in U.S.
The second part of our presentation is a high-
light summary of the status of our own domestic
educational establishment, of the educational
challenges and problems we face at home. As
you can appreciate, our domestic requirements
have a direct bearing on our overseas capabil-
ities.
First of all, let mo trace briefly the history
' Not printi'd lirro.
and character of our educational system. From
the earliest founding days, the people of the
United States have reflected a deep faith in edu-
cation. "Within the framework of our Federal
system, this has led to both State and national
functions and, arising from our form of society,
to a general system marked by a pluralism or
diversity of types of institutions and sources of
support. The power to provide a system of
education is, however, one of the powers re-
served under our Constitution to the individual
States. Because of the nature of our Federal
system, States and local communities have there-
fore over the years become our principal plan-
ning units. We have not, however, hesitated to
recognize at the Federal level the need for assist-
ance to national educational planning desired
by countries at early or evolving stages of na-
tional growth.
With all our concern for more than two cen-
turies with our own educational development
and with the introduction of new techniques,
we find much in the system in the United States
which today needs strengthening and improv-
ing— much which needs revision and reform.
One specific area, as you know, is racial dis-
crimination as it affects equal educational op-
portunity, a problem on which we are making
a steady attack.
Major areas where Federal action on general
education problems is urgently needed are set
forth in detail in the President's message to our
Congress earlier tliis year. Anyone studying
this document and the report of the OAS [Or-
ganization of American States] Task Force on
Educational Needs in Latin America ^ will be
struck at once by the number of problems all of
us share. They may be formulated somewhat
differently, they may vary in scale or be seen
from different standpoints, but they present
many common characteristics.
We are therefore aware of your problems be-
cause we have such jjroblems too. We are also
seeking ways of meeting these prol)lems.
' Final Report of the Special Commission for the
Programming and Development of Education, Science
and Culturp in Latin America (OAS Doc. 6 (Eng-
lish)). Rciinests for copies may be addressed to
Documentation Service, Division of Education, Pan
Amoricnn I'nion, Washington, D.C., 20006.
414
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIIf
Shortage of Teachers
Let us take, for example, the matter of
teachers — a problem we clearly have in com-
mon. We, too, have a shortage of teachers and
are seeking in e\-ei-y way possible to encourage
a greater flow of qualified persons into this
profession. We have a need in the United
States for more and better qualified teachers if
we are to raise the quality of elementary and
secondary education. The Congress is now con-
sidering a proposal which we believe will make
it possible to attract to the teaching profession,
and retain, teachers of the highest ability.
Basic to the proposal would be measures to
raise the quality of instruction in teacher edu-
cation programs, both preservice and inservice,
by improving the standards, intellectual con-
tent, and organization of courses and curricula.
These measures would be accompanied by
others to raise teacher salary scales in order to
bring them into line with those prevailing in
other professions requiring a similar length of
preparation. Attracting and holding the ablest
teachers also points to the need to reduce class
size and relieve teaching overload.
Adult and Vocational Education
Another educational problem we share has to
do with adult education and vocational edu-
cation.
In a world of rapid technological, social, and
economic change the need for the whole citi-
zenry to be literate is vei-y great. Even though
we have one of the highest educational levels
of any country, it is of real concern to us in the
United States that out of a total population of
nearly 200 million we still have some 23 million
persons 18 years and older who have completed
less than 8 years of schooling, and 8 million
adults aged 25 and older who have completed
less than 5 years of schooling. Without a basic
foundation of reading, writing, and arithmetic
it is becoming increasingly difficult in today's
world to be self-sustaining. Studies have been
undertaken which show that it is among these
millions of undereducated that the greatest per-
centage of unemployment is to be found — and
consequently the largest number of persons sup-
ported by public welfare fimds. To avoid de-
pendency, adults with limited education must
work, but in many instances their basic prepa-
ration is so meager that on-the-job training in
many fields becomes itself a problem.
The adult basic education bill which is pres-
ently before our Congress would make possible
better instruction and increased research in
adult learning processes, as well as demonstra-
tions and pilot projects from which other pro-
grams may take inspiration. There is a close
link between the efforts to provide basic educa-
tion to adults and to extend opportunities for
vocational education. Teclinological advances,
shifts in market demands, and other economic
changes have altered patterns of employment
and thrown many individuals out of work. In-
creasingly, job opportunities are to be found in
work requiring good educational background
and specialized skills.
We recognize the need to strengthen voca-
tional education progi-ams, for vocational edu-
cation has as its puipose the training of people
to earn a living. It interweaves with general
basic education a specialized education that per-
mits individuals to be self-supporting, contrib-
uting members of their communities. Strong
vocational programs related to manpower needs
can do much to reduce long-term unemploy-
ment and the danger of delinquency among out-
of-school youth. Success of such programs
depends in no small degree upon acceptance by
the academic community of vocational educa-
tion as a vital part of education — as that part,
in fact, which may have the greatest potential
for relie\ang some of the social and economic
burdens which confront our communities today.
Another common need we share is wider
access to books and information.
These are only a small number of the educa-
tional areas in which we are all seeking improve-
ment and greater strength.
To cope with these and other areas of educa-
tion which require improvement or expansion
in the United States, the Federal Government
has proposed a variety of assistance through
loans, grants, and scholarships. In many cases
the assistance from Federal funds is only a
small portion of the total sums required. Fed-
eral financing of education in the United States
is about 4I/2 percent of the total expended, while
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
415
the States provide 39 percent, and local sources
561/. percent. Thus the aid from the Federal
Govorninent serves as a catalytic agent only,
and I lie major responsibility and authority do,
as I indicated earlier, rest with the States and
local education bodies.
The status of education in the United States
was the subject of recent testimony by U.S.
Commissioner of Education Francis Keppel, a
member of this delegation. He told a Senate
committee in June, at hearings on the National
Education Improvement Act of 1063, that:
The clinllenges that confront us today are the results
of rapid changes that have taken place ... in the
last few decades, and even the last few months. The
need for more and better education grows increasingly
apparent with every fresh breakthrough in research
and technology, with every social and economic change,
with every new international development. As a re-
sult, our progress in education has become a matter of
deep concern ... to every State, community and
crossroads in America.
Report of OAS Task Force
The new requirements and opportimities of a
changing world have put the problems of edu-
cation high on the agenda for us all.
These problems take form in the OAS task
force's particularized statement of educational
needs, over an entire continent, and in the con-
sultations and commitments already undertaken
both tlirough governments and through non-
governmental sources of external aid. Guided
by the excellent report of the task force, we
come now to a consideration of the next steps
we should take.
The task force report provides us with
abundant and detailed data illustrative of needs
and of potentials. In this way the report en-
courage.^ a healthy confrontation of potential
and performance. It encourages us to get into
the Kpec'if^cH of our problem.
We must, I believe, talk in specific terms if
we are to meet the opportunities this conference
provides. We need to be specific alx)ut what
we have done, what we feel we can do, what
we want to do, and how we feel we can best
do it. I have long been persuaded that real
progress in such meetings cannot be made with-
out a close concern for the concrete facts of the
matters we are discussing.
We will all have questions to ask— stimulat-
ing ones, I am sure — looking both to the past
and to the present. Although we are not met
here to negotiate agreements, we are met to
consult freely. In this broad consultative
framework we can usefully advance the prog- 1
ress of the alliance at this stage. |
Our purposes, then, are to take stock of what
we have done and to find ways to get on with
the job. In more expanded terms, we anticipate
valuable results from discussions of such prior-
ity subjects as the need for national develop-
ment planning, with educational development
planning as a central component; of new educa-
tional techniques that can be put into the service
of national and regional plans; of new steps to
improve the administrative organization of edu-
cational staffs, and their capacity to deal ef-
fectively with new programs.
Educational planning as a component of
national development planning is relatively
new, not only in Latin America but in other
parts of the world as well. As a matter of fact,
the economic theory underlying our present
concepts of human resource development — that
value is added by investment in education — has
opened a relatively new academic field.
Plotting the Forward Course
Let me say a few words as to where we may
expect to go from here. Only the OAS member
states can decide this course — by their individ-
ual actions. The key decisions that will plot
the forward course for the total effort will be
made in your legislative and executive cham-
bers, and progress will be most marked where
educational planning programs are adopted
and instituted; where educational administra-
tive machinery is reviewed and improved in the
light of new and larger demands upon it; where
larger proportions of internal resources are
budgeted for educational development; and
where well-supported plans are put forward to
enlist external aid from any of the multiple
sources, public and private.
These are the kinds of forces that assure
forward movement. In tliis connection a re-
view of the record of accomplishment with re-
spect to the 25 immediate action projects as
outlmed in the task force report will reveal
that a great deal has alreadv been done. Here
416
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
we have a group of projects, largely regional
ones, on which valuable consultative and co-
operative experience has already been obtained
by a number of states.
But there is much more to be done. And,
as the task force report states, "Nothing can re-
place the continuous, methodical, and effectively
channeled efforts that each country will have
to make to achieve its objectives."
I will refer only briefly to our strong belief
that the existing OAS structure for educational
matters should be adapted to meet the growing
demands and opportunities of the alliance. It
is our view that the Inter-American Cultural
Council should henceforth meet at the minis-
terial level, biennially rather than annually, to
review and evaluate developments in the
Aliansa in this field and to prepare a report
for the consideration of lA-ECOSOC [Inter-
A.merican Economic and Social Council].
With this report lA-ECOSOC would have the
views of the competent technical organ of OAS
in the annual revnew of the economic and social
progress of the hemisphere assigned to
[A-ECOSOC by the Charter of Punta del
Este.
Further, we would favor lACC's assigning
wider review and evaluation functions to a re-
constituted and revitalized Cultural Action
Committee composed of outstanding figures in
education, science, and culture. A strengthen-
ing of the OAS secretariat to assist such mat-
ters would also seem to fall within the scope of
the improved institutional machinery we now
need.
"We can all take satisfaction, I think, in the
scope and magnitude of the concepts of educa-
tional development in Latin America which
were affirmed at Punta del Este and at Santiago.
Historians can only say, I believe, that ours
was no timid generation that saw in the decade
of the 1960's opportunity for a truly historic
Decade of Development. This opportunity has
been seen and acted upon, to be sure, in wider
zones than Latin America alone. The United
Nations has proclaimed the 1960's a Decade of
■Development. A revolution of rising expecta-
tions now reaches around the world — a revolu-
tion which has, "we may note, spiritual ante-
cedents of a century and more ago in both the
Americas. Perhaps I need only mention that
Simon Bolivar and Thomas Jefferson were con-
temporaries in time and colleagues in spirit.
The name of Bolivar, so honored in this city
and this continent, suggests a brief historical
footnote I would like to add. As you may
Icnow, the Liberator's nephew and adopted son,
Fernando Simon Bolivar, attended the Uni-
versity of Virginia in my country — with full
parental consent — as a result of his deep ad-
miration for its founder, Thomas Jefferson.
I cite this brief note because it suggests the
unique way in which educational and cultural
relations so often enable us to see the strong
and enduring ties of spirit between nations and
between peoples.
These ties with Latin America are multiplied
today through exchanges and other activities
which provide a two-way street, enabling us
to know more about the peoples of your coun-
tries and the cultural values they have created.
These are values our Aliama seeks to pre-
serve and enhance. In our educational, scien-
tific, and cultural activities we move not only
toward greater economic and social develop-
ment. But through it, and beyond it, we seek
greater opportunity for men to share in the
fulfillment of their most deeply felt human
needs — for cultural self-expression, for spirit-
ual creativeness, for full participation in the
great democratic freedoms open to all men.
These great goals, too, are on the agenda of
our alliance.
It is most appropriate that we should be
meeting for these purposes in Bogota, which
has been the site of so many high endeavors
and undertakings in the development of the
inter- American system. I should like to recall
that the Charter of the OAS itself was signed
here, just a little more than 15 years ago, in
the Quinta de Bolivar.
In closing, may I express the simple hope
that we may come at the end of these delibera-
tions to a declaration of substance and of mean-
ing and in consonance with the spirit of those
of Punta del Este and Santiago. In it we will
have the opportunity to affirm, by forward-
looking actions taken, that education is, indeed,
as President Kennedy has said, the "passkey
to the future" we all want for our countries and
for their oncoming generations.
SEPTEMBER 9, 1963
417
Thomas McGinty To Head OECD
Food and Agriculture Information
The appointment of Thomas F. McGinty, in-
formation officer in the U.S. Department of
Apricuhurc, to head the Food and Agriculture
Technical Information Service of the Organiza-
tion for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
ment (OECD) was announced jointly on Au-
gust 23 by the Department of State (press re-
lease 435) and the Department of Agriculture.
Mr. McGinty will have general responsibility
for agricultural infonnation activities, includ-
ing eight language editions of the FATIS Re-
view, the OECD journal of international agri-
culture and food.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Automotive Traffic
Convention on road traffic with annexes. Done at
Geneva September 19, 1949. Entered into force
March 26. 1952. TIAS 2487.
Hatification deposited: Lebanon, August 1, 1963.
Narcotics
Protocol for limitinK and regulating tlie cultivation of
the popiiy i)lant, the production of, international and
wholesale trade in. and use of opium. Done at New
York June 2.3. 1953. Entered into force March 8,
inC.T TIAS .5273
lliili/hatioii lUiKiHitcd: Turkey, July 15, 1963.
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere, in outer .space and under water. Done at
Moscow August 5, 1963.'
SiytuitiircH aflixfd at Washington: Federal Republic
of (Jermaiiy, Sonuili Republic, August 19, l!Xi3;
Kuwait, August 20, 1963; El Salvador, August 21.
1963 ; Ceylon, Augu.st 22, 1963 ; China, Indonesia,
Mall, Peru, August 23, 1963.
Trade
Tenth protocol of supi>lenientary concessions to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Jai)an and
New Zealand). Done at Geneva January 28, 1963.
Sifftuilurrs: Japan, New Zealand, July 29, 1963.
Entered into force: August 15, 1963.
' Not In force.
BILATERAL
Colombia
Agreement amending the agricultural commoditiei
agreements of June 23. 1955, April 16, 1957, ai
amended, and March 14, 1958, as amended. Effected
by exchange of notes at Washington August 14, 1963
Entered into force August 14, 1963.
Korea
Agreement amending the agricultural commrKlities
agreement of November 7, 1962, as amended (TIAS-
5208, .5375, .5388). Effected by exchange of notes ati
Seoul August 16, 1963. Entered into force August
16, 1963.
Mexico
Agreement extending the air transix)rt agreement oft
August 15, 1960 (TIAS 4675). Effected by exchange
of notes at Mexico Augu.st 14, 1963. Entered intoi
force provisionally August 15, 1963, and definitively
upon receipt by the United States of notification froim
Mexico that it has been approved by the Senate ofl
the Republic.
Switzerland
Agreement relating to the effectiveness of United State*
schedules to the trade agreement of January 9, 1936,.
and supplementary trade agreement of June 8. 1955.
Effected by exchange of notes at Bern July 10 an6i
11, 1963. Entered into force July 11, 1963.
United Arab Republic
Agreement providing for the abolition of nonimmigrant
visa fees. Effected by exchange of notes at Cairoi
June 3 and August 1, 1963. Entered into fori
August 1, 1963.
PUBLICATIONS
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Recent Releases
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Government Printing Office, Washi/igton, D.C., 20i02.
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
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may be obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State.
Arbitration — Air Transport Services. Compromise
with France, relating to the agreement of March 27,
1946, as amended — Signed at Paris January 22, 1963.
Entered into force January 22, 1963. TIAS 5280. 8
pp. lO?-.
Agricultural Commodities — Deposit of Philippine
Pesos. Agreement with the Philippines, relating to
the agreement of November 24, 1961. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Manila August 14 and September 5,
1962. Entered into force September 5, 1962. TIAS
5281. 3 pp. 5('.
Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title FV.
Agreement with China, amending the agreement of
August 31, 1962. Exchange of notes — Signed at Taipei
January 15, 1963. Entered into force January 15,
1963. TIAS 5282. 2 pp. 5(f.
418
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtJLLETIK
INDEX Septeinher 9, 1963 Vol. ZLIX, No. 1263
Afghanistan
Letters of Credence (Majid) 410
U.S. Signs Exchange Agreements With Afghan-
istan and Argentina 410
Agriculture
Food for Peace Ships $1.5 Billion in Commodities
in Fiscal 1963 403
Thomas McGiuty To Head OECD Food and
Agriculture Information 418
American Republics
The Alliance for Progress Marks Second Anni-
versary (Johnson, Kennedy) 401
Education: Passkey to the Future (Battle) . . 411
President Sends Message to Bogota Meeting of
Ministers of Education 412
Argentina. U.S. Signs Exchange Agreements
With Afghanistan and Argentina 410
Asia. United States Policy in the Pacific
(Hilsman) 386
Atomic Energy. United States Policy in the
Pacific (Hilsman) 386
China. Gen. Chiang Ching-kuo Visits U.S. . . 403
China, Communist. United States Policy in the
Pacific (Hilsman) 386
Communism. The Viet-Nam Situation (Heav-
ner) 393
Congress. Administration Urges Congress To
Support $4.1 Billion Aid Bill (Kennedy, Mc-
Xamara, Rusk) 399
Economic Affairs. United States Policy in the
Pacliic (Hilsman) 386
Educational and Cultural AfTairs
Education: Passkey to the Future (Battle) . . 411
I'l-csident Sends Message to Bogota. Meeting of
Ministers of Education 412
T.S. Signs Exchange Agreements With Afghan-
istan and Argentina 410
Europe. Thomas McGinty To Head OECD Food
and Agriculture Information 418
Foreign Aid
Administration Urges Congress To Support $4.1
P.iUion Aid Bill (Kennedy, McXamara,
Unsk) 399
The Alliance for Progress Marks Second Anni-
versary (Johnson, Kennedy) 401
IMueation : Passkey to the Future (Battle) . . 411
Food for Peace Ships $1.5 Billion in Commodi-
ties in Fiscal 1963 403
International Organizations and Conferences
Education : Passkey to the Future (Battle) . . 411
I'resident Sends Message to Bogota Meeting of
Ministers of Education 412
Thomas McGinty To Head OECD Food and
Agriculture Information 418
Presidential Documents
Administration Urges Congress To Support $4.1
Billion Aid Bill 399
The Alliance for Progress Marks Second Anni-
versary 401
President Sends Message to Bogota Meeting of
Ministers of Education 412
Publications. Recent Releases 418
Science. U.S. and U.S.S.R. Agree on Implemen-
tation of Cooperative Space Program (NASA
announcement and text of Memorandum of
Understanding) 404
Treaty Information
Current Actions 418
U.S. and U.S.S.R. Agree on Implementation of
Cooperative Space Program ( NASA announce-
ment and text of Memorandum of Understand-
ing) 404
U.S. Signs Exchange Agreements With Afghan-
istan and Argentina 410
U.S.S.R. U.S. and U.S.S.R. Agree on Implemen-
tation of Cooperative Space Program ( NASA
announcement and text of Memorandum of
Understanding) 404
Viet-Nam
United States Assessing Reports on Conditions
In Viet-Nam 393
The Viet-Nam Situation (Heavner) 393
Name Index
Battle, Lucius D 411
Blagonravov, Anatoly A 405
Dryden, Hugh L 405
Heavner, Theodore J. C 393
Hilsman, Roger 386
Johnson, Lyndon B 401
Kennedy, President 399, 401, 412
Majid, Abdul 410
McGinty, Thomas F 418
McNamara, Robert S 399
Rusk, Secretary 399,400
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: August 19-25
Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
No. Date Subject
429 8/20 Hilsman : "United States Policy in
the Pacific."
*430 8/19 U.S. participation in international
conferences.
t431 8/19 Rostov^: "Economic Development:
Some Lessons of a Common Ex-
perience."
432 8/19 Rusk and McNamara: letter to
Members of House on foreign aid.
433 8/20 Visit of Gen. Chiang Ching-kuo of
China.
434 8/21 Afghanistan credentials (rewrite).
435 8/23 McGinty appointed to OECD's Food
and Agriculture Technical In-
formation Service (rewrite).
1436 8/23 WUliams: AMVETS, Detroit.
437 8/24 Exchange agreement with Afghani-
stan.
438 8/24 Exchange agreement with Argen-
tina.
Not printed.
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY EECOED OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETI
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: SOME LESSONS OF A COMMON EXPERIENCE
iy W. W. Eostow, Counselor li22
AFRICA AND THE WORLD: PROBLEMS OF TODAY AND TOMORROW
ty Assistant Secretary Williams 4^2
UNITED STATES AND JAPAN CONCLUDE ARRANGEMENT
FOR COTTON TEXTILE TRADE, 1963-65 44jO
For index ste inside back cover
Economic Development: Some Lessons
of a Common Experience
by W. W. Rostov}
Counselor of the Department and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council ^
The problem of economic development is
sometimes discussed in the modern world as a
question of the relationship between rich and
poor nations. It is true that there is an enor-
mous gap between average levels of income
among the nations whicli share life on this small
planet — a gap ranging from $50 per head per
year to almost $3,000 measured in terms of
gross national product. It is also true that the
richer nations have a duty of enlightened self-
interest, combined with basic impulses of re-
ligion, ethics, and humanity, to help the less
advanced peoples.
But there are three things wrong with posing
the question of economic development as a mat-
ter of the rich and the poor :
First, the most critical difference among
nations is not whether they are rich or poor but
' Address made at the annual meeting of the Amer-
ican Chamber of Commerce at Mexico, D.F., on Aug.
19 (press release 431).
whether they are regularly growing or stagnant.
The critical phase in the life of a nation which
wishes to modernize its society is the stage in
which it so adjusts its system of education, its
social organization, political life, and commonly
accepted aspirations as to develop the capacity
to produce each year at a substantially higher
rate than its increase in population. Regular
growth is the first and critical operational ob-
jective. Historically, once regular growth be-
gins, it has taken about three generations for a
nation to absorb and diffuse to the bulk of its
people what modem science and technology
could provide. Compound interest — that is, a
steady geometric increase in output per head —
is a mighty force. Compared with the centuries
of fluctuating but essentially stagnant levels of
life in traditional societies, 60 years is not long;
and, in any case, the relatively rich in the world
are not so rich and so numerous as to be able
to elevate significantly the level of life of the
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 1264 PUBLICATION 7596 SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
The Department of State Bulletin, a
weekly publication lenued by the Office
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provides the public and Interested
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and statements and nddrexses made by
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the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation 1h Included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
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party and treaties of general Inter-
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Publications of the Department, United
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The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
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Use of funds for printing of this pub-
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NOTH : Contents of this publication are
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422
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
poor simply by income redistribution. The task
of development for us all — whatever our citi-
zensiiip — is to help aspiring nations to learn
how to grow and then to make growth as regular
a phenomenon as possible.
The second thing wrong with posing the ques-
tioa as a matter of the rich and the poor is tliat
witliin most of the major nations, whatever
their average level of income, there are rich and
poor areas. One of the reasons that we in the
I nited States of this generation have a reason-
ably good understanding of the economic devel-
opment process is that we have seen an impor-
tant part of the American South move into
what I would call the takeoff during the last 30
years. It was not so long ago, you will recall,
that Franklin Roosevelt referred to this prob-
lem (one-third of the Nation, as he called it) as
the greatest single problem in the domestic life
of the United States. 'Wliat is true of the
United States is true of most of what we regard
as the more advanced nations. Italy and
France, for example, still have special problems
of underdevelopment in their southern regions.
And in Latin America, as I shall have occasion
to suggest later, many of the most critical prob-
lems of development cannot be perceived by
looking at the overall statistics of growth but
are, in their essence, regional ; for example, the
problem of the northeast in Brazil. In short,
the critical problems of difference in level of
income and of growth rate may not lie as be-
tween different nations but within developing
nations themselves.
My third objection to the rich-poor nation
formula is that there are rich citizens and poor
citizens in all our societies, including societies
with low average levels of income; and one of
the critical problems for all of those who enjoy
the benefits of high levels of income is to play
a part appropriate to their advantages in the
common development of their societies. This is
a problem of equity and social responsibility
in all nations — rich and poor alike. One of the
most interesting and promising aspects of our
Peace Corps, for example, is that it is inducing
tlie organization of counterpart units in some
of the developing nations, within which the
educated and technically trained youth can go
out to work in the callages to help lift the stand-
ard of life of their less advantaged fellow citi-
zens. Similarly, those American firms abroad
which cany out the same kinds of welfare pro-
grams as they do at home are not merely
strengthening their ties to the society of which
they are a part; they are also teaching one of
the major lessons of our own private entei-prise
system : that, in the long run, good profits and
good citizenship go together.
No Single Prescription for Development
What this comes to, then, is that we are all,
whatever our nation's stage of growth and aver-
age level of per capita income, caught up in the
development business.
The purpose of my talk to you here, in a coun-
try with a remarkable histoiy of development,
is to set down a few general lessons that I be-
lieve can be drawn from the record of the com-
mon experience, both during the postwar years
and from the longer past.
Some limited generalization is possible — and
some lessons can be drawn — because the devel-
opment of nations is a little like the develop-
ment of human beings. Each human being, in
growing up, faces a fairly uniform sequence
of problems. It is possible to specify in broad
terms the kinds of problems which, inevitably,
must be confronted by an infant of 9 months,
a child of 5, an adolescent of 14, a young man
of 21. The study of economic development, to
the extent that it can be a science, consists pri-
marily in identifying the sequence of problems
to be overcome and the kinds of efforts to solve
them wliich have succeeded or failed at differ-
ent times in different nations.
But there the science of economic de\elop-
ment — like the science of human development —
must stop short. For each nation — like each
individual — is and must be unique. As I say,
there is a common sequence of problems which
had to be faced, at similar stages, by, for exam-
ple. Great Britain and Japan; by the United
States and Mexico; by Eussia and Egypt and
India. But the form in which those problems
arose and the solutions which were tried, suc-
ceeded, or failed could only be detennined by
the peoples involved. Differences of histoiy
and culture, of resources and available tech-
SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
423
iiolofjy, and of political and social aspirations
wliich inevitably affect the contours of economic
development have varied and will always vary.
There is no sinirle correct prescription for eco-
nomic development; there are, as in all human
enterprises, only problems, some limited guid-
ance from the experience of others, and hard,
lonely choices to be made.
Against the background of these general ob-
servations, I should like to consider briefly with
you today five lessons of the common experi-
ence of economic development which appear to
mo particularly appropriate as we look about
us in the contemporary world and look forward
over the next critical decade.
My first proposition — which flows directly
from what I have just said — is that aid from
outside a country can only be helpful to its
development to the extent that the government
and people of a nation organize their own re-
sources. Economic growth is primarily a na-
tional enterprise. The amount of resources
made available from outside can be a critically
helpful margin; but it is a margin which will
have its effect only to the extent that those re-
ceiving aid are effectively committed to the de-
velopment process as they wish to see it and are
effectively mobilizing their human and material
resources to do the job.
It is sometimes said that the Alliance for
Progress is an enterprise of the United States
Government and not a cooperative venture
•within the hemisphere. For the simple and
basic reason I have just cited, this cannot be
so. The Alliance for Progress is a partnership,
or it will fail. It can only work if what we
organize in the United States by way of aid —
and what our friends in Western Europe and
Japan contribute — is merged in an orderly way
with massive efforts at self-help within the na-
tions of Latin America.
And I might add that I am personally confi-
dent about the fate of the Alliance for Progress
because I feel that the forces within Latin
America looking toward economic development
and social equity are gathering strength. The
Alliance for Progi-ess is truly an alliance, not
because we are contributing money to Latin
America but because the policy of the United
States is committed to work with those in Latin
America who would develop their economic and J
social life along lines of their own choice and
make of their nations the kind of modern states
they wish their children to enjoy in the light of
their culture, values, and aspirations.
The Alliance for Progress is, therefore, a
partnership in both resources and in political
commitment.
National Programing
My second proposition concerns national
planning or, perhaps better, national program-
ing. We believe national programing of the de-
velopment process is required as a basis both for
the domestic mobilization of resources and effec-
tive foreign aid. National programs are
needed because, as Adam Smith noted long
ago — when prescribing for underdeveloped
Britain of the 18th century — governments must
help create the basic framework within which a
modern economy can develop. It is the govern-
ment which must organize and finance the educa-
tional system and reshape it to the nation's
changing needs. It is' the government which
must lay out and, in most cases, finance the
fimdamental social overhead projects — high-
ways, irrigation projects, and the like — on
which private agricultural and industrial devel-
opment depends. It is the government which
must solve problems of land tenure and create
the framework within which agricultural pro-
ductivity can be improved by the individual
peasant. It is the government which must as-
sure that the savings of the community are effec-
tively mobilized by equitable taxation so that
social overhead projects can be financed without
inflation and on terms the people will regard as
fair. It is the government which must devise
policies wliich insure that the foreign accounts
are kept in balance and that the development
effort is not frustrated by a foreign exchange
crisis.
These minimal functions were performed by
governments even in nations most deeply com-
mitted to private enterprise, blessed with ample
land and an old tradition of private entrepre-
neurshiji — like Canada and the United States.
It may seem strange that we in the United
States, who are so deeply attached to the virtues
of private enterprise, should be the advocates
424
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
of national pro^aming in the underdeveloped
areas. There is, in fact, no incompatibility be-
tween a belief that national programing is es-
sential in the early stages of development and
,1 1 lelief in the wisdom of relying on private en-
terprise to conduct a wide and expanding range
of economic activities. How wide that range is
cacli country will, of course, decide for itself in
the light of its own problems and possibilities.
But the framework within which a modern pri-
vate enterprise system can develop must, in
laiire part, be created initially by the effort and
initiative of governments. It is this perception
which has drained away much of the fervor
from the argument about government versus
private enterprise in the development process —
an argument which, even a few years ago,
seemed to be central to the whole business. As
nations have acquired practical experience in
ecor^mic development, as they have assumed
responsibility for the real tasks of growth, it is
becoming increasingly clear that each of the two
sectors has a job to do and that the jobs are
supplementary and mutually reinforcing.
Rote of Private Enterprise
Third, I should like to say something quite
directly about our view of the role of private
enterprise in the development process. Wliat I
am about to say not only confoi-ms to the policy
of my Government but fits what I have been
al)lc' to learn, as an historian and social scientist,
alxnit the development business.
It is clear that, especially in the very early
stages of development, different nations, out of
tlicir history, differ in their capacity to mount
elTective private enterprise systems. We in the
United States, for example, had a lively private
enterprise system in commerce and small-scale
manufactures long before our first major surge
of industrialization. The transition into a com-
petitive private enterprise industrial system was
relatively easy for us, although some of our first
ventures failed. But some other nations — for
example, Japan — began their industrialization
with no one about to assume initial responsibil-
ity for industrial development but civil servants
and military men. The first industrial plants
were managed by the Government ; and the first
generation of private businessmen emerging in
SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
the 1880's was drawn largely from the old war-
rior class — the samurai.
And so it has been with many other nations
in first stages of development.
But when self-sustained and regular growth
was attained — and even in the process of at-
taining that stage — the natural course of events
appeared to be for the private sector to expand
rapidly. The development of private enter-
prise over the past decade in India and
Pakistan is, for example, illuminating. The
most immediate reason for tliis evolution is that
efficiency in producing many diverse products
is hard for a government bureaucracy to attain ;
and besides there are not all that many com-
petent bureaucratic managers.
The lesson of history is that the interests of
an advancing society are best served when the
bulk of industry and agriculture is managed by
individuals or firms forced by competition to
maximum efficiency, their accounts reflecting
true costs, and their output responsive to the
changing tastes of the people. We have
learned, both in the less developed and more
developed nations, when such competitive pri-
vate sectors have emerged, that their emex-gence
in no way need divert resources away from the
objectives laid down in a national plan. In
India, for example, the vitality of the private
enterprise sector and the direction of its devel-
opment are essential ingredients in current na-
tional planning. In the United States, Western
Europe, and Japan we have found that there
are ample indirect means for insuring that a
massive private enterpi-ise sector can keep
within the bounds of the common interest and,
in fact, be an essential reinforcement to it.
It is interesting to observe within the Soviet
Union and the countries of Eastern Europe how
the difficulties compound in attempting to man-
age by central state ownership and control an
increasingly complex industrial system. The
disciplines of competition, of honest prices and
interest rates, and of the consumer's right of
choice are beginning to be recognized as miss-
ing; and the gap is being discussed in the tech-
nical literature — this quite aside from the gross
inefficiency of collectivized agriculture.
Let me emphasize that it is not the policy of
the United States to attempt to tell other na-
425
tions wliat the appropriate relative role of pri-
vate and public enterprise should be. Tliis is,
evidently, one of the most sensitive matters for
national decision. But we are convinced, from
the evidence of both history and the contem-
porary world, that the natural, if not inevitable,
evolution of developing societies is to permit a
large part of the process to go forward by com-
petitive private means; and we are certain, from
our own experience and that of others, tliat the
existence of a substantial private enterprise sec-
tor is consistent with and can greatly reinforce
the large objectives of a national development
program.
Put another way, we are convinced that the
old debate which focused on government versus
private enterprise is an old-fashioned, out-of-
date way to put the problem in the contem-
porary world. In 1x)th developing societies and
in more advanced societies the most natural and
fruitful relationship between public and pri-
vate enterprise is one of partnership toward
larger national purposes.
Agriculture in the Development Process
A fourth lesson I would draw, with particu-
lar reference to the decade aliead, concerns the
role of agricultural and rural development in
the growth process. In the course of our review
for the presentation of the foreign aid bill to
the Congress this year we discovered, some-
what to our surprise, this interesting fact : that
sometliing like 70 percent of the population of
the developing areas is already living in socie-
ties wliich have either demonstrated quite de-
finitely a capacity to grow regularly or, with
some political stability and luck, they ought
to be emerging into that category in the years
ahead. "While many nations are further back
down the line in terms of stages of growth —
notiibly tlie new African nations — the fact is
tliat growth itself, in the foi-m of a demon-
strated capacity to produce a rate of increase in
total output substantially greater than the rate
of increase of population, is Ijecoming the nor-
mal condition of a good part of the developing
world.
In Latin America, for example, tlie statistics
show that the overall rate of growth in GNP
for 1961 was over 5 percent. This is within
shooting distance of the Alliance for Progress
goal of an annual increa.se in per capita income
of 2yo percent. Although there were spec!:il
difficulties in Brazil and Argentina in 1962, the
figure for that year is not likely to prove sub-
stantially lower, due to acceleration in Mexit o
and Venezuela.
On the other hand, we all know that there
are many enormously difficult problems still to
be confronted and solved in Latin America and
in other developing nations. The great tasks
of the Alliance for Progress still lie ahead.
"Wliat, then, is wrong? "Wliy is it that tlie
measurement of growth in terms of increases in
average national income per capita does not
identify what our problems really are?
I would suggest that the central problem that
we confront and shall confront increasingly in
the developing nations is not merely the prob-
lem of developing and sustaining a sufficient
overall rate of investment to produce a regular
rise in average income per capita ; it is the lack
of regional and sectoral balance in the growth
process. With a very few exceptions, what we
see in the developing nations is that growth
has taken hold in certain regions and certain
sectors, with a marked lag in the development
of the rural areas.
The takeoff has begini in many parts of the
world, but it is concentrated excessively in the
cities. Our common task is to diffuse this nar-
rowly channeled momentum out over the face
of the developing nations.
It is not accidental that rural development
should have been generally slighted in the first
phase of growth, even when development began,
as it did in Mexico, with an agrarian revolu-
tion designed to give the peasant a piece of
land he could call his own. There are two basic
reasons for this phenomenon. Fii-st, serious
modernization of rural life depends on the
prior existence of an initial industrial base and
an urban administrative apparatus of some
competence. Second, typically — but not uni-
vei*sally — the modernizing governments are ur-
ban coalitions of professional men, soldiers,
politicians, civil sers'ants. This has been the
case in many parts of the Middle East, Asia,
420
DEPARTMENT OF STATE RTTT.T.P.TTTJ
Africa, and Latin America. As urban men, re-
lacting against the traditional rural society — or
removed from its old orbit^ — motivated strongly
by a desire to see their nations assume a digni-
fied, modern stance on the world scene, their first
thoughts have turned to the more glamorous
symbols of industrialization, whether they be
modern weapons or steel mills. Moreover, as
politicians, it is natural that their minds should
turn in the first instance to their constituency,
which has been primarily urban ; and from this
loyalty have tended to come subsidized services
of various kinds, beyond the capacity of their
economies and their national budgets easily to
bear, and a certain neglect of rural development.
I emphasize again that the story of Mexico
has special features due, in part, to the rural
origins of its revolutionary thrust toward
modernization. But if one attempts to general-
ize the situation in most of the developing coun-
tries, one can see quite remarkable enclaves of
industrial and modern urban activity coincident
with stagnation or very slow progress in the
?ountryside.
Ivural development is proving, however, not
merely a social duty to the less advantaged por-
tions of the population but a fundamental con-
dition for the maintenance of a high rate of
development for the society as a whole, includ-
ing especially its industrial development.
There are, in fact, three distinct major roles
tliat agriculture must play in the early stages
of the development process. First, obviously,
ajjriculture must supply the food necessary to
meet the inevitable rise in population, without
yit'lding either starvation or a depletion of
foif'ign exchange to buy food at the expense
of ])urposes essential to industrial growth.
Til is requirement is heightened by the typically
disproportionate rise in urban populations
wliich demand either an increased transfer of
food from the countryside or the acquisition of
food from abroad. Second, agricultural expan-
sion is required as working capital for nonagri-
cultural development: to generate raw mate-
rials for industry or to earn foreigii exchange.
Finally, a rise in agricultural incomes can pro-
vide important direct stimulus to other aspects
of development : It can provide expanded mar-
kets for chemical fertilizers, agricultural equip-
ment, and manufactured consumers goods, and
it can provide a critically important source of
increased tax revenues.
The world about us offers a number of illus-
trations of what happens to societies when these
dynamic interactions between industrial and
agricultural development are ignored or inade-
quately respected.
The most remarkable example is, of course,
the situation inside Communist China. There
a regime committed itself to a program of heax'y
industrialization, linked explicitly to the mod-
ernization of its military establishment. It was
prepared to substitute for peasant incentives the
massive power of its control system and sub-
stitute for an adequate level of agricultural in-
vestment— notably investment in chemical
fertilizers — only labor-intensive investment,
carried out substantially by forced labor. The
upshot, carried to a rare extreme by a purpose-
ful and unified group of wrongheaded men, was
this : first, a breakdown in agricultural supplies,
such that the whole vast Chinese nation is living
at a substandard diet and half of its foreign
exchange — about $500 million — must now be al-
located to buy food for the coastal cities; sec-
ond, a breakdown in its capacity to supply
industrial materials from agriculture to its in-
dustry and in its capacity to earn foreign ex-
change from its agricultural sector; third, a
reduction in total resources available for the
industrialization process itself. Industrial out-
put in Communist China radically declined be-
tween 1959 and 1962, by at least 30 percent,
and its heavy industry program is now virtually
abandoned.
The measures taken to correct this gross dis-
tortion in the Chinese Communist development
process have not succeeded in producing any-
thing like a sustained industrial revival, al-
though disintegration has been halted. Many
plants are idle or working under capacity ; and
millions of men and women have been thrust
out of the cities to fend, as best they can, back
in rural areas where, with private incentives
only partially and uncertainly restored, the
Chinese peasantry are struggling to keep their
lieads barely above water.
SEPTEMBER 16, 190 3
427
Tliere has been no failure in the free world
quite as dramatic as that of Communist China,
but one can see a pattern of severe structural
distortion in a good many countries. In parts
of Latin America, for example, industrializa-
tion is damped because of a lack of a suiBciently
wide popular market. An excessive amount of
industry is producing goods for the relatively
small urban middle class; consequently industry
works with idle capacity, prices and tariifs are
excessively high, profits are not plowed back
into industry, and they are sometimes even with-
drawn and sent abroad to the society's cost. At
the same time the potentialities of modern tech-
nology in agriculture are not being rapidly dif-
fused, and many rural regions have not moved
away from the fatalism and low productivity
methods of traditional life.
With a melodramatic gap between rural and
urban life, the more enterprising flock from the
countryside to the bright lights and cinemas of
the cities, where the rate of industrial growth
is not sufficient to absorb them fully in regular
employment, while they impose on the public
authorities heavy claims for social overhead
capital (housing, schools, et cetera) which in-
adequate budgets cannot fully meet, in part be-
cause tax systems are ineifective, in part because
income is not rising fast enough.
Further, since the potentialities of modem
agriculture are not being applied, some of these
countries are unnecessarily sliding into depend-
ence on imported food and they are not exploit-
ing the possibilities of agricultural products as
a source of commercial crops for industry or for
export.
Finally, the lack of industry working to a
mass market limits industrial productivity and
prevents the development of manufactured or
processed export products which can compete
in international markets and relieve the depend-
ence on exports of traditional products with a
limited future in world trade. It is no accident
that the classic initial manufactured product of
a developing area, capable of markel ing abroad,
has been cotton textiles, where generally a mass
domestic market can be developed and indus-
trial efliciency attained at an early stage.
In the broadest sense, what I am asserting is
that the present state of a good part of the
underdeveloped world requires that we take
seriously two of the oldest propositions in eco-
nomics. One of these propositions is that agri-
cultural output is, in the widest sense, the basic
working capital of a nation in its early stages
of growth. The other proposition is that in-
dustrialization depends for its momentum on
a progressive widening of the market, with tlie
specialization and efficiency that widening
permits.
There is an important impidse in Latin Amer-
ica and in other parts of the world to widen tlie
market by bringing nations into closer economic
cooperation and reducing or eliminating the
tariff barriers between them. This makes good
sense, and my Government has encouraged tlie
development of common-market arrangements
in Europe, Latin America, and elsewhere. It
is essential, if industry is to become efficient,
that it face the winds of international, as well
as domestic, competition. But what I would
suggest is that the most critical market to l)e
developed in most modernizing nations is the
domestic market.
It struck me some time ago that in certain
of the developing areas it might be helpful to
encourage a purposeful effort to manufacture
locally and to market in the rural areas on a
more effective basis both cheap agricultural
equipment and the kinds of consumers goods
likely to constitute, at rural levels of income, an
incentive to accept and to apply modem meth-
ods of agricultural productivity.
This kind of effort could make a contribution
to all four of the structural weaknesses to be
foimd in many developing nations which I have
described.
It could put the private industrial sector into
the production and marketing of goods on a
mass market basis, even in poor countries. I
have in mind not merely textiles but canvas
shoes, flashlights, household equipment, tran-
sistor radios, and the classic first-phase durable
consumers goods — bicycles and sewing ma-
chines, as well as pails, hand tools, fertilizers,
and other basic agricultural equipment.
Second, these goods, if cheaply and effectively
brought into the rural areas, could provide an
important incentive to rural families to increase
output as well as a part of the means to do so.
428
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
(The revolutionary public-private partnership
in the rural life of the United States was the
partnership between the knowledge imparted
to the farmer by the Department of Agriculture
:;ounty agent and the stimulus to effort imparted
by the mail-order catalog.)
Third, by bringing something of modem life
to the countryside and permitting nxral areas
to share at least some of the fruits of the more
modem sectors of a developing society, we
might help damp the excessive flow from the
^ountiyside to the urban slums.
And, finally, by developing efficient produc-
tion on the basis of mass markets of goods of
this kind, additional items for export could be
n:ene rated.
^ly basic point is, then, that the time is past,
if it ever existed, when we can afford to regard
industrial and agricultural development as
dimply competing for scarce capital resources,
[n many parts of the developing world the
initial basis for takeoff has been established in
industry and in urban areas, but the mainte-
nance of that momentum requires that the dif-
fusion of modem technology, with all that it
carries with it, be extended on a national basis
and especially to the lagging rural areas, wliich
are, at once, a relatively untapped source of
food, industrial working capital, foreign ex-
change earning capacity, industrial markets,
and taxes.
Combining Development and Human Freedom
My final point about the development process
concerns this question : Is it possible, given the
tremendous revolutionary changes required for
modernization and the effort demanded of a
relatively poor country in mobilizing a high
rate of investment, to combine human freedom
with the development process itself?
In one sense, standing here in Mexico City,
I need not argue the case very hard. Mexico
has found its way through a set of revolution-
ary changes affecting every dimension of its
.society into sustained growth; and it has
June so while maintaining and enlarging the
basic elements of human freedom to which it
was committed out of its history and culture.
There are few developing nations which better
demonstrate the harmony of economic growth
and human freedom. But the question is still
being asked in many parts of the world, and I
think we are in a better position to answer it
than we were even a few years ago.
As we look at the test cases presented by the
Communist nations, it is perfectly clear that the
attempt to grow food by police-state methods
leads not merely to inhumanity but to gross in-
efficiency. There appears to be no way of de-
veloping an efficient agriculture unless that
effort is rooted in the incentives of the peasant
and his family. There are simply not enough
policemen in the world to follow the peasant
aroimd in his long and complex daily round of
life to insure that he does the things that he
must do to make things grow. In underdevel-
oped nations the proportion of the population
in rural life is often 75 percent or more. And
so it becomes a teclmical essential to leave large
areas of human freedom to the farmer if eco-
nomic development in an underdeveloped area
is to proceed successfully or if development in
more advanced countries is not to be dragged
down — as it is in the Soviet Union and in those
countries of Eastern Europe which still main-
tain collectivized agriculture.
But this is not all. Economic development
depends on engaging the energies, the talents,
and the personal commitments of millions of
himian beings. A friend of mine who holds a
high post in a developing coiuitry of the Middle
East spoke recently of the major lesson he had
learned from his period of responsibility: It
was that, no matter how powerful a revolution-
ary government they created, the govennnent
could not do the job of development itself. Its
major task was to provide the framework and
then to stimulate and educate the people them-
selves to take the necessary initiatives.
It is true that a powerful police system, com-
bmed with a disciplined single party, can get
many tilings done — especially thmgs which
relate directly to the maintenance and the exten-
sion of the system's power ; but, as we watch the
evolution of the developing nations of the free
world and the course of events in the nations
run by Communist governments and as we look
back on the lessons of our own experience, there
is increasing reason to believe that systems of
society committed to the maintenance of in-
dividual freedom — and its essential counter-
SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
429
part, imlivklual responsibility — have proved
more efficient lus well as more humane than those
which seek by forced tlraft. and the {lower of the
state to drive development forward by total-
itarian methods.
Only a few years back it was common to be-
lieve that, whatever their demerits, Communist
societies had the capacity to sustain much higher
rates of growth than societies based on human
freedom. This is a proposition which can no
longer be scientifically maintained. Leaving
aside Communist China, which has gone
through a radical decline in its economic for-
tunes, here are some current growth rate figures
for recent years : In 19G2 the rate of growth in
GXP for the nations under Communist govern-
ments was 3.6 percent. For the NATO nations
tlio figure was 4.8 percent. The figure for the
Soviet Union itself was somewhat under 4 per-
cent; for the United States, recovering from
recession, a higher than average 5.4 percent.
These data may vary over the years. But the
fact is that the economic gap between the free
world and the Communist bloc has widened, and
the same is true, of course, in the grand histor-
ical competition between the development of
Conununist Cliina and the two great nations of
the Indian subcontinent, which, against great
difficulties, continue to make regular progi-ess
■witli societies rooted in the principle of consent.
I cite these figures not because rates of growth
are the decisive measures of a society's worth.
Our values begin with the integrity of the in-
dividual and his equality under God and the
law. They e.xtend to the right of nations to
shape their lives in the light of their own his-
tory, culture, and aspirations, protected by the
principle of self-determination.
As we look about the world scene — and at the
trends of the past several years — two things are
clear. We face great problems ahead in the Al-
liance for Progress and other enterprises de-
signed to demonstrate the compatibility of
human freedom and economic development.
But equally, we can go forward with the great-
est underlying confidence. The underlying
forces of history are clearly on the side of the
great humanistic tradition of which Mexico and
the United States are both a part, if we have
the wit and the will, the faith and the persist-
ence to work with them.
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Endorsed
by Science Advisory Committee
President Kennedy made jnihUc on Axigxtst 2^.
(White House press release (llyannis, Mass.))
the folloioing statement on the nuclear test ban
treaty by the Presidents Science Advisory
Committee.
The members of the President's Science Ad-
visory Committee wish to record their strong
support for the test ban treaty now before the
United States Senate for ratification.^ Public
discussion of the treaty raises many important
questions other than those of a technical na-
ture. However, the questions raised with re-
gard to the potential effects of the treaty on the
future military capabilities of this country rel-
ative to the Soviet Union are primarily techni-
cal, and it is to these questions that this state-
ment is principally addressed.
The Science Advisory Committee, drawing
upon the assistance of outstanding scientists
and engineers throughout the United States, has
long been engaged in independent detailed ex-
amination of military technology as it affects
our national security in its broad aspects. The
Committee believes that the continued unre-
stricted development and exploitation of mili-
tary technology by both the Soviet Union and
the United States would in time lead to a net de-
crease in our real security.
"With regard to the technical aspects of the
proposed treaty, it is our judgment that:
(1) Detection technology can make it ex-
tremely difficult to carry out significant clan-
destine nuclear tests in violation of the treat}',
posing an exceedingly higli risk of detection.
(2) Sufficient nuclear-weapons-effects infor-
mation exists to permit design of effective U.S.
ballistic missile systems, including hardened
launch sites, with acceptable capability of
survival.
(3) The most difficult problems of the anti-
ballistic missile sj'stem are nonnuclear in nature
and are being aggressively explored. The
treaty itself will liave only a minor effect on the
possibility that an effective antiballistic missile
system could be successfully developed by any
nation.
' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 12. 1!)G3. p. 239.
430
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
(4) Weapons of very large yield are in our
stockpile. Weapons of still larger yield could
have been produced in the past and can be pro-
duced without further testing if a military need
develops.
In addition to these considerations, it is clear
that further improvement in nuclear warheads
is no longer the dominant factor in advancing
military technology. The central questions re-
late to the design of integrated weapons systems
for both offensive and defensive purposes.
Further refinements of nuclear technology are
but one aspect of a series of interrelated con-
siderations which include : size and composition
of military forces, intelligence, military doc-
trine, progress in other elements of military
weapon systems, and the Nation's military-
industrial base.
It is also important to realize that weapons
systems development, production, and fidl de-
ployment now require long lead time. To-
gether with our strong industrial capabilities,
til is circumstance makes it extremely unlikely
that a new development — such as a particular
antiballistic missile or large weapons in space — •
can be deployed so rapidly as to upset the stra-
tegic situation. We believe that the United
States would be able to detect the development
and deployment of such new systems early
enough to permit timely and adequate counter-
inoasures.
It is our judgment that the present advanced
state of U.S. nuclear technology and associated
wpapon systems makes it possible to accept the
restrictions of this treaty with confidence in our
C(mtinuing security. Although certain techni-
(il possibilities will have to be foreclosed, these
1 imitations also apply to other nations. In fact,
more extensive limitations under a comprehen-
sive treaty with adequate safeguards could
provide even greater confidence in our contin-
uing welfare and security.
The treaty Avould provide relief from radio-
active fallout and contribute significantly to
the task of preventing the spread of nuclear
weapons to other countries, thus constituting an
important step toward a safe and secure peace
in the world.^
' The following are members of the President's Sci-
ence Advisory Committee:
Harvey Brooks, dean, division of engineering and ap-
plied physics. Harvard University
Melvlu Calvin, professor of chemistry, University of
California
Paul M. Doty, professor of chemistry. Harvard
University
Richard L. Garwin, Watson Research Laboratory, Co-
Unnbia University-International Business Machines
Corp.
Edwin R. Gilliland, professor of chemical engineering,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Donald F. Hornig, professor of chemistry, Princeton
University
George B. Kistiakowsky, professor of chemistry, Har-
vard University
Colin M. MacLeod, School of Medicine, New York
University
William D. McElroy, chairman, department of biology.
The Johns Hopkins University
Wolfgang K. H. Panofsky, director, Stanford Linear
Accelerator Center, Stanford University
John R. Pierce, executive director, research. Com-
munications Principles Division, Bell Telephone
Laboratories
Frank Press, director, Seismologieal Laboratory, Cali-
fornia Institute of Technology
Edward M. Purcell, professor of physics. Harvard
University
Frederick Seitz, president. National Academy of Sci-
ences
John W. Tukey, professor of mathematics, Princeton
University
Jerrold R. Zacharias, professor of physics, Massachu-
setts Institute of Technology
In addition the following consultants-at-large to the
PSAC have associated themselves with the statement :
Detlev W. Bronk, president, The Rockefeller Institute
James B. Fisk, president. Bell Telephone Laboratories
James R. Killlan, Jr., chairman of the corporation,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Edwin H. Land, president, Polaroid Corp.
Emanuel R. Piore, vice president for research and
engineering, International Business Machines Corp.
Isidor I. Rabi, professor of physics, Columbia Uni-
versity
SEPTEMBER IG, 196 3
431
Africa and the World: Problems of Today and Tomorrow
by G. Mennen Williams
Assistant Secretary for African Affairs *
Eighteen years ago, a hitherto little-known
Japanese city — Hiroshima — became an interna-
tional symbol.
Six weeks before Hiroshima, in San Fran-
cisco, some 50 nations had signed the Charter
of the United Nations. Under the charter na-
tions administering the affairs of non-self-
governing peoples agreed to insure their just
treatment and to develop self-government.
Two months after Hiroshima, on October 11,
1945, the AMVETS held their first national
convention in Chicago.
Tonight I will try to relate these seemingly
unrelated events of 18 years ago to the present
and to each other.
For several years after Hiroshima, this nation
had a monopoly on nuclear power. With this
monopoly, a Hitler or a Stalin would have
terrorized the world. This nation, the only
one at that time which knew the full implica-
tions of nuclear power and what it would mean
when the monopoly was broken, tried to keep
the peace and to place the monopoly under in-
ternational control. Bernard Baruch, one of
our wisest men, went before the United Nations
with the plan.
"We are here,'' he said, "to make a choice
between the quick and the dead. . . . Beliind
the black poilent of the new atomic age lies a
hope wliich, seized upon with faith, can work
' Address made before the national convention of the
Ajnerlcnn Veterans of World War II and Korea at
Detroit, Mich., on Aug. 24 (press release 430 dated
Aug. 23).
our salvation. If we fail, then we have damned
every man to be the slave of Fear." "
That i)lan foundered on Soviet obstruction-
ism, as did numerous other proposals and at-
tempts to arrive at some form of rational
control over nuclear weaponry during the long
years tliat followed. In time, the Soviet Union,
too, became a nuclear power ; and we learned —
all of us, large nation and small — to live with
fear.
This nation saw to its defenses. Having, at
war's end, precipitously demolished the mighti-
est fighting force the world had ever seen, the
United States was soon forced to rebuild its
own military forces and to take a leading role
in organizing the defenses of the free world.
But even as we developed our own capacity
to overmatch Soviet destimctiveness, we did not
stop our efforts to pursue in every available
forum our search for peace througli controlled
disarmament. As it became increasingly clear
that the approach of the Soviet Union and of
the United States to the problem of inspection
and control were irreconcilable, we undertook
to explore more limited measures.
One of these was the limitation of nuclear
weapons testing. There were some powerful
arguments for this — argiunents of the type that
make ideological differences irrelevant. All
men breathe. All men want children — and they
want their children to be genetically sound.
The meaning of strontium 90 is known and dis-
liked around the world. Ideology is no defense
' lJm,LETiN of June 23, 194C, p. 1057.
432
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
against ionizing radiation. Yet despite these
powerful motives, at times it seemed as if even
these least efforts at arms limitation were
doomed to failure.
Four weeks ago what Mr. Khrushchev called
a "breakthrough" occurred. In Moscow the
treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the
atmospliere, in outer space, and under water
was signed.^ Already more than 78 nations
of the world have signed or indicated their in-
tention to sign it. Our own United States Sen-
ate is appraising it prior to deciding whether or
not to advise and consent to its ratification.
Before developing some of the meanings that
this treaty may have for us I should like to
speak of AIMVETS' part in making this treaty
possible. For nearly 18 years all our efforts to
make even a dent in the problem had failed.
There was no lack of impatient rash voices to
counsel against further attempts. AJVIVETS
was not one of these.
In 1961 AMVETS International Affairs
Council and Foreign Eelations Committee sub-
mitted a report which was unanimously adopted
by the AIMVETS 17th national convention. It
contained a statement of AMVETS support for
a "continuing search by our government for
means to promote international agreements to
reduce armaments through the UN and other
available means." The same report contained
another statement of AMVETS support for
"the proposed establislunent of the Unied
States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
to centralize in our government technical plan-
ning and research for arms control."
Last year the chances of agreement seemed
nil. The Soviet Union had unilaterally broken
a voluntary test ban with a 58-megaton blast.
Yet AMVETS National Executive Committee
resolved that "the U.S. delegation should re-
main at Geneva and continue its efforts to find
agreement on a workable test ban treaty in the
interests of all mankind so long as the faintest
glimmering of hope remains alive."
Let me say that it is the support of f arsighted
and patriotic groups such as AMVETS that
makes it possible for the difficult first steps to
'IMd., Aug. 12, 1963, p. 234, and Aug. 26, 1963, p. 314.
be taken at all. This is why I am especially
heartened by the resolution of this convention
concerning the test ban treaty.
Meaning of the Test Ban Treaty
Wliat does the test ban treaty mean? Or
perhaps we should ask, what does it not mean?
For one thing, the treaty will not automatically
remove the shadow of the fear that we have
lived with for so long. All that it does is to
eliminate testing in the atmosphere, in outer
space, and under the water. It does not prevent
nuclear war or the threat of nuclear war. It
does not prevent an arms race.
As President Kennedy has said : *
This treaty is not the millennium. It will not re-
solve all conflicts, or cause the Communists to forgo
their ambitious, or eliminate the dangers of war. It
will not reduce our need for arms or allies or pro-
grams of assistance to others. But it is an important
first step — a step toward peace — a step toward rea-
son— a step away from war.
Indeed, it is not unreasonable to believe that
there are powerful forces motivating the Soviet
Union to seek a detente with the West, a relax-
ing of almost imbearable tensions. For one
thing, the Soviet people have as much, if not
more, reason than you and I to hate war. For
they have seen a great deal of it and have suf-
fered much, having had their cities and coun-
tryside devastated and having lost some 20
million people during World War II. Upon
his return from Moscow, Under Secretary
Harriman reported that within the Soviet
Union this agreement has been hailed as a great
event and that the Russian people long for a
relief from the tensions and fear of war.
This, to my mind, is a very significant fact.
Particularly since there is ample evidence that
what the Soviet people want is increasingly im-
portant to their leaders. Furthermore, there
is good evidence that the Russian people, even
aj the people of the rest of the world, are
anxious to improve their standard of living.
It is possible that Khrushchev may feel it easier
to satisfy this desire if he can save some of the
expense of testing.
What the future will bring no one can pre-
' ma., Aug. 12, 1963, p. 234.
SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
433
diet. We certainly should not expect a sudden
dramatic "leap forward" into disarmament and
peace. But there has been a change of direction
and a step in the right direction. In the test
ban there is something which both sides have
found to be in their self-interest. There may
be other steps wliich both sides can find mu-
tually beneficial. The U.S. is prepared and de-
termined tliat the search for these progressive
steps shall go on.
But, however much we may desire peace,
however much we move toward peace, we
should not delude ourselves into thinking that
the Soviets are changing their ideological be-
liefs or their aims at world domination. The
most we can expect is that the future will con-
vince the Soviets that the only way to a world
worth living in — be it Communist or other-
wise— is through peaceful competition.
This is the kind of competition we should
welcome.
In signing the test ban treaty Khrushchev
put the world on notice. The Russians had no
intention of abandoning their efforts to commu-
nize the world. lie still threatens to make our
grandchildren Communists. For our part, the
United States continues to strive to build a
•world of free choice, to give Khrushchev's
grandchildren the option of freedom or com-
munism— and we have no doubt what their free
choice will be. The Communist must say, "The
Communist way is the only way." (Although
it would now appear that there is more than one
Communist way — -that of Moscow and that of
Peiping.) We are not so hampered. We can —
and do — say to the nations of the world: "Be
independent. Be free. Develop your own so-
ciety in your own waj', with the consent of the
governed. For we know if you seek your own
free, independent destinies you will help build
the kind of world in which we all can live in
peace and honor."
This, of course, has been tlie guiding prin-
ciple of our Government's policy toward the
newly independent and emerging nations of the
world since the end of the war — really since
the Declaration of Independence. The basic
objectives of our diplomacy and of our foreign
aid programs are to a.ssist other countries to
maintain their independence and to develop
into self-supporting nations.
The record of accomplishment over these
years has been very good. Of the 49 nations to
gain independence since 1943, not one has
chosen a Communist form of government.
But we cannot sit back and content ourselves
with the record of yesterday. It is about today
and tomorrow that we must think.
The Paramount Problem in Africa
In Africa the paramount problem of today
and tomorrow is that there are still millions of
people denied the right of self-determination
and of adequate means of achieving that right.
This problem is still acute over the entire south-
ern portion of the continent, an area larger
than two-thirds of the United States — or 35
times larger than our New England States or
four times the size of Alaska^ — with a jDopula-
tion of 38 million people. More than 34 million
of these people (more than the combined popu-
lations of New York and California) have little
or no voice in their own government.
Within this area, the situation in the Portu-
guese territories and the situation of the non-
whites in the Republic of South Africa present
particularly urgent problems.
Your AMVETS position has never been am-
biguous on these questions. The basic foreign
policy statement of your national conventions
of 1953 and again of 1961 urged the United
States Government to "encourage the independ-
ence movement in Africa and to use our strong-
est influence on the nations who have the
responsibility for administration of the terri-
tories to prepare these territories for self-
go\-ernment."
Your conventions also "deplored and con-
demned the continued actions of the current
government in South Africa against the native
population."
Between your resolutions of 1953 and of 1961
no less than 23 African nations were bom.
Since August 1961 five more have achieved full
independence. Two more, Kenya and Zanzibar,
will achieve fiill independence this winter.
Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland are expected
to achieve full internal self-government within
a matter of months.
434
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The attainment of self-government and inde-
pendence on the part of so many states in so
sliort a time malies tlie situation of southern
Africa more of an anomaly. The recent moves
toward African unity on the part of most of the
independent states of Africa are impressive.
One of tlie focal points around which they can
unite is this matter of self-determination for
the African peoples who still do not enjoy this
right. At Addis Ababa, last June, the African
nations organized a nine-member Committee of
Liberation. That Committee has been quite
active in formulating its plans for the future.
In the meantime, the unrest in the Portu-
guese territories continues, to the point where
a large percentage of the Portuguese armed
forces is tied down in Africa.
Further south, the Eepublic of South Africa
continues in its policy of apartheid, seemingly
blind to the abyss ahead.
Self-Determination and Apartheid
Our positions on both of these subjects are
matters of record. With regard to the Portu-
guese territories we have for some years urged
Portugal to accept the principle of self-deter-
mination and give it practical effect for the
]-ieoples in its territories. With regard to apart-
heid, this is what our Ambassador to the United
Nations said before the Security Council just
a few weeks ago : °
All of us sitting here today know the melancholy
truth about the racial policies of the Government of
South Africa. Our task now is to consider what fur-
ther steps we can take to induce that Government to
remove the evil business of apartheid, not only from
our agenda but from the continent of Africa.
Wliat are we doing about it? Wliat can we
do about it ? Our practical position is perhaps
best exemplified by our voting on the two recent
Security Council resolutions this summer. On
tlie resolution deprecating the policies of the
Portuguese in their territories, we abstained.'
In abstaining, we explained that we could agree
with much of the substance of the resolution,
but we could not agree that its language and
^ For background and text of resolution, see md.,
Aug. 26, 1963, p. 333.
' For background and text of resolution, see ihid.,
Aug. 19, 1963, p. 303.
wording were suited to encourage the dialog
which is so vitally needed between tlie Portu-
guese and the Africans.
We voted "Yes" to the Security Council reso-
lution condemning the policy of apartheid and
calling upon all states to stop the sale and
equipment of arms, ammunition of all types,
and military vehicles to South Africa. In vot-
ing affirmatively we stated that we had already
adopted a policy of terminating the sale of all
military equipment to the Government of South
Africa by the end of this year. We also re-
served the right to interpret this policy in the
light of any future requirements for the com-
mon defense effort in assuring the maintenance
of international peace and security.
In adopting these positions we have been in
the middle. We have, admittedly, pleased
neither side. But we have a more important
purpose to serve than to please — namely, to
work toward a peaceful solution.
In the cases of South Africa and the Portu-
guese territories in Africa there appear to be
irreconcilable positions, yet in recent history we
have seen many similar irreconcilable positions
become manageable.
Such a stalemate was the nuclear testing
issue. This stalemate was broken because men
refused to give up — and continued to work pa-
tiently and imaginatively even when it seemed
hopeless.
So, in Africa — as in the rest of the world — we
will continue to work patiently and, we hope,
imaginatively toward the building of a world
where the differences between men and nations
can be solved and the rights of men can be at-
tained in a peaceful manner.
In dwelling at such length upon the more
urgent political problems that face Africa —
especially the politicians of Africa, I may have
unwittingly painted a false picture of that vast
continent and its people.
There are, indeed, dangerous tensions in Af-
rica. But for the ordinary Africans, for the
millions who are engaged in trying to get along
and improve their own lot a little, there is more
hope than ever before. We are happy to have
some part in helping these Africans help them-
selves build a more stable and peaceful con-
tinent. The principal tlirust of our integrated
SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
435
economic assistance program operated by the
Agency for International Development lies in
economic and technical cooperation, in educa-
tion, and in the development of human
resources.
A most significant contribution to African de-
velopment is being made by the Peace Corps.
Nearly 1,500 trained and dedicated American
men and women are giving a part of their lives
to help build better societies in Africa and to
give Africans a glimpse of American idealism
inaction.
Role of Private Organizations
These governmental activities are supple-
mented by a variety of African programs spon-
sored or operated by private U.S. organizations.
At last count — in 1961 — there were nearly 600
American organizations — colleges and univer-
sities, foundations, religious and missionary or-
ganizations, business groups, and organizations
concerned with African culture, education, and
training — conducting activities relating to
Africa.
Here at home there is a role for organizations
such as the AMVETS. Keep informed, study
all facets of the problems, and make your views
known. Above all, do not look for quick and
easy solutions. And do not despair if peaceful
solutions are not even in sight. In the 18 years
since your first national convention many
changes have taken place. The pace of de-
colonization, for instance, has been phe-
nomenal. At the time you held your first con-
vention, roughly a third of the world's people
were living in territories whose laws were made
elsewhere, without the consent of the governed.
Today, barely 2 percent of the world's people
live in non-self-governing or dependent terri-
tories. The vast majority of these people saw
independence come without violence.
But when we talk of the fundamental rights
of man, we cannot allow ourselves to bo be-
mused by percentage points. It is small com-
fort for men seeking to attain some measure of
control over their own destinies to know that
there are only a few of their kind left. They
must not, they will not, be forgotten.
Neither must we forget that we still have some
unfinished business here at home. America's
race relations, for instance, clearly have an ef-
fect on the forcefulness of United States influ-
ence abroad. These problems are American
problems that must be solved satisfactorily and
permanently by the efforts of our Government
and by our own efforts. Africa especially has
been watching with great interest the progress
of our civil rights program. Its success or its
failure in the months and years ahead will mean
more than all the diplomacy, all the aid, all the
technical assistance we can offer. Africans
know what our moral ideals are. They have
long heard them from our missionaries. They
have read them in our Declaration of Inde-
pendence and in our history. Knowing what
we say we believe, they are interested in seeing
these beliefs translated into action. That part
of the job is up to you and your fellow citizens.
World Affairs Conference
To Be Held at Albany \
Press release 446 dated August 29, for release August 30
The Department of State, with the coopera-
tion of the World Affairs Council of Albany,
Schenectady, and Troy and The Knickerbocker
News, will hold a World Affairs Conference at
Albany on September 30.
Invitations will be extended throughout New
York State, with the exception of the New York
City metropolitan area, to members of the press,
radio, television, and nongovernmental orga-
nizations concerned with foreign policy and to
business and community leaders.
The purpose of the meeting is to bring to-
gether citizen leaders and media representa-
tives with Government officials responsible for
formulating and carrying out foreign policy.
Officials participating in the conference will
be McGeorge Bundy, Special Assistant to the
President ; Robert J. Manning, Assistant Secre-
tary of State for Public Affairs; Clare H.
Timberlake, Chairman. Disarmament Advisory
Staff, United States Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency; and William S. Gaud, As-
sistant Administrator, Bureau for Near East
and South Asia, Agency for International
Development.
I
436
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BTILLETIN
■
Netherlands Compensation Program
for Nazi Victims Broadened
Press release 449 dated Angust 29
The Department of State has been informed
that the Netherlands compensation program for
Nazi victims, previously announced,^ became
eifective on August 1, 1963, when the fmancial
treaty between the Kingdom of the Netherlands
and the Federal Republic of Germany, signed
on April 8, 1960, and providing, inter alia, for
payment of comjjensation to Netherlands vic-
tims of Nazi persecution, entered into force.
The program has been broadened to include
not only persecutees who were Netherlands na-
tionals or Netherlands-protected subjects at the
time the persecution commenced but also per-
secutees who were residents of the Kingdom of
the Netherlands on May 10, 1940, or at the
time persecution commenced and were not
Netherlands nationals or Netherlands-protected
subjects at the time persecution commenced.
However, persecutees qualifying by virtue of
residence must possess Netherlands nationality
at the time of filing their claims for com-
pensation.
The program's original requirement of
Netherlands nationality at the start of persecu-
tion for both persecutee and heir has also been
broadened. Heirs who were not themselves
Netherlands nationals at the start of persecu-
tion but who are at the present time may also
qualify if the persecutee was a Netherlands
national at the time persecution commenced or
if the persecutee was an alien or a stateless per-
son at the time persecution commenced and was
a resident of the Kingdom of the Nethei'lands
either then or on May 10, 1940.
In cases where the claimants were not
Netherlands nationals or Netherlands-pro-
tected subjects at the start of the persecution,
no compensation is given in respect of persecu-
tion suffered prior to May 10, 1940.
Compensation may not be claimed if the per-
secutee or heir lost Netherlands nationality by
filtering the civil or military service of another
iduntry without the consent of the Queen of
tlio Netherlands for purposes other than op-
' Bulletin of July 22, 1963, p. 142.
position to a National Socialist, Fascist, or simi-
lar regime.
Tlie prerequisite of current Netherlands
nationality does not apply to persecutees who
were actually Netherlands nationals or Nether-
lands-protected subjects at the time the persecu-
tion commenced and who have subsequently
obtained another nationality. Neither is cur-
rent Netherlands nationality required of the
heir if both he and the deceased persecutee
were Netherlands nationals or Netherlands-
protected subjects at the start of persecution.
Persons qualifying for compensation who are
domiciled outside the Netherlands must file their
claims before December 1, 1963.
Congressional Documents
Relating to Foreign Policy
88th Congress, 1st Session
Staffing Procedures and Problems in the Soviet Union.
A study submitted by the Subcommittee on National
Security Staffing and Operations to the Senate Gov-
ernment Operations Committee. May 1.5, 1963. 62
pp. [Committee print.]
Foreign Assistance Act of 1963. Hearings before the
House Foreign Affairs Committee on H.R. 5490,
to amend further the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961,
as amendefl, and for other purposes. Part V, May
15-16, 1963, 179 pp. ; Part VI, May 20-23, 1963, 160
pp. ; Part VII, May 27-29, 1963, 207 pp. ; Part VIII,
June 3-5, 1963, 187 pp.; Part IX and Appendix,
June 6-10, 1963. 150 pp.
Export Controls. Hearing before the Subcommittee on
International Trade of the House Committee on
Banking and Currency. June 5, 1963. 36 pp.
Foreign Assistance Act of 1903. Hearings before the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on S. 1276.
June 11-26 and July 11, 1963. 764 pp.
Administration of National Security. Hearings before
the Subcommittee on National Security Staffing and
Operations of the Senate Committee on Govern-
ment Operations. Part 2. June 14 and 17, 1963.
69 pp.
Exclusion of Communist Political Propaganda From
the U.S. Mails. Hearings before the Subcommittee
on Postal Operations of the House Committee on Post
Office and Civil Service. June 19 and 20, 1963. 64
pp.
Foreign Service Buildings — Philippine War Damage
Claims. Conference report to accompany H.R. .5207.
H. Rept. 497. July 1, 1963. 5 pp.
U.S. Representatives to the United Nations. Report to
accompany H.R. 6283. H. Rept. 498. July 2, 1963.
26 pp.
Attendance at Meeting of the Commonwealth Par-
liamentary Association. Report to accompany S. Res.
168. S. Rept. .342. July 2, 1963. 2 pp.
Amending the Joint Resolution Providing for U.S. Par-
ticipation in the International Bureau for the Pro-
tection of Industrial Property. Report to accom-
pany S.J. Res. 64. S. Rept. 343. July 2, 1963. 6 pp.
SEPTEMBER 18, 1963
437
Senate Delegation to the Commonwealth Parliamen-
tary Association (Kuala Lumpur, Malaya). lU'port
to accompany S. Ites. 16S. S. Kept. 353. July 10,
19C3. 1 p.
Quf.stidiis and Answers on Arms Control and Di.sarma-
ment. July 11, 1!>63. 9 pp. [Committee print.]
The Ambassador and the Problem of Coordination. A
study submitted by the Subcommittee on National
Security Staffing and Oi)erations to the Senate Com-
mittee on Government Operations. July 15, 1963.
15!) pp. (Committee print.]
Contribution to the lOxpenses of the International Com-
mission for Supervision and Control of Laos. Re-
port to accompany S. 1027. S. Rept. 357. July 15,
1!Hk3. 18 pp.
Authorizing One Additional A.s-sistant Secretary of
State, and for Other Purposes. Report to accom-
pany S. 1512. S. Rept. 358. July 15, 1963. 12 pp.
Prohibiting the I.,ocation of Chanceries or Other Busi-
ness Offices of Foreign Governments in Certain Resi-
dential Areas in the District of Columbia. Report
to accompany S. 646. S. Rept. 360. July 16, 1963.
4 pp.
Special Message on the Balance of Payments. Mes-
sage from the President of the United States. H.
Doc. 141. July 18, 1963. 12 pp.
Exproprintiiin of Anierican-Owiiod Property by Foreign
Govcriinicnts in the Twentieth Century. Report pre-
pared by the Legislative Reference Service, Librar.v
of Congress, for the House Committee on I''oreign
Affairs. July 19, 1903. 41 pp. [Committee print.]
Extension of Mexican Farm Labor Program. Report,
together with minority views, to accompany S. 1703.
S. Rept. 372. July 22, 1963. 10 pp.
Supplementary Slavery Convention. Message from the
President transmitting the supplementary conven-
tion on the abolition of .slavery, the slave trade, and
institutions and practices similar to slavery, signed
at Geneva September 7, 1956. S. Ex. L. July 22,
1!M13. 12 pp.
Convention on the Political Rights of Women. Mes-
sage from the President transmitting the conven-
tion (m the political rights of women, signed at New
Yorlv March 31, 1953. S. Ex. J. July 22. 1903. 10
pp.
thorized by the Mutual Educational and Cul-
tural Exchange Act of 1961 (the Fulbright-
Hays Act) , is limited to 10. The other members
are:
Roy E. I^arsen (.chairman), chairman of the executive
coniniittee. Time, Inc., and vice chairman of the
US. Advisory Commission on International Educa-
tional and Cultural Affairs
Lew Christensen, director of the San Francisco Ballet
Warner Lawson, dean of music, Howard University
Peter Mennin, composer and president of the JuiUiard
School of Music
Theodore Roszak, sculptor
George Seaton, motion picture writer, producer, and
director
George Szell, mu.sical director of the Cleveland Orches-
tra
Nina A'ance, managing director of the Alley Theater,
Houston, Texas
The Committee and the Department are as-
sisted by several panels of experts, each con-
cerned with a particular field of the perfonning
arts and each evaluating and recommending
performers within its field.
With this assistance the Committee (1) pro-
vides guidance and assistance to the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs of the De-
partment on types of attractions that would be
most effective in meeting specific objectives of
the cultural presentations program in various
areas of the world, and (2) provides guidance
and counsel on other governmental international
activities concerned with the arts.
Members Named to Arts Advisory
Committee and Drama Panel
ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON THE ARTS
The Department of State announced on
August 30 (press release 450) tliat the Advisory
Committee on the Arts, which gives guidance to
tiie Department of State in conducting its pro-
gram of sending cultural presentations to other
countries, has been completed with the appoint-
ments of .Tohn Brownlee, director of tlie Man-
hattan School of Music and former Metropoli-
tan Opera Company singer, and Oliver Kea,
administrative director of tiie Tyrone Guthrie
Theater in Minneapoli.s.
Membership of the Committee, which is au-
AD HOC DRAMA PANEL
The Department of State announced on .Au-
gust 31 (press release 451 dated August 30)
that a special drama panel composed of 15 per-
sons associated with the stage — in producing,
directing, writing, staging, lighting, and other
capacities — has been appointed to study prob-
lems of presenting theatrical attractions abroad
under the Department of State's cultural pres-
entations program. The ad hoc panel will func-
tion under the Advisory Committee on the Arts.
The jjrogram has suspended for the current
season the sending abroad of dramatic or other
theatrical productions until the expert advice of
members of the ad hoc panel can be obtained.
Their advice is being sought on problems of cost
relating to production, scenery, lighting, and
438
DEFABTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
tiansportation and on innovations and econo-
mies tliat may be possible through advance plan-
iiiiiij. The committee will also be asked to
sunirest criteria for determining play content
that will be effective abroad even though not
performed in the local language. By such a
re\ icw at this time it is hoped the dramatic
iiu'dium can be used with maximum effectiveness
ill the presentations program.
iliss Nan Martin, actress. New York, has
been appointed chairman, and Robert White-
head, producei", New York, vice chairman.
Other members are:
Richard L. Coe, drama critic, Wasliington Post
Robert Dowling, chairman of the board of directors,
iVmerican National Theater and Academy (AXTA),
New Yorlj
Hal Holbrooli, actor, New York
Edward Kook, lighting expert, New York
Jerome Lawrence, writer, Malibu, Calif.
B. G. Marshall, actor, New York
Kevin McCarthy, actor, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Joseph Mielziner, stage designer, New York
Dick Moore, actor and editor of Equity, New York
Chester Morri.s, actor. New Y'ork
Donald Oenslager, scene designer, New York
Alan Schneider, stage director. New York
Miss Peggy Wood, actress and president of ANTA, New
York
Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings ^
Adjourned During August 1963
U.N. Economic and Social Council: 36th Session
lA-ECOSOC Special Committee on Industrial Development and
Financing of the Private Sector: 2d Session.
lA ECOSOC Special Committee on Health, Housing, and Com-
munity Development: 2d Session.
U.X. EGA Conference of African Finance Ministers for the Establish-
ment of an African Development Bank.
International Coffee Council: 1st Session
GATT Trade Negotiations Conunittee
Inter-American Ministers of Education: 3d Meeting
lA-ECOSOC Special Committee on Basic Products
rXESGO/BIRPI African Study Meeting on Copyright
I'.X. ECAFE Seminar on Geochemical Prospecting Methods and
Techniques.
U.N. Seminar on the Rights of the Child
ICEM Subcommittee on Budget and Finance: 8th Session ....
OECD Ministers of Science: Advisory Panels on Agenda Items
1 and 2.
Geneva July 2-Aug. 2
San Josd July 26-Aug. 3
San Jose July 26-Aug. 3
Khartoum, Sudan . . . July 26-Aug. 9
London July 29-Aug. 24
Geneva July 31-Aug. 1
Bogota Aug. 4-10
Washington Aug. 5-9
Brazzaville Aug. 5-10
Bangkok Aug. 5-14
Warsaw Aug. 6-19
Athens Aug. 19-24
Paris Aug. 22-23
In Session as of September 1, 1963
Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament . . Geneva Mar. 14, 1962-
ITtli International Film Festival Edinburgh Aug. 18, 1963-
1C.\0 International Conference on Air Law Tokyo Aug. 20-
r.X. Conference on Travel and Tourism Rome Aug. 21-
24th International Feature Film Festival Venice Aug. 24-
ILO Iron and Steel Committee: 7th Session Cardiff, Wales .... Aug. 26-
' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Aug. 23, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations:
BIRPI, United International Bureaus for the Protection of Industrial and Intellectual Propertv; EGA, Economic
Commission for Africa; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; GATT, General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade; lA-ECOSOC, Inter-American Economic and Social Council; IC.\0, International Civil
Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor
Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO,
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.
SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
439
TREATY INFORMATION
United States and Japan Conclude Arrangement
for Cotton Textile Trade, 1963-65
Prosa rolpase 441 dated Aiipust 26. for release August 27
JOINT ANNOUNCEMENT
The Governments of the United States and
Japan on August 27 announced the condusion
of a bilateral arrangement covering trade in
cotton textiles between Japan and tlie United
States for the period 1963 through 19G5. The
purpose of this arrangement is to provide for
the orderly development of trade in cotton tex-
tiles between Japan and the United States.
The notes effecting the arrangement, which was
negotiated under article 4 of the Geneva Long-
Term Arrangements Regarding International
Trade in Cotton Textiles of February 9, 1962,'
were exchanged on August 27 by Ambassador
Ryuji Takeuchi and Assistant Secretary of
State for Economic Affairs G. Griffith Johnson.
Representatives of the Departments of State,
Commerce, and Labor participated in the ne-
gotiations with the Embassy of Japan and with
other representatives of the Japanese Govern-
ment. Principal features of the bilateral ar-
rangement arc as follows:
1. For calendar year 1963 the level of Jap-
anese exports of cotton textiles to the United
States, as listed in annex A to the arrangement,
is 287.5 million square yards equivalent.
Within tliis aggregnte limit, limits or ceilings
are also provided for particular categories and
groups of textiles.
' For text, ace Bcixetin of Mar. 12. 10C2, p. 431.
2. Tlie overall limit, and the limits or ceilings
on groups and categories, will be increased by
3 percent for calendar year 1964, and these >
levels will be increased by 5 percent for calendar
year 1965.
3. The two Governments will exchange such i
statistical data on cotton textiles as are re- '
quired for the effective implementation of the
arrangement. A set of conversion factors is
specified in annex C of the arrangement to ex-
press various categories of cotton textiles in
terms of a square yard equivalent.
4. The two Governments agree on procedures
that would be applied in the event that an ex-
cessive concentration of Japanese exports of
any particular product of cotton textiles, for
which no limit or ceiling is specified, or of end
items made from a particular type of fabric,
should cause or threaten to cause disruption of
the United States market.
5. The two Governments also agree on pro-
cedures which would be applied in the event
that questions should arise concerning certain
items not included in annex A of the arrange-
ment.
6. The two Governments also agree to con-
sult on any problem that may arise during the
term of the arrangement.
Except as otherwise provided by the arrange-
ment, the terms and provisions of the Long-
Term Arrangements will continue to be appli-
cable to the trade between Japan and the United
States in cotton textiles.
440
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
EXCHANGE OF NOTES EFFECTING THE
ARRANGEMENT
Japanese Note
Washington, August 27, J963.
ExcELrj:NCT : I have the honor to refer to the recent
discussions held in Washington by the representatives
of the Government of Japan and the Government of
the United States of America concerning trade in
cotton textiles between Japan and the United States,
and to confirm, on behalf of the Government of Japan,
the understandings reached between the two Govern-
ments that, pursuant to the provisions of Article 4 of
the Long-Term Arrangements Regarding International
Trade in Cotton Textiles done at Geneva on February
9, 1962 (hereinafter referred to as "the Long-Term
Arrangements"), permitting "mutually acceptable ar-
rangements on other terms not inconsistent with the
basic objectives of this Arrangement", and with a
view to providing for orderly development of trade
in cotton textiles between Japan and the United States,
the bilateral arrangement attached hereto will be ap-
plied by the two Governments for the period of three
years beginning January 1, 1963 subject to the pro-
visions thereof.
I have further the honor to request you to be good
enough to confirm the foregoing understandings on
behalf of the Government of the United States.
I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your
Excellency the assurances of my highest consideration.
Ryuji Takeuchi
His Excellency
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State
of the United States of America.
ATTACHMENT
ARRANGEJIENT BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT
OP JAPAiS' AND THE GOVERNMENT OP THE
UNITED STATES OF AJIERICA CONCERNING
TRADE IN COTTON TEXTILES BETWEEN
JAPAN AND THE UNITED STATES
Pursuant to the provisions of Article 4 of the Long-
Term Arrangements, permitting "mutually acceptable
arrangements on other terms not inconsistent with the
basic objectives of this Arrangement", the following
Arrangement will be applied by the two Governments
for the period of three years beginning January 1,
1963 subject to the provisions herein.
1. The purpose of this Arrangement is to provide
for orderly development of trade in cotton textiles
.between Japan and the United States. To achieve this
purpose :
a. The United States Government shall cooperate
with the Japanese Government in promoting orderly
development of trade in cotton textiles between Japan
I and the United States, and
b. The Japanese Government will maintain, for the
period of three years beginning January 1, 1963, an
annual aggregate limit for exports of cotton textiles
to the United States, and annual limits for major
groups and annual limits or ceilings for certain prod-
ucts within those groups, subject to the provisions of
this Arrangement.
2. The annual aggregate limit for 1963 shall be
287.5 million square yards. This limit shall be sub-
divided into four major groups as follows :
ililUon square yards
Group I— Cotton cloth 125.5
II — Made up goods, usually included in
U.S. cotton broad woven goods pro-
duction 41
III— Apparel 111
IV — -Miscellaneous cotton textiles 10
TOTAL
287.5
Within these major groups, annual limits or ceilings
for specific products are set forth in Annex A. Within
the annual aggregate limit, the limits for Groups I,
II, III and IV may be exceeded by not more than
5 percent, provided that this provision for "flexibility"
shall permit an increase only in the "Other" categories
referred to in each group in Annex A.
Each group set forth above shall be deemed to
contain the following Categories which are defined in
Annex B :
Group I, Categories 5 through 27.
Group II, Categories 28 through 36, and part of Cate-
gory 64.
Group III, Categories 39 through 62, and part of Cate-
gory 63.
Group IV, Categories 1 through 4, 37, 38, and part of
Categories 63 and 64.
3. The aggregate limit for 1964 shall be increased by
3 percent over the limit for 1963. The aggregate
limit for 1965 shall be increased by 5 percent over the
limit for 1964. These increases for 1964 and 1965
shall be applied to each limit for the groups and to
each limit or ceiling within the groups.
4. AVherever it is necessary for the purposes of this
Arrangement to convert units other than square yards
(e.g., dozens, pieces, pounds, etc.) into square yard
equivalents, the conversion into equivalent square
yards shall be at the rates specified in Annex C.
5. a. The two Governments undertake to consult
whenever there is any question arising from tlie im-
plementation of this Arrangement.
b. If instances of excessive concentration of Jap-
anese exports in any products within the scope of this
Arrangement, except those included in categories for
which limits or ceilings are specified in Annex A, or
if instances of excessive concentration of Japanese ex-
ports of end products made from a particular type
of fabric should cause or threaten to cause disruption
SEPTEMBER 16, 1963
Ul
of the United States domestir market, the United
States Government may request in writing consulta-
tions with the Japanese Government to determine an
appropriate course of action. Such a request shall be
accompaiiie<l hy a detailed, factual statement of the
reasons and justification for the request, including rel-
evant data on imports from third countries. During
the course of such consultations, the Japanese Gov-
ernment will maintain exports in the products in ques-
tion on a quarterly basis at annual levels not in excess
of 105 percent of the exports of such products during
the first 12 months of the 15 month period prior to the
month in which consultations are requested or at
annual levels not In excess of 90 percent of the ex-
ports of such products during the 12 months prior to
the month in which consultations are requested, which-
ever is higher.
c. The provisions in sub-paragraph b above should
only be resorted to sparingly. In the event that the
Japanese Government considers that the substance of
Annex A would be seriously affected due to the con-
sultations in sub-i)aragraph b, the Japanese Govern-
ment may request that the consultations include a
discussion of possible modifications of Annex A.
6. The two Governments recognize that the success-
ful implementation of this Arrangement depends in
large part upon mutual cooperation on statistical ques-
tions. Accordingly, each Government agrees to supply
promptly any available statistical data requested by
the other Government. In particular, the United
States Government shall supply the Japanese Govern-
ment with data on monthly imports of cotton textiles
from Japan as well as from third countries, and the
Japanese Government shall supply the United States
Government with data on monthly exports of cotton
textiles to the United States.
7. As regards products in any category under spe-
cific limits or ceilings specified in this Arrangement,
the United States Government shall keep under review
the effect of this Arrangement with a view to orderly
development of trade in cotton textiles between Japan
and the United States, and shall furnish the Japanese
Government once a year with available statistics and
other relevant data on imports, production and con-
sumption of such products such as would clarify the
impact of imports on the industry concerned.
8. If the Japanese Government considers that as a
result of limits and ceilings specified in this Arrange-
ment Japan is being placed in an inequitable position
vls-a-vis a third country, the Japanese Government
may request consultations with the United States Gov-
ernment with a view to taking appropriate remedial
action such as a reasonable modification of this
Arrangement.
0. The two Governments understand that the terms
and conditions of the Long-Term Arrangements shall
be applicable to trade in cotton textiles between Japan
and the United States except as provided in this Ar-
rnngement. The United States Government agrees
thai insofar as the exports from Japan of the products
falling within the scope of Annex A of this Arrange-
ment are conducted within the framework thereof the
United States Government shall not invoke Article 3
of the Long-Term Arrangements with respect to such
products.
10. a. This Arrangement shall continue in force
through December 31, 1965, provided that either Gov-
ernment may terminate this Arrangement prior
thereto effective at the beginning of a calendar year by
giving sixty days' written notice to the other Govern-
ment.
b. Each Government may at any time propose modi-
fication of this Arrangement. The other Government
shall give sympathetic consideration to such proposal.
AXXEX A
1. a. The following specific limits shall apply within
the total annual limit of 125.5 million square yards for
Group I — "Cotton cloth":
Thousand Square Yartts
(1) Ginghams (Categories 5 and 6) 4G, 200
(2) Velveteens (Category 7) 2,750
(3) Typewriter ribbon cloth (Category 17) 987
(4) All Other Fabrics (Categories S through
16 and 18 through 27) 75, 563
b. Within the specific limit for "Ginghams", the
export of "Ginghams, combed" (Category 6) shall not
exceed 75 percent of the above specific limit.
c. Within "All Other Fabrics", the following specific
ceilings shall not be exceeded :
Thousand Square Yards
(!) Sheeting (Categories 9 and 10) 30,000
(2) Poplin and broadcloth (Categories 15 and
16) 30, 000
(3) Print cloth, shirting type, 80 x 80 type,
carded yarn (Category 18) 20, 000
(4) Other shirting (Categories 19, 20 and 21) 32, 000
(5) Twill and sateen (Categories 22 and 23) 39,000
(6) Yarn-dyed fabrics, n.e.s. (Categories 24 and
25 and part of Category 32) 29,000
(7) Duck (Part of Categories 26 and 27) 1,750
d. Any shortfall below the limits specified in (1),
(2) and (3) of paragraph 1 a may be transferred to
(4)— "All Other Fabrics".
e. Within "All Other Fabrics" total exports of
fabrics made from combed warp and filling shall not
exceed 34.65 million square yards.
f. Within "Yarn-dyed fabrics", total exports of
handkerchief cloth shall not exceed 2.25 milUon square
yards.
2. a. The following specific limits shall apply within
the total annual limit of 41 million square yards for
Group II — "ilade-up goods, usuaUy included in V.8.
cotton broad woven goods production":
Unit No.
(1) Pillowcases, plain (Categories 1000 nos. 5, 400
28 and 29)
(2) Dish towels (Category 30) 1000 nos. 7, 200
442
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
Unit
1000 doz.
No.
1,260
(3) Handkerchiefs, except for dedi-
cated handkerchief cloth (Part
of Category 32)
(4) Table damask and manufac- 1000 lbs. 3, 100
tures (Category 33)
(5) Sheets (Categories 34 and 35) 1000 nos. 2, 940
(6) All Other Made-Up Goods 1000 syd. 2,494
(Categories 31, 36 and part equiv.
of Category 64 as specified in
paragraph 5, below)
b. Any shortfall below the limits specified in (1),
(2), (3), (4) and (5) of paragraph 2 a may be trans-
ferred to (6)— "All Other Made-Up Goods".
3. a. The following specific limits shall apply within
the total annual limit of 111 million square yards for
Group III — "Apparel" :
Unit
1,000 doz.
No.
472.5
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
535
809
382
1,000 doz. 717. 5
Gloves and mittens (Cate-
gory 39)
T-Shirts, knit (Categories
41 and 42)
Knit shirts, except in T
and Sweatshirts (Cate-
gory 43)
Men's and boys' dress
shirts, not knit (Cate-
gory 45)
Sportshii'ts, whether or not
in sets, not knit (Cate-
gory 46)
Raincoats, ji length or
over (Category 48)
All other coats (Category
49)
Trousers, slacks and
shorts, outer, whether or
not in sets, not knit
(Categories 50 and 51)
Blouses, whether or not in
sets (Category 52)
(10) Dresses, not knit (Cate-
gory 53)
(11) Playsuits, sunsuits, wash-
suits, rompers, creepers,
etc. (Category 54)
(12) Nightwear and pajamas
(Category 60)
(13) All other Apparel (Cate-
gories 40, 44, 47, 55
through 59, and 61, 62
and part of Category 63
as specified in paragraph
5, below)
b. Any shortfall below the limits specified in (1)
through (12) of paragraph 3a may be transferred to
(13)— "All Other Apparel".
c. Within the specific limit of 1.5 million dozen for
"Trousers, slacks and shorts, outer, whether or not in
sets, not knit", the following specific ceilings shall not
be exceeded:
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
1,000 doz.
1,000 syd.
equiv.
60
120
1,500
1,775
45
180
120
1,428
Vnil No.
(1) Men's and boys' (Category 50) 1000 doz. .500
(2) Women's, misses'andchildren's 1000 doz. 1, 102. 5
(Category 51)
d. The aggregate volume of exports of the following
apparel items manufactured of corduroy, whore the
chief weight of the item is corduroy, shall be limited to
21.35 million square yards equivalent based upon the
conversion factors for the items in question which
appear in Annex C.
Category No. Description
46 Sport shirts
48 Raincoats
49 All other coats
50-51 Trousers
54 Playsuits
4. a. The following specific limits shall apply within
the total annual limit of 10 million square yards for
Group IV — "Miscellaneous cotton textiles":
Unit
No.
810
(1) Zipper tapes, n.e.s. (U.S.
"Schedule A" No. 3230 273) 1000 It
(2) Other (Categories 1 through 4,
37, 38, and parts of Categories
63 and 64 as specified in para-
graph 5, below) 1000 syd. 6, 274
equiv.
b. Any shortfall below the limit specified in (1) in
paragraph 4a may be transferred to (2) — "Other".
5. With regard to Categories 63 and 64 referred to
in paragraphs 2, 3 and 4 above, the following items or
products as identified by present U.S. "Schedule A"
numbers or parts thereof shall be included :
included in Group III except
Category
63 (To be
noted otherwise)
3113
000'
3113
362
3113
365
3113
958'
3113
962'
3113
965
3113
969
3113
970
3113
971
3113
972
3113
973
3113
974
3113
975
3113
995
3114
001
3114
155
Part op :
3113
997'
3113
998"
3114
260'
3114
960'
3114
965'
[See footnotes, p. 444.]
3114
165
3114
175
3114
180
3114
225
3114
235
3114
240
3114
245
3114
255
3114
715
3114
720
3114
895
3114
900
3114
905
3114
925
3114
950
3114
955
SEPTEMBER 16, 196 3
443
Pullovers
Diaper sets
Aprons
Scan-es
2.
Altar cassocks
Dress shields '
Heach wear sets
Sash belts '
Swim wear
ApiJarel with bib
3.
Baseball uuiforms
Bibs'
Sleeping bags for
in-
Belts for apparel ',
4.
fants
and
Halters
Shoulder straps for
Men's and boy's cover-
brassieres'
5.
alls and overalls
6.
Cateoobt 64 (To
as noted otherwise)
3030 000 3159
be included in Group IV except
3030 100
3081 510
3081 530
3081 COO
3081 710'
3081 730*
3081 812 '
3081 815 '
3081 818
3081 852'
3081 855 *
3081 858
3081 912'
3081 915 =
3081 918'
3083 500 '
30s;j 700'
3083 900 =
3084 112 '
3084 400 '
3080 000'
308C 730
3118 200'
3124 200 '
3134 200'
3144 200 •
3154 200'
3158 0-20'
3158 120'
3159
31C3
31G3
3163
3163
3163
3163
3163
3163
3163
3166
3106
31G6
31U6
3166
3168
3168
3168
3168
3168
3168
3168
3168
3168
3108
3200
3200
3200
3220
020'
120'
001
002
003
004
005
006
580'
600'
690'
000
200
300
692
695
001
002
003
004
005
006
007
008
009
010
012'
015'
400'
130'
3220 202 '
3220 205*
3220 207 '
3220 212 '
3220 862
3220 865
3220 868
3224 000
3224 050
3224 100
3224 150
3224 200
3224 300
3224 500
3230 240
3230 273
3230 350
3230 401
3230 410
3230 431
3230 500'
3230 682'
3230 685 '
3230 688'
3903 300
3909 010
3230 232
3230 235
3230 278
9439 950
in sets)
(excluding
ANNEX B
Definition of Cotton Textile Categories
List of Categories Unit
1. Cotton yarn, singles, carded, not orna-
mented, etc. lbs.
' These Items or products shall be included in Group
IV. [Footnote in original.]
'Tho.se items shall be Included in Group II. [Foot-
note In original.]
'The two Governments shall consult as to whether
or not any product other Ihan the seventeen products
enumerated below the footnoted items may be classi-
tled as an addition to these items. Such consultations
shall not cover shoe uppers, Japan items, belts (other
than sash belts and belts for apparel), suspenders and
braces. [Footnote In original.]
List of Categories
Cotton yarn, plied, carded, not orna-
mented, etc.
Cotton yarn, singles, combed, not orna-
mented, etc.
Cotton yam, plied, combed, not orna-
mented, etc.
Ginghams, carded yam
Ginghams, combed yam
Velveteens
Corduroy
Sheeting, carded yam
Sheeting, combed yarn
Lawns, carded yarn
Lawns, combed yarn
Voiles, carded yam
Voiles, combed yam
Poplin and broadcloth, carded yam
Poplin and broadcloth, combed yam
Typewriter ribbon cloth
Print cloth, shirting type, 80x80 type,
carded yam
Print cloth, shirting type, other than
80x80 type, carded yarn
Shirting, carded yarn
Shirting, combed yarn
Twill and sateen, carded yarn
Twill and sateen, combed yam
Yarn-dyed fabrics, n. e. s., carded yarn
Yarn-dyed fabrics, n.e.s., combed yarn
Fabrics, n.e.s., carded yarn
Fabrics, n.e.s., combed yarn
Pillowcases, plain, carded yarn
Pillowcases, plain, combed yarn
Di-sh towels
Towels, other than dish towels
Handkerchiefs
Table damasks and manufactures
Sheets, carded yarn
Sheets, combed yarn
Bedspreads, including quilts
Braided and woven elastics
Fishing nets
Gloves and mittens
Hose and half hose
Men's and boys' all white T. shirts,
knit or crocheted
Other T. shirts
Knit.shirts, other than T. shirts and
Sweatshirts (including infants)
Sweaters and cardigans
Men's and boys' shirts, dress, not knit
or crocheted
Men's and boys' shirts, sport, not knit
or crocheted
Men's and boys' shirts, work, not knit
or crocheted
Raincoats, % length or over
All other coats
Unit
sq. yds.
doz.
lbs.
numbers
doz.
prs.
444
DKP.vnXMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
List of Categories Unit
50. Men's and boys' trousers, slacks and
shorts, outer, whether or not in sets,
not knit or crocheted doz.
51. Women's, misses' and children's
trousers, slacks and shorts, outer,
whether or not in sets, not knit or
crocheted "
52. Blouses, whether or not in sets "
53. Women's, misses', children's and in-
fants' dresses (including nurses' and
other uniform dresses), not knit or
crocheted "
54. Playsuits, sunsuits, washsuits, creep-
ers, rompers, etc. (except blouses
and shorts ; blouses and trousers ; or
blouses, shorts and skirt sets) "
55. Dressing gowns, including bathrobes
and beachrobes, lounging gowns,
dusters and housecoats, not knit or
crocheted "
56. Men's and boys' undershirts, (not T.
shirts) "
57. Men's and boys' briefs and undershorts "
58. Drawers, shorts and briefs (except
men's and boys' briefs), knit or cro-
cheted "
59. All other underwear, not knit or cro-
cheted "
60. Nightwear and pajamas "
61. Brassieres and other body supporting
garments "
62. Other knitted or crocheted clothing units or lbs.
63. Other clothing, not knit or crocheted "
64. All other cotton textile items "
ANNEX C
Conversion Factors
Category Nvmbcr Vnit Conversion Factor
1 lb. 4.6
2 " 4.6
3 " 4.6
4 " 4.6
28 no. 1.084
29 " 1.084
30 " .348
31 " .348
32 doz. 1.66
33 lb. 3.17
34 no. 6.2
35 " 6.2
36 " 6.9
37 lb. 4.6
38 " 4.6
39 doz. 3.527
40 " 4.6
41 " 7.234
42 " 7.234
43 " 7.234
44 " 36.8
45 " 22.186
Category Numher
Vnit
Conversion Factor
46
doz.
24.457
47
"
22.186
48
"
50.0
49
"
32.5
50
"
17.797
51
"
17.797
52
"
14.53
53
"
45.3
54
"
25.0
55
"
51.0
56
"
9.2
57
"
11.25
58
"
5.0
59
"
16.0
60
"
51.96
61
"
4.75
62
lb.
4.6
63
4.6
&1'
"
4.6
United States Note
Department op State
Washington, August 27, 1963
Excellency: I have the honor to acknowledge re-
ceipt of your note of today's date and the bilateral ar-
rangement attached thereto concerning trade in cotton
textiles between Japan and the United States which
reads as follows :
"Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the
recent discussions held in Washington by the repre-
sentatives of the Government of Japan and the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America concerning
trade in cotton textiles between Japan and the United
States, and to confirm on behalf of the Government
of Japan, the understandings reached between the
two Governments that, pursuant to the provisions of
Article 4 of the Long-Term Arrangements Regard-
ing International Trade in Cotton Textiles done at
Geneva on February 9, 1962 ( hereinafter referred to
as 'the Long-Term Arrangements'), permitting 'mu-
tually acceptable arrangements on other terms not
inconsistent with the basic objectives of this Arrange-
ment', and with a view to providing for orderly de-
velopment of trade in cotton textiles between Japan
and the United States, the bilateral arrangement at-
tached hereto will be applied by the two Govern-
ments for the period of three years beginning Janu-
ary 1, 1963 subject to the provisions thereof.
"I have further the honor to request you to be good
enough to confirm the foregoing understandings on
behalf of the Government of the United States.
"I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to
Your Excellency the assurances of my highest con-
sideration."
I have further the honor to confirm the foregoing
nnderstaudings on behalf of the Government of the
United States of America.
'■ Floor coverings shall be measured by actual square
yardages. [Footnote in original.]
SEPTEMBER 16, 196 3
445
Accept, Excelloncy, the renewed assurances of my
highest consideration.
For the Secretary of State :
G. Griffith Johnson
Enclosure :
ArrnnKcment.
His Excellency
Ryiji TAKEl'Cni,
Ambasnailor of Japan.
EXCHANGES OF LETTERS
United States Letter
Df-partment of State
Washington. August 27, 1963
Dear Mr. Ambassador: With reference to Annex A
of the ArranBernent between the Government of .Tapan
and the Government of the United States of ^Vmerica
concemInK trade in cotton textiles between Japan and
the I'nited States effected l\v the Exchange of Notes
today, I wish to state the understandings of my Gov-
ernment that if any problem arises regarding the
cla.ssification in the implementation of the Arrange-
ment, the two Governmeuts shall consult each other
with a view to finding an appropriate solution. Par-
ticularly, when questions arise whether certain prod-
ucts f.ill within the scope of Annex A, the two Gov-
ernments shall study such questions taking into
account, inter alia, such international standards as
B.T.X. and S.I.T.C.
In view of the fact that Category definitions may
be affected as a result of possible future changes in
the T'nited States "Schedule A", I hereby wish to state
further our understandings that such changes shall
be promptly notitie<l to the Japanese Government, and
that consultations shall be held to make such adjust-
ments in the Arrangement as may become necessary as
a result of the changes.
I should be grateful if you would confirm these un-
derstandings if they are acceptable to your Government.
Sincerely yours.
For the Secretary of State :
G. Griffith Johnson
Japanese Reply
Washington, August -'7, 1963.
Dear Mh. Johnson: I acknowledge receipt of your
letter of August ITT, llKiS which reads as follows :
(Text of Cnlted States letter.]
I wish to confirm on behalf of my Government the
understandings set forth in your letter.
Sincerely yours,
RYU.)I TAKF.rCHI
United States Letter
Department of State
Washington, August 2T, 1963
Dear Mr. Ambassador: On the occasion of the Ex-
change of Xotes with the Arrangement between the'
Government of the United States of America and the
Government of Japan concerning trade in cotton tex-
tiles between Japan and the United States effectedl
thereby, I wish to state that there are certain items nott
included in Annex A of the Arrangement but which are!
ela.ssified as "cotton textiles" by the United States
Government. A list of these items, identified by the
United States "Schedule A" numbers, is attached to
this letter. It is the understanding of the United
States Government that the Japanese Government does
not consider some of the products within the first 22
items to be cotton textiles and does not consider any
of the last 7 items to be cotton textiles.
Nevertheless, in the event imports from Japan in any
of the items or products enumerated in the attached
li.st should cause or threaten to cause disrui)tion of the
United States domestic market, the United States
Government may request consultations with the Jap-
anese Government for the purpose of finding an appro-
priate course of action.
The consultations .shall be conducted in the manner
provided in paragraph 0 of the Arrangement if the
item or product in question is considered a cotton textile
by the Japanese Government, or in any other manner
agreeable to both Governments if the item or product
in question is not considered a cotton textile by the
Japanese Government. The Japanese Government
shall promptly notify the United States Government
whether or not it considers the item or product in ques-
tion to be a cotton textile.
While the United States Government agrees and
prefers to seek a mutually satisfactory solution
through the means mentioned above, it reserves its
right, if such a settlement cannot be reached expedi-
tiously, to invoke Article 3 of the Long-Term Arrange-
ments Regarding International Trade in Cotton
Textiles done at Geneva on February 9, 1962, con-
cerning the items or products enumerated in the
attached list.
I should be grateful if you would confirm these
understandings if they are acceptable to your Gov-
ernment.
Sincerely yours.
For the Secretary of State :
G. Griffith Johnson
ATTACHMENT
(1) 20(51 400 (0) 3230 2.38 (11) 32.30 712
(2) 3224 800 (7) 3230 27.5 (12) 3070 010
(3) 3224 900 (8) 3230 277 (13) 3971 010
(4) 3226 110 (9) 3230 352 (14) 3971 020
(5) 3226 300 (10) .3230 451 (15) 3971 110
■ltd
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BDLLKTIX
(16) 3971 210 (21) 3114 960' (26) 3224 700
(17) 3971 430 (22) 3114 965' (27) 3230 461
(18) 3113 997' (23) 2061 000 (2S) 3230 670
(19) 3113 998' (24) 2067 610 (29) 9439 950
(20) 3114 260' (25) 2067 710 (in sets only)
lapanese Reply
Washington, August 27, 1963.
Deak Mr. Johnson : I acknowledge receipt of your
letter of August 27, 1963 which reads as follows :
[Text of United States letter.]
With regard to the above stated understandings of
he United States Government, I wish to confirm, on
lehalf of my Government, that these are also the un-
lerstandings of the Government of Japan with the
"ollowing reservation.
In the event the United States Government exercises
ts right to invoke Article 3 of the Long-Term Arrange-
nents, the Japanese Government may exercise its
•ights as an exporting country in accordance with the
•arious relevant provisions of the Long-Term Ar-
•angements, including the right to bring questions of
nterpretation or application of the Long-Term Ar-
angements to the GATT Cotton Textiles Committee
n accordance with Article 8 of the Long-Term
Arrangements.
Sincerely yours,
Ryuji Takeuchi
lapanese Letter
Washington, August ;?7, 1DG3.
Dear Mr. Johnson : With reference to Annex A of
,he Arrangement between the Government of Japan
ind the Government of the United States of America
"oncerning trade in cotton textiles between Japan and
he United States effected by the Exchange of Notes
oday, I wish to state our understanding that the
exports of uniquely Japanese products called "Japan
(terns" shall not be included in Annex A of the Ar-
rangement. The attachment to this letter provides
'or the definition of "Japan Items" and enumerates
hose products which have been and are likely to be
!xported to the United States as "Japan Items". Ad-
litional items may be added to the above attachment
hrough agreement after consultations as may become
leccssary in the future.
It is further understood that the exports of "Japan
ttems" shall be made with certification by the Japa-
lese Government. In the event that the United States
Government finds that any particular products im-
lorted from Japan as "Japan Items" should not be
,)roperly classified as such, the United States Govern-
aent may request consultations with the Japanese
' Part of these items included, i.e. shoe uppers, belts
other than sash belts and belts for apparel), sus-
)enders and braces. [Footnote in original.]
Government with a view to finding the appropriate
classification of the products in question within Annex
A of the Arrangement.
I should be grateful if you would confirm these
understandings if they are acceptable to your Gov-
ernment.
Sincerely yours,
Ryuji Takeuchi
ATTACHMENT
1. Definition <}f "Japan Items"
"Japan Items" to be kept outside Annex A of the
said Arrangement are the items which are uniquely
Japanese products. Whether a particular product
should be considered as "Japan Items" or not will be
determined on the basis of the following criterion.
Designed for the use in the traditional Japanese
way of life, wearing "Kimono", living in "Tatami"
rooms, decorating for traditional Japanese ceremonies
or festivals, playing Japanese sports etc. In other
words, not in use in the regular western way of life
except for hobbies or special likings.
2. List of "Japan Items"
The names of the items which have been and are
likely to be exported as "Japan Items" are as follows :
(a) Cloth
KLmono Traditional Japanese style dress.
Yukata A type of Kimono, summer-wear
made of Tukata-Ji (Plain-woven
light fabrics printed in simple
colors).
.Tuban Underwear for Kimono, funda-
mentally same style as Kimono.
Uaori Overcoat for Kimono, usually less
than % length.
Wafukukoto Raincoat or duster coat to be worn
over Kimono, basically same style
as Kimono, different from Haori
in not being open in front and long-
er than % length.
Happi Workers' overcoat, similar style
with Haori but not dressy.
Judogi Kimono-style sports wear for Judo,
usually accompanied by slim and
% length trousers and by belts.
Kendogi Kimono-style sports wear for Ken-
do, usually accompanied by Haka-
ma (men's skirts, full length).
Different from Judogi in being
lighter, tighter and half-sleeves.
Kappogl Apron to be worn over Kimono with
broad sleeves, chest and shoulders
covered.
Momohiki Carpenters' or Rikishamen's trou-
sers, often cover-alls to be worn in
combination with Happi. Dif-
ferent from western style trousers
5EP1'EJIBER IG, 19G3
447
In being extrojiicly light and small
In lower ends, usually black in
color. Combination sets of Uappi
and Momobiki are often traded as
"Carpenter Apparel".
Snsbiko Quilted coat which is almost like
Ilappi, typically used by firemen.
(b) Clothing accessories
Obi (1) Wide thick belts for Kimono,
usually a few inches wide or more.
(2) Wide, thin belts for mens' Ki-
mono or Yukata, both longer than
western style belts by a few times.
(3) Judo bolts, narrow but ap-
proximately twice as wide and
longer than western style belts, no
buckles.
Obisbime Woven decorative belt to be used
on top of the Obi ( 1 ) above.
Tabi Socks to be worn when one wears
"kimono" made of woven fabrics,
tightly in the form of foot, having
a separate division for the big toe.
Reaches just above the ankle and
is fastened at the back by means
of an overlap having metal hook
tabs.
Koshihiino Narrow, soft belt to be used be-
tween Obi and Kimono, or Kimono
and Juban.
Erisugata A length of stiff cotton cloth to be
sewn inside "Eri" collar to give a
form or shape.
Sodeguchl Extra broad sleeves which are
based on the short sleeves of Juban.
Homackake Men's working apron, thick and
heavy. Big in size, usually simple
in color.
(c) TTousehold goods
F"ton Japanese style bedding, mattress
and thick, large blankets. Mat-
tress different from western style
In the stuffing much softer and
the covering cloth lighter. Blan-
kets are as thick as an inch or
more, also with soft stuffing.
Futon-Cover Cover for "Futon". Different from
sheets a.s it covers the stuffing di-
rectly, also different in sizes as it
Is made to contain voluminous
stuffing, u.^ually printed or dyed.
Zabulriii Cushion to sit on in Jaiianese "Ta-
tami" rooms. Approximately a
yard .square, a few inches thick
with soft stuffing.
Furoshiki Wrapping doth of about one and
a h.Tif yard sipiare. Different from
scarf In the thickness of the
fabric.
Kolnoborl Artificial carp to fly on top of a
long pole on the occasion of "Boys'
Tenugui
Festival" in the Japanese custom.
Shop curtain to hang at the en-
trance of shops, short, with vorti-
cal cuts in several parts.
Oblong towel, woven, usually with
Japanese decorative design.
United States Reply
Department of State
Washington, August 27, 19GS
Dear Mk. Ambassadok : I acknowledge receipt of
your letter of August 27, 1963, which reads as follows :
[Text of Japanese letter.]
I wish to confirm on behalf of my Government the
understandings set forth in your letter.
Sincerely yours.
For the Secretary of State :
G. Griffith Johnson
United States Letter
DEPARTJfENT OF STATE
Washington, August 27, 1963
Dear Mr. Ambassador : With reference to paragraph
5b of the Arrangement between the Government of Ja-
pan and the Goverament of the United States of Amer-
ica concerning trade in cotton textiles between Japan
and the United States effected by the Exchange of
Notes today, I wish to inform you of the views and
intentions of the United States Government:
The United States Government recognizes that ex-
ports of the end products containing fabrics poten-
tially falling under the so-called concentration clause
are themselves subject to limits established in Annex
A of the Arrangement. It further recognizes that
changing demands in the United States market may,
from time to time, lead to changes in the types of fa-
bric appearing in imports into the United States. Con-
sidering these and other circimistances, the United
States Government does not intend to invoke para-
graph r>b on any type of fabric except in the case of a
sharj) and substantial increase from present levels in
imports from .Japan of that fabric in the form of end
items. It is to be understood that a sharp and substan-
tial increase would be considered to apply only in those
cases where present levels of imports from Japan of
the fabric concerned in the form of end items already
are in substantial volume in relation to total consump-
tion in the United States.
In any event, the United States Government would
give the Japanese Government advance notice prior to
any invocation of the clause under discussion.
I should be grateful if you would acknowledge on
behalf of your Government the receipt of this letter.
Sincerely yours.
For the Secretary of State :
G. Griffith Johnson
448
DEPAnXMEXT OF STATE BUM.ETIN
Japanese Reply
Washington, August 27, 1963.
Dear Me. Johnson : I acknowledge, on behalf of my
Government, receipt of your letter of August 27, 1963
which reads as follows :
[Text of United States letter.]
Sincerely your.s,
Ryuji Takeucih
U.S. and Japan Agree on Exports
of Zipper Chain From Japan
Press release 447 dated August 28
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
The United States Government announced on
August 28 the conclusion of an agreement with
the Government of Japan on the export of zip-
per chain from Japan to the United States.
Zipper chain is the long strip of fabric and
metal which goes into the making of zipper.
Under the terms of the agreement the Govern-
ment of Japan agrees to limit exports to the
United States of zipper chain chief value of
cotton to 85,000 pounds for calendar year 1964.
The Government of Japan also agrees that there
will be no further shipments of zipper chain
chief value of cotton during the remainder of
this year. The last shipments occurred in early
August. For its part the United States Gov-
ernment agrees to admit shipments now en route
to the United States.
The exchange of letters between Ambassador
Kyuji Takeuchi and Assistant Secretary of
State for Economic Affairs G. Griffith Jolmson
effecting this agreement follows.
EXCHANGE OF LETTERS
Japanese Letter
Washington, August 28, 1963.
Deae Me. Johnson : With reference to the recent
discussions held in Washington between representa-
tives of the Government of Japan and the Government
of the United States of America with regard to the
export of zipper chain from Japan to the United States,
I wish to state the understandings of my Government :
With regard to the shipment of approximately 54,000
lbs. of zipper chain in chief value of cotton now in
transit to the United States and fully described in the
attached shipping schedule, it is agreed that the United
States Government shall use every available means to
facilitate customs clearance of such shipments.
On its part, the Japanese Government confirms that
there are no valid export licenses for the export to the
United States of zipper chain in chief value of cotton
now outstanding. In addition, the Japanese Govern-
ment will suspend Issuance of export licenses on the ex-
ports of zipper chain in chief value of cotton to the
United States, from the pre.sent date to the end of 1963.
For the year 1964, the total amount of exports from
Japan to the United States of zipper chain in chief
value of cotton will be limited to 85,000 lbs.
If either Government considers it appropriate to
make any arrangement concerning the product in
question for the year 1965, the two Governments shall
consult on the matter.
I should be grateful if you would confirm these un-
derstandings if they are acceptable to your Govern-
ment.
Sincerely yours,
Rydji Takedchi
The Honorable G. Griffith Johnson,
Assistant Secretary of State
for Economic Affairs,
Department of State.
ATTACHMENT
Shipping Schedule op Zipper Chain
Name of Vessel
Port
Date
QuaiitUi/
Brooklyn
Yokohama
August 3,
1963
13, 485 lbs.
Maru
New York
August 29,
1963
Mizukawa
Yokohama
August 7,
1963
6, 950 lbs.
Maru
Los Angeles
August 21,
1963
President
Yokohama
August 10,
1963
33, 098 lbs.
Taylor
Los Angeles
August 21,
1963
Total
53, 533 lbs.
United States Reply
August 28, 1963
Deae Me. Ambassadoe : I acknowledge receipt of
your letter of August 28, 1963, which reads as follows :
[Text of Japanese letter.]
I wish to confirm on behalf of my Government the
understandings set forth in your letter.
Sincerely yours.
For the Secretary of State :
G. Griffith Johnson
His Excellency
Ryuji Takeuchi,
Ambassador of Japan,
Eiiihasstj of Japiin.
SEPTESIBEK 16, 1963
449
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Atomic Energy
AiMrmliii.'iii .if article VI. A. 3 of the Statute of the
International Atomic EnerRy Agency. Done at Vi-
enna October 4, llMJl. Entered into force January 31,
1!Kj:1 TIAS 5284.
Acciiildiirc ilcitu.sitcd: Kederal Republic of Germany,
Aufiust L'L'. l',Ki.H.
Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at
Vienna April 18, IJKil.'
Accession dciiositcd: Malagasy Republic, .luly 31,
1963.
Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplo-
matic relations concerning the compulsory settlement
of disputes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961.'
Accession deposited; Malagasy Republic, July 31,
196.3.
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at Mos-
cow August 5, li)63.'
Signatures affixed at Washington: Chad, Switzer-
land, August 20. 1963; Cameroon, Dahomey, Mo-
rocco, August 27, 1903 ; Uganda, August 29, 1963 ;
Korea, Nepal, Upper Volta, August 30, 19G3.
Property
Convention of Paris for the protection of industrial
proi)erty of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels De-
cember 14, 1900, at Washington June 2, 1911, at The
Hague November 0, 192."), at Loudon June 2, 1934,
and at Lisbon October 31, 19.")8. Done at Lisbon Oc-
tober 31, 19.">8. Entered into force January 4, 1962.
TIAS 4931.
Accessions deposited: Congo (Brazzaville), Nigeria,
August 2, 1903.
Convention of Union of Paris of March 20, 1883. for
the protection of industrial proi>erty revised at Brus-
sel.s December 14, 1900, at Washington June 2, 1911,
at The Hague November 6, 192.'), and at London
June 2, 19,34. Signed at London June 2, 1934. En-
tered into force August 1, 1938. r)3 Stat. 1T48.
Xotiflcalion tlint it ecm-siders itself bound: Congo
(Hrazzuvillc), June 20, 1903.
Telecommunications
International telecommunication convention with six
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En-
tered into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United
States October 2.3. 1961. TIAS 4892.
Ratification deposited: Poland, July 8, 1963.
BILATERAL
Afghanistan
AgreiMnent fur financing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at Kabul August 20, 1903. En-
tered into force August 20, 1963.
Argentina
AgreeniiMil relating to the effectiveness of Unitea
Slates schedules to the trade agreement of Oc-
tober 14, 1941 (50 Stat. 1685). Effected by exchange
of notes at Buenos Aires July 24, 1963. Entered into
force July 24, 1963.
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at Buenos Aires August 21, 1963.
Entered into force August 21, 1963.
Agreement for financing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at Buenos Aires November .">. 19.56.
Entered into force November 5, 1956. TIAS 30S7.
Terminated: August 21, 1963 (suiJerseded by agree-
ment of August 21, 1903. supra ) .
Agreement amending the afrreement of November 5,
1950 (TIAS 3687), for financing certain educational
exchange programs. Effected by exchange of notes.
Signed at Buenos Aires PYbruary 26 and Decem-
ber 27, 1957. Entered into force December 27, 1957.
TIAS 3992.
Terminated : August 21, 1963 (superseded by agree-
ment of August 21, 1963, supra).
Agreement amending the afireement of November 5,
1950. as amended (TIAS 3087, 3992), for financing
certain educational exchange projtrams. Effected by
exchange of notes at Buenos Aires May 8 and 17,
1961. Entered into force May 17, 1901. TIAS 4769.
Terminated: August 21, 1903 (superseded by agree-
ment of August 21, 1963. supra).
EURATOM
Amendment to the additional agreement for coopera-
tion concerning peaceful uses of atomic energv of
June 11, 1960, as amended (TIAS 4650, 5104).
Signed at Brussels and at Wa.shington August 22
and 27, 1963. Enters into force on the day on which
each party shall have received from the other writ-
ten notification that it has complied with all statu-
tory and constitutional requirements for entry into
force.
Iraq
Cultural agreement. Signed at Da^'hdad January 23,
1961.
Entered into force: August 13, 1963.
Japan
Arrangement concerning trade in cotton textiles. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Washington Au-
gust 27, 1963. Entered into force August 27, 1963.
Mexico
Convention for the solution of the problem of the
Chamizal. Signed at Mexico August 29. 1963.
Enters into force upon exchange of instruments o(
ratification at Mexico.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
' Not in force.
Consulate at Durban Raised
to Consulate General
The Department of State announced on August 21
(Department notice) that on August 19 the American
consulate at Durban, Republic of South Africa, was
elevated to the rank of consulate general. Francis O.
Allen, the principal officer, h.as been appointed consul
general.
450
DEPARTMENT OP ST.\TE BUM.KTIN
INDEX September 16, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No.
Africa. Africa and the World : Problems of
Today and Tomorrow (Williams) .... 432
Atomic Energy
Africa and the World : Problems of Today and
Tomorrow (Williams) 432
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Endorsed by Science
Advisory Committee 430
Claims and Property. Netherlands Compensa-
tion Program for Nazi Victims Broadened . . 437
Congress. Congressional Documents Relating
to Foreign Policy 437
Department and Foreign Service. Consulate at
Durban Raised to Consulate General . . . 450
Economic Affairs
Economic Development : Some Lessons of a Com-
mon Experience (Rostow) 422
U.S. and Japan Agree on Exports of Zipper
Chain From Japan (Johnson, Takeuchi) . . 449
United States and Japan Conclude Arrangement
for Cotton Textile Trade. 1063-65 (Johnson,
Takeuchi, text of arrangement) 440
Educational and Cultural Affairs. Members
Named to Arts Advisory Committee and
Drama Panel 438
Foreign Aid. Economic Development : Some
Lessons of a Common Experience (Rostow) . 422
Germany, Federal Republic of. Netherlands
Compensation Program for Nazi Victims
Broadened 437
Human Rights. Africa and the World : Prob-
lems of Today and Tomorrow (Williams) . 432
International Organizations and Conferences.
Calendar of International Conferences and
Meetings 439
Japan
U.S. and Japan Agree on Exports of Zipper
Chain From Japan (Johnson, Takeuchi) . . 449
United States and Japan Conclude Arrangement
for Cotton Textile Trade, 196.3-65 (Johnson,
Takeuchi, text of arrangement) 440
Netherlands. Netherlands Compensation Pro-
gram for Nazi Victims Broadened .... 437
Public Affairs. World Affairs Conference To
Be Held at Albany 4.36
South Africa. Consulate at Durban Raised to
Consulate General 450
Treaty Information
Current Actions 450
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Endorsed by Science
Advisory Committee 430
U.S. and Japan Agree on Exports of Zipper
Chain From Japan (Johnson, Takeuchi) . . 449
United States and Japan Conclude Arrangement
for Cotton Textile Trade, 1963-65 (Johnson,
Takeuchi, text of arrangement) 440
Name Index
Johnson, G. Griffith 440,449
Rostow, W. W 422
Takeuchi, Ryuji 440,449
Williams, G. Mennen 432
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: August 26-September 1
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News
, Department of State, Washington, D.C. |
20520.
Releases issued prior to August 26 which ap- 1
pear in
this
issue of the Bulletin are Nos.
431 of August 19 and 436 of August 23. |
No.
Date
Subject
•439
8/26
U.S. participation in interna-
tional conferences.
*440
8/26
Harriman : Central Committee of
the World Council of Churches
(excerpts).
441
8/26
Textile arrangement with Japan.
*441-A
8/27
Descriptions of "schedule A"
numbers in U.S.-Japan textile
arrangement.
t442
8/27
Manning: "Foreign Policy:
Building Amid Turbulence."
•443
8/27
Itinerary for visit of King and
Queen of Afghanistan.
•444
8/27
Cultural exchange.
t445
8/29
Vice President Johnson's visit to
north European countries (re-
write).
446
8/29
World Affairs Conference, Al-
bany, N.Y.
447
8/28
Agreement with Japan on zip-
per chain.
t44S
8/29
Convention with Mexico on
Chamizal.
449
8/29
Netherlands compensation pro-
gram for Nazi victims broad-
ened.
450
8/30
Appointments to Advisory Com-
mittee on Arts (rewrite).
451
8/30
Drama panel to study problems
of pre.senting theater abroad
(rewrite).
•454
8/30
U.S. participation in interna-
tional conferences.
a.
* Not printe
t Held for a
later issue of the Bulletin.
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKX.Y EECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Yol. XLIX, No. 1265
Se-ptember 23, 1963
FOREIGN POLICY: BUILDING AMID TURBULENCE
hy Assistant Secretaiy Manning 45^.
THE USES OF DIVERSITY
hy Assistant Secretary Cleveland ^j61
U.S. AND MEXICO SIGN CONVENTION SETTLING CHA^nZAL BOUNDARY
DepartTnent Statement and Text of Convention 480
THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND: ITS WORK AND ITS FUTURE
Article by Mortimer D. Goldstein 1^5
For index see inside back cover
Foreign Policy: Building Amid Turbulence
by Robert J. Manning
Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs *
Tlie transfer from the world of journalism to
the world of government, particularly in the
field of foreign affairs, requires less transforma-
tion than some might suspect. I made this
transfer less than 2 years ago and have found
that there are numberless similarities between
the journalistic job of trying to make foreign
policy intelligible and the governmental job of
trying to make it work. Of the many similar
problems, one of the most exasperating and —
when the chips are down — most perilous is the
problem of arriving at a sufficient state of cer-
tainty about what is going on and what it all
means.
In both government and journalism the temp-
tation is always strong to wait for more of the
facts, more of the returns, before committing
the front page to a headline or a national gov-
ernment to a deed. For journalism, the temp-
tation is arbitrarily removed by the arrival of
' Address made before the American Hospital Asso-
ciation, at New York, N.Y., on Aug. 27 (press release
442).
the deadline. For government, except in in-
stances of the most decisive international events,
the temptation to wait is not so clearly or so
easily erased. The germs of procrastination
sit in the system of even the most active govern-
ment activnst. Obviously there are many perils
in the process of making decisions or launching
policies before all the facts fit into a neat com-
putation that says, "This is precisely how it is,"
and "This is precisely what we must do.'' But
there are perils, too, in putting off action in the
hope that another day or another week will pro-
duce information that makes the decision more
obv^ious. The newspaper must meet its dead-
line. The goverimient must act before it is too
late to forestall adversity or to seize opportu-
nity. Wliat is more, the procrastination fre-
quently proves to be profitless.
Perhaps I may illustrate this with a seemingly
frivolous anecdote. Once, on a news reporting
visit to an East African country, I met an Amer-
ican who had taken up residence there some 2
months before. He complained of the difficulty
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 126S PUBLICATION 7S99 SEPTEMBER 23, 1963
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454
DKI'.MITMEXT OP STATE BULLETIN
of clearly understanding the thinking of many
of the officials he was required to deal with.
"The more specifically and deliberately one of
them speaks or writes, the less meaning you
should attach to it," he decided. "It is when
he gets vague that you should look for mean-
ing." As an example he told of discovering
one morning that a new cafe had opened not
far from his roominghouse. A sign proclaimed
its name : "The Open and Closed Cafe." Puz-
zling over what had inspired the proprietor to
use that particular name, he was relieved one
day to see a sign painter at work, obviously
altering the cafe's sign. He thought that at last
there might be some clarification. When he
went to examine the results, he saw that the
sign had indeed been altered. It now read:
"The Open and Closed Cafe— 100%." The
American was, of course, even more puzzled
than before.
This prolog must serve as a caveat for this
occasion. In our time of fast-multiplying and
swiftly moving international events no man can
stand before you and review such events — and
the policies that are fitted to them — with the
certainty tliat all the assessments of the moment
will look the same in tomorrow's sunrise. But
the odds are that tomorrow's new information
will leave the situation still as imprecise and
still as demanding of the calculated risks and
visceral decisionmaking that is a necessity of
modern-day foreign policy. With that in the
background, I should like today to discuss some
of the overriding themes of American foreign
policy in the 1960's and some precise cases of
that policy in action.
American Involvement Throughout the World
Tlie phrase "Building Amid Turbulence" im-
plies what is both most difficult and most ambi-
tious about this country's foreign policy. It
would be difficult enough were this country
faced only by the job of coping with and con-
taining the turbulence that engulfs the world
today. The task far surpasses that. The job,
which we have in part inherited and in part
assumed by our assumption of what human ex-
istence is — or ought to be — about, is not only
to maintain the peace, to protect and promote
narrow national interests, and to keep the tur-
bulence at bay. That might be a description
of the America of the past, when wo tried to
turn our backs on the world, tend our own gar-
dens, and hum "River stay 'way from my door."
We have found since the war that the achieve-
ment of these relatively limited aims is not
enough; that our true security and our true
guarantee of life, liberty, and the pursuit of
what passes for happiness lie in a far more
ambitious involvement throughout the world —
an involvement that engages us as leader of the
struggle of the world of choice against the world
of coercion ; an involvement that requires us to
build, or help others to build, new economic and
social institutions, to build new channels
through which the riches of the world can be
more widely distributed and injustices erased,
to transform a climate of fear into an atmos-
phere of trust and stability.
No corps of engineers sets out to build a huge
dam without first diverting the course of the
river so that stxong foundations may first be
laid. Yet those who would build the better and
safer world must do their building amid the
very torrent of events.
That is why foreign policy reaches today into
every American home. That is why our over-
seas economic commitments are such that we re-
quire a favorable gap of more than $5 billion
between our exports and our imports merely to
stay even on the books. That is why 600,000
Americans in uniform now serve overseas and
the largest defense establishment in all history
stands behind them. That is why throughout
the world, wherever the torrents of change and
of trouble run high, there can be found an in-
terest, an impulse, a danger, or an involvement
that has a direct pertinence to American inter-
ests. The torrents of today on every continent
are torrents of change; the direction in which
that change takes the many nations and peoples
involved has a direct bearing on our own lives
and our own nation's future. If the direction
is toward the world of coercion, this basic inter-
est is directly threatened. Where else, then, can
we or should we be but in the middle of the
torrents ?
There may be many differences of opinion in
this country about when, where, and how the
building ought to be done. We have been seeing
in recent days in the Congress one serious mani-
SEPTEMBER 23, 1963
455
festatioii of tliat difference of opinion. I refer
to the unfortvumte aberration in the House of
Representatives last week when deep cuts were
made in the United States overseas aid pro-
{Tnini.' Unless restored, those cuts will under-
mine one of the Government's most basic means
of furtliering the national interest. I am aware
that this association does not have to be con-
vinced of the importance of a healthy foreign
aid program. And I cannot believe there is any
deep-down doubt in most American minds that
our massive involvement in nation building and
institution building is a necessity. The simple
fact is that if we don't try, others will keep try-
ing anyway— to the detriment not merely of
American ideals but, to repeat, also to the detri-
ment of American interest.
In spite of the manifestations in the current
fight over AID appropriations it is evident that
the big essentials, the gut interests of today's
foreign policy, still rest on a very broad bi-
partisan acceptance of the realities of the day
and of the national objectives. It would be of
little value merely to list a rollcall of those real-
ities, as they appear to Washington, and the in-
finite variety of individual policies and objec-
tives. Instead, I might more usefully single out
three or four of the major foreign policy mat-
ters that currently preoccupy the country.
First and foremost, of course, is the basic con-
flict between communism and the non-Commu-
nist world.
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
The cold war has become intensely more com-
plex and subtle in recent years. But let us face
the most important reality first : It is still very
much with us and will be for a long time to come.
The limited nuclear test ban treaty signed in
Moscow and considered for consent to ratifica-
tion before the United States Senate ^ represents
a significant sunbeam in a long and cloudy siege
of deadlock and crises. Its culmination repre-
" .See p. 47(5.
' Kor liiu-kKround, see Huixetin of Aug. 12, 19C3, p.
234, nnd Aur. 20, 196.3, p. 314; for a statement by
."Secretary Kusk before the Senate Committee on
Foreign Belations, see ibid., Sept. 2, 1963, p. 350.
sents an acceptance in the big-power capitals of
an assumption that has underlaid the disarma-
ment efforts of all three of our Presidents in the
nuclear age: the beliefs of Presidents Truman,
Eisenhower, and Kennedy that the risks of an
unlimited nuclear arms race are eminently
greater than those inherent in a careful, safe-
guarded progress toward arms control. There
are understandable concerns and reservations
about the limited test prohibition. You may
hear some of them from your next speaker to-
day. But it is inconceivable to me that any
should find cause for fear or for mourning in
the fact that man may have taken the first slight
step away from the mechanism by which he can
demolish himself and his planet. Obviously,
once the limited treaty goes into effect, this
country must take all the steps needed to protect
our present nuclear position and to avoid being
trapped into disadvantage by sudden violations.
The meticulous scrutiny which the Senate is
devoting to the nuclear test ban treaty gives
every American an opportunity to assay what
it provides and what it does not provide. Ad-
mittedly, with such powers as Communist China
and France thus far refusing to go along, the
treaty will not in itself halt the proliferation of
nuclear weapons. But the existence of such a
treaty signed by perhaps as many as 90 govern-
ments will surely have an inhibiting effect on the
indiscriminate spread of nuclear power. It is
significant in this regard that in one of the most
volatile parts of the world, both the Israelis and
the Arabs are signing the treaty.
Perhaps the mutual interest that has brought
Moscow around to the limited test ban can lead
to other steps that slow down or, one hopes, ac-
tually reverse the deadly spiral of nuclear arma-
ment. In concert with its NATO allies the
United States will explore any means that can
cari-y the cold-war antagonists further into that
little-explored, thinly populated geography
known as the area of accommodation. But this
limited first step has required 3'cars of patient
willingness on the part of the West to refuse
to take no for an answer. If there is to be
further progress in the near future, it will be
limited at best, revolving chiefly around those
particularly dangerous postures and confronta-
466
DEPARTMENT OP STATE BtJLLETIN
tions that pose for each side the risk of incidents
that could lead to unwanted war.
We must resist groundless optimism about
early prospects for further important advances
in East-West relations. As President Kennedy
made clear in his American University address
of June 10/ the United States will stubbornly
pursue all possible roads to a safe and workable
accommodation with the Soviet Union. This
country will keep working to solve or at least
de-fuse those problems between the great powers
that are dangerous and could lead to war. In
the case of the limited test ban it is obvious that
all the negotiating parties — Moscow, Washing-
ton, and London — were motivated by the belief
that a cessation of nuclear tests in the atmos-
phere, under water, and in outer space furthers
their individual national interests. As Secre-
tary of State Kusk said to the Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations, Mr. Khrushchev shares
with us "a mutual interest in avoiding mutual
destruction."
It will be at best a long time before the funda-
mental differences between the Communist and
free worlds disappear. This basic fact should
temper all rejoicing at the limited progress
achieved last month in Moscow. The deep
ideological conflict remains. The Russians still
believe in and seek a world that will be all Com-
munist. We believe in a pluralistic society, a
world in which choice is free, in which the tyr-
anny of one is precluded by the tolerance of
many. As recently as January, Mikhail Suslov,
one of Mr. Khrushchev's most authoritative
dogmatists, reaffirmed communism's enmity to
peaceful coexistence in the realm of ideology.
Coexistence with democratic social systems was
possible, he said, but coexistence with democratic
ideas was "impossible and unthinkable." This,
as Arthur Schlesinger remarked recently, is "an
authorized characterization of the impotence of
communism before non-Communist ideas."
More than that, it is fair warning that the Mos-
cow goal, like the Peiping goal, remains a mono-
lithic world, a world made over to the image of
communism's dogmatic ideology. Russian
leaders and the Russian press still talk of con-
tinued ideological, economic, and political
* IMd., July 1, 1963, p. 2.
struggle and they still support, as we know from
Viet-Nam, from Cuba, and elsewhere, the
violence and infiltration which Mr. Khrushchev
attempts to ennoble by equating them with "na-
tional liberation."
Healthy Debate In Western Alliance
One great factor in the ability and willing-
ness of the West to prevail in the long ideologi-
cal conflict that still lies ahead will be the out-
come of the ferment now under way within our
own alliance family. Though you may hear
many versions, the fact is that this ferment is
both healthy and inevitable. It is important
to distinguish between what is deeply and basi-
cally agreed among the North American and
European allies and what is currently being
debated and negotiated among us. What is
deepest and most basic is the unanimous agree-
ment on the necessity for the alliance, its mili-
tary security and its mechanisms for enhancing
the political and economic cooperation of its
members. What is also agreed is that NATO's
concerns and responsibilities extend far beyond
the geography of its members. What is also
agreed is that the circumstances that attended
NATO's birth 14 years ago have radically
changed with the rise of Western Europe from
destruction to a prosperity and an economic
strength that equals our own. Out of this liave
arisen issues and questions that preoccupy the
NATO governments. These are not questions
about the value or the advisability of maintain-
ing the alliance; they are questions about where
we go from here, about how we build and con-
duct the alliance for the business that lies
ahead. In short, the questioning and the de-
bate are about hoio we continue to work to-
gether in close military, economic, and political
concert, not whether we so continue.
It is important to keep this distinction in
mind as in the months and years to come we
discuss and negotiate with the Western Euro-
pean governments the important trade, mone-
tary, and military questions that are posed by
Europe's rise to prosperity and by its accom-
panying increase of rights and responsibilities.
Short term, the most pressing issues within the
alliance are those concerned with trade, with
SEPTEMBER 23, 1963
457
deficiencies and imbalance in the shares of the
load borne by individual allies, and with ad-
justments made necessarj' by the failure of
Britain thus far to gain entry to the Common
Market. In the trade ncf^otiations that are to
develop in earnest next year this country has,
of course, a heavy stake. The negotiations are
not going to be easy. Some will result in ar-
rangements that will cause some pain and re-
quire some adjustments here at home. Some
may induce considerably more str&ss and strain
within the alliance. It is probably fair to say,
however, that all the NATO countries see a
mutual stake in expanding trade to the maxi-
mum. This is important not only for its bene-
fit to the countries. It is also essential if the
rich and productive nations are going to
tackle — as they must — the inequable division of
the tilings of life on this planet.
A longer term issue within the alliance is the
perplexing problem of nuclear management.
As the West European allies have gained in
strength, they have also come to desire a greater
role in the supervision of their primary mili-
tary power, the West's nuclear arsenal. Almost
all of the nuclear strength available to NATO
sits in the United States arsenal. In response
to the Allies' desires this country has taken
steps to bring the NATO governments into
closer participation in the supervising and tar-
geting of this arsenal as it relates to the secur-
ity of Europe. This Government also has
offered to consider with the Allies more specific
measures to assure outright alliance participa-
tion in the control of nuclear power. Thus far,
some general American ideas for solving this
control problem through a seaborne multilat-
eral nuclear force have elicited interest in sev-
eral Allied capitals. Their experts are now
meeting regularly in Washington to plot details
of the proposed force. It seems to me that one
certainty dictates that a solution will be
achieved: That is the fact that by the very na-
ture of the alliance and of the nuclear age the
West's nuclear deterrent is indivisible. It is
inconceivable that there could bo an alliance in
which separate national nuclear establishments
would plan nuclear strategy or employ nuclear
weapons indejjendently of the strategies and
actions of other Allied governments.
Progress on this question need not be speedy.
The West's nuclear position is excellent, and
Western Europe's security is assured by the
existence and the deployment of U.S. nuclear
strength. So we have time to thrash out the
many complexities of this issue, and I believe
we can be confident that in the long term a
workable arrangement will evolve.
Complexities of Vietnamese Situation
In that vast portion of the world where new
nations are rising, new institutions are being
shaped, and choices of social systems and ide-
ologies are being made, one could talk at length
of the dangers and problems that are posed for
us.
Time does not permit this, but it is not pos-
sible to range over U.S. foreign policy today
without some mention of the situation in Viet-
Nam. My expertise on this subject is flimsy
indeed, but I did have the opportimity to visit
Viet-Nam recently, as the trouble there was
building up to crisis proportions.
In spite of the martial law and censorship
that now prevail the newspapers are keeping
you well up to date on the steps the Vietnamese
Government has taken against Buddhist and
other anti-Government demonstrators in that
country. The United States deplores the Viet-
namese Government's acts of violence and
suppression and has made that plain.' What
happens next in that unhappy situation is ob-
viously of the most serious concern to this
country, for here, in a way that is of the most
complex and trying variety, United States
policy is deeply involved.
First, let us examine the nature of this
American involvement. The United States is
spending a great deal of money in South Viet-
Nara — to help the Vietnamese fight to save their
country from communism. Several thousand
American military men are stationed in Viet-
Nam to advise and guide the Vietnamese in that
war. It is a war of the dirtiest, trickiest kind,
in which Communist guerrillas, supplied and
directed from outside, mingle combat with ter-
rorism against civilians and depredation of the
countryside. It is a war for the loyalty of a
whole people. Our role is difficult, quite unlike
" Ibid., Sept. 9, 1963, p. 398.
458
DBl'ARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
my we have played elsewhere. The war is a
Vietnamese war. They are fighting it; they
ire directing it. Our role is confined to advis-
)ry, logistic, and technical assistance. Admit-
tedly some of this is of the most intimate kind —
50 intimate that more than 50 Americans have
Tiven their lives.
But it is only the Vietnamese who can fight
:,his war. "We can help the Vietnamese, but we
jannot do the job for them. Nor do they ask
is to ; the Vietnamese took 4,400 dead last year,
md they have shown that they are prepared to
TO on doing the fighting.
The Vietnamese war can be looked at through
nany angles of a prism. The country is an
important piece of strategic real estate, poten-
ially an excellent base for further Communist
iggression against the rest of free Asia should
:he Communists win it. It represents a moral
commitment with the Vietnamese, on the out-
ands of the free world, fighting not just for
themselves but in behalf of all free men. Our
part in it can be looked upon variously as a
part of our commitment to the Southeast Asia
Treaty Organization; as a fulfillment of an
obligation we acquired at the Geneva Confer-
ence of 1954 that we would regard any renewal
of aggression as a violation of the Geneva
Agreement ; as a human commitment to help the
nearly 1 million Vietnamese who have fled from
the north to avoid living under communism ; as
an important test case of whether the free world
can and will help a nation defend its freedom.
No matter through which prism you look, you
see clearly and undeniably that all the many
elements of American policy and American in-
terest that I have tried to describe earlier are
represented in the one fierce and demanding
microcosm of Viet-Nam.
Obviously, any development that distracts or
discourages the people of Viet-Nam from con-
tinuing their brave fight must be viewed with
alarm. Such is the development that has taken
place in the last 3i/^ months in the Government's
dispute with the Vietnamese Buddhists.
Though its origin lay in certain religious griev-
ances felt by some Buddhist leaders, the protest
plainly had expanded into major political unrest
by the time that the government of President
Diem moved to crack down.
Especially ironic is that stability within Viet-
Nam should be so disturbed at a time when the
military and political experts had concluded
that the tide had turned in Viet-Nam.
Through 1961 and much of 1962 the Commu-
nists were gaining and the Vietnamese people
were losing. Beginning last year, the trend
turned the other way. No more provincial cap-
itals have been taken by the Viet Cong guerril-
las. Saigon is once again exporting rice, where
before production was cut and delivery pre-
vented by Viet Cong strength in the rural areas.
Communist military activity in the first half
of 1962 compared with that in the first half of
this year provides other evidence of progress.
In the first half of 1962 there were 10,270 Viet
Cong incidents, including more than 3,000
armed attacks. In the first 6 months of this
year incidents dropped by one-third, while
armed attacks were down by 36 percent. The
scale of attacks also declined. More impor-
tant— because this is not just a fighting war but
also a struggle to build up the security and liv-
ing standards of the population — it is estimated
that in the past year the Government of Viet-
Nam added nearly 1 million people to the num-
ber of its citizens which it effectively protects
from the Viet Cong. This has been done chiefly
through the so-called strategic-hamlet program,
which is an across-the-board political, economic,
and military response to the Communist threat.
There are disturbing spots in the picture, and
in some parts of the country the fighting and
the hamlet program are not moving as effec-
tively as in other areas. But the point is that
through the long ordeal freedom has been gain-
ing in Viet-Nam and the evidence is strong that
the Vietnamese can win their war and save their
nation.
Will the current troubles in Viet-Nam undo
this progress and enhance the opportunities of
the Communists? One can well ask, but one
cannot wisely offer a very precise answer at this
juncture. It seems evident, however, that, with
a stake so great as that I have tried to describe
and with the possibilities of victory so demon-
strable, we must exert every effort to see that it
does not happen. Plainly this is no easy task.
The United States does not run the sovereign
Government of Viet-Nam. It cannot lightly
SEPTESrBER 23, 1963
459
abandon the main fipht out of anger at policies
that it deplores. There is no easy formula
whereby the current situation can be righted
quickly, but we must hope that the Vietnamese
leaders will find the means to a peaceable settle-
ment before the dispute undermines Viet-Nam's
more fundamental need — to win the war.
For the United States, obviously the consid-
eration must be that Viet-Nam maintains a real
will to keep fighting the Viet Cong.
In any event, one who attempts, as I have
attempted here, to demonstrate some of the
perplexities and complexities of foreign policy
could not ask for a more dramatic example
than the one offered by the Vietnamese situation.
It should be neither surprising nor dismaying
that we find ourselves involved in such perplexi-
ties. If we are not yet accustomed to it, we
must learn to be. In the years ahead we will
face such choices and such demands many times
over, for these are the unavoidable trials of a
people that chooses to lead the fight for free-
dom. I think we are sliowing as a nation that
the task is not too great for us, that we have
the will and resources to help make real a belief
once movingly stated by the late William Faulk-
ner : "I decline t« accept the end of man. It is
easy enough to say that man is immortal simply
because he will endure. ... I believe that man
will not merely endure; he will prevail. . . ."
It has become customary in this day of nu-
clear hazard to punctuate that credo with a
question mark. It is an intolerable doubt, and
we .should experience elation as we pursue poli-
cies designed to exorcise that doubt in ways that
lead mankind not only to prevail but to prevail
with the freedom of consent, the freedom of
action, and the freedom of mind that are the
reasons why prevailing is worth the battle.
That is what I think foreign policy is all
about.
General Pulaski's Memorial Day, 1963
A PROCLAMATION'
Whereas, as we work toward political, social, and
economic freedom for all nations everywhere, we re-
member the time when we our.selves were not free ; and
Whebeas we recall with gratitude the gallant eCTortg
of men of other nations who helped ns to win our own
independence ; and
Whereas a leader among those men was Casimir
Pulaslji, who opposed foreign interference in his native
Poland, who joined the cause of American independ-
ence by volunteering in the Continental Army, and who
served that cause brilliantly until his death on October
11, 1779, from a wound incurred during a cavalry
charge in the city of Savannah ; and
Whereas, in remembering General Pulaski's contri-
bution to our past, we are reminded of our debt to the
future to further the cause of universal freedom ;
Now, THEREFORE, I, JOHN F. KENNEDY, President of
the United States of America, do hereby designate
Friday, October 11, 19G3 — the one hundred and eighty-
fourth anniversary of his death — as General Pulaski's
Memorial Day ; and call upon officials of the Govern-
ment to display the flag of the Tnited States on all
Government buildings on that day. I also invite the
people of the United States to observe the day with
appropriate ceremonies in recognition of General
Pulaski's dedication to liberty.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of America
to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this 27th day of
August in the year of our Lord nineteen
[seal] hundred and sixty-three and of the Inde-
pendence of the United States of America the
one hundred and eighty-eighth.
/(LJ L^
By the President :
Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State.
* No. 3550 : 28 Fed. Reg. 9559.
460
DEP.VRTMF.NT OF STATE BULLETIN
The Uses of Diversity
hy Harlan Cleveland
Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs '■
The Secretary-General, who honors us by his
presence here this morning, will welcome you
to the United Nations. My pleasure is to wel-
come you to the State of New York and to the
United States of America.
You are meeting, as well you know, in the
world's most antique democracy. I think you
will find it also one of the world's liveliest.
Ever since our forefathers got carried away
with some heady ideas about human dignity
and personal freedom and equal rights for all
men we have been having a lively time trying
to make good on their promises. Eight now
we are busy trying to correct the worst and the
oldest gap between promise and performance.
You will have to pardon us if we sometimes
seem to be too busy arguing among ourselves
to argue with our visitors.
Perhaps, Mr. Secretary-General, you will i-e-
call some words spoken several years ago about
the nature of this democracy of ours. You
might recall them because they were spoken in
this city by a former Prime Minister of Burma,
U Nu, with whom you were associated before
you left your national launching pad, as Dag
Hammarskjold used to say, and went into orbit
as servant to the international community.
U Nu had spent several days in a hospital on
the East River, and he spoke at a luncheon in
his honor of the amazing sights and the over-
powering size of this metropolis. Then he
said:
One night I sat up on the terrace roof well past my
bedtime and gazed out on the city. I was away from
' Address made before the World Federation of
United Nations Associations at New Yorli, N.Y., on
Sept. 9 (press release 460, revised) .
the noise and distraction. Here I seemed to sense the
great pulse that beats under the surface of your city.
And I thought that the power of New York lies not in
any of these massive physical characteristics. ... It
seemed to me that the greatest thing of all was the
living lesson that New York offers the world : that
peoples from many lands, many races, many cultures,
many religions can live together and work together;
not only can they co-exist, but all of them seem to
draw at least some little something from each other
that makes them more complete and that adds vigor
and endurance to their lives. . . .
Perhaps out of this kind of ferment, out of this
kind of contact between peoples of such varied back-
grounds, out of this kind of diversity can come the new
ideas and the new way of looking at things that are
so badly needed in our world. . . .
Those words were well received here, because
we glory in the description of our society as the
"great melting pot." It is, of course, nothing
of the sort.
The racial and ethnic and national groups
that came here, and read a sign in the harbor
saying, "Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost
to me . . . ," didn't fly apart after they became
Americans. They clove to each other; they
huddled together for protection against the
other groups that had already come, and against
those further waves of strangers that kept roll-
ing in past the Statue of Liberty and populat-
ing a continent with a nation of foreigners.
No, the relevant cliche is not the melting pot
but U Nu's word: "diversity." The newer
Americans and the older Americans learned in
time to tolerate each other. They rubbed up
against each other, and they discovered not that
all men are brothers — that is an early, easier
lesson — but that all brothers are different,
which is a later, harder lesson because it means
learning about the value of difference.
SEITEMBER 2 3. 196 3
461
You wlio visit us for a few weeks may find us
in consequence a little confusing. Some of you
come from societies which can describe their
goals and define their "system" witli well-honed
words from ancient texts or modern manifes-
toes. Don't aslv us for our manifesto — all you
will get will be a blank stare.
For we don't have a "system." We have, if
anything, a protected plurality of systems.
The Englishman, Edmund Burke, in his fa-
mous speech about how to get along with those
wild men across the Atlantic, said in despair
that our religion is "the dissidence of dissent."
Americans, he thought, were "a people who are
still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet
hardened into the bone of manhood." Wliat
makes it so hard for our own historians to cap-
ture and record the American way of life is pre-
cisely that our way of life is a living denial of
the dognia that any one man's view of society,
or any one group's view of society, is the cor-
rect, approved version.
The one essential thing about American
democracy is this: that no individual or group
ever gains the exclusive right to say authorita-
tively what American democracy is.
U.N., a Citadel of Diversity
You are meeting today in the very citadel of
diversity, the seat of an organization with the
misleading name United Nations. United we
certainly are not. We are gloriously, irretriev-
ably diverse — diverse in social organization, in
economic theories, in political ideas; diverse in
attitudes and alliances, in wealth and power;
diverse, too, in the stages of development.
Because we are diverse, our United Nations
is an intensely practical organization. For
what makes diversity work, as wo have found
here at home, is not men's ability to agree on
piiilosophy or broad principles but the fact that
they can agree on what to do next, while con-
tinuing to disagree about wliy tiiey are doing
it.
Some may agree to take the "next step'" be-
cause tiiey see their interests served thereby;
othei-s may .see a mandate for the same "next
step" in some religious text or economics text-
book; still others may go along because they
don't want to offend those who are proposing
the step be taken. The reasons for common
action can be mutually inconsistent — in any
large organization I think they often are, and
in the United Nations almost always so.
If we had to wait around until two-thirds of
the delegates who meet in this place could agree
as to w-hy they were agreeing, no resolution
would ever be passed and the United Nations
would not today be spending more than half a
billion dollars a year for peacekeeping and
nation building.
Wlaat unites this diversity, then, is not so
much a paper agreement on philosophy as a
practical consensus on procedure, a pragmatic
agreement on how decisions will be made and
who will carry them into action. It is no acci-
dent that the Charter of the United Nations
contains 4 pages of philosophy followed by 40
pages of procedure.
A marvelously practical system it is; if we
sat down in this place to write the charter again,
it is highly ini])robable that we would do as well.
As the U.N. has grown in maturity, in
strength, and in relevance to the major issues
of the day, it has collected enemies in every
nation as well as friends. Your United Nations
Associations in every land bear the brunt of
defending the organization against political
attack ; so there is no need to remind you of the
gloomy forecasts that have regularly been made
about it.
The onset of the cold war, the crisis in Korea,
the chronic warring in the Middle East, the
chaotic ordeal in the Congo, the growing gap
between the rich countries and the poor coim-
tries — each test of international cooperation has
produced its crop of doomsayers. The detrac-
tors of the forties were certain the organization
would die of anemia; the latter-daj' detractors
are more inclined to predict the organization's
demise from overindulgence.
But they share a conrmion characteristic:
They are wrong.
The U.N.'s capacity to act — which is its most
precious asset — has grown from year to year.
It has outlived a succession of threats to its
existence — each time, like Ulysses, emerging
stronger from the trial. As Adlai Stevenson
has said, the United Nations was built for
trouble and thrives on it.
462
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BXJI.LETIN
Today's U.N. Machinery Inadequate
No organization can double in membership in
less than two decades without putting an enor-
mous strain on the original machinery. The
machinery devised to serve the 51-member or-
ganization of 1945 is plainly inadequate for the
Ill-member organization of today.
For example :
— The General Assembly is cumbersome — it
is, for example, the only parliamentary body in
the world which still tries to do most of its work
through committees of the whole.
— Some of the councils and commissions are
too small to include voices from all parts of the
newly independent world.
— The Office of the Secretary-General is still
handling an extraordinary range of peacemak-
ing tasks by putting an impossible burden on a
handful of overworked men.
— The United Nations has now imdertaken
10 peacekeeping operations, but the Secretariat
needs more of the military planning skills that
the next emergency, and the one after that, will
require.
— There is no doubt that technical aid and
preinvestment work — the development of proj-
ects that make sense and the training of people
who can make them work — is now the main
bottleneck in the whole development process.
The U.N., which teaches public administration
all over the world, still has administrative im-
provements to make in unifying the contribu-
tion to this process of all the U.N. agencies.
The Rules of the Game
But the biggest question about the United
Nations today is not whether it will be more
or less efficient. The biggest, question is whether
its members will stay on the course they have
laid out for themselves in the charter.
In every country today voices are raised to
ask : Do we really want an international organi-
zation with a significant capacity to keep the
peace ?
In all of the big countries this question is
asked to justify a growing resistance to paying
for international peacekeeping. A new slo-
gan— "our way or no f)ay" — is today the official
policy of several member governments, includ-
ing two of the permanent members of the
Security Council.
But the rest of us can hardly claim an un-
sullied virtue in the matter. Our debates on
U.N. financing reveal strong minority opinions
to the same effect: If we are paying part of
the piper, shouldn't we be calling all of the
tune?
The doubts about international peacekeeping
also show up among those who advocate change
at any price, and those who think keeping the
peace means keeping things just as they are.
In Africa today the U.N. and most of its
members are in the middle — determined to
bring self-determination to all peoples but
anxious, and obligated under the charter, to
pursue this goal by peaceful means. In every
society we have citizens who in their pursuit of
laudable goals are quite prepared to take the
law into their own hands, convinced in their
own minds that a little bloodshed will lubricate
the machinery for change. The U.N. would be
endangered if any of its members came to think
that way.
The magnificent record of decolonization
gives hope that we can yet devise in the U.N.
the methods of peaceful change which will en-
able all the people of the southern part of
Africa to exercise the rights to which the char-
ter and their own natural dignity entitle them.
But if the United Nations is going to play a
central part in this process, as most of us be-
lieve it should, all parties are going to have to
be willing to talk and do something about
change — while maintaining the peace.
Let me say it again : A world of diversity will
only work if there are some agreed rules; and
rules have to be taken most seriously at mo-
ments of maximum annoyance and frustration.
If a car in front of you at the stoplight fails to
move when the light turns green, it is permissi-
ble to blow your horn or even to call in the
proper authorities to help induce the other
driver to move. It is not permissible to express
your sense of outrage by ramming his car from
the rear, nor can that be done without getting
hurt yourself.
A related threat to the organization has de-
veloped from this same frustration about the
persistence of colonial rule and racial discrim-
8EPTEMBER 2 3, 1963
463
ination in the southern third of Africa. In
several conferences this summer one group of
U.N. members has tried to eject other members
from tlie meetings. On several occasions the
resulting clamor has brought important work to
a standstill — and has brought disrepute to the
United Nations.
There is no doubt that if a large caucus of
member states is unified and determined, and is
willing to ignore legal rulings and the chair-
man's gavel, they can succeed in making a
shambles of any parliamentary body. There
are plenty of instances, in the tortured history
of democratic institutions, of frustrated minori-
ties becoming so incensed that they took their
frustration out on the niles of the game of
democracy itself.
The claim in these instances has always been
the same — that the end justified the means, that
if democratic procedures frustrate purposes of
obvious nobility, tlien democratic procedures
must be cast aside. The boomerang effect of
such an attitude is perhaps the clearest and
most obvious lesson in all the history of free-
dom. All of us who owe our freedom, and our
national independence, to the presence in the
world of democratic procedures should think
long and carefully before we cast them aside as
an obstacle to the early achievement of our own
immediate aims.
The specific remedy for all the viruses that
currently afflict the United Nations— financial
delinquency, the tension between peace and
change, and the temptation to set aside the
democratic rules of the charter — is simple. It
is for all of us to remember, and repeat with
our prayers, that what keeps a world of diver-
sity from blowing itself into eternity is a con-
sensus on how decisions will be made — lawyers
would prefer to call it law — and a willingness
to talk at tedious length with people whose prin-
ciples you halo.
Importance of "Next Steps"
The creation of the U.N. did not end the com-
petition for power among nations. It did
broaden that competition, bringing in peoples
and leaders from all around the globe. It did
provide a place to contain the struggle — an
arena for diversity. And it may in time civilize
the settlement of disputes among nations.
If we are going to have an arena, we are going
to have to have rules of the game, the deadly
serious game, we play there. Without them, or
when they are violated at will, the civilizing
game disintegrates into a free-for-all. A free-
for-all is bad enough in a sports arena. In the
United Nations it is a formula for nuclear-
powered jungle war.
The future of these Nations United in diver-
sity does not hang on their ability to meld their
differences into the dull and unstable amalgam
of resolutions on general principles. It hangs
on the "next steps" we can take together in this
place, to make this a world as safe as it is excit-
ing to live in.
The action we take together had better con-
tain the peril we share, for we all have to be
brothers whether we like it or not.
Ninth Anniversary of SEATO
Statement by Secretary Rusk
Press release 456 dated September 6, for release September 7
September 8 marks another anniversary of
the signing in Manila of the Southeast Asia
Collective Defense Treatj'.^ For 9 years now
SEATO has served the cause of peace and
progress in the treaty area through the princi-
ple of collective security.
The application of collective security is based
on strength and in unity of purpose. Our com-
bined strength is ample to meet the menace of
Communist power threatening the area from
the north. The persistence of Communist at-
tempts to undermine SEATO offers continuing
evidence of our alliance's value as an obstacle
to the achievement of Communist objectives.
This anniversary provides me the opportu-
nity to reaffirm that the United States remains
firm in its resolve to meet its SEATO obliga-
tions so that, in cooperation with the efforts of
other members, SExVTO's influence on behalf
of peace and security in the troubled area of
Southeast Asia will be maintained.
' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 393.
464
DEPARTJrENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The International Monetary Fund: Its Work and Its Future
iy Mortimer D. Goldstein
The Board of Governors of the International
Monetary Fund will hold its 18th annual meet-
ing at Washington, D.C., from September 30
through October 4, 1963. It is likely that this
meeting will attract an unusual degree of pub-
lic attention in the United States. As a result
of their growing consciousness of the U.S. bal-
ance-of -payments problem and of the measures
taken to solve it, Americans are becoming more
interested in international finance. Interest in
the Fund, in particular, has been stimulated by
the President's recent announcement that the
United States had made arrangements to draw
on the Fimd's resources for the first time.^
This article has been prepared in response to
the heightened interest in the International
Monetary Fimd. It provides basic information
on the Fund — why it was established, what its
policies are, how it operates — and explains the
ways in which its work is of direct concern to
the United States. Also reviewed are some of
the current proposals for modifying the Fund
in order to strengthen the international mone-
tary system. Ideas of this kind may well
receive further attention at the Governors'
meeting.
Establishment and Purpose of the Fund
In July 1944, responding to the deep-seated
desire to organize the peace even while fighting
the war, 44 nations met at the United Nations
Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton
Woods, N.H., to consider how they might es-
tablish postwar financial conditions conducive
to international economic harmony, stability,
and growth. The main achievements of the
conference were embodied in the Articles of
Agreement of the International Monetary
Fund and the Articles of Agreement of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development.
The central purpose of the Fimd, in the words
of the Articles, is :
To facilitate the expansion and balanced growth of
international trade, and to contribute thereby to the
promotion and maintenance of high levels of employ-
ment and real income and to the development of the
productive resources of all members as primary objec-
tives of economic policy.
The Articles also enumerate various purposes
that support the central objective: to promote
exchange stability, to maintain orderly foreign
exchange arrangements, to avoid competitive
depreciation of exchange rates, and to assist in
establishing a multilateral system of interna-
tional payments for current transactions and
in eliminating foreign exchange restrictions.
Finally, the Articles state that the Fund is
designed :
To give confidence to members by making the Fund's
resources available to them under adequate safeguards,
thus providing them with opportunity to correct mal-
adjustments in their balance of payments without re-
sorting to measures destructive of national or inter-
national prosperity.
The Fund, in short, was created out of the
recognition of the interdependence of the na-
' For the President's special message to the Congress
on July 18, 1963, on the balance of payments, see
Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 250.
• Mr. Goldstein is Deputy Director of
the Office of International Finance and
Economic Analysis.
SEPTEMBER 2 3. 1963
465
tional pconomios of tho world. Tlie Pound's
charter reflects tlie conviction that, by estab-
lishinfj a code of conduct for international mon-
etan- atluirs, by providing the machinery for
continuing consultation and cooperation on
financial matters, and by assuring reasonable
access to financial i"6Sourc€s to meet national
foreign exchange stringencies, the countries of
the world will find it possible to avoid the over-
powering financial movements of the interwar
years and put an end to the aggressive, self-
centered, and inteniationally irresponsible fi-
nancial policies that characterized much of that
period.
Membership, Quotas, and Structure
The Fund's mombei\ship now includes more
than 90 countries, encompassing every econom-
ically advanced country in the free world, ex-
cept Switzerland, and nearly all of the less de-
veloped countries.^ Each member country is
assigned a quota determined after consultation
between the Fund and country in the light of
the size of the country's economy (volume of
trade, gross national product, etc.). Fund
quotas, which now total some $15 billion, as
shown in the accompanying table, are important
in that each member must pay a subscription
to the Fund equal to its quota, partly in gold
(normally 2.5 percent) and the remainder in its
own cun-ency. Each member's voting power is
weighted according to its quota, and, as ex-
plained Ix'low, the amount that a member may
borrow from the Fund is directly linked to the
size of its quota. The United States has a quota
of $4,125 million, tlie largest in the Fund, and
one-fourtli of the voting power.
The Fund deals only with the treasuries and
central banks of members and not with the gen-
eral public. Its day-to-day business is done at
its Washington headquarters by a board of Ex-
ecutive Directors and a staff of international
civil servants. Each of the five members having
the largest quotas is entitled to appoint one
Executive Director ; » 13 Executive Directors are
elected by the other members. The Executive
' Membership in the Fund Is a precondition for mem-
bership in the International Hank and its affiliates.
"The Executive Director for the United States la
William B. Dale; his alternate is John S. Hooker.
Directors select a chairman, an international
civil sen'ant, who also is the Managing Direc-
tor * and directs the staff of the Fund.
A Board of Governors, which comprises one
Governor -and an alternate designated by each
member country, holds the final power in the
Fund.= It meets annually to review the work
of the Fund and the state of the international
economy.
Membership in the Fund signifies the accept-
ance of important commitments that give
meaning to the concepts of cooperation and
fair play in monetary affairs. By joining the
Fund a member commits itself to provide regu-
lar information on its financial position, to
maintain orderly rates in its exchange markets
within 1 percent of a fixed par value established
with the Fund, and to change the exchange
rates or par value for its currency only after
prescribed discussions with the Fund. Mem-
bers are also committed to maintain the gold
value of tlie Fund's assets. Thus, when a mem-
ber devalues its currency, for example, it is
obliged to make a payment to the Fund equal
to the reduction in the gold value of the Fund's
holdings of its currency.
The obligation of members with regard to
currency convertibility is expressed in the gen-
eral rule that, without the Fund's approval, a
member may not impose restrictions for mak-
ing payments for current international trans-
actions or engage in discriminatory currency
arrangements or multiple currency practices.
An important exception to this rule allows
members temporarily to maintain exchange re-
strictions as a transitional matter, subject to
annual consultation with the Fund. "\Mien a
member surrenders its resort to this exception
and becomes boimd by the general rule on con-
vertibility, its currency is regarded as convert-
ible under the Articles. Twenty-four curren-
cies, which finance the bulk of world trade and
are issued by members with about two-thirds of
the total quotas in the Fund, have thus far been
* The Managing Director is Pierre-Paul Schweitzer,
of France, who recently succeeded the late Per Jacoba-
son, of Sweden. His deputy is Frank A. Southard, Jr.,
of the United States.
'The Governor for the United States is the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, Douglas Dillon. His alternate
is George W. Ball, Under Secretary of State.
466
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtJULETIN
International Monetary Fund: Quotas and Financial Resources, June 30, 1963
(Millions of U.S. dollars, equivalent)
Quota in IMF
IMF currency holdings i
Amount
Percent of quota
lend to IMF >
$15, 260. 1
$11,696.4
$6, 000
Members with convertible currencies,' total _
9, 957. 1
6, 851. 1
5,750
4, 125. 0
1, 950. 0
787. 5
787. 5
550. 0
412. 5
337.5
270.0
180. 0
150. 0
407. 1
5, 303. 0
3, 016. 3
1, 455. 5
351.9
267.9
688.2
214.9
211. 1
67.3
135.0
102.5
340.5
4, 845. 3
73
75
45
34
125
52
63
25
75
68
2,000
1, 000
5.50
United Kingdom
150
550
Italy _ _ .- - --
Mexico -- -
100
Others' -_. --_ _ -- --
250
India.. . .- -- ..
600. 0
550. 0
500. 0
400. 0
280. 0
280. 0
165 0
150. 0
150.0
150. 0
150. 0
1, 928. 0
794. 8
133
320.0
300.0
440.0
377.0
206.2
146.5
112.5
105. 0
112.5
1, 930. 8
64
75
157
135
125
98
75
70
75
250
Pakistan.
Spain -. - ...
Venezuela
Others' ... .. .. _ ^_ ^
1 The Fund also held $2,244 million in gold and $800
million in its gold investment account.
2 Commitment to lend to the Fund under the general
borrowing arrangements of 1962; lending commitments
are expressed in national currencies.
' As defined in the Fund Articles.
made conveilible in this sense. Though these
members are not obliged to consult annually
with the Fund, they are doing so in order that
the Fund may keep fully informed on their
financial policies.
The extent of the establishment of currency
convertibility is a notable accomplishment of
the Fund and its members. The maintenance
of the Fund's regime of convertibility will go
a long way to insure that the worst features
of prewar international economic relations will
not reappear.
Use of the Fund's Resources
A country that experiences balance-of -pay-
ments deficits may have open to it a variety of
measures to rectify its position, but it is often
true that the quick-acting measures will be
harmful nationally or internationally, or both,
* Canada has not yet notified the Fund of its adher-
ence to the general borrowing arrangements.
' Members vrith quotas of less than $150 million.
Source: International Monetary Fund, International
Financial Statistics, August 1963.
and that the more desirable, slow-acting meas-
ures will require more foreign exchange than
the country can comfortably aiford to spend out
of its reserves. It is specially important to
note that in the postwar world governmental
commitments to the maintenance of full em-
ployment have made it practically impossible
to counter a payments deficit by deflationary
policies. One of the main functions of the
Fund therefore is to tide a member over tempo-
rarily while it adjusts its policies to deal with a
strain in its balance of payments. The Articles
include various rules on the amount of money
the Fund may provide, the charges members
must pay, and other conditions for using the
Fund's resources ; and the Fund has enunciated
certain policies to supplement the provisions of
the Articles. Before exploring this area, how-
ever, it would be useful to review the processes
of borrowing from and repaying the Fund.
SEPTEMBER 23, 1963
467
Tlie Fund liolds huge amounts of member
currencies initially received as subscriptions
(ordinarily 75 percent of quota). When the
Fund makes a loan, it provides foreign cur-
rencies from its holdings to the borrower, and
tlie borrower pays the Fimd an equivalent
amount of its own currency. Thus a loan —
more properly called a drawing — represents
a purchase by a member of a foreign currency
with its own currency; a repayment represents
a repurchase by the member of its own currency
with another currency (or gold).
A member's position in the Fund, then, is re-
flected by the amount of its currency held by the
Fund. If the United States, for example,
draws (borrows) from the Fund, its debt will
show up as an increase in the Fund's holdings of
dollars. Wlien the United States pays its debt,
its improved position with the Fund will show
up as a decrease in the Fund's holdings of dol-
lars. Similarly, when, say, Mexico draws dol-
lars from the Fund, the position of the United
States is improved. And when Mexico re-
purchases its own currency from the Fund by
paying dollars, the position of the United
States in the Fund is affected as though the
United States had itself put dollars in the Fund
in exchange for a foreign currency.
To sum up, the position of a country in the
Fund is represented by the Fund's holdings
of its currency in relation to its quota, the
"normal"' position being represented by hold-
ings equal to 75 percent of quota. A decline
in that pcrc<'nfago means an improvement in
the member's position (credit) on the Fmid's
books; an increase in that percentage, of course,
has the opposite significance.
The Fund Articles provnde that a member
may not, without a waiver by the Executive
Directors, draw more than the equivalent of
25 percent (net) of its quota in a period of 12
months, nor may it draw beyond the point at
which the Fund's holdings of its currency equal
200 percent of its quota." The 25-percent lim-
itation has frequently been waived by the
Fund; the 200-percent limitation has not yet
been waived.
•The 200-percent limitation mennn, in effect, that,
stArtine with a ciirrency subscription of 75 percent,
a memiier mny not make net (Irnwines in excess of 12.5
percent of its quota without a waiver.
Policies on Drawings
In deciding on a member's request to draw,
the Fund observes the following policies:
1. For a drawing that does not raise the
Fund's holdings of the member's currency
above 100 percent of its quota, the member will
receive the overwhelming benefit of the doubt.
This policy means that a member has virtually
automatic access to Fund assistance in an
amount equal to its initial gold subscription, ad-
justed by any Fund operations in its currency.
2. For a drawing that does not raise the
Fund's holdings above 125 percent of quota, the
Fund will approve if the member shows that
it is making reasonable efforts to deal with its
financial problems.
3. For a drawing beyond this point, the Fund
requires a substantial justification : a showing
that the member has set up a sound program
aimed at establishing or maintaining the endur-
ing stability of its currency at a realistic rate
of exchange. Such programs of currency sta-
bilization are often worked out by members in
consultation with the Fund, and the main com-
mitments of a stabilization program may be
formally embodied in the terms on which the
Fund approves the member's request to draw.
It is possible for a member that perceives the
likelihood of a need to draw on the Fund in
the near-term future, rather than immediately,
to enter into a standby arrangement with the
Fund. Under such an arrangement, which nor-
mally runs for a year, the member is assured
of access to the Fund's resources up to an agreed
amount, ordinarily without further Fund ac-
tion. In some instances drawings under a
standby arrangement are contingent on the
maintenance of economic policies agreed to be-
tween the member and the Fund.
The criteria followed by the Fund in ap-
proving standby arrangement's — permissible
amounts, terms and conditions, etc. — are the
same as those that are applied to immediate
drawings. The standby technique has proved
to be a highly useful creation of the Fund;
more often than not in recent 3'ears drawings
have been made pursuant to, rather than in
absence of, a standby arrangement.
As a general rule a member that draws from
the Fund undertakes to repay within a maxi-
468
DF,P.\RTMENT OF STATE RUTjI-ETIN
mini period of 3 to 5 years. Earlier repur-
■hases are often made, either voluntarily or
iccording to a requirement that a member make
I repurchase if its monetary reserves increase
iufficieiitly. Of course, a member's repurchase
)bligation is reduced to the extent that other
nembers draw its currency from the Fund.
Repurchases must be made m gold or in a con-
vertible currency that is below the 75-percent
evel in the Fund.
Drawings and repurchase operations of the
Fund affect the position of both the country
mgaging in them and the country whose cur-
rency is used. A country in balance-of-pay-
nents diiBculties of its own, for example, might
ind its problems complicated by drawings in
ts currency, though it would probably welcome
repurchases made in its currency. It is there-
fore the policy of the Fund, following consulta-
tion with mterested members, to use its influence
o guide drawings and repurchases into specific
currencies in the light of the balance-of-
payments and reserve positions of the members
md of the size of the Fund holdings of various
currencies.
From the time the Fund began operations in
1947 until June 30, 1963, the members have
drawn close to the equivalent of $7 billion. In
the period 1947-55 the Fund's operations were
quite small ; drawings averaged less than $150
million a year. Tlie level of activity of the
Fund turned up sharply after 1955, and in the
period 1956-62 drawings averaged almost $800
million a year. Though two large drawings
by the United Kingdom were important factors
in raising the average, drawings by the smaller
countries, particularly the less developed coun-
tries, greatly increased in number. For ex-
ample, leaving aside the United Kingdom, 21
members drew the equivalent of almost $1 bil-
lion in 1961 ; 15 members had standby facilities
in force with the Fund at the end of the year.
The increase in the Fund's activity in recent
years can be attributed in considerable part to
a greater awareness in the Fund of the prob-
lems of the less developed countries and a
gi'eater awareness in those countries of the
the ways in which the Fund can help in the
solution of their problems. A new feature of
the Fund's policy on drawings that has special
relevance for the less developed countries is
discussed below.
Recent Developments in the Fund
Tlie tempo of the development of the Fund's
activities and policies has picked up markedly
in response to changes in the status of the cur-
rencies of the industrialized countries and the
increased attention that tlie world is giving to
the problems of the less developed areas. The
restoration of the external convertibility of the
main Western European currencies at the end
of 1958 may be marked as a critical point in
the evolution of postwar monetary affairs.
At about the same time the Fund decided to
go forward with a study of the desirability of
an expansion in the size of member quotas to
meet prospective needs for international liquid-
ity. This study was promptly followed by
positive action; Fund quotas were increased
from about $9 billion in 1958 to $14 billion in
1959 and to over $15 billion a year later.
Quotas were generally raised by 50 percent,
with the quotas of certain countries in a posi-
tion to provide an extra measure of support to
the Fmid — Canada, Federal Republic of Ger-
many, and Japan — raised by an even greater
percentage. Special increases were also made
available to members with small quotas. By
this forehanded action tlie Fund was equipped
to deal with the new problems that arose for
the monetary system when, following the res-
toration of convertibility, traders and investors
began to move fimds internationally on a large
scale.
The monetary system was put to repeated
tests of its resiliency after 1959. In 1960, for
example, the United States suffered its largest
annual payments deficit and an exceptionally
heavy gold outflow that was accompanied in the
autumn of the year by an extraordinary rise
in the price of gold in the free market in
London. In the spring of 1961 sterling ex-
perienced severe pressures; and, in the spring
of 1962, the Canadian dollar was hard-pressed.
Though all of these disturbances were success-
fully dealt with — in some instances with the
assistance of drawings on the Fund — it became
clear by 1961 that additional measures were
needed to assure that the Fund could play its
SEPTEMBER 23. 1963
705-OSl — 63 3
469
proptT role in absorbiiifj shocks to the mone-
tary system and, by its manifest strength, dis-
courage speculative forays against the curren-
cies that play a significant role in the system.
After extensive negotiations witliin the Fund
and with the countries particularly interested,
the Fund in January 1902 formulated arrange-
ments with 10 member countries ' whereby it
could bon-ow up to the equivalent of $6 billion,
inchiding $2 billion from the United States,
when it needed supplementarj' resources to fore-
stall or cope witli an impairment of the inter-
national monetary system in the new conditions
of widespread convertibility, including greater
freedom for short-temi capital movements.
These general borrowing arrangements do not
provide for enlarged q\iotas for the members;
however, by establishing the Fund's access to
additional resources, they provide assurance
that the Fimd will be able to meet its needs for
usable currencies to honor fully the drawing
riglits under existing quotas. This assurance is
of paramount importance to the United States
in view of the size of its quota, which is more
than double the second largest quota in the
Fund.
Compensatory Financing
The recent progi'ess of the Fund has not been
confined to matters of mere size. In the past
few years its framework of policy and proce-
dure lias been improved and elaborated in a
number of important respects in response to
the requirements of the evolving world econ-
omy. One of tlie iiuiovations is of special in-
terest to the less developed countries. In March
of this year, following detailed studies in the
United Nation.s, the Organization of American
State.s, and the Fund itself, the Fund created
new compensatory financing arrangements sup-
plementary to its policies on drawings described
above, designed to broaden its balance-of-
payments support to member countries that
rely heavily on the export of priman* products.
Under its eslablished practices the Fund has
in the past financed deficits resulting from de-
clines in export earnings, and frequent draw-
ings have been made for this purpose. The new
' For backi;r<)Uii(l, stv Bulletin of Jan. 25), 19C2,
1>. 187.
facility, which would not normally exceed 25
percent of a member's quota, would be available
when the Fund is satisfied that a member is
experiencing a temporarj' export shortfall at-
tributable largely to circiunstances beyond its
control. The Fund must also be satisfied that
the member will cooperate with the Fund in
an effort to find, where required, appropriate
solutions to its paj'ments difficulties. The Fund
is prepared to authorize a drawing under the
new facility even if it should require a waiver
of the 200-percent limitation described above.
United States Interest in the Fund
The United States has had a deep and con-
tinuing interest in the International Monetary
Fund from the first days of its planning. The
U.S. Government saw in the nationalistic and
aggressive economic policies that characterized
much of the interwar period the breeding
ground of international discord and even war,
or at best a source of economic weakness and
instability. The United States believed that its
own interest in a peaceful and prosperous
world could be served only by an international
system that, by and large, was based on the de-
centralized competition of the marketplace pur-
sued according to general rules of nondiscrimi-
nation and fair play. This was the concept at
the heart of Cordell Hull's reciprocal trade
agreements program ; broadly applied in post-
war financial planning, it shaped the funda-
mental character of the Fund.
If this were the only link between the United
States and the Fund, the relationship between
the two would nevertheless be strong, but there
are, of coui-se, many other factors of signifi-
cance to be considered. As the Fund member
with the largest quota, the United States has
held a leading position in the Fund's affairs.
This position has been enhanced by the pro-
foundly important fact that until 1961 the U.S.
dollar was the only major currency that was
convertible under the Fund Articles. (About
2 years elapsed between the restoration of the
external convertibility of Western European
currencies, in practice, and the establishment of
their broader convertibility in the sense of the
Fund Articles.) This meant that the business
of the Fund was done mainly in U.S. dollars.
470
DEPAHTMENT OF STATE BULIJITIN
iVith only a few exceptions, drawings were
nade in dollars as a matter of choice; repur-
;hases were made in dollars as a matter of law
■;ince, under the Articles, repurchases may not
)e made with an inconvertible currency.
J.S. Standby Arrangement
Over the years drawings in U.S. dollars (net
jf repayments and other transactions) had the
effect of reducing the Fund's dollar holdings by
1959 to about $800 million or about 30 percent
of the U.S. quota at the time. This provided
he United States with a large creditor posi-
tion in the Fund, usable as a cushion against
market pressure later on. In the period 1960-
62 the Fund received about $1,000 million (net)
through hea^^ transfers of dollars to the Fund
in repurchase operations. Tliese transfers
meant that there were fewer dollars owned by
other holders who might offer them for sale in
the exchange markets, adding to pressure on the
■dollar, or use them to acquire gold from the
U.S. Treasury.
By the beginning of 1963, however, this form
of relief to the dollar ended as the Fund's hold-
ings of dollars approached 75 percent of the
United States quota. As indicated earlier, the
Fund may not accept a currency in a repur-
chase operation when the 75-percent level has
been reached. In these circumstances a mem-
ber holding U.S. dollars could not use them to
make a repurchase from the Fund. To obtain
the means to pay the Fund, the member would
have to sell its dollars in the market for another
convertible currency, perhaps at a discount
from par, or present them to the U.S. Treasury
in exchange for gold. To avoid this inconven-
ience to other coxmtries and the potential, un-
necessary drain on the U.S. gold stock, the
United States in July 1963 requested and I'e-
ceived approval for a standby arrangement
with the Fund under which the United States
may draw up to $500 million in foreigii cur-
rencies over the ensuing 12 months.^
Drawings under the standby arrangement are
to be made primarily to obtain other convertible
currencies that will be sold at par for dollars to
countries about to make repurchases of their
own currencies from the Fund. These countries
' For background, see ibid., Aug. 12, 1963, p. 258.
will then be able to make their i-epurchases with
the currencies bought from the United States.
In this way the dollar will continue to be readily
available to carry out one of its functions as a
key currency.
The standby arrangement is of considerable
interest teclmically ; but of far greater signifi-
cance is its opening up of a new, fundamental
aspect of United States relations with the
Fund. It is now an established fact that the
United States is prepared and able to call upon
the Fund's resources in appropriate circum-
stances.
The standby arrangement of the United
States with the Fimd, even if wholly utilized,
will cover only about 10 percent of the U.S.
drawing rights within the 200-percent limita-
tion described above. As the result of the
strengthening of the Fund through the general
borrowing arrangements of last year, the Fund
is in a position to organize the resources for a
much larger drawing than the United States
may make under the standby or would expect
to request otherwise. The existence of this re-
serve of strength for the Fund adds confidence
in the ability of the international monetary sys-
tem in general, and the U.S. dollar in particu-
lar, to withstand the pressures that arise from
time to time in the exchange markets whether
because of speculation, international diiTerences
in interest rates, or other factors.
Various gold transactions of the Fund have
been of special interest to the United States.
The United States has paid to the Fimd more
than $1 billion in gold as part of its subscrip-
tion. In the other direction the Fund has sold
gold amounting to $750 million to the United
States to replenish its dollar holdings. The
Fund has also utilized $800 million of its gold
holdings to invest in U.S. Treasury bills in
order to augment its income and build up its
reseiwe account under an arrangement which
permits the Fund to reacquire the same amount
of gold as it invested. At the moment, how-
ever, the gold so invested is part of the gold
stock of the United States.
The Fund has exercised an influence on trade
and financial policy that has been of substantial
value to traders and business firms aromid the
world and, in some ways, of exceptional sig-
SEPTEMBEK 23, 1963
471
nificance to United States (irms. As indicated
earlier, it is the puri^se of tlie Fund to facili-
tate the expansion of world trade and to assist
in the establisliment of a multilateral system
of payments and the elimination of foreign
exchancre restrictions. The Fund has had a
great deal of success in the furtherance of these
objectives.
TTntil a few years ago the U.S. dollar was vir-
tually the only important currency that was
convertible. The United States therefore was
not only adversely affected by the trade and
currency restrictions of other countries but suf-
fered the sharper edge of the sword when such
restrictions were applied in a discriminatory
manner. Thus, though the Fund's success in
promoting freer trade and payments benefited
the free world in general, it had certain extra,
incidental benefits for the United States and
for the other coimtries of the so-called dollar
area in helping to rid their trade and financial
relations of the discriminatory barriers imposed
by other countries.
Help to Less Developed Countries
The Fimd's work has also been of interest
to the United States in the way it has con-
tributed to the solution of difBculties experi-
enced by countries to which the United States
has provided economic development assistance.
Although for temporary periods economic de-
velopment and cun-ency stability may appear
to be competing objectives in a particular coun-
try, in the longer nm they are partners in the
sense that sustained economic growth is de-
terred rather than stimulated when a country's
money no longer commands the respect of the
saver and the entrepreneur at home and the
investor abroad.
The Fund, through its technical missions and
its periodic consultations with members, has
provided guidance on financial policy and train-
ing in financial techniques that have supported
the formulation and maintenance of responsible
fiscal programs and monetary standards. It is
not uncommon to find serious political and ad-
ministrative barriers in the way of maintaining
moderate financial policies, and the existence of
a disinterested body like the Fund, willing to
assume the responsibility for giving diflicult
advice, has been of crucial importance to the
officials of many countries. In addition, in its
provision of standby arrangements and draw-
ings of foreign exchange, the Fund has assisted
a number of the less developed countries in
balance-of-payments difficulties to avoid inter-
ruptions in their economic development pro-
grams that might otherwise have been virtually
inevitable.
In these respects the work of the Fund has
helped to reinforce programs of economic as-
sistance financed by the United States and other
industrialized nations. In some coimtries, in
fact, financial stabilization programs have been
jointly financed by the country concerned and
the Fund, along with governmental bodies and
commercial banks in Western Europe and the
United States.
The Future of the Fund
The 18 years since the war have witnessed
profoujid changes in the political and economic
environment in which the Fund must function.
This period has been marked by the emergence
of dozens of new sovereign nations as colonial
structures have been dismantled. Political in-
dependence has brought with it a deep desire
for rapid economic development, often accom-
panied by a strong sense of economic national-
ism. At the same time, the world has witnessed
the remarkable recovery of the economies of
Western Europe and the unprecedented move-
ment toward their integration. And the world
has been experiencing the phenomenon of a
large and prolonged deficit in the United States
balance of payments which, along with the
measures that are being employed to reduce
the deficit, has necessarily had important re-
percussions outside the United States.
These developments have made their mark on
the international monetary system— on the poli-
cies of the Fund and other international insti-
tutions; on the forms and scope of monetary
cooperation ; on the strength and convertibility
of national currencies and, in particular, on the
position of the main reserve currencies, the dol-
lar and tlie pound sterling; on the functioning
of the foreign exchange and gold markets ; and
on the conceptions of what is and what is not
appropriate, sound, and timely in national and
472
DEPARTMENT OF ST.\TE BTJLLETIN
international financial policy. Though we can
perceive that far-ranging changes in the mone-
tary system have already been produced by the
underlying political and economic foi'ces of the
postwar period, there is no reason to believe
that the transformation of the system is fin-
ished. A significant lag between cause and
necessary effect is a norm in human affairs;
finance, a conservative discipline, is more likely
to follow the norm than to be an exception to
it. It is therefore reasonable to expect the con-
tinuation of significant change in the financial
system even after the pace of political and
economic change slows down.
The character of the international monetary
system is fundamentally affected by the way in
which countries maintain their monetary re-
serves. In the postwar period, with a slow
growth in the reserves of monetary gold and
with the dollar commonly used for private in-
ternational business transactions outside the
sterling area, banks, business firms, and official
financial institutions have depended heavily on
the accumulation of dollars to meet their needs
for reserves and working balances. The dollars
acquired for these puq^oses have come from,
or have contributed to, the deficits in the U.S.
balance of payments which continued through-
out the 1950's (with the exception of 1957) even
when the world was talking about the "dollar
shortage."
The restoration of the external convertibility
of sterling and the other currencies of Western
Europe at the end of 1958 produced a basic
change in the significance of the deficit in the
U.S. balance of payments. The European
countries, by their joint actions, acknowledged
that they had achieved a major, if not the cen-
tral, objective in the recovery and reconstruc-
tion of their finances that they had sought since
the start of the Marshall Plan. From this
point, the U.S. payments deficit began to
change from a boon — at least for the countries
eager for additional liquidity — to a problem.
When the United States recognized that this
stage of postwar economic progress had been
reached, it became necessary to devote deliber-
ate attention to the reduction and elimination
of the deficit.
The United States' determination to achieve
payments equilibrium, though generally wel-
comed as necessary and desirable and though
still short of fulfillment, has given rise to a new
concern: the possibility — some would say cer-
tainty— that the world's needs for additional
liquidity may run ahead of the liquidity pro-
vided by gold (new supplies from free- world
gold production, sales by the Soviet Union, and
dishoarding) . As a consequence, in the ab-
sence of the liquidity in the form of dollars pro-
vided by U.S. payments deficits, the growth of
the world's production and trade would be seri-
ously inhibited, to the detriment of both the
industrialized and the less developed countries.
Yet it is recognized that, in time, continued
U.S. deficits would so increase liquid foreign
claims against the dollar as to undermine con-
fidence in its strength and stability. Thus is
the liquidity dilemma posed and debated by fi-
nancial specialists in and outside governments.
Proposals for Solving Liquidity Problem
Although the general debate seems to be pro-
ducing a consensus on some questions, many
deep-seated differences of opinion are evident,
particularly among the nongovernmental ex-
perts. There is an apparent consensus that the
world does not suffer from a general shortage
of international liquidity at present and is not
likely to in the immediate future. And there is
a growing sense of uncertainty whether the in-
ternational monetary system as currently con-
stituted can avoid a shortage of international
liquidity over the long term. Though there is
no consensus on the probability or timing of the
emergence of such a shortage, a general sense
of uncertainty or unease where assurance would
be highly desirable can prove to be a forceful
stimulus to action.
On the other hand, there has been no crystal-
lization of expert opinion on the best way to
act, or to be prepared to act, in advance of the
emergence of a liquidity problem. A wide
range of contradictory proposals has been pre-
sented on this question, mainly by experts out-
side of official circles. A few that have at-
tracted public interest will be briefly described
here.
Some of the experts are not so much con-
cerned with institutional arrangements as they
SEPTEMBER 23. 1963
473
are al)out otlier aspects of the monetary system.
In this area proposals luive been made to in-
crease international liquidity by raising the
price of gold to a new, fixed level. A step of
this kind, which would constitute a general de-
valuation of currencies in terms of gold, is de-
signed both to stretch e.xisting gold supplies
and to stimulate gold production. Some of its
proponents see such action as a prerequisite for
a return to the gold standard, which they desire ;
others, however, do not regard that objective as
realistic or desirable.
Pointing in quite a different direction, pro-
posals have been made for abandoning fixed
currency values and operating the monetary
system with flexible exchange rates. Under
such a system, it is argued, the need for official
reserves would be largely eliminated since pres-
suifs on a count iy"s payments position would
rapidly become dissipated through their effect
on the exchange rate for the country's currency.
A system of flexible rates is, of course, incon-
sistent with one of tlie basic principles of the
Fund's charter, and its introduction would im-
ply a fundamental transformation of the oper-
ations of the exchange system as we know it
today.
Perhaps the most widely debated of the pro-
posals that look toward changes in the institu-
tional framework of the monetary system are
those of Professor Robert Triffin of Yale Uni-
versity. His early writings on the liquidity
dilemma did much to precipitate the discussions
of the past several years. He would transform
the International Monetary Fund by empower-
ing it to create international credit (liquidity)
in amounts determined by international agree-
ment. Countries would no longer hold dollars,
sterling, or other currencies in their resen-es
but would deposit them, including the large
holdings already in existence, in the Fund where
they would not constitute a threat to the sta-
bility of the exchange markets. A part of a
country's gold reserves would also be deposited
with the Fund. Thus, under the Triffin pro-
posals, the Fund would become a "central bank
of central banks," standing in relation to the
central banks of member countries roughly in
the way the Federal Reserve banks stand in re-
lation to the commercial banks in the United
States. The assignment of such power to an
international institution is one of the most con-
troversial features of the Triffin proposals.
A different approach to the modification of
the Fund has been presented by Edward M.
Bernstein, fonnerly director of the Research
Department at the Fund. Mr. Bernstein would
strengthen the monetary system by providing
for a "reserve settlement account" in the Fund
to be used to offset the effects of capital move-
ments and by incorporating into the monetary
reserves of members their rights to draw on the
Fund. The resei-ve settlement account would
be financed by borrowing from the members
(i.e. selling them Fund debentures) ; the in-
tegration of drawing rights into national re-
serves would follow from the establisliment of
much greater automaticity in the Fund's lend-
ing operations than exists today.
Another suggestion of special interest was
presented at last year's meeting of the Board
of Governoi-s of the Fund by Reginald Maud-
ling, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Governor
of the Fund for the United Kingdom. He pro-
posed that study could usefulh' be given to the
development of a system of cooperation among
the leading trading countries in the form of a
mutual currency account in the Fund. He in-
dicated that he had in mind a multilateral
arrangement under which a country enjoying
a payments surplus could deposit its net re-
ceipts of foreign currencies in a special Fund
account, thereby acquiring claims which it could
use when its own payments position turned ad-
verse. The Chancellor made clear that his sug-
gestions were not intended to represent the final
views of his Government or to preclude the
development or consideration of other ideas. It
seems possible, therefore, that the British
Government may present new or additional
conceptions as its study of these questions
progresses.
U.S. Position on Long-Term Liquidity
The position of the United States on long-
term liquidity issues has been stated most com-
prehensively by the President in his message
of July 18, 19G3, » as follows:
'Ibid., p. 250.
474
DEPARTMENT OF ST.\TE BULLETIN
Our efforts to strengthen these defenses [i.e. the
defenses of the international monetary system against
raids on a major currency] will continue. While this
process is taking place, the United States will con-
tinue to study and discuss with other countries meas-
ures which might be taken for a further strengthening
of the international monetary system over the longer
run. The U.S. interest In the continuing evolution of
the system inaugurated at the time of Bretton Woods
is not a result of our current payments deficit — rather
it reflects our concern that adequate provision be made
for the growth of international liquidity to finance
expanding world trade over the years ahead. Indeed,
one of the reasons that new sources of liquidity may
well be needed is that, as we close our payments gap,
we will cut down our provision of dollars to the rest
of the world.
As yet, this Government is not prepared to recom-
mend any specific prescription for long-term improve-
ment of the international monetary system. But we
are studying the matter closely ; we shall be discussing
possible improvements with our friends abroad ; and
our minds will be ojjen to their initiatives. We share
their view that the problem of improving the payments
mechanism is one that demands careful joint delibera-
tion. At the same time, we do not pretend that talk
of long-range reform of the system is any substitute
for the actions that we ourselves must take now.
The defenses mentioned by the President
have been developed over the past 2 years by
the United States in cooperation with a num-
ber of other countries. They inchide the $6
billion borrowing arrangement for the Fund
as well as techniques of more limited scope.
For example, the United States and other coun-
tries have been effectively carrying out joint
operations through the Bank of England to
maintain stability in the London gold market.
The Federal Reserve Bank of New York, acting
for the Federal Reserve System and for the
Ti-easury, now actively intervenes in dollar ex-
change markets, forward and spot, in order to
resist speculative disturbances and promote or-
derly market conditions. The Federal Reserve
System has established a network of swap ar-
rangements with most of the major foreign
central banks which provide ready access, on a
reciprocal basis, to specified amounts of short-
term credit in foreign currencies aggregating
more than $1.5 billion. And the Treasury has
introduced, on an experimental but nevertheless
substantial scale, new forms of U.S. Gov-
ernment securities — including nonmarketable
medium-term certificates denominated in for-
eign currencies — that have been tailored to meet
the needs of foreign central banks and have
thus proved useful in reducing the possibility
of calls on the U.S. gold stock.
The United States includes in its interna-
tional reserves the convertible foreign cuiTen-
cies acquired by these and other means. To
the extent that the acquisition of such curren-
cies may properly be enlarged when the present
payments deficit is ended, the United States
could avoid curtailing the supply of interna-
tional liquidity now provided by the deficit.
This approach to meeting the liquidity needs of
an expanding world economy was indicated by
the Federal Open Market Committee in its au-
thorization of February 1962 for the foreign
exchange operations of the Federal Reserve
System. The practical exploration of its po-
tential scope will necessarily await a reversal
in the U.S. payments position.
Although, aside from the long-term aspects
of the foregoing measures, the United States
has not made any proposals for the reform of
the monetary system over the long run, U.S.
officials have made it plain that they regard
certain proposals to be unacceptable. In a cur-
rent statement, for example, the Under Secre-
tary of the Treasury for Monetary Affairs,
Robert V. Roosa, has explained once again why
the U.S. Government is convinced that neither
a change in the price of gold nor the adoption
of a system of flexible exchange rates would
contribute to a strengthening of the monetary
system." In the conclusion of this statement
Mr. Roosa has summarized the main lines of
probable inquiry for future governmental study
of the reform of the international monetary'
system. There is one common feature of the
several alternatives for refonn tliat he enumer-
ates, namely, an enlargement of the resources
or of the powers of the International ^Monetary
Fund.
As Mr. Roosa indicates, it is too early to
judge whether the international monetary sys-
tem will be able to meet the requirements of
the world through the ordinary evolution of its
present principles and institutions or whether
" See "Reforming the International Monetary Sys-
tem," Foreign Affairs, vol. 42, no. 1, Oct. 1963, pp.
107-122.
SEPTEMBER 23, 1963
475
jjoveniinents will eveiituiilly conclude that a
more decisive reshaping of the system is needed.
But whatever the outcome, the world — both the
industrialized and the less developed coun-
tries— will surely require more rather than less
monetary cooperation and will probably need,
in time, enlarjred access to a centralized source
of international liquidity. To follow the logic
of tlie argument is to conclude that the world
will place increasing responsibility on the Fund
over the years and that, important as the Fund
has l)een in influencing the economic welfare of
the free world in the past, it is likely to be even
more important in the future.
President Kennedy and General Clay
Urge Restoration of Aid Funds
Following Is a transcript of remarks made hy
Preitident Kennedy and Gen. Lucius D. Clay,
chaij^ian of the Committee To Strengthen the
Security of the Free World, at a news confer-
ence held at Sqitaw Island, Hyannis Port,
Mass., on Axigust 30.
Wblte House press release (HyEwnls, Mass.) dated August 30
President Kennedy: Good morning, ladies
and gentlemen. General Clay and Mr. [David
E.] Bell, the Director of the mutual security
program, and I have met this morning to con-
sider what actions we could take to strengthen
the mutual security program to be sure that
they are adequately financed and to make every
possible effort to assure that the security of the
United States and the effectiveness of its for-
eign policy will be maintained in the coming
months.
This matter is now before the Congress ' but,
in a very real sense, it is before all of the Amer-
ican people.
This program of mutual security has helped
protect the independence of dozens of countries
since 1945. Most importantly, it has protected
' For a statement made by President Kennedy at his
newH cuiiforeiice on Aug. 20, together with the text of
a letter to Members of the House of Representatives
from Secretary Ruslc and Set-rctary of Defense Robert
S. MrXnmara and a statement made by Secretary Riislv
on Aug. 2.3 following action by the House on the foreign
nid Mil, s<'o m-LiJ-TlN of Sept. 0, lOaS, p. .'JOO.
the security and the best interests of the United
States. This effort is by no means over. We
are going to have a difficult struggle in the
1960's. The peaceful coexistence which is fre-
quently talked about will be very intense in
Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America.
This struggle is going on everj' day, and I think
that the United States has a part in it, as do
other countries, and I am confident the Amer-
ican people will recognize this effort involves
their security, the maintenance of freedom, and
our peace.
I am particularly glad General Clay came up
this morning, as he studied this program very
carefully and he continues to be head of the
committee which oversees the aid program and
advises with us on it.- He might have a word
to say on the matter.
General Clay: We are, of course, fully aware
of the action that has been taken with respect
to the foreign aid bill. We on the committee are
greatly concerned in two fields particularly —
it has endangered the whole program — and that
is in the reduction of the funds available for
our military aid and, further, in the reductions
in the Alliance for Progress. We think these
reductions in the authorization have gone too
far and that they could seriously endanger these
programs.
We are certainly most anxious that these
programs continue; that there be sufficient au-
thorization for the appropriations to permit
the jobs to be done. Above all, we hope that
they will be considered as in the best interests
of the American people on a nonpartisan basis.
It is to this end that certainly we on the com-
mittee are going to work, Mr. President,
President Kennedy: Thank you very much,
General.
The Press: Mr. President, what strategy are
you going to try to use to get the total amount
increased now?
President Kennedy: It is not a question of
strategy. We are trjnng to point out very
clearly how significant these programs are.
General Clay has already pointed out the ef-
fect of these cuts on Latin America, which is
•For background, see iUd., Dec. 31, li)C2, p. 1007;
Mar. 4, 1963, p. 320 ; Mar. 2.'}, 1963, p. 431 ; and Apr. 15,
1963, p. 574.
476
DKl'ARTSrENT OF STATE BUT,IJ:tIN
perhaps the most critical area in the world to-
day, the effects on onr military assistance pro-
grams in Greece, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, South
Viet-Nam, Thailand, South Korea.
I think that it is important that the Ameri-
can people understand that this is a matter
which involves the security and the balance of
power all over the world. So we are going to
continue to work with the Congress.
General Clay and his committee will continue
to make an effort to bring this home to the
American people as well as to the Members of
Congress.
This is a matter which involves very greatly
the security of our country. This is the same
view that was held by President Eisenhower,
the same view that was held by President Tru-
man, and it is no accident that three Presidents
in a row, sitting where they do and bearing
particular constitutional responsibilities for
foreign policy, should all feel that this program
is most important, most effective, most essen-
tial, and we hope that the American people will
come to share that view.
The Press: Mr. President, do you feel there
has been a significant swing in the public's
move away from support for foreign aid ?
President Kennedy: I don't think people en-
joy carrying this burden. I never thought they
did. I always thought in the forties and the
fifties and the sixties that there were reserva-
tions about it. I think that is quite obvious,
but I think in the final analysis most of them
realize that it is as essential a part of our effort
as the appropriations for national defense.
This money is spent, nearly all of it, in the
United States, and it helps keep the freedom
of this country of ours. It represents much
less of a percentage of our wealth than it did
during the Marshall Plan days. I think the
American people realize that freedom does not
come cheaply or easily.
The Press: Mr. President, the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee has not completed its ac-
tion on the authorization bill. Is there any
possibility of getting a higher figure and then
out of conference getting a fairly reasonable
floor?
President Kennedy: We hope so.
The Press: Mr. President, are you gomg to
seek the restoration of the entire amount cut
by the House from the Senate, or is there some
new figure that you gentlemen have agreed
upon?
President Kennedy: No, we are going to try
to get a figure as close to the recommendations.
Obviously, we won't get all the recommenda-
tions but as close to the recommendations as we
can in the Foreign Relations Committee and
in the Senate. Then there must be a confer-
ence. After that, there must be consideration
by the Appropriations Committee. So I think
it is important that the Senate give us as much
help as it can in this program.
The Press: Mr. President, does this program
look differently to you now that you are in the
White House than it did when you were in
Congress ?
President Kennedy: No. I supported it very
strongly in the Congress as a member of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Obviously, a President has a particular re-
sponsibility in the field of foreign policy, as I
have said, constitutionally. Therefore, as I
see very clearly how vital this program is in
all of the countries of Latin America — you can
see it week in and week out — as well as in these
other countries, I perhaps feel it more strongly
in the same sense that General Eisenliower did.
But I supported this program in the Senate,
and I think it is essential. I think it is essential.
I think, as I say, I put it right alongside of our
defense appropriation.
The Press: Mr. President, in your meeting
this morning was there any discussion of re-
vamping the program in terms of what the
House has done?
President Kennedy: No. This program we
set up. Then General Clay and his group,
which included Mr. Eugene Black of the World
Bank, Mr. [Robert A.] Lovett, and others,
looked at it. They made some proposals.' We
reduced our request of the authorization after
their report came in. They recommended a
° The Scope and Distribution of United States Mili-
tary and Econotnic Assistance Programs: Report to the
President of the United States from The Committee to
Strengthen the Security of the Free World, March 20,
1963; available from the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington,
D.C. 20402 (price 15 cents).
SEPTEMBER 23, 1963
477
figure of over $4 billion. Tliis fifrure now, of
course, in the House is almost $600 million less
than that.
As I say, we have not even gone through the
appropriating procedure, which is usually less
than the authorization. This will mean, as Mr.
Bell pointed out, that the United States will
not fulfill its commitments under the Alliance
for Progress and we are going to say to the
Latin American people that we are not going
to do what we said we were going to do. It will
mean that we will have to cut back on our mili-
tary assistance to countries which are right on
the firing line, and it will mean that a good
many of these programs in countries of long-
term development loans will come to an end.
I think it will limit very much our ability to
influence events in these areas. That is why I
am very anxious to see the program restored.
The Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
United States Tariff Schedules
Made Effective by President
A PROCLAMATION"
Whereas I have caused the Tariff Schedules of the
nnite<l States to be published in the Federal Registee*
In conformity with Section 101(d) of the Tariff Clas-
sincation Act of 10C2 (P.L. 87^56, 76 Stat. 72) ■
Whereas I have taken such action as I deem neces-
sary to bring the United States schedules annexed to
foreign trade agreements into conformity with the
Tariff Schedules of the United States as provided for
In Section 102 of the Tariff Classification Act of 196''
°^ "'"'^"ded (P.L. 87-J56. 76 Stat 72, as amended b"y
' No. 3548 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 0279.
'Part ir, F.R. of Aug. 17, 1963, 28 F.R. &599, as cor-
rected by F.R. of Aug. 20, 196.% 28 F.R. 9131 [Foot-
note In original.] The .schedules, annotated for statis-
tl.al pun>oses. are on sale by the Superintendent of
Documents. U.S. Government Printing Office Wash-
ington, D.C. 20402, at a subscription pri.e of ^i,QO
(?1.2.5 additional for foreign mailing). The subscrip-
tion price includes supplementary material for an In-
definite period.
Section 257(g) of P.L. 87-794, 76 Stat. 882) ; and
Whereas I have determined that the rates and
provisions proclaimed in paragraph 1 of this procla-
mation are required or appropriate to carry out for-
eign trade agreements to which the United States is
a party :
Now, Therefore, I Joh.'t F. KE^^^:DT, President of
the United States of America, acting under the author-
ity of the Constitution and statutes, including Section
102 of the Tariff Classification Act of 1962, as amended,
do proclaim :
1. The rates of duty in column numbered 1 of
Schedules 1 to 8, inclusive (except the rates for the
items listed in Annex A' which is attached and made
a part of this proclamation), and the other provision*
of the Tariff Schedules of the United States which re-
late thereto ;
2. The temporary modifications set forth in Part 2
of the Appendix to the Tariff Schedules of the United
States ;
3. The additional import restrictions .set forth In
Part .3 of the Appendix to the Tariff Schedules of the
United States; and
4. The nations or areas and countries set forth in
general headnote 3(d) of the Tariff Schedules of the
United States (relating to the treatment of products
of certain CommunLst-dominated nations or areas).
The Tariff Schedules of the United States shall be-
come effective as to articles entered, or withdrawn
from warehouse, for consumption on or after August
31, 1963.
As to articles entered, or withdrawn from ware-
house, for consumption on or after August 31, 1963,
the provisions of all prior proclamations which pro-
vide for customs treatment inconsistent with the Tariff
Scliedules of the United States are hereby superseded.
In witness whereof. I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of America
to be afl3xed.
Done at the City of Washington this twenty-first
day of August in the year of our Lord nine-
[seal] teen hundred and sixty-three, and of the In-
dependence of the United States of America
the one hundred and eighty-eighth.
By the President :
George W. Ball,
Acting Secretary of State.
/(L^ /L^
' Not printed here ; for text, see 28 Fed Reg. 9280.
478
i)KP.\nr>rEXT or statk bulletin
Vice President Jolinson Visits
Five North European Countries
The Department of State announced on
Augrnst 31 (press release 445 dated August 29)
that Vice President Johnson would leave Wash-
ington on September 2 to pay state visits to
noith European countries.
The Vice President will represent President
Kennedy and the Nation on a 15,000-mile mis-
sion to Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark,
and Iceland. He will also visit Thule Air Force
Base in Greenland and will return to Washing-
ton about September 19.
The Vice President will hold private talks
with the prime ministers and other high-rank-
ing officials of the five nations. Discussions are
expected to center primarily around the effect
that new world trade patterns will have on
Scandinavia.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Mimeographed or processed docvments (such as those
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries
in the United States. V.N. printed publications may
be purchased from the Sales Section of the United
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
Security Council
Letter dated July 18, 1963, from the Secretary General
of the Organization of American States addressed to
the Secretary-General of the United Nations, trans-
mitting an OAS Council resolution on the situation
between the Dominican Republic and Haiti. S/5373.
July 26, 1963. 65 pp.
Cable dated July 28, 1963 from the President of the
Conference of Heads of African and Malagasy States
addressed to the President of the Security Council
in support of Afro-Asian draft resolution on libera-
tion of still dependent African territories. S/5376.
July 29, 1963. 1 p.
Letter dated July 31, 1963, from the representative
of the Republic of South Africa addressed to the
President of the Security Council transmitting a
message from the South African Minister of For-
eign Affairs regarding that Government's decision
not to participate in the Council's discussion of South
African policy. S/5381. July 31, 1963. 3 pp.
Letter dated August 2, 1963, from the representatives
of Ghana, Guinea, Morocco, and the United Arab
Republic addressed to the President of the Security
Council on the situation in Southern Rhodesia. S/
5382. August 5, 1963. 9 pp.
Telegram dated August 5, 1963, from the Haitian
Minister of Foreign Affairs addressed to the Presi-
dent of the Security Council concerning the situa-
tion in the Caribbean, S/5383 and Corn 1 and 2,
August 6-7, 190.'?, 5 pp.; letter dated August 8, 19C3,
from the representative of Haiti addressed to the
President of the Security Council. S/5391, August 12,
1963, 2 pp.
General Assembly
The Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the
Republic of South Africa :
Note by the Secretary-General enclosing an Inter-
national Labor Organization document concern-
ing South African participation in HjO. A/5454.
July 23, 1963. 44 pp.
Note verbale dated July 24, 1963, from the repre-
sentative of Nepal addressed to the Secretary-
General. A/5457. July 25, 1963. 2 pp.
Letter dated July 25, 1963, from the representative
of Yugoslavia addressed to the Secretary-General.
A/5458. July 26, 1963. 2 pp.
Comments received from governments and interna-
tional organizations and institutions regarding the
technical assistance to promote the teaching, stndy,
dissemination and wider appreciation of interna-
tional law. A/5455. July 25, 1963. 65 pp.
Reports of the Special Committee on the Situation
With Regard to the Implementation of the Declara-
tion on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples. South West Africa,
A/.5446/Add.2, July 26, 1963, 72 pp.; Southern
Rhodesia, A/5446/Add.3, July 30, 1963, and Corr. 1,
August 3, 1963, 114 pp.
Draft Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination. Notes by the Secretary-
General : A/5459, July 29, 1963, 6 pp. ; A/5460, July
29, 1963, 2 pp.
Draft Declaration on the Right of Asylum. Note by
the Secretary-General. A/5461. July 29, 196:^. 1 p.
Draft International Covenants on Human Rights.
Note by the Secretary-General. A/5462. July 29,
1963. 3 pp.
Measures To Accelerate the Promotion of Respect for
Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms: Report
of the Economic and Social Council. Note by the
Secretary-General. A/5463. July 30, 1963. 2 pp.
Economic and Social Council
Economic and Social Consequences of Disarmament.
Reply of the Government of the Polish People's Re-
public, E/3736/Add. 4, June 4, 1963, 2 pp. ; reply of
the Government of France, E/3736/Add. 7, June 25,
1963, 1 p. ; reply of the Government of Yugoslavia,
E/3736/Add.8, 3 pp.
World Economic Trends: Economic Projections and
Development Planning. Progress report by the Sec-
retary-General including a work programme for the
Economic Projections and Programming Centre of
the Bureau of General Economic Research and Poli-
cies. E/3764. June 5, 1963. 29 pp.
Proposals for a Priority Programme of Co-ordinated
Action in the Field of Water Resources Within the
Framework of the United Nations Development Dec-
ade. Report of the United Nations Water Resources
Development Centre. E/3760. June 6, 19(j3. 2."> pp.
Decentralization of the Economic and Social Activities
of the United Nations and Strengthening of the Re-
gional Economic Commissions. Report by the Sec-
retary-General. E/3786. June 10, 1963. 28 pp.
United Nations Conference on International Travel
and Tourism :
Facilitation of Governmental Formalities Regarding
Travel. Report of the International Civil Avia-
tion Organization, giving an account of the perti-
SEPTEMBER 23, 1963
479
nent conclusions reached at the sixth session of
Its Facilitation Division, Mexico City, March 19-
Aprll 3, ISMU. E/CONF.47/10. June 10, 1963. 37
lip.
Report.s prepared by the Economic Commission for
Asia and the Far East and the United Nations
Economic Commission for Africa. E/COXF.47/11.
June 11, 19(13. 36 pp.
Deflnitlon of "Tourist" or "Temporary Visitor." Re-
port submitted by the International Union of Offi-
cial Travel Organisations. E/CONF.47/12. June
12, 1963. 32 pp.
Financing of I'>onomie Development : United Nations
Capital Development Fund. Report of the Secre-
tary-General regarding views expressed by various
governments. E/3790. June 14, 1963. 24 pp.
World Economic Survey, 1962. Part II : Current Eco-
nomic Developments. Introduction, E/3761, June 20,
1963, 14 pp. ; chapter 1, Recent Trends in Industrial
Countries, E/37(il/Add.l, May 27, 1963, 63 pp.; chap-
ter 3, Recent Trends in the Centrally Planned
Economies, E/3761/Add.3, June 7, 1963, 71 pp.
Committee for Ind\istrial Development: Questionnaire
on Industrial Planning and Development. Reply of
the Government of Portugal. E/C.5/24/Add.35.
July 15, 1963. 62 pp.
TREATY INFORMATION
U.S. and Mexico Sign Convention
Settling Chamizal Boundary
Press release 448 dated August 29
DEPARTMENT STATEMENT
A Convention between the United States of
America and the United Mexican States for the
Solution of the Problem of the Chamizal was
concluded at Mexico City on August 29. Am-
bassador Thomas C. Mann signed for the
United States, and the Foreign Minister of
Mexico, Manuel Telle, signed for Mexico. A
copy of the English version of the convention is
attached.
This convention comprises essentially the
proposed terms of settlement announced by
the Department of State and the Mexican Min-
istry of Foreign Relations on July 18 and ap-
proved by the Presidents of the two countries.'
The convention will now be submitted to the
respective Senates of the two countries for ad-
' Uiij-CTIN of Aug. 5, 1963, p. 199.
vice and consent to ratification. If it meets
with the approval of the tM-o Senates, the De-
partment will seek enabling legislation and
appropriations from the United States Con-
gress to provide for execution of its terms so far
as the United States is concerned. Thereafter,
in accordance with the convention, the United
States Section of the International Boundary
and Water Commission would proceed to ac-
quire the lands and structures to be transferred
to Mexico, and when the lands have been evac-
uated, and the structures passing intact to
Mexico have been paid for by a Mexican bank-
ing institution, these lands and structures
would be transferred to Mexico. The Mexican
Government would at the same time transfer to
the United States approximately one-half of
Cordova Island, a Mexican enclave north of the
present channel of the Rio Grande. The Inter-
national Commission would then relocate the
Rio Grande at El Paso so that all Mexican ter-
ritory in that area would be south of the new
river channel.
This is the first bilateral treaty concluded
with the Government of Mexico since 1949 and
the first major boundary agreement reached
since 1933. The Department of State looks
upon the Chamizal convention as a notable
achievement in inter- American relations and as
a major contribution in the peaceful settlement
of boundary disputes.
TEXT OF CONVENTION
CONVENTION BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES
OP AMERICA AND THE UNITED MEXICAN
STATES FOR THE SOLUTION OF THE PROB-
LEM OF THE CHAMIZAL
The United States of America and the United Mexi-
can States :
Animated by the spirit of good-neighborliness which
has made possible the amicable solution of various
problems which have arisen between them ;
Desiring to arrive at a complete solution of the prob-
lem concerning El Chamizal, an area of land situated
to the north of the Rio Grande, in the El Paso-Ciudad
Juarez region ;
Considering that the recommendations of the Depart-
ment of State of the United States and the Ministry of
Foreign Relations of Mexico of July 17, 1963, have
been approved by the Presidents of the two Republics ;
Desiring to give effect to the 1911 arbitration award
480
DE1".\RT3IENT OF STATE BULLETIN
in today's circumstances and in keeping with the joint
?ommunique of the Presidents of the United States and
)f Jlexico issued on June 30, 1962 ; ° and
Convinced of the need for continuing the program
of rectification and stabilization of the Rio Grande
which has been carried out under the terms of the Con-
vention of February 1, 1933,' by improving the channel
in the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez region,
Have resolved to conclude a Convention and for this
purpose have named as their Plenipotentiaries :
The President of the United States of America,
Thomas C. Mann, Ambassador of the United States of
America to Mexico, and
The President of the United Mexican States, Manuel
Tello, Secretary for Foreign Relations,
Who, having communicated to each other their re-
spective Full Powers, found to be in good and due
form, have agreed as follows :
Article 1
In the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez sector, the Rio Grande
shall be relocated into a new channel in accordance
with the engineering plan recommended in Minute No.
214 of the International Boundary and Water Com-
mission, United States and Mexico. Authentic copies
of the Minute and of the map* attached thereto, on
which the new channel is shown, are annexed to this
Convention and made a part hereof.
Article 2
The river channel shall be relocated so as to trans-
fer from the north to the south of the Rio Grande a
tract of 823.50 acres composed of 366.00 acres in the
Chamizal tract, 193.16 acres in the southern part of
Cordova Island, and 264.34 acres to the east of Cor-
dova Island. A tract of 193.16 acres in the northern
part of Cordova Island will remain to the north of the
river.
Article S
The center line of the new river channel shall be the
international boundary. The lands that, as a result
of the relocation of the river channel, shall he to the
north of the center line of the new channel shall be
the territory of the United States of America and the
lands that shall be to the south of the center line of
the new channel shall be the territory of the United
Mexican States.
Article 4
No payments will be made, as between the two Gov-
ernments, for the value of the lands that pass from one
country to the other as a result of the relocation of the
= Ibid.. July 23, 1962, p. 135.
° 48 Stat. 1621.
* Not printed here.
international boundary. The lauds that, upon reloca-
tion of the international boundary, pass from one coun-
try to the other shall pass to the respective Govern-
ments in absolute ownership, free of any private titles
or encumbrances of any kind.
Article 5
The Government of Mexico shall convey to the Banco
Nacional Hipf>tecario Urbano y de Obras Publicas, S.A..
titles to the proiierties comprised of the structures
which pass intact to Mexico and the lands on which
they stand. The Bank shall pay the Government of
Mexico for the value of the lands on which such struc-
tures are situated and the Government of the United
States for the estimated value to Mexico of the said
structures.
Article 6
After this Convention has entered into force and the
necessary legislation has been enacted for carrying it
out, the two Governments shall, on the basis of a rec-
ommendation hy the International Boundary and Water
Commission, determine the period of time approjiriate
for the Government of the United States to complete
the following:
(a) The acquisition, in conformity with its laws, of
the lands to be transferred to Mexico and for the
rights of way for that portion of the new river channel
in the territory of the United States ;
(b) The orderly evacuation of the occupants of the
lands referred to in paragraph (a).
Article 7
As soon as the operations provided in the preceding
article have been completed, and the payment made by
the Banco Nacional Hipotecario Urbano y de Obras
Publicas, S.A., to the Government of the United States
as provided in Article 9, the Government of the United
States shall so inform the Government of Mexico.
The International Boundary and Water Commission
shall then proceed to demarcate the new international
boundary, recording the demarcation in a Minute. Tlie
relocation of the international boundary and tie trans-
fer of lands provided for in this Convention shall take
place upon express approval of that Minute by both
Governments in accordance with the procedure estab-
lished in the second paragraph of Article 25 of the
Treaty of February 3, 1044.'
Article 8
The costs of constructing the new river channel shall
be borne in equal parts by the two Governments. How-
ever, each Government shall bear the costs of compen-
sation for the value of the structures or improvements
which must be destroyed, within the territory under
its jurisdiction prior to the relocation of the interna-
Uonal boundary, in the process of constructing the new
channel.
• 59 Stat. 1219.
SEPTEMBER 2 3, 1963
481
Article 9
The InterDational Houndary and Wafer Commission
Is pharRed with tiie relocation of Uie river channel, the
construction of the bridges herein i)rovided for, and
the maintenance, preservation and improvement of the
new channel. The Commission's Jurisdiction and re-
sponslblliUes, set forth in Article XI of the 1933 Con-
vention for tlie maintenance and preservation of the
Rio Grande Rectification Project, are extended up-
stream from that part of the river included in the
Project to the point where the Rio Grande meets the
land boundary between the two countries.
Article 10
The six existing bridges shall, as a part of the reloca-
tion of the river channel, be replaced by new bridges.
The cost of constructing the new bridges shall be borne
in equal parts by the two Governments. The bridges
which replace those on Stanton-Lerdo and Santa Fe-
Juarez streets shall be located on the same streets.
The location of the bridge or bridges which replace the
two Cordova Island bridges shall be determined by the
International Boundary and Water Commission. The
agreements now in force which relate to the four exist-
ing bridges between El Paso and Ciudad Juarez shall
apply to the new international bridges which replace
them. The international bridge or bridges which re-
place the two Cordova Island bridges shall be toll
free unless both Governments agree to the contrary.
Article 11
The relocation of the international boundary and
the transfer of portions of territory resulting there-
from shall not affect in any way :
(a) The legal status, with resjiect to citizenship
laws, of those iiersons who are present or former resi-
dents of the portions of territory transferred ;
(b) The juri.sdiction over legal proceedings of either
a civil or criminal character which are i)ending at the
time of, or which were decided prior to, such reloca-
tion;
(c) The jurisdiction over acts or omissions occurring
within or with resjicct to the said portions of territory
prior to their transfer;
(d) The law or laws applicable to the acts or omis-
sions referred to in i)aragraph (c).
Article U
The present Convention shall be ratified and the
instruments of ratification shall be exchanged at Mex-
ico City as soon as possible.
The present Convention shall enter into force upon
the exchange of instruments of ratification.
Done at Mexico City the twenty-ninth day of August,
nineteen sixty thri-c, in the English and Spanish lan-
guages, each text being equally authentic.
For the Oovcrnment For the Oovcrnment
of the United States of the United
of Amrricd, Mcj-ican States,
Thomas C. Mann Manuel Telxo
TEXT OF MINUTE
INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARY AND WATER
COMMISSION
UNITED STATES AND MEXICO
Ciudad JuAbez, Chihuahua,
August 28, 1963.
minute no. 214
Engineeeino Considebations Relating to Reloca-
tion OF THE Rio Gbande at El Paso, Texas, and
Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua.
The Commission met at the OflBces of the Mexican
Section, at Ciudad Judrez, Chihuahua, on August 28,
1963 at 10 :00 a.m., to consider the engineering criteria
and plans required to put into effect the joint recom-
mendations for relocation of the channel of the Rio
Grande at El Paso-Ciudad Judrez, referred to in the
Memoranda of July 17, 1963 entitled "Recommenda-
tions to the Presidents of the United States and of
Mexico by the Department of State and the Ministry
of Foreign Relations for a Complete Solution of the
Chamizal Problem".'
The Commissioners reviewed the engineering aspects
of the new channel of the river recommended in the
Memoranda under reference, and the studies and com-
putations which, under instructions from their respec-
tive Governments, they made of those aspects during
the preparation of the Memoranda. They reviewed
the "Preliminary Plan, Relocation of Rio Grande, El
Paso, Texas-Ciudad JuArez, Chihuahua", which is at-
tached to this Minute as an Exhibit' and forms part
hereof, as well as the engineering studies and criteria
on which it is based and the preliminary cost estimates
of the new channel and of the bridges which are to
replace those presently in service.
They noted that the conterline of the propo.sed new
channel would diverge from the centerline of the pres-
ent channel at point "A" shown on the Exhibit. Be-
ginning at that point, the centerline is described as
follows, with distances approximate: It would be
aligned easterly along a curve of 2,300-foot radius and
0.44 mile in length, and a tangent of 0.62 mile, approxi-
mately parallel to the present channel and from 600
to 900 feet to the north of it ; thence northeasterly
along a curve of 1,640-foot radius and 0.32 mile in
length, and a tangent of 0.22 mile; thence easterly
along a curve 2,080 feet in radius and 0.35 mile in
length and a tangent of 0.62 mile, crossing the west
boundary of Cordova Island at a point 200 feet to
the south of Monument No. .'! and approximately 1,000
feet to the south of the north boundary of said Island
and 3,500 feet to the north of the present channel of
the river ; the line would continue to the southeast
along a curve 1,910 feet in radius and 0.38 mile in
length, which would cross the east boundary of Cor-
dova Island 330 feet to the east of Monument No. 13
and thence also southeasterly along a tangent 0.82
" For text, sec Bulletin of Aug. 5, 1963, p. 201.
' Not printed here.
482
DEI'AltTXIlCN'T OF STATE Bt7T.I..ETrN'
mile ; thence easterly along a curve of 5,730 feet in
radius and 0.53 mile in length to connect with the
present channel. The total length of the new channel
would be approximately 4.3 miles.
The Commissioners found that the hydrologic studies,
rogether with the consideration that the business dis-
aricts of the two cities require a high degree of flood
protection, support the criterion that the new river
Aannel should be designed to carry a flood of 18,000
;ubic feet per second with 3.3 feet of freeboard, as
shown on the preliminary plan. They found that the
proposed alignment of the new concrete-lined channel
ivould be free of abrupt turns which might cause a
significant rise in flood stages ; that notwithstanding
:he fact that the new channel would have a greater
length and curvature than the present channel, water
elevations for the design flood would be lower in the
new channel because of reduction in friction lo.sses
3ue to its concrete lining; that the lined channel re-
quires considerably less width of right-of-way through
the high-cost urban areas, with substantial savings in
costs of land and improvements for right-of-way and in
construction of new bridges ; and that the preliminary
plan also provides for inlet works to allow entrance
of storm drainage, and for check structures in the new
channel to be able to provide a water depth of six feet
or more.
The two Commissioners noted that the relocation of
the Rio Grande at El Paso-Ciudad JuArez requires ap-
proval of a Convention by the two Governments.
The Commission then adopted the following resolu-
tion, subject to the approval of the two Governments :
A. The Commission finds engineeringly sound the
^new location of the river at El Paso-Ciudad Jufirez
as recommended, and as shown on the Exhibit, and ap-
proves the preliminary plan and cost estimates shown
thereon, subject to such modifications as the Commis-
sion may agree upon in final design and construction.
B. The Commission specifically approves the follow-
ing findings of the preliminary plan :
1) The precise areas which would be afl'ected by
relocation of the river, which in the aforementioned
Memoranda and the maps attached thereto are given
approximately to the nearest acre and hectare, are as
follows: South of the centerline of the relocated chan-
nel and north of the present channel of the Rio Grande
there would be a tract of 823.50 acres comprised of
366.00 acres in the Chaniizal Tract, 193.16 acres in the
southerly part of Cordova Island, and 264.34 acres to
the east of the Island. North of the centerline of the
relocated channel would be a tract of 193.16 acres
which presently Is the northerly part of Cordova Island.
2) The new channel of the Rio Grande as shown on
the Exhibit would be concrete-lined, with cross-section
as narrow as compatible with the capacity required to
carry the design flood.
3) The new channel would provide a high degree of
flood protection and a stable channel which could be
properly operated and maintained by the two Govern-
ments through their respective Sections of the Commis-
sion. The new lined channel would provide a stable
international boundary, would permit more effective
sanitary control of the river, and would contribute to
improvement and beautiflcation of the border between
the two countries at El Paso-Ciudad Juiirez.
C. The Commission recommends the following Joint
measures by the two Governments to implement the
plan :
1 ) That when the Convention relating to the reloca-
tion of the river comes into force, the International
Boundary and Water Commission :
a) Make the necessary topographic surveys for
demarcation of the new boundary.
b) Prepare detail plans and perform all other
engineering work preliminary to and preparatory for
relocation of the river as may be required by the
Convention.
c) Undertake, at the earliest practicable date,
the construction of the new bridges required to re-
place the sis existing bridges and such portions of
the new river channel as might be feasible and
desirable as determined by the Commission. The
bridge or bridges required to replace the two existing
Cordova Island bridges shall be located as deter-
mined by the Commission, and each Section of the
Commission shall assume responsibility for opera-
tion and maintenance of the portion of such bridge
or bridges in its country, with the understanding
that each Section may make arrangements if deemed
necessary or desirable with local authorities of its
country for operation and maintenance of its part
of such bridge or bridges or for repayment of costs
of said operation and maintenance.
2) That when such prerequisite measures as are set
forth in the Convention have been effected :
a) Each Government, in the territory under its
jurisdiction, remove all structures from the right-
of-way for the new channel as delineated by the
Commission.
b) The Commission demarcate the new boundary
line.
c) The Commission, after the two Governments
have approved the new boundary line, proceed to
complete the relocation of the river channel and
all related engineering operations.
r>. The Commission recommends that the equal di-
vision between the two countries of total costs of con-
structing the new channel and bridges, as recommended
in the Memoranda of July 17, 1963, be effected by each
Government performing, through Its Section of the
Commission, a portion of the construction work cor-
responding to one-half of the total cost.
E. The Commission recommends that in carrying out
the construction of works allotted to it, each Section
of the Commission may make use of any competent
public or private agencies in accordance with the laws
of its country.
F. It is recommended that each Section of the Com-
mission observe, in the works which it may have to
SEPTEaiBER 2 3, 1963
483
execute In the other country, the law8 of that country,
with the exemptions and facilities hereinafter stated :
1) All materials, implements, equipment and repair
parts Intended for the construction, operation and
maintenance of such works shall be exempt from
taxes relating to Imports and exports. For this pur-
pose, each Section of the Commission shall furnish
verification certificates covering all materials, imple-
ments, equipment and repair parts Intended for such
works.
2) The personnel employed either directly or in-
directly on the construction, operation or maintenance
of such works shall be permitted to pass freely from
one country to the other for the purpose of going to
and from the place of location of the works, without
any immigration restrictions, passports, or labor re-
•luireinents. For this [)ur|>ose. each Section of the
Commission shall furnish adequate means of identi-
fication to the personnel employed by It on the afore-
said works.
G. The Commission recommends that construction
of the works built in pursuance of the provisions of the
Convention not confer u]X)n either of the two coun-
tries any rights either of itroperty or of jurisdiction
over any part whatsoever of the territory of the other,
and that the jurisdiction of each country be limited by
the international boundary, which would be marked on
the works.
H. The Commission recommends that to effectuate
the provisions of the Convention each Government
through its respective Section of the Commission ob-
tain and retain direct ownership, control and jurisdic-
tion over the part of the new channel of the river and
the right-of-way In its own territory as shown on the
Exhibit, the .structures and improvements located there-
in except for the new bridges to replace the four that
presently exist between El I'aso and Ciudad Juarez, as
well as over such other rights-of-way as each Govern-
ment may reipiire in its territory.
The meeting then adjourned.
.T. F. Friedkin
Commissioner of the United States
D. Herrera
Commissioner of Mexico
3. T>. Wai-strom
Secretary of the United States Section
Fernando Rivas S.
Secrrtary of the Mexican Section
Ratifications of FEN Treaty
Exchanged With Belgium
Press release 452 dated September 3
Instruments of ratificiition of tlie treaty of
friendship, establishment and navigation be-
tween tlie United States and the Kingdom of
Belgium were exchanged on September 3. The
exchange was made by Secretary Rusk and the
Belgian Ambassador, Louis Scheyven, at a
brief formal ceremony. This action completes
the procedures required for bringing the treaty
into force. By its terms the treaty will enter
into force on October 3, 1 month after the day
of the exchange of ratifications.
The treaty, which was signed at Brussels on
February 21, 1961, has been approved by the
U.S. Senate and the Belgian Parliament. It
will supersede upon its entry into force a brief-
er and less detailed treaty entered into in 1875.
The new treaty is one of a series of more than
20 similar treaties that have been negotiated by
the United States in recent years. Its principal
purpose is to provide a comprehensive legal
basis, framed in modern terms and responsive
to modern conditions, for the furtlier develop-
ment of general economic and other relations
between the two countries.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos-
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at
Mostow August 5. 1!)63.'
Signatures affixed at Washington: Ivory Coast, Sep-
tember 5, lot!.'? : Luxembourg, September 3. 1963 ;
Nigeria, September 4, 1!)G3 ; Western Samoa,
Yemen Arab Republic, September 6, 19G3.
Oil Pollution
Amendments to the international convention for the
prevention of pollution of the sea by oil. 1954 (TIA3
4900). Done at London April 11, 1962.'
Acceptance depniiitcd: Liberia, August 21, 1963.
Safety of Life at Sea
International convention for the safety of life at sea,
1960. Done at London .June 17, I960.'
Acceptance deposited: Cuba, August 22, 1963.
Trade
Protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
embodying results of the 1960-61 tariff conference.
Done at Geneva July 16, 1962. Entered into force
for the United States December 31, 1962. TIAS .5253.
Acceptance deposited: Tanganyika, .July 1. 1963.
Proc^s-verbal extending the iieri<Ki of validity of the
declaration on provisional accession of Argentina to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of No-
vember 18, 1960. Done at Geneva November 7, 1962.
Entered into force January 1, 1963. TLVS !5266.
Siimaliires: Hrazil, July 8. 19(>3; Yugoslavia (sub-
ject to ratification), August 6, 1963.
' Not in force.
484
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BrLLETIM
'rotocol for the aceessiou of Spain to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
April 30, 1963. Entered into force August 29, 1963.
Signatures: Austria,' July 29, 1963; Canada, August
22, 1903 ; Denmark, July 19, 1963 ; Federal Republic
of Germany,' July 16, 1963 ; Italy,'' August 23, 1963 ;
Sweden, July 30, 1963 ; Switzerland, July 26, 1963.
BILATERAL
consulate general. Consul general William H.
Christensen will continue in charge at Calgary.
On the closing of the consulate at Edmonton, Alberta,
Canada,' the Edmonton consular district will be trans-
ferred to Calgary, effective September 7. The new
district for the consulate general at Calgary will be
the Province of Alberta and the District of Mackenzie
( Northwest Territories ) .
lelgium
rreaty of friendship, establishment and navigation,
and protocol. Signed at Brussels February 21, 1961.
Ratifications exchanged: September 3, 1963.
Enters into force: October 3, 1963.
lapan
Agreement amending the agreement of January 11,
1958, as amended (TIAS 3982, 4635), for financing
certain educational exchange programs. Effected by
exchange of notes at Tokyo August 23, 1963. En-
tered into force August 23, 1963.
[Jnderstandings with regard to export of zipper chain
from Japan to the United States. Effected by ex-
change of letters at Washington August 28, 1963.
Entered into force August 28, 1963.
'araguay
Vgreement for tinancing certain educational exchange
programs. Signed at Asunci6n August 20, 1963.
Enters into force on the date of notification from
the Government of Paraguay that the agreement
has been ratified in accordance with its constitu-
tional processes.
ipain
Igreement amending the agreement of January 21,
1952 (TIAS 2471), relating to the reciprocal waiver
of visa fees for nonimmigrants. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Madrid May 11 and July 5, 1963.
Entered into force July 5, 1963.
Jnited Kingdom
Agreement extending the agreement of May 10 and 13,
1957, as amended (TIAS 3843, 4156, 4895), relating
to the disposition of equipment and materials to in-
clude machine tools. Effected by exchange of notes
at Ivondon August 28, 1963. Entered into force Au-
gust 28, 1963.
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Consulate at Calgary Raised
to Consulate General
,Department notice dated August 22
Effective August 21 the American consulate at Cal-
gary, Alberta, Canada, was elevated to the rank of
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20lfi2.
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, tchich
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State.
Weather Stations— Amendment to Annex II-A of the
North Atlantic Ocean Stations Agreement of February
25, 1954. Recommendation approved by the Council of
of the International Civil Aviation Organization at the
forty-seventh session, at Montreal, December 14, 1962.
Entered into force December 14, 1962. TIAS 5283.
2 pp. 5^.
Atomic Energy. Amendment to the Statute of the
International Atomic Energy Agency. Approved at
Vienna by the General Conference of the Agency at
the fifth regular session, October 4, 1961. Entered in-
to force January 31, 1963. TIAS 5284. 4 pp. 5<t.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with China,
amending the agreement of November 19, 1962. Ex-
change of notes— Signed at Taipei January 24, 1963.
Entered into force January 24, 1963. TIAS 5285. 7
pp. 10<f.
Education — Establishment of Commission and Financ-
ing of Exchange Programs. Agreement with Malaya.
Signed at Kuala Lumpur January 28, 1963. Entered
into force January 28, 1963. TIAS 5286. 6 pp. 54.
Mapping— Cooperative Program. Agreement with
Ethiopia. Signed at Addis Ababa January 25, 1963.
Entered into force January 25, 1963. TIAS 5287. 4
pp. 5«(.
Atomic Energy— Radiation Medicine Centre. Agree-
ment with India. Exchange of notes — Dated at New
Delhi January 4 and February 1, 1963. Entered into
force February 1, 1963. TIAS 5288. 4 pp. 5«S.
Defense— Relinquishment of United States Naval
Radio Transmitting Facility at Bagobantay, Quezon
City. Agreement with the Philippines. Exchange of
notes— Signed at Manila December 31, 1962, and Janu-
ary 11, 1963. Entered into force January 15, 1963.
TIAS 5289. 3 pp. 50.
Aviation— Certificates of Airworthiness. Agreement
with Japan. Exchange of notes— Signed at Washmg-
'■ Subject to ratification.
' For an announcement, see Bulletin of Aug. 20.
1963, p. 328.
SEPTEMBER 2 3, 1963
485
ton February 1. 19(J3. P^ntered into force February 1,
l!Ri3. TIAS GliiHJ. (i i)p. 50.
Tracking Stations. A^eement with Australia, amend-
ing the agreement of February 20. 1900. Exchange of
notes— Signed at Canberra January 'J and Februarj-
11, ll)C3. Entered into force February 11. 1963. TIAS
5291. 3 vv. 5(?.
Agricultural Commodities— Sales Under Title IV.
Agreement witlj Uolivia. Signed at La I'az February
4, 19C3. Entered into force February 4, 1903. TIAS
5292. 8 pp. 10(?.
Peace Corps Program. Agreement with Peru. Ex-
change of notes— Signed at Lima .January 25, l!)(i2.
Entered into force January 25, 1962. TIAS 5293. 5
pp. 5(-
Economic Technical and Related Assistance. Agree-
ment with the Central .\frican Republic. Excliange of
notes — Signed at Bangui February 10, 1963. Entered
into force February 10. 1963. TIAS 52!>}. 9 pp. 10(f.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Iceland.
Signed at Reykjavil; February 6, 1963. Entered into
force February 6. IIMJS. With memorandum of under-
standing. TIAS ,")293. 6 pp. 5<!.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Israel,
amending the agreement of May 3, 1962, as amended.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington January 26
and February 1, 1963. Entered into force February
1. 1903. TIAS 5296. 2 pp. 5<'.
Economic Assistance — Settlement of Postwar Eco-
nomic Assistance. Agreement with Japan. Exchange
of notes — Signed at Tokyo February 19, 1963. Entered
Into force February 19, 1963. TIAS 5297. 7 pp. 10(f.
Defense — Loan of Additional Vessels. Agreement
with the Republic of Korea. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Seoul December 14, 1962 and February 11,
1963. Entered into force February 11, 1963. TIAS
5298. 3 pp. r>i.
Surplus Property — Waiver of Restriction in Para-
graph 4 of Memorandum of Interpretation and Under-
standing to the Agreement of October 1, 1959. Ex-
change of notes with Korea — Signed at Seoul Feb-
ruary 1, 1903. Entered into force February 1, 1963.
TIAS 5299. 3 pp. r,(.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Iran.
Signed at Tehran October 15, 1962. Entered into force
October 15, 1902. Exchanges of notes — Dated at
Tehran October 15, December 30, 1962, and February
3, 1903. TIAS 5300. 11 pp. SC.
Boundary Waters — Pilotage Services on the Great
Lakes and the St. Lawrence River. Agreement with
Canada, amending the agreement of May 5, 1961. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Washington October 23,
1962 and February 21, 1963. Entered into force Feb-
ruary 21, 1963. Operative retroactively October 15,
1902. TIAS .5.301. 7 pp. 10#.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Turkey.
Signed at Ankara Fel)niary 21, 1963. Entered into
force February 21, 1963. With exchange of notes
TIAS 5303. 9 jtp. Hh'.
Agricultural Commodities— Sales Under Title IV.
Agreement with Chile, amending the agreement of
August 7, 1962, as amended. Exchange of notes
Signed at Santiago February 14, 1963. Entered into
force February 14. 1903. TIAS 5304. 3 pp. 5(J.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Viet-Nam,
amending the agreement of December 27, 1961. Ex-
change of notes— Signed iit Saigon March S, 1963. En-
tered Into force March 8, 1903. TIAS ."5305. 3 pp. 5,t.
Friendship, Establishment and Navigation. Treaty
and protocol with Luxembourg. Signed at Luxem-
bourg February 23, 1962. Entered into force March
28, 1963. TIAS 5306. 29 pp. 150.
Peace Corps Program. Agreement with Guatemala.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Guatemala December 28
and 29, 1962. Entered into force December 29, 1962.
TIAS 5307. 5 pp. 5(*.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with the Repub-
lic of the Congo. Exchange of notes — Signed at
L^opoldville October 25 and November 17, 1962. En-
tered into force November 17, 1962. TIAS 5308. 7
pp. 10#.
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Declaration
on Provisional Accession of the United Arab Republic
to agreement of October 30, 1947. Done at Geneva
November 13, 1962. Entered into force with respect
to the United States and the United Arab Republic
May 3, 1963. TIAS 5309. 9 pp. 10<!.
Agricultural Commodities— Sales Under Title IV.
Agreement with the Ryukyu Islands. Signed at Naha,
Okinawa, January 22. and at Washington February 6,
1963. Entered into force February 6, 1963. With
memorandum of understanding. TIAS 5310. 6 pn.
Migratory Workers— Mexican Agricultural Workers.
Agreement with Mexico, amending the agreement of
August 11, 1951, as amended and extended. Exchange
of notes — Signed at Mexico January 10 and February
25, 1963. Entered into force February 25, 1963. TIAS
5311. 4 pp. 5i*.
Statutes of the International Bureau of Education.
Adopted at Geneva July 25, 1929. Entered into force
with respect to the United States July 12, 1958. TIAS
5312. 10 pp. lOt".
Defense— Polaris Sales. Agreement with the United
Kingdom. Signed at Washington April 6, 1963. En-
tered into force April 6, 1963. TIAS 5313. 11 pp.
10«(.
Highways — Termination of Development of Transpor-
tation Facilities Agreement of January 2 and 6, 1958.
Agreement with Nepal, and India. Signed at Kath-
mandu January 10, 1963. Entered into force Janu-
ary 10, 1963. TIAS 5314. 2 pp. 5<f.
Check'List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 2-8
Press relea.ses may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Releases Issued prior to September 2 which
appear in this Issue of the Hi'i.letix are Xos.
442 of August 27 and 445 and 448 of August 29.
No. Date Sabject
Ratlti( ntlons exchanged with Bel-
gium on FEN treaty.
Anderson sworn In as Ambassador
to Portugal (biographic details).
Harriman : Economic Club. Detroit
(excerpts).
Rusk: ninth anniversary of SE.VTO.
Office of Special Representational
Services established (rewrite!.
4.j2
•453
•455
4.56
9/3
9/3
9/5
9/0
9/5
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
486
DEPARTMENT OP STATE BULLETIN
INDEX September 23, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1265
Atomic Energy. Foreign Policy : Building Amid
Turbulence (Manning) 454
Belgium. Ratifications of FEN Treaty Ex-
changed With Belgium 484
Canada. Consulate at Calgary Raised to Con-
sulate General 485
Denmark. Vice President Johnson Visits Five
North European Countries 479
Department and Foreign Service. Consulate at
Calgary Raised to Consulate General . . . 485
Economic Affairs
The International Monetary Fund : Its Work and
Its Future (Goldstein) 465
Ratifications of FEN Treaty Exchanged With
Belgium 484
United States Tariff Schedules Made Effective
by President 478
Finland. Vice President Johnson Visits Five
North European Countries 479
Foreign Aid. President Kennedy and General
Clay Urge Restoration of Aid Funds . . . 476
Iceland. Vice President Johnson Visits Five
North European Countries 479
International Organizations and Conferences.
The International Monetary Fund : Its Work
and Its Future (Goldstein) 465
Mexico. U.S. and Mexico Sign Convention Set-
tling Chamizal Boundary (text) 480
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Foreign
Policy: Building Amid Turbulence (Man-
ning) 454
Norway. Vice President Johnson Visits Five
North European Countries 479
Poland. General Pulaski's Memorial Day, 1963
(text of proclamation) 460
Presidential Documents
General Pulaski's Memorial Day, 1963 . . . 460
President Kennedy and General Clay Urge
Restoration of Aid Funds 476
United States Tariff Schedules Made Effective
by President 478
Public Affairs. Foreign Policy: Building Amid
Turbulence (Manning) 454
Publications. Recent Releases 485
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Ninth
Anniversary of SEATO (Rusk) 464
Sweden. Vice President Johnson Visits Five
North European Countries 479
Treaty Information
Current Actions 484
Ratifications of FEN Treaty Exchanged With
Belgium 484
U.S. and Mexico Sign Convention Settling
Chamizal Boundary (text) 480
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents : A Selected Bibliog-
raphy 479
The Uses of Diversity (Cleveland) 461
Viet-Nam. Foreign Policy : Building Amid
Turbulence (Manning) 454
Name Index
Clay, Lucius D 476
Cleveland, Harlan 461
Goldstein, Mortimer D 465
Kennedy, President 460,476,478
Manning, Robert J 454
Rusk, Secretary 464
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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
THE
DEPARTMENT
OF
STATE
BULLETIN
Vol XLIX, No. 1266
Seftember 30, 1963
UNFINISHED BUSINESS
Address by Secretary Rush 1^90
THE INTERNATIONAL AVIATION POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES
hy Assistant Secretary Johnson 508
SOME PERSPECTIVES ON THE CURRENT DEBATES ON AID
hy Frank M. Cofjin 5H.
THE 18TH GENERAL ASSEMBLY : A TESTING GROUND
OF HOPES AND OPPORTUNITIES
hy Richard N. Gardner 501 ,. "'''"'"" ''"'^"« ^^^^rury
Oct y 1303
DEPOSITORV
For index see inside hack cover
Unfinished Business
Address by Secretary Rusk *
Toniglit I want to talk about some unfin-
ished business of vital importance to the security
of the United States. For the security of the
United States is a central concern of the De-
partment of State. The old notion that the
diplomats handled affairs in time of peace and
the military took over in time of vrar is in-
compatible with the harsh realities of the world
struggle in which we are now engaged. Today
the military men and the diplomats work to-
gether in the closest cooperation to protect the
safety and the vital interests of the American
people.
Incidentally, I wore the uniform of the
United States Army for 25 years, including
more than 5 years of active duty. As for the
striped pants, I wore them on Inauguration
Day — and I can't i-ecall that I have worn them
since. We are long past the day when most of
our diplomats and Foreign Service officers and
' Made before the American Legion Convention at
Miami Beach, Fla., on Sept 10 (press release 464; as-
delivered text).
State Department officials were well-heeled)
socialites — with or without degrees from ex-
clusive colleges. Today they come from all
parts of the United States and all walks of life.
In fact, of the three highest ranking career
officers now on duty in the Department, one
was born in Colorado and two were born in
rural Kansas. One graduated from the Uni-
versity of Colorado, one from Occidental Col-
lege in California, and one from the University
of Nebraska.
Appointments to our Foreign Service are on
the basis of severe competition, and promotion
is for demonstrated competence and hard work.
We have a great many war veterans in the
Department of State and in our Foreign Serv-
ice. And we have a vigorous Legion Post, of
which I am proud and glad to be a member.
We have our full share of dedicated men and
women serving with gallantry in many a far-
off and disagreeable and, often these days, a
dangerous post.
I understand that some of your posts have
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. XLIX, NO. 1266 PUBLICATION 7602 SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
The Dppnrtment of State Bulletin, a
weekly puhllcntlon iBnued by the Office
of Media Servlcps. Bureau of Public Af-
fairs, provldea the public and Interested
aKcncles of the Government with Informa-
tion on developments In the field of for-
eign relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected
press rrleases on forelpn policy, Issued
by the While House and the Department,
and Rtntoments and addresses made by
the President and by the Secretary of
State and other ofDcers of the Depart-
ment, as well as special articles on vari-
ous phases of International affairs and
the functions of the Department. Infor-
mation Is Included concerning treaties
and International agreements to which
the United States Is or may become a
party and treaties of geDeral Inter-
national interest.
Publications of the Department. United
Nations documents, and legislative mate-
rial In the field of International relations
are listed currently.
The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern-
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20402. PnicB : 52 Issues, domestic $8.50,
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Use of funds for printing of this pub-
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19G1).
NOTE : Contents of this publication are
not copyrighted and Items contained
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the
Department of State Bulletin as the
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin
Is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to
Periodical Literature.
490
DEP.\RTMENT OF STATE BULLETm
proposed resolutions asking for congressional
investigation of the Department of State. It's
not a bad idea. In fact, it's such a good idea
that at least a half a dozen committees and sub-
committees of Congress are looking us over all
the time and in great detail. Therefore I think
I have a better idea for the American Legion,
which I shall propose to your National Com-
mander. Come and look at us yourself. Come
and do this job yourself. Let the appi'opriate
persons representing the Legion come in and
look us over in great detail, just as much as you
have interest in, or time for, because I am quite
sure that both of us could benefit by becoming
better acquainted.
We Iiave some real problems. We're dealing
with 112 countries. Did you know that in this
calendar year there will be changes of govern-
ment—most of them scheduled, some of them
not scheduled — in perhaps 40 of those 112
coimtries? And of course we have some real
security problems, as every foreign office of
every great power throughout the world has,
because we are the targets of attempts to pene-
trate us all the time. And the vigilance is never-
ending in order to resist this attempt to pene-
trate the Government of the United States.
Need for Powerful Military Defenses
As advocates of powerful military defenses,
we in the Department of State are second to
none — and the record since World War II will
prove it. It is essential that we maintain stra-
tegic deterrents so strong that sane men would
never dare attack us or, if insanity prevails, to
insure the destruction of the aggressor. It is
equally essential, of course, that our adversaries
know that we have the will to use these forces in
defense of the vital interests of the free world.
It is also important that, with our allies, we have
powerful and flexible and mobile conventional
forces. And it is important to continue to in-
crease the capabilities of the free world to deal
with guerrilla warfare.
President Kennedy, in recognition of the
harsh situation in which we find ourselves in
this modern world, with the full support of the
Congress, has, as the Legion knows, substan-
tially increased our defense forces : a 20-percent
increase in the defense budget — making it pos-
sible to add 100 percent to the warheads and
the strategic nuclear alert force, a 60-percent
increase in the tactical nuclear weapons in
Western Europe alone, and a 200-percent in-
crease in our counterinsurgency forces.
But it is unpossible to enhance or even to
preserve the security of the United States by
military means alone. Indeed, there is no
security for anyone in an unlimited arms race.
Since 1947 the defense budget of tlie United
States has necessarily increased by more than
four times. And yet we cannot truthfully say
that we are safer today than we were at that
time, however necessary those increases were.
And therefore we must find a way, if possible,
to preserve the peace and protect our vital inter-
ests by means short of war.
Two Recent Agreements With Soviet Union
Recently we have reached two agreements
with the Soviet Union. One was on the so-called
"hot line" — a direct line between the Kremlin
and the Wliite House, for use in emergency."
The need for reliable and direct and rapid con-
tact was underscored during the crisis over Cuba
last fall, when events began to outrun the ability
of our two Governments to communicate by
ordinary means. We hope there will be no crisis
requiring the "hot line," but in a fast-moving
and dangerous situation it might prevent mis-
calculation or a fatef id misunderstanding.
The second agreement is, of course, the treaty
banning atomic tests in the air, in space, and
under water. The hearings on it conducted
under the leadership of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee explored thoroughly every
relevant question. And yesterday the Senate as
a whole took up that debate.^
I am convinced myself that this treaty safe-
guards fully the security of the United States.
This conviction is supported by tlie great weight
of testimony of our scientific and military lead-
ers, including the Secretary of Defense and the
Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff have concluded that
the military risks in the treaty are acceptable.
We know that we hold in this country an
overall superiority in nuclear weapons, that the
' Bulletin of July 8, 1963, p. 50.
' See p. 496.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
491
formidable military power represented by these
and otiicr weapons is ever-increasing, and that
we have and will maintain the strongest military
arsenal in the world.
We know that since 1945 the danger of a
nuclear holoaiust has increased. With this in-
crease in danger there has been an increase in
the destructive jKjwer of modem weapons. For
almost two decades, beginning Tvith the moment
of the use of the first bomb, we have diligently
searched for an alternative to the nuclear arms
race. Now within our grasp lies at least a small
opportunity to begin a reversal if possible of the
trend of the race itself.
We are confident in the adequacy of our
nuclear forces to deter a Soviet attack and to
inflict a devastating damage against anyone
who might attack us or our allies. Given our
present nuclear capabilities, now is an appro-
priate time to restrict further nuclear testing,
at least in those environments in which we may
assure ourselves that the Soviet Union is doing
likewise.
AVe know the effect this treaty can have on
potential nuclear powers. A dozen nations
have the capability of developing nuclear weap-
ons within the next decade. Yet all but one,
Red China, are among the some 00 signatories
not yet nuclear powers who have signed the
agi'eement. In the absence of a treaty most of
them probably would feel obliged to elect an-
other course for themselves.
Wc will continue a testing program under
gi'ound. More than 00 underground tests have
provided the most sigi\ificant infonnation. The
treaty is self-policing. Our own detection sys-
tem will monitor the ban. As additional insur-
ance, our testing facilities affected by the treaty
will be maintained on an alert standbj' basis.
And if the interests of our country are jeop-
ardized, we can withdraw from the treaty —
promptly if need be. These are safeguards
based on practical requirements. And I want
to emphasize that this treaty docs not rest upon
trust and confidence.
We must consider also the consequences of a
rejection of the treaty. In my judgment they
would be extremely grave, both for our position
in the world and for the prospects for peace.
The possibility of exercising any control over
armaments would almost certainly vanish. The
possibility of settling dangerous political prob-
lems would be greatly reduced.
Our rejection would lend weight to the Chi-
nese Communist contention that peaceful coex-
istence with the West is impossible. It would
cost us the confidence of many countries in the
free world — allies and nonalined alike.
The limited nuclear test ban treaty has been
aptly characterized by President Kennedy as a
step toward peace and away from war.* This
is a st«p which I believe that we should take, for
rejection of the treaty would lead to more inten-
sive rounds of nuclear tests in the atmosphere,
an upward surge in the arms race spiral, fur-
ther pollution of the air, increased tensions and
distrust, and increased prospects of a war of
which Khrushchev said to the Chinese the sur-
vivors would en\^ the dead.
Other Possible Agreements
Ivealistically, what do we hope to accomplish
through any further discussions with the Soviet
Union?
There can be no assured and lasting peace
until Commimist leaders abandon their goal of
a world revolution. They are quite frank in
declaring that they don't intend to do tliat.
After the test ban treaty was signed. Chair-
man Khrushchev said again that there can be
"no coexistence in ideology — that conflict," he
says, "goes on." His proclaimed objective still
is to "bury" all non-Conmiunist societies. He
used this phrase again in a speech on June 21
of this year. He made it plain that he was not
speaking just of an alleged historical inevita-
bility.
Thus the Soviet Communists, as well as the
Chinese Communists, remain committed to
Communist domination of the world. Indeed,
they have indicated that they will try to inten-
sify the struggle, at least in its nomnilitary as-
pects, and the present quarrel between them
started over an argument about how best to ac-
complish this result.
But we think the So\-iet leaders realize that
it would be disastrous for them to try to "bury"
' Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 234.
492
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
us by military means. Nor do we ourselves
want war, nor need it to insure success for the
cause of freedom. We believe that the Soviet
Union and the United States therefore have a
mutual interest in avoiding a war of total dev-
astation. And we think that the Soviet leaders
are beginning to recognize this.
So we hope that it will be possible to reach
agreements on possible other safeguards against
war by accident, or miscalculation, or surprise
attack — limited steps — as yet no agreement in
sight. We favor also, though this will be more
difficult to achieve, some possible slowing down
of arms production and reductions in level of
armaments — with fully adequate safeguards
and inspection. We and our allies are of course
interested in eliminating or reducing the crisis
potential of Berlin and other points of friction.
And we think the Soviet Union could serve its
larger interests, as well as ours, by joining us in
the peacemaking activities of the United
Nations.
We are prepared to explore the possibilities
of a freer flow of both information and peoples
between the Soviet Union, and the Eastern Eu-
ropean countries generally, and the United
States. We would like to exjmnd existing ex-
change agreements. And we would hope that
more people and information might move back
and forth in a natural and normal way, because
opening up tlie doors of that society can be in
the most profound interests of freedom. In this
connection, we have noted with satisfaction that
during the last 3 months the Soviets have not
jammed broadcasts to the U.S.S.R. by the Voice
of America or by the BBC.
We would also join with the U.S.S.R. in im-
dertakings to serve our own and all other peo-
ples in the unending battle against disease and
other hazards of nature, against poverty and
ignorance. We believe that good can come
from pooling efforts on various frontiers of sci-
ence including the peaceful potentialities of
space and nuclear energy.
These are not bilateral issues between us and
the Soviet Union; they involve our allies and
the uncommitted countries as well. These other
countries must play, and they do play, a large
part in such discussions — in the United Nations,
in NATO, at Geneva, and in other forums.
Communist World Ambitions
In seeking understandings with the Soviet
Union along the several lines I have indicated,
we do not expect to effect a miraculous change in
Soviet intentions toward us. Our aim is to keep
the conflict within tolerable bounds — to defend
and build freedom if possible without a thermo-
nuclear war.
However, it must be an object of policy to
move the Communist world by all available
means to abandon their program of world dom-
ination. It is evident that Communist ambi-
tions entail severe costs and risks for the Soviet
Government and people. Even now we see
some suggestive signs of restiveness about the
burdens and risks of their commitments to the
world Communist movement — which, inciden-
tally, no single government can now fully
control.
Herein lies, perhaps, the greatest significance
of the schism between the Soviet and Chinese
Communists. I have repeatedly emphasized
that we should not take cheap comfort from
that historic break. It eliminates none of the
dangers that hang over us and makes none of our
immediate tasks appreciably easier. But the
Chinese Commimists have brought emphati-
cally to the attention of the Soviet Government
and people the sharp conflict that exists between
the requirements of the Communist world revo-
lution and Soviet national interests. The Chi-
nese Communists insist that Communist world
ambitions, as interpreted by themselves, must
come first, no matter what the cost, including
the destruction of the present Soviet leader-
sl^ip — and even the thermonuclear devastation
of the Soviet Union. The Soviet leaders have
drawn back from the abyss the Chinese Com-
munists have prepared for them. We would
hope that they would go on from there, by put-
ting aside the illusion of that eventual Com-
munist triumph.
There is reason to believe that the Soviet peo-
ple are more interested in improving their liv-
ing standards than in Communist world
ambitions. And in the Soviet Union, as well as
in other Communist states of Eastern Europe,
we see the stirrings of desire for more individual
freedom. Processes of evolution are at work.
SEPTEMBER 30, 19G3
403
In tlie lonp run they favor tlie great ideas of
freedom, of government by consent of the gov-
erned, of individual rights and dignity.
But we must be careful not to confuse what
we hope will happen with the actual situation
now before us. For nothing has happened yet
to justify us in relaxing even in the slightest.
We must carry on energetically with all of our
unfinished business: such as building and
improving the Atlantic partnership and all that
this entails in going forward with trade nego-
tiations, and witli political and military coop-
eration, including the proposed multilateral
nuclear force; with helping the newly inde-
pendent and other less developed countries to
find firm political and economic footing; and
we must maintain unfailingly, with our allies,
the means to defend the free world against
aggression b}' whatever means are required.
The Cuban Problem
One of tlie items of unfinished business about
which all of us are especially concerned is Cuba.
The emergence of a Marxist-Leninist regime
has been unanimously rejected by the nations
of this hemisphere. When the introduction of
strategic missiles into Cuba directly threatened
our security. President Kennedy moved
promptly to remove that threat. But Cuba
remains a major obstacle to normal relations
between us and the Soviet Union because, as
has been repeatedly said, the political or mili-
tary intrusion of Moscow into this hemisphere
and the continued ambition of Castro to inter-
fere in the affairs of otiier nations in the hemi-
sphere are neither acceptable nor negotiable.
A series of actions have been taken to support
this policy. Our Armed Forces have been given
missions to insure that Cuba not become a mili-
tary threat to us or to any other of its neighbors.
We have been working successfully with the
other countries of the hemisphere on measures
to block the movement of Castro subversives.
Cuba's economic and political links with the
Western World have been dramatically reduced,
and it is increasingly clear that the present
regime in Cuba is a growing burden for the
Cuban people as well as for those elsewhere who
try to sustain it in power.
Disillusionment with the Castro regime con-
tinues to spread both within Cuba and among
Castro's former admirers in other countries.
The example of Castro's Cuba is not one which
any sane person who wishes a better life for
his own people can any longer think of imitat-
ing. Moreover, it is unthinkable that the brave
and talented people who inhabit Cuba will
long endure this subjection into which they have
been betrayed by a fanatical minority.
There are some who have urged that the
Cuban problem be solved quickly by acts of war
against that island. If such proposals are made
with a readiness to accept the total conse-
quences— in Cuba, here, throughout the rest
of the world — of such actions, the proposal has
at least the virtue of consistency. But if the
proposal is made on the assumption that the
other side would simply collapse, the proposal
has no roots in reality. Those who carry the
full responsibility must determine the nature
of any such threat and take the measures appro-
priate to the threat itself. We saw last year
in Cuba a threat which required us to face the
immediate prospect of war. The elimination
of that threat gives us a chance to pursue by
other means the unanimous determination of
the hemisphere that a free Cuban people will
take their place again in the family of this
Western Hemisphere.
Foreign Aid
Perhaps the most serious weakness in our
national security at tlie present time is the lack
of understanding of our stake in the develop-
ing countries of tlie rest of the world. We have
tended, I tiiink, too long and too much to think
of our help to tliese countries as largess, or
"moral responsibility," or do-goodism, or dis-
pensable waste. The blunt truth is that our
own security is directly involved in the success
of these countries in preserving their independ-
ence, which in turn requires economic and
social progress as well as the will to remain
independent. Our assistance — military, eco-
nomic, and technical — to these countries in
many cases is indispensable to their very sur-
vival. The Kremlin understands this. Some
years ago it paid us the high compliment of
494
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
trying to imitate our foreign aid programs —
and in some instances on a much larger scale.
One of the main features of the Communist
design for world domination is the separation
and alienation of the developing countries from
the West, and particularly from the United
States.
An undeviating Communist objective in
Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America,
and Europe can be summed up in three words :
"Yanks, go home."
Why the Communists want us to come home
is perfectly obvious. But why Americans want
us to come home, surrendering the field to the
Communists, taxes my understanding. Yet that
is what those who advocate deep cuts in our
foreign aid would have us do.
In the kind of world in which we live, we can
defend the United States itself only if we pre-
vent the absorption of one free country after
another by a movement dedicated to our de-
struction.
Since President Truman's special message to
Congress in March 1947,' it has been the bi-
partisan policy of this country to prevent Com-
munist expansion by assisting free peoples who
are trying to preserve their independence. We
saved Greece and Turkey without fighting a
major war. And then, through the Marshall
Plan and related programs, we and the West
Europeans went on to win one of the greatest
and most decisive victories in history. It was
also one of the least costly, for, even in dollars,
it cost only a tiny fraction of what we spent to
liberate Europe in the Second World War. And
it was a bloodless victory.
We stand to win or lose an equally important
victory through the Alliance for Progress. If
we have the good sense to carry on with this
undertaking, not for just a year or two but for
whatever time it takes, we will guarantee free-
dom in this hemisphere more surely than we
could through military eiforts alone.
Would the Americans who want to abandon
the Alliance for Progress, or starve it out of
existence, favor our standing aside if, for ex-
ample, Venezuela were invaded by Communist
forces ? It is cheaper in dollars — and infinitely
' Ihid., Mar. 23, 1947, p. 534.
cheaper in lives — to save countries by helping
them to develop the strength to maintain their
independence.
A considerable part of our foreign aid goes
to build and maintain the defenses of countries
on the frontlines of the free world. Secretary
of Defense McNamara has testified that a $225
million cut in military assistance would be a
more serious blow to our national security than
a comparable cut in our defense budget. Do
the advocates of heavy cuts want us to al)andon
or weaken Korea, in which we have so heavy
an investment in blood and treasure? Or For-
mosa? Or Southeast Asia? Or Pakistan or
India?
Our security is intimately involved in the po-
litical stability — hence in the economic and so-
cial progress — of many underdeveloped coun-
tries which are not immediately threatened
around the rim of the Communist world. But
we can't say to the Communists : "Yes, you can
have the world, so long as you do not win it by
military means." Yet that would be the effect
of deep cuts in our economic and teclmical as-
sistance programs.
There has been talk about waste in our for-
eign aid. Undoubtedly there has been some. I
must confess that the battle against waste is
real — and must never end. But you can't ex-
pect every dollar to be spent frugally in a coun-
try that is defending itself against Communist
aggression — that is struggling with Communist
guerrillas — or especially if it is a country with
relatively few experienced administrators and
technicians. And at the end of the trail, if we
do not succeed, is the frightful waste of war
itself.
There is talk about ingratitude. But we do
not seek gratitude. We seek security for the
United States, which requires that other coun-
tries be able to maintain their independence.
Experience has taught us a great deal about
the effective planning and execution of foreign
aid. And the program is in the liands of men
who are both highly competent and mindful of
the value of a dollar. The amount recom-
mended by the President was close to rock-
bottom to meet essential needs. A deep cut in
the total would, it seems to me, be a reckless act
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
495
of uniliitoral disarmament on our part — a great
victory for tlio Communists, one of their most
important victories in many years.
'The Consent of the Governed"
I would like to comment very simply in con-
clusion on two or three additional matters.
About one out of every seven Americans is a
veteran. This brinpfs foreign policy into every
liome in the country. We have about a million
men in uniform, perhaps slightly less, outside
the continental United States, in every con-
tinent, carrying their share of this great
struggle for freedom. Those men deserve
our backing and support. And that backing
and support is more tlian defense budgets, more
than volunteer contributions to USO and Red
Cross, however important those are; it includes
also the resources we need to get the job done if
possible without committing those men to com-
bat. This is where foreign aid comes in.
I would also like to remind jou tliat a simple
notion that governments derive their just pow-
ers from the consent of the governed is still the
most explosive political force in the world
today, making itself felt in every country and
regardless of political system — making itself
felt behind the Iron Curtain, in the uncom-
mitted world, and, of couree, in the great free
world with which we arc allied. This notion
is one to which we ourselves are deeply attached.
It is a notion that gives us kinsmen among the
ordinary men and women throughout the earth,
who wish us well and who at times of crisis are
not half so neutral as j'ou might suppose, be-
catise tliey feel that common dedication to a
notion that is as self-evident as that a human
being, a child of God, simply does not want to be
pushed around too muoli.
Now this central political idea which we share
with so many others is as strong as our nuclear
forces, as our economic miglit, and gives us
allies in every country. Tlierefore I would urge
every citizen and every organization, wlien con-
sidering an attitude toward any of our great
public issues involving our foreign relations, to
try to ask themselves a rehitively simple ques-
tion : Does my attitude on this subject .strength-
en and support and promote the great struggle
of freedom, which is the motion of liistory for
the past several centuries? Is wliat I am doing
helping in that struggle in the world in which
we live, or does my attitude mean that I am
ready to quit?
Now these are the issues which we must face
today. Are we ready to stay with it at a time
when we are on the forward edge of great
events — when there is great change in the years
ahead of us, behind the bloc, in the free world,
in the direction of freedom? This is a ques-
tion we must ask ourselves because we dare not
lose this struggle. We are not losing this
struggle — and the peoples of the earth do
not wish to see this struggle lost. This is
not the time to quit. This is a time to stay with
it, and, staying with it, we and our children can
walk the earth in confidence and courage and
live up to the great tradition to which the
Legion itself has contributed so much.
President Urges Senate Approval
of Test Ban Treaty
LETTER TO SENATE LEADERS
White House press release dated September 11
September 11, 1963.
Dear Senator Mansfield and Senator
Dirksen: I am deeply appreciative of the
suggestion which you made to me on ^Monday
morning that it would be helpful to have a
further clarifying statement about the policy
of this Administration toward certain aspects
of our nuclear weapons defenses, under the
proposed test ban treaty now before the Senate.*
I share your view that it is desirable to dispel
any fears or concerns in the minds of Senators
or of tlie people of our country on these mat-
ters. And while I believe that fully adequate
statements have been made on these matters
before the various committees of the Senate by
the Secretary of State,= the Secretary of De-
' For bnoksround and text of treaty, see Bulletin
of Ang. 12, 1963, p. 234; for the President's message
transmitting the treaty to the Senate, see ibid., Aug. 26,
10C3. p. 310.
' For a statement by Secretary Rusk before the
Senate Committee on Foreign Helations, see ihid.,
Sept. 2, 1!1C3, p. 3.")0.
496
department of state bulletin
fense, the Director of Central Intelligence, the
Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission,
and tlie Joint Chiefs of Staff, nevertheless I am
happy to accept your judgment that it would
be helpful if I restated what has already been
said so that there may be no misapprehension.
In confidence that the Congress will share
and support the policies of the Administration
in this field, I am happy to give these unquali-
fied and unequivocal assurances to the members
of the Senate, to the entire Congress, and to the
country :
1. Underground nuclear testing, which is
permitted under the treaty, will be vigorously
and diligently carried forward, and the equip-
ment, facilities, personnel and funds necessary
for that purpose will be provided. As the Sen-
ate knows, such testing is now going on. Wliile
we must all hope that at some future time a
more comprehensive treaty may become pos-
sible by changes in the policies of other nations,
until that time our underground testing pro-
gram will continue.
2. The United States will maintain a posture
of readiness to resume testing in the environ-
ments prohibited by the present treaty, and it
will take all the necessary steps to safeguard
our national security in the event that there
should be an abrogation or violation of any
treaty provision. In particular, the United
States retains the right to resume atmospheric
testing forthwith if the Soviet Union should
conduct tests in violation of the treaty.
3. Our facilities for the detection of possible
violations of this treaty will be expanded and
• improved as required to increase our assurance
against clandestine violation by others.
4. In response to the suggestion made by
President Eisenhower to the Foreign Relations
Committee on August 23, 1963, and in conform-
ity with the opinion of the Legal Adviser of the
Department of State, set forth in the report
of the Committee on Foreign Relations,^ I am
glad to emphasize again that the treaty in no
way limits the authority of the Commander-in-
Chief to use nuclear weapons for the defense
of the United States and its allies, if a situation
^Nuclear Test Ban Treaty: Hearings Befare the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on Executive
M, 8Sth Congress, 1st Session, Aug. 12-27, 1963, p. 76.
should develop requiring such a grave decision.
Any decision to use such weapons would be made
by the United States in accordance with its
Constitutional processes and would in no way
be affected by the terms of the nuclear test ban
treaty.
5. Wliile the abnormal and dangerous pres-
ence of Soviet military personnel in the neigh-
boring island of Cuba is not a matter which can
be dealt with through the instnimentality of
this treatj^ I am able to assure the Senate that
if that unhappy island should be used either
directly or indirectly to circumvent or nullify
this treaty, the United States will take all nec-
essary action in response.
6. The treaty in no way changes the status
of the authorities in East Germany. As the
Secretary of State has made clear, "We do not
recognize, and we do not intend to recognize,
the Soviet occupation zone of East Germany as
a state or as an entity possessing national sover-
eignty, or to recognize the local authorities as
a government. Those authorities cannot alter
these facts by the act of subscribing to the test
ban treaty." *
7. This Government will maintain strong
weapons laboratories in a vigorous program
of weapons development, in order to ensure that
the United States will continue to have in the
future a strength fully adequate for an effective
national defense. In particular, as the Secre-
tary of Defense has made clear, we will main-
tain strategic forces fully ensuring that this
nation will continue to be in a position to de-
stroy any aggressor, even after absorbing a first
strike by a surprise attack.
8. The United States will diligently pursue
its programs for the furtlier development of
nuclear explosives for peaceful purposes by
underground tests within the terms of the
treaty, and as and when such developments
make possible constructive uses of atmospheric
nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes, the
United States will seek international agree-
ment under the treaty to permit such explosions.
I trust that these assurances may be helpful
in dispelling any concern or misgivings which
any member of the Senate or any citizen may
' Bulletin of Sept. 2, 1963, p. 350.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
497
have as to our determination to maintain the
interests and security of the United States. It
is not only safe but necessary, in the interest
of this country and the interest of mankind,
that this treaty sliould now be approved, and
the hope for peace which it offers firmly sus-
tained, by the Senate of the United States.
Once more, let me express my appreciation to
you both for your visit and for your sug-
gestions.
Sincerely,
John F. Ivennedt
The Honorable Mike Mansfield
The Honorable E\-erett McKinlet Dikksen
United States Senate
Washington, D.C.
oughly considered by our military, scientifn .
legal, and foreign policy leaders before the
treaty was signed. This nation has sought to
bring nuclear weapons under international con-
trol since 1946. This particular kind of treaty
has been sought by us since 1959. If we are
to give it now only grudging support, if this
small, clearly beneficial step cannot be approved
by the widest possible margin in the Senate,
then the Nation cannot offer much leadership or
hope for the futui-e.
But if the American people and the American
Senate can demonstrate that we are as deter-
mined to achieve a peace and a just peace as we
are to defend our freedom, I think future gen-
erations will honor the action that we took.
NEWS conference:stateivient'
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I
want to stress again how important it is that
the United States Senate approve the pending
nuclear test ban treaty. It has already been
signed by more than 90 governments, and it is
clearer now than ever that this small step to-
ward peace will have significant gains, and I
want to commend to the American people the
two distinguished and outstanding speeches by
Senator Mansfield and Senator Dirksen, the
majority and minority leaders, who in the great
tradition of American bipartisanship and na-
tional interest I think put the case most ef-
fectively.
This treaty will enable all of us who inhabit
the earth, our children and children's children,
to breathe easier, free from the fear of nuclear
test fallout. It will curb the spread of nuclear
weapons to other countries, thereby holding out
hope for a more peaceful and stable world.
It will slow down the nuclear arms race with-
out impairing the adequacy of this nation's
arsenal or security, and it will offer a small but
important foundation on which a world of law
can be built.
The Senate hearings and debate have been in-
tensive and valuable, but they have not raised
an argument in opposition which was not thor-
• Made by President Kennedy at the opening of his
regular news conference on Sept. 12.
President Discusses Viet-Nam
on CBS and NBC News Programs
President Kennedy was interviewed on Sep-
tember 2 hy Walter Cronhite of the Colnmhia
Broadcasting System and on September 9 hy
David BrinMey and Chet Huntley of the Na-
tional Broadcasting Company. Following are
transcripts of portions of each program in
which the President discussed the situation in
Viet-Nam.
CBS INTERVIEW, SEPTEMBER 2
White House press release dated September 2
Mr. Cronkite: Mr. President, the only hot
war we've got running at the moment is of
course the one in Viet-Nam, and we have our
difficulties there, quite obviously.
President Kennedy: I don't think that unless
a greater effort is made by the Government to
win popular support that the war can be won
out there. In the final analj'sis, it is their war.
They are the ones who have to win it or lose it.
We can help them, we can give them equip-
ment, we can send our men out there as advisers,
but they have to win it — the people of Viet-
Nam — against the Communists. "We are pre-
pared to continue to assist them, but I don't
think that the war can be won imless the people
498
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
•npport the effoft, and, ui my opinico, in thu
laat % months tiis QovenuiieL.4' h»a goi''^r. out of
(ouch with the |. 'op!a.
The reptaaaiora ■gains' tba ^uddhisU, w«
/alt, wen> very unw'^e. ho« all we can do ta to
make it very c'.-u- that ve don't think thia ia
the . 1/ to win. It ia my hope that ■!>.;. wii>
Liecome mcreasirjj • obvious to the Oovenunent,
that tUey will lu* f. steps to try to bri:ii; back
popular eupporf for itu ' -try essential struggle.
A/r ^ronkitt. . mX> "ou think this (lovermn -at
has tmie to regain tho eupport of the people)
PretuUiit Kennedy ■■ I uo. Wi^ changes iii
poi.cy nnd {>erhik,« with DerBon..L'l, 1 think it
ca If It doesi. t make tJiose charges I would
think thrt tue cha rices of winnui^ it would rot
be very good.
it ■ Cronkttc : Hasn't efp-y indicatiou from
Satgui-. been that Preside., uiem has no inten-
tion of chan/'ng bis pattern i
f're.f '«n/ Kennedy • If ne do"* not ciiange ii,
of course, tlis: is hu decision. He has been
there 10 years, and, a.-" I tMy, he has carried this
burden wlien he has U^cn ' .,ed out on a n n-
ber of ocijiiion-i.
Chir best judgment is that he can't be success-
ful on this basis. We hope that he ~ol' en ti> see
that; b' in • •. firm analysis it is the p-r>r>le
and the Government itself ^ho have to wi or
lose this struggle. \11 ve can du i° help, and
we are mnking it very cK t But 1 Jon't agrC'
with tliosc wh^ aay ' e should 'vithdmw. TT.ir
would l>e a grent mistake That wouti bei a
l^real mistake. I know people lion'i like Amei •
icans to be engaged ,a thiri kind of an effi^rt.
Forty vi •, iUiiericans ; ;ive hota killed in coiu-
bat « iin the enemy, but this i!> » v<. -y impurtant
struggle e^• .-^ t''<ough i' is i^r away.
We took all thi-—- b.a^'^ th: . effort to defend
Europe. Kow Eurr^ie is quite secure We also
have :, participate —we may not like it — in the
d«feiiae of Af .
Mr. n-mtley 'Mr. President, in re*tject to our
difficulties in South Vi ,-NaiP, "ouH it b« thct
oar Ooferninent tand* ooeaakoAlly to gat locked
intr, a fioli-y Or &. <ttirii.te ant' then find^ it
difficult to m' ^ or ihift that policy f
Ttit "-Ki'UiU; Yoi, that is trui_ I think in
the case of South Viet Nam we li 've beer: deal-
ing with < ;ovemment which is tn control, has
been in control fc- It) yean. In addition, we
have felt for the Ust 2 years that thn Uruggie
aga-i«t th« Communists was gf.-ig better.
Sincp Junts, however--the difficuUiee with the
Buddhist.-)— we have l«en conc«med about a de-
teriomlioii, partii.ilarly in ilie Sai^^on area.
which hasn't i«n felt grer.tiy in the outlying
areas but ma; pre V So wt an> fa ■"d with the
problem of wanting to pmtect th" area afrainxt
the Communists, On the other h»ri'^, we haTe
to Jeo. wit!) the Government ,here. That prc-
docea a kind of ambivalence in our eilorta wbicli
exposes u<i to some criticism. We are using our
infi.<enoe to persuade the Government there tc
take those ^eps wK.ch will win t.jck nupport.
That *akes some time, and wa muat be patient,
we must persist.
Ur. Huntley Are we likely to redaoe our aid
to t ^alh Viet-'itim n^^w?
The Prefiri' i-.: I don't think vje think that
would bo ^t p; :i at this time. If jou reduce
your ai'* it ia possi^'r^ you could have sc .ie ef-
fi.* upon thi. government structure there. -Jn
the other hand, you might h:.ve a aituation
't^^'i'-h could brii!^ abuat a collapse. " rongly
in our mind is what happen p'. in the case of
Clii!.<i at the eiid of Wor'd War II, tvUere
China was lost — a weak government became in-
crvf-^ii' . jnab'?? to ci "-.trol events. We dent
>«ant that.
3dr. BrinkKy: Mr. President, ha"*" you iiad
any reason to doubt this 8o-o:.ilia "dornino t> ft-
ory," that if Soutli Viet-Nam falls, tie rest of
^.>atJie" Asia will gu 'whind iit
The PreMnt : No, 1 belie e it. I bf lieve it
I think that the ' niggle is ctoae t oug!.. China
is so Iarg«v, K uma so iiigb )cst i«yond the fro: ■
tiers, tha. if South Viet-Nam went, it would
I'lOt oi:iy g re theoi ar .'icproved geographic p
tuition for a giierriUa aasaul. on Malaya but
would a.dO gi'.s tl.e ijnpre«ion that the wave of
the fuai~ <n Southeast Asia waa China and 'iie
lommunista. So I believe it.
Mr. BrinkUy: Ir. tha Iftst 48 bom then hkf
Mr\ • gi^>»t j>aoT (onflirti'.ig rtpotto la-osr
then vN>ut wtuit tin CIA [Central IntoUigeno*
Agei><7) «»m« op ta C»n you fir* na mny «a-
lightcniMr' oc ii
TkePrtnieni.T^r::
Mr. ^vntley I>oc* t)t« CI \ Uml to mkkd ita
own pouc* t Hut svros to tw the debate here.
Tht PtuUent: N.>. thi? ' the fraqoent
charge, but lh»t isn't so. Mr. [John A.) ^^'>
Cone. He«d of the CIA, lita in the National Se-
cant; Coonn! We liaTe had a oomber f
meetin^-j in the pv' few davs aboot evt^nta in
South Viet Nam Mr McCone part.'iipated i'^
ttery ooe, an'' the CIA coordinstcai ha efforts
with the St-' t« n<.p«rtment and the Defense De-
p*rt£:«nr.
Mr. £i.i,titu'j: With ao mneh of ok,- prestige,
monry, lo on, rommitted in Sooth Viet-Nam,
wh; oan't w« eseiriae a littlf mmv inflnenoe
there, Mr. rr^sidentt
fA«/>»«wient.'WehaT«aaineinflQenoe. Wo
hav^" some influr.ice, and we &<e attempting to
cany it out. I think •«e don't — we cant ezpeC
these , jntriea to do 'everything tho way we
want .odothein. Thf* have thp<r own interQ3t<
their owi\ p. iKMialiti'>, thm. owr tradition.
We can't make every o. in oor imag* , and ther^
are a goo t mrjiy people who don't want to ^.
0 our image. In addition, wf* havt ancient
struggles betweer countries. In the case of
India e-td Pakistan, r? wonid like tohavp th--^
aet''e K- Jimir That is our viev of the best
way to drfpnd ?^« 8< bcontinent \gainst com-
m- "inn. Rut that straggle bv' ween j^';dt& ar>i1
Pakistan is more important to a good many
people in '-M area than th« -fti-oggte agair.st
(he Communists We would like to have Csn>.-
bovi.a, t^iailrnd, .nA South V.*t-fiair all la
harmony, but tti-'-e are ancient differences there.
We can't -nake th« woria over, but we i ta influ-
ence the world Tim fact of the matter is that
with ti* aasiataoo* of tho United States and
SEATO [SontheAst AB^^ Tiea.ry Organr ..
tionl. Southeast Asia and indeed all of Ana
h^s t<e(n maintainrd independent against %
pow«rfal faroe, the Chinese Cammonista.
WL'ii I am concrT.ed ahoot is that Ar fhoku.?
will gat impatient and say, bccMM tbay don't
like evAoti! in Southeast Asia or tbev dtjoi t like
the Uovenunent .n Saigon, that w» tbould
withdraw. That only make^ it easy for the
» inmnilmitl I thiuk W« should StS) . We
shoald nss onr influentV' in as affectiTe a way as
'78 can, but w% shoald not withdraw.
••vftt^ CluvK* Ml IwtwducMow
cf Alftrsfl Into Lmm RsjMtofl
Defaitmeni biaUmmt^
"* lhL« *=' vict charge r»loasiii by Tasp Sep
tamber 0, that the T aited States has violated
l\e Oeneva Apwrds* by introducing aircraft
\nU) Laos illrgaUy, lo f-laa. Thn Royal I.^
QoTonuuent itself issaed a oommunique ao
Ai^iat SO hnuiding the 'large, which h^d al-
ready been made by the Pathet Lac faction, as
''pure propagcind~ *'
The United States has provided tha Go» •«•
rooBt of 'jujs, s» the reqjest of Prirae %linist«r
SouTBuna Phomna, bL« 'T-W oj-c.-aft a^ repla je-
laenta for n-' T -« aircr»ft oi the Boyal liao
iir Forw which had become wotti oat Theaa
T-28 aircraft am ,jropeller-dri. en This •nil i-
cary equipment was fnmished to the Royal Tx.i
novemment 'r fnll acco(danc« with article 6 of
Uie G«n..va Protocol.'
It is iro'^ic that the Soviet Qovernmpnt has
eho-«^i to publicize, in it- capacity as ^ icnaii^
man of the Oe.nev?. co'-forti :», f charge made
by :.iie leader of the Pathet Lao faction, in
Jane 20 Priin? Minister Soovuina Phoama ixi s
message to the coehairmen spaeiflcaUy charged
that North Vietnamese troopa wer* f-w^nt in
Latw and military suf.^liea to support Pa«het
Lao I'oroes ^^ere being rKxived from Mor'h
Viet-Naa. The Soviet UnioL has Deen om-
apicuously silent on this matter.
■ Bead t< ^yn wieipoedeats oo Itapt 6 kr Uctaitf
L PldlUpa^ DlrMtor ef tlw OOc* af M«wa
* BCULROI ct .^us. :S. \9e7. p. S3ft
•MA, ^tm.
800
jiKtun.r:.^rt or craTi "mjLMnm
The 18th General Assembly: A Testing Ground of Hopes and Opportunities
hy Richard N. Gardner
Dejmty Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs '■
The 18th session of the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly opens next week. It is the first
A.ssembly since the conclusion of the partial test
Dan agreement. Men and women around the
world are looking to their representatives at the
United Nations to consolidate and extend this
hopeful beginning : to defrost the frozen issues
on the world's agenda, to settle irritating and
peace-threatening disputes, to exploit opportu-
nities for international cooperation, and to ac-
celerate the orderly modernization and develop-
ment of the less developed areas of the world.
The United States will do its best to vindicate
these hopes. It is in our national interest to
sustain the momentum of the test ban agi'ee-
ment, to demonstrate that despite their differ-
ences all U.N. members share common interests
in peace and welfare, and to increase the incen-
tives on the Soviet leadership to pursue a policy
of genuine peaceful coexistence.
This is the spirit in which we approach next
week's General Assembly. But — and this is a
sobering "but" — none of us really knows
whether the slightly warmed atmosphere will
bring us nearer to solutions of the chronic prob-
lems and whether during the next 3 months at
the U.N. we will find it possible to take quantum
jumps toward realistic and acceptable solutions
of the big problems. This, frankly, still re-
mains to be tested.
Moreover, we must recognize that the job of
following up the test ban is largely one for
' Address made before a regional foreign policy con-
ference held by the Department of State in cooperation
with the World Affairs Council of Boston at Boston,
Mass., on Sept. 11 (press release 465 dated Sept. 10).
quiet diplomacy. The Assembly will probably
be more important this year as a center of com-
munication— as a place where quiet talks can
take place between foreign ministers — than as
an instrument where significant substantive ac-
tions are taken.
So perhaps the best way to approach next
week's General Assembly is in a pragmatic
mood : in the mood of political exploration.
Today I should like briefly to review with you
in candid and realistic terms the issues and
problems that we will face next week and for
the next 3 months at tlie U.N. General Assembly.
I believe there are opportunities, but there is no
certainty that we can make great headway.
Some enthusiasts for the U.N. think of U.N.
issues and of the people who handle them as
somehow purer and more open to reason than
hard-shell diplomats. Some people like to be-
lieve that foreign policy issues somehow are
transmuted in the U.N. atmosphere, that they
are purified of nationalist pressures and preju-
dices. If we are really to make progress on
these subjects, I cannot emphasize strongly
enough what should be a truism but is often
overlooked : that the foreign policy "stuff" that
Under Secretary Harriman and my other col-
leagues have just described to you is the self-
same "stuff" that we deal with in the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs. We are
not a sanitized and morally superior enclave in
the Department of State that concerns itself
with lifting up these issues to a more sublimated
sphere. We are concerned with what contribu-
tion the intei-national organizations, especially
the U.N., can make to the achievement of the
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
501
purposes of our foreign policy — which I regard
as uplifting enough.
The U.N., and specifically the General As-
sembly, is an arena of practical politics. If it
were not, very few people would pay attention
to it. The U.N. offers us a repertory of instru-
mentalities for influencing world opinion, for
mediation and quiet diplomacy, for puttmg a
"third man" into the middle of contentious
issues, for helping along the orderly process of
transferring political power in dependent areas,
for channeling skills and resources into nations
that badly need them.
The U.N. is not a substitute for the exercise
of national power; it is only a new arena in
which that power is exercised. It is not a sub-
stitute for national interest ; it is a place where
nations work together to promote their national
interests on those matters where they camiot get
adequate results by acting alone.
The U.N. has no mysterious power of its own
that transforms issues — whether these are East-
West issues or North-South issues — and what it
produces is the end residt of the input of its
members.
If nothing else, the financial crisis in the U.N.
should bring home to us the immutable fact:
The U.N. machine is not self-propelling. It
must be fueled by the political and financial
commitments of its members.
AVith these sobering thoughts in mind, we can
regard this forthcoming Assembly as a testing
ground of hopes and opportunities. And that
is how we propose to use it — honestly and realis-
tically.
We will be testing to see whether the Soviet
Union is ready to depart from previous rigid
positions and commit itself to constructive
courses of action which will concretely advance
the settlement of problems to our mutual
advantage.
We will be watching for the moments when
members in arrears reach for the checkbook as
well as the script of their speeches.
We will, above all, test progress by whether
the Assembly concentrates on the rhetoric of
ringing resolutions which try to outdo each
other in defining Utopia or on the commitment
of practical steps toward disarmament and de-
colonization and development and the enlarge-
ment of fundamental freedoms.
Now let us look at the issues and items on the
agenda.
An academic friend of mine, who has been
closely observing the doings of the General
Assembly since its creation, recently remarked
that he could not recall a single item that had
ever been removed from the agenda. This is a
slight exaggeration, but it is true as a general
proposition that most chronic issues remain and
new ones are added each year. The General
Assembly has been enlarging its scope of inter-
est and will be debating this year an amazing
number and variety of subjects. Last year the
General Assembly passed 124 resolutions, which
ranged from an appointment to fill a vacancy
on the Board of Auditors to a four-part resolu-
tion on peaceful uses of outer space. This year
there are already inscribed about 100 items and
the plate is not yet out of the kitchen. Let us see
if we can discern some order in this collection
and at the same time try to preview what United
States foreign policy will face in wrestling with
it.
The business of the 18th General Assembly
can be analyzed in terms of seven big issues.
Disarmament and Nuclear Issues
First, this Asse?nbly wiJl he discussing dis-
armament and nuclear issues in a more 'promis-
ing atmosphere than has prevailed for a num-
ber of years.
Installation of the "hot line" between Wash-
ington and Moscow ^ and the conclusion of the
partial test ban agreement ^ has set the stage for
a new look at old issues.
The U^nited States will continue to seek the
goal of general and complete disarmament, con-
taining appropriate safeguards and secured by
international institutions capable of preserving
the peace, as contained in the United States out-
line of a disarmament treatj'.* But in view of
recent Soviet statements and recent discussions
in the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Confer-
ence the focus of attention will be next steps
after the partial test ban that could help turn
down the arms race and reduce the risks of war.
" For text of agreement, see Btn.i.ETiN of July 8, 1963,
p. 50.
* Ibid., Aug. 12, 1963, p. 234, and Aug. 26, 1963, p. 314.
•/bid.. May 7, 1962, p. 747.
502
DEPAHTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
On these matters the General Assembly can
serve most usefully as a forum to encourage
imderstanding of basic issues. It can guide and
endorse, but it is primarily the Eighteen-Nation
Disarmament Conference which is the work-
shop for negotiation.
Peacekeeping
Second, the General Assembly will inevitably
lie concerned with measures to irnprove the
United Nations'' peacekeeping role.
The link between disarmament and peace-
keeping is obvious: The fact is that nations
will never be willing to eliminate their arms
until they have some substitute means of pro-
tecting their territorial integrity and vital
interests.
The United States outline of a disarmament
treaty recognizes the inescapable relationship
between peacekeeping and disarmament when
it states at the outset that the objective of the
treaty is to insure that disarmament is accom-
panied "by the establishment of reliable pro-
cedures for the settlement of disputes and by
effective arrangements for the maintenance of
peace in accordance with the principles of the
Charter of the United Nations."
The outline goes on to specify a number of
measures for the development of the U.N.'s
peacekeeping role — among them, the acceptance
of the compulsory jurisdiction of the Interna-
tional Court of Justice, the improvement of
nonjudicial methods of peaceful settlement, the
establishment of a U.N. peace observation corps
for information and factfinding, and the build-
up by the end of the disarmament process of a
U.N. peace force with "sufficient armed forces
and armaments so that no state could challenge
it."
It is an unhappy fact of life that the Soviet
Union has never accepted this concept of a dis-
armed world under law. A highly publicized
difference between ourselves and the Soviets
has been on the subject of inspection. But our
difference on the peacekeeping role of the
United Nations has been no less wide and no
less fundamental.
Recently Chairman Khrushchev stated that
he "passionately wishes the U.N. to . . . de-
velop as an instrument of strengthening peace
and organizing cooperation between states." In
the months ahead we will be watching to see
whether these words are matched by deeds.
The real long-term interests of the Soviet
Union, as well as of the United States, would
be served by a stronger U.N. which could help
promote great-power disengagement from dan-
gerous confrontations and prevent brush-fire
conflicts from triggering a thermonuclear war.
In an age when the Soviet Union and the
United States have in their arsenals weapons
each of which has the destructive power of all
the bombs di'opped in the Second World War,
in an age when no matter how many weapons
one side may build neither side can escape un-
imaginable destruction in a nuclear holocaust,
in an age when the danger of war by accident
or miscalculation grows with the increasing
complexity of weapons systems — in such an age
there is no rational alternative for both sides
but to develop a civilized system of peacekeep-
ing under the aegis of the United Nations.
In the coming months the United States will
seek support for a number of specific measures
to strengthen the U.N. as a peacekeeping in-
stitution : enhancement of the political and
mediatory role of the Secretary-General, ap-
pointment of conciliators in contentious cases,
greater use of U.N. observers, broadened re-
course to the International Court of Justice in
both advisory and adversary proceedings. The
Congo experience also underlines the need to
improve the U.N.'s policing resources: The
Secretary-General needs an enlarged and more
diversified military staff, and we would hope
to see more countries follow the example of the
Scandinavians, who are taking steps to earmark
and train national forces to be available for
U.N. service on a standby basis.
The U.N. is now fielding three major peace-
keeping operations — in the Congo, on the
Israel-U.A.E. border and demarcation line, and
in Yemen. On the first two of these the Gen-
eral Assembly will take action. Tlie U.N. Op-
eration in the Congo (ONUC) is scheduled to
continue to the end of the year. The Govern-
ment of the Congo, supported by many of its
neighbors, has asked that the U.N. Force re-
main, perhaps in reduced numbers, for an addi-
tional 6 months or so. The problem is to find
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
503
the necessary political and financial support in
the General Assembly to approve the extension
of the U.N. Force and to provide for an ac-
ceptable fornnila of financing.
The continuation of the U.N. Emergency
Force in the Middle East will require an As-
seml)ly resolution assessing UNEF's anticipated
costs for 19G4, which may go as high as $20
million. There is a general consensus that this
Force, which polices the line between Israel
and Egypt, is performing an effective job and
that it should be retained.
The 200-man U.N. observation mission in
Yemen, which is observing the disengagement
agreement between the U.A.R. and Saudi
Arabia, has not been a matter of formal con-
cern of the General Assembly since its costs are
being met by the parties concerned. But as a
major peacekeeping operation of the U.N., the
success of the mission in facilitating the disen-
gagement agreement will be watched with close
attention. A^Hiile the United Nations Secre-
tary-General has reported that the progress of
this operation has not been encouraging, he has
also stated that both parties have expressed a
willingness to cooperate in good faith with the
United Nations mission and that, on the whole,
they have done so. Eecently, they have agreed
to pay for the costs of the mission for 2 more
months. Since the U.N.'s role has been limited
to observing and not policing the disengage-
ment agreement, the responsibility for a suc-
cessful outcome rests squarely on the parties
concerned.
The Financial Crisis
Third, the General Asseinhly can Jiardly fail
to he concerned with the U.N.''s finaiwi-al crisis.
The refusal of some members to pay their
assessments for meeting the costs of the exjien-
sivc peacekeeping operations is at the core of the
difliculty. The International Court has ruled
that these assessments are binding upon mem-
bers as "expenses of the organization," aiid the
General Assembly last year "accepted"' this rul-
ing by an overwliclming vote." The fourth
special session of the General Assembly this
past June called for collection of arrears and
assessed members for the costs of the two main
peacekeeping operations for the last 6 montlis
of 1963.8
Nevertheless, some $100 million in peacekeep-
ing assessments remain to be paid. Let the
members vote with their pocketbooks on what
kind of U.N. they want, in the choices so dra-
matically defined by Dag Hammarskjold in
his last report: a static conference machinery
serving solely as the instrument for discussion,
or as a dynamic organism with the capacity to
take executive action in peacekeeping and
nation building.
The United States position on this point is
crystal clear. We believe the legality of these
assessments has been established beyond ques-
tion. We believe furtlier that, apart from
legalities, the organization cannot thrive or even
operate at a satisfactory level of horsepower
unless all members (and the Soviet bloc is not
the only culprit in this respect) accept the obli-
gation of collective financial responsibility.
Members cannot order from the menu offered
by the U.N. and turn away when the check is
presented. We also believe that there is no
question about the automatic application of
article 19, which deprives a member more than
2 years in arrears of its vote in the General
Assembly. Application of article 19 to a num-
ber of countries, including those in the Soviet
bloc, comes up next year, unless payments are
made on arrears, and the issue is bound to hover
over this year's session.
Colonial and Racial Issues
The fourth principal focus of the Assemily^s
concern embraces colonial and racial issites,
although the two should he clearly distin-
guished.
Since the end of World War II some 50 na-
tions have achieved their independence. For
the most part, this independence has been
gained without large-scale violence, and not
one of these new nations has succumbed to Com-
munist totalitarianism. The existence of the
United Nations has helped fill the vacuum
created by the withdrawal of old colonial
regimes and has assisted orderly progress
toward independence and responsible self-gov-
ernment. While the record has been far from
• Ihid., Jan 7, 1963, p. 30.
'Ihid.. July 29, 19C3, p. 178.
504
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
perfect, it is undoubtedly a good deal better
than it would have been had the United Nations
never existed.
With all but 2 percent of its population now
freed from Western colonial rule, the world
finds itself confronted with the last "hard core"
colonial problems. The drive to liquidate the
remnants of dependency, particularly in Africa,
animates the leaders of recently foi'med Afri-
can states. The most proximate target is the
Portuguese territories.
Just 6 weeks ago the frictions generated by
this problem produced heated discussions in the
Security Council and culminated in a resolu-
tion which deprecated the continued refusal of
Portugal to implement previous General As-
sembly and Security Council resolutions call-
ing for self-determination in Portugal's
African territories, determined that the situa-
tion in the territories seriously disturbed the
peace and security of Africa, called on Portu-
gal to take measures to bring about self-deter-
mination "with a view to the transfer of power
to political institutions freely elected," and
requested all states to refrain from assisting
Portugal in its repression and to prevent the
sale of arms and military equipment for this
purpose.'' If the Secretary-General is unable
to report progress in the implementation of
these provisions by October 31, the deadline set
by the resolution, it is certain that the issue,
further inflamed, will engage the attention of
the General Assembly.
Wliat is the United States view ? We believe
these territories are non-self-governing within
the meaning of the charter. We have also come
out clearly for the application of the right of
self-determination to these territories and for
accelerated political, economic, and social ad-
vancement of their inhabitants. We believe
that the U.N. has a vital role to play in facilita-
ting a meaningful dialog between Portugal and
appropriate African leaders. Moreover, the
U.S. has been following a policy of providing
no arms to Portugal for use in these territories.
At the same time, the U.S. has emphasized
that change in this situation must be brought
about peacefully, in accordance with principles
and processes defined in the charter, and that
' /6td., Aug. 19, 1963, p. 303.
we must relentlessly strive for a solution to this
problem through the creative paths of peace,
difficult though these paths may often seem.
Another intractable issue in this area, of
course, is that of South African racial policies.
Here the General Assembly debate is likely to
be even more heated should the Secretary-Gen-
eral on October 30 report no progress on imple-
menting the Security Comicil's resolution of
last month.* This resolution, which we sup-
ported, strongly deplored the policies of
apartheid and racial discrimination as being
inconsistent with the principles of the charter
and contrary to obligations of member states
and called on all states to cease the sale and
shipment of arms, ammunition, and all types
of military vehicles to South Africa.
The United States view on this issue is clear
and consistent, as Ambassador Stevenson noted
in the Security Council last month. We have
often affirmed our belief that apartheid is abhor-
rent and incompatible with the constitutional
and moral foundations of our society. We
believe this matter is of proper and legitimate
concern to the U.N. We believe that the Gen-
eral Assembly can properly consider questions
of human rights which are a member's official
policy and are inconsistent with obligations of
that member under articles 55 and 56 of the
charter. Moreover, as we stated in the Secu-
rity Coimcil, that apartheid policy has led to a
situation the continuation of which is likely to
endanger international peace and security. At
the same time, we have made repeated repre-
sentation to the Government of South Africa
to take steps to reconsider and revise its racial
policies. We have appealed to the Government
to change course and embark on a policy of
national reconciliation and emancipation. We
repeat the hope that the Government of South
Africa will have a change of heart so that
this agonizing problem can be solved through
the ways of peaceful change.
Human Rights
Fifth, the General Assembly will be involved
in fundamental issues of human rights.
The issues of decolonization and apartheid
are not only political. They are better appre-
' Ibid., Aug. 26, 1963, p. 333.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
705-863—63 3
505
ciated as aspects of tlie politicomoral realm, of
those human relationships which constitute the
bedrock of all free societies and which in the
U.N. go under the rubric of "human rights and
fundamental freedoms."' These are oft«n dis-
missed as marginal concerns in the nuclear age.
But President Kennedy summed up the opera-
tive link between these relationships and the
primary concern of the world of the charter in
his American University speech last June when
he asked, "And is not peace, in the last analysis,
basically a matter of human rights. ...?"*
Although "human rights" is formally entered
on the General Assembly agenda in just a few
items, the issue of human rights may be a
cardinal concern of the Assembly. It will per-
vade the deliberations of every committee.
Our own struggle here at home to enlarge the
area of freedom for all our citizens and to make
emancipation real will be followed by every
delegate. The charter makes the advancement
of human rights one of the main purposes of the
organization, and in articles 55 and 56 members
specifically assume the obligation to take action
to promote universal respect for and observance
of human rights and fundamental freedoms for
all without distinction as to race, sex, language,
and religion. But beyond this, members have
come to recognize that the denial of human
rights tends to spill over borders and, if not
remedied, to disturb international peace and
security.
Quite apart from specific human rights prob-
lems, the General Assembly will have before it
a proposed draft declaration on the elimination
of all forms of racial discrimination. This
declaration condemns all forms of discrimina-
tion; calls on states to revise governmental
practices which have the effect of creating or
perpetuating racial discrimination ; declares the
right of every person to take part in the govern-
ment of his country and to participate in elec-
tions; and declares that the U.N. and the
specialized agencies should do all in their power
to insure the elimination of all forms of dis-
crimination based on race, color, or ethnic ori-
gin. Wo expect to support this declaration
with minor modifications to make it a more ap-
propriate international instrument.
The United States Government has embarked
on a new policy of considering U.N. human
rights conventions on their merits. The Presi-
dent recently submitted to the Senate for ad-
vice and consent to ratification three U.N. con-
ventions dealing with forced labor, practices
akin to slavery, and political rights of women.^'
Each of these deals with an important human
right already guaranteed by our Federal Con-
stitution and by existing Federal law. We be-
lieve their ratification can play a significant
part in cultivating an international environ-
ment congenial to American interests.
The U.N. cannot replace national codes and
national commitments to human rights with
international codes and international pressures.
Obviously only rules that are internalized in
each society can evoke meaningful practices.
But the U.N. can play a vital role in defining
standards, in clarifying experiences, in exposing
to the conscience of the world denials of those
rights that should be the heritage of all human
beings. The U.N. can also help the newly de-
veloping countries in building their constitu-
tions to serve and extend human rights.
Cooperation in Outer Space
A sixth area in which we can realistically test
our hopes is that of cooperation in outer space.
During the past year we can record both
progress and stalemate. In bilateral talks we
have agreed with the U.S.S.R. to cooperate in
the coordinated launching of weather satellites,
a geomagnetic sui-vey, and space communica-
tions experiments." Following creation of the
United States Communications Satellite Cor-
poration, we discussed with European nations
the project for a global satellite communication
system with broad sharing of ownership and
management. The World Meteorological Or-
ganization (WTVIO) inaugurated an inter-
national weather research and forecasting
program."
Contrasted with such progress in the scien-
tific and technical field is the lean record of
accomplishment by the U.N. Committee on
Outer Space in the development of space law.
•/6W., July 1,1903, p. 2.
"Ihid., Aug. 2C, 19C3, p. 320.
" Ihiil., Sept. 9. lOra, p. 404.
" For background, see ibid.. May 13, 19G3, p. 740.
506
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The Committee has been frustrated by the '"all
or nothing" attitude of the Soviet Union — the
insistence that agreement on such questions as
liability for space accidents and assistance to
astronauts must be held up pending agreement
on controversial political questions. If we are
indeed in a new political climate, we should now
find it possible to move beyond the resolution
adopted by the 16th General Assembly ,^^ which
afErmed that international law applies to outer
space and that outer space and celestial bodies
are free for exploration and use by all and not
subject to national appropriation.
Economic and Technical Programs
Seventh, the Assembly will he concerned with
extending the U.N.^s economic and technical
programs.
We are entering the third year in that imag-
inative complex of technical and economic and
social programs which we inspired two Assem-
blies ago imder the name of the United Nations
Development Decade. U Thant well summed
up the importance of this work by characteriz-
ing it as "second only to safeguarding peace
itself." Most of the energies of the U.N. and
the bulk of its employees are engaged in the
economic, social, and technical work of the U.N.
itself and of its specialized agencies.
The General Assembly will be talking about
the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development
scheduled for next spring " and about U.N.
technical aid and preinvestment programs in
nearly 100 countries throughout the world. Let
me say a word about the promise that lies in
each of these.
No new action is required by the General
Assembly in preparation for the Trade and
Development Conference, but the eyes of many
delegates will be focused on it. The developing
coimtries seek growing markets and improved
and stable prices for their exports. We believe
the U.N. can play a more effective role in help-
ing these countries deal with the internal and
external obstacles to expanding their export
trade.
"U.N. doc. A/RES/1721 (XVI) ; for test, see ihifi.,
Jan. 29, 1962, p. 18.5.
" For background, see Hid., July 29, 1963, p. 173.
U.N. assistance to economic development has
grown steadily. The U.N. system is spending
some $300 million a year in feeding the hungry,
healing the sick, teaching the illiterate, training
key personnel, and helping countries draw up
rational development plans. And the U.N. fi-
nancial institutions are lending over $1 billion
a year for productive development projects.
These activities of the U.N. are a useful sup-
plement to our bilateral assistance program:
They secure financial contributions from other
countries and facilitate recruitment of foreign
experts who may be more suited to the needs
of developing countries. And in certain situa-
tions aid and advice may have a greater impact
on the recipient if it comes under the auspices
of the United Nations.
Yet despite impressive achievements, much
remains to be done in improving the U.N. as-
sistance programs. The combined $150 million
target set 2 years ago for the Expanded Pro-
gram of Technical Assistance and the Special
Fund remains mifulfilled. OPEX — the pro-
gram to supply operational and executive per-
sonnel to developing countries — badly needs to
be expanded. The activities of the U.N. and
specialized agencies need to be better coordi-
nated and focused on the most urgent require-
ments of the developing countries. The forth-
coming Assembly can make itself heard on these
and other practical questions in the implemen-
tation of the Development Decade.
If these seven subjects on the Assembly's
agenda which I have just previewed sound a bit
mundane and workaday, if they seem to promise
little drama or the kind of antics which so de-
lighted the Sunday supplements in previous
years, this is all to the good. If the U.N. has
grown up to its 18th birthday, it will prove its
maturity by dealing with these matters in a
serious and businesslike manner.
The United States will not be displeased if
the Assembly produces no juicy quotes or sen-
sational headlines. We would rather it pro-
duced a record of accomplishment — of resolve
to undertake practical disannament measures,
of the strengthening of peacekeeping opera-
tions, of commitments to financial responsi-
bility, of peaceful change in dependent terri-
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
5(W
torics, of the enlargement of the frontiers of
human rights and fundamental freedoms, of
the launching of new legal principles for outer
space, and of cooperative endeavors in aid to
developing nations.
We on our part are prepared to approach the
18th General Assembly in this spirit. We do
not underestimate the difficulties. But we wel-
come the opportunity to test man's hopes and
opportunities.
The International Aviation Policy of the United States
by G. Griffith Johnson
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^
In asking me to talk to you about our inter-
national agnation policy, Mr. AVilburn [Ray-
mond Wilburn, executive director. Bureau of
Conferences and Institutions, New York Uni-
versity] was kind enough to give me some lati-
tude to decide upon what particulars I should
focus. As you know, we do have a more or less
formal exposition of governmental aviation pol-
icy set forth in a statement by the President on
April 24.^ You have all read the President's
statement, and I do not see any reason why I
should dwell in detail on every aspect of it.
With your permission, I would like this morn-
ing to devote myself, first, to the background of
the policy statement and next to talk about the
organization within the Federal Government
for carrying out the President's policy. Then,
finally, I wish to talk with you about routes,
rates, and capacity.
Background of Policy Statement
From its beginnings and by its very nature,
international aviation has been bound up with
fundamental issues of national sovereignty
and with international relationships generally.
During and immediately after World War II
there was established a framework of interna-
tionally accepted principles within which gov-
' Addres.<) made before the New York University Air
Transport Conference nt New York, N.Y., on Seiit. 10
(press release 402 dated Sept. 0) .
* For background, see BrixETiN of May 20, 1963,
p. 784.
ernments and airlines were to operate. The
Chicago Convention,' and the Bermuda Agree-
ment between the United States and the United
Kingdom,* laid down a basic pattern of under-
standings and guidelines which for the most
part still obtains.
In retrospect, we must agree that the framers
of Chicago and Bermuda were gifted with un-
usual wisdom and foresight. The principles
they established have been flexible enough to
allow the international industry to expand rap-
idly and precise enough to permit governments
to negotiate within them. Even so, no amount
of human wisdom could have devised the means
to reconcile all of the forces that play upon in-
ternational aviation. For one thing, although
the industry is worldwide, one market, the
United States, is overwhelmingly important.
Our large population and our relatively high
income levels make it inevitable that we will
provide more passengers and more cargo than
any other national unit. But we are sovereign
only over our own airspace. If we wish to fly
elsewhere in the world, then we must get per-
mission from other sovereign states. Typically,
the other sovereigns consider that rights to en-
ter their airspaces should be exchangeable for
reciprocal rights into the United States.
Even this requirement for the exchange of
rights between basically unequal trading part-
ners might have been fullj' adjusted to, had the
" Treaties and Other International Acts Series l.TOl.
' TIAS l.'iOT, 1G40, 1714, 3338, 3675, 3719.
508
DKPARTSrEXT OF STATE BtrLLETIN
industry's teclinology stood still. In fact, how-
ever, aviation has been characterized by so dy-
namic a technology that it has never been possi-
ble for the adjustment processes to be worked
out in full.
In large part because of rapid technological
change, particularly the introduction of jets,
governmental operations and policymaking in
international aviation were in serious trouble in
the late 1950 s. By the end of the decade, our
carriers were unhappy — perhaps that is an
understatement — with what they considered
unwise governmental actions, other govern-
ments were unhappy with us and with one an-
other, and our own policymaking and operating
agencies were unhappy with other governments
and with one another. In this situation, for-
ward movement on the governmental front was
virtually impossible. Bilateral issues were piled
up, negotiations were stalemated, and tempers
rose, in many cases, to dangerously high levels.
Against this background, the new administra-
tion in 1961 decided we had better take a new
look at international aviation. This was done
with considerable care and thorouglmess. A
private contractor was engaged to undertake
a basic study of policy issues and policy alter-
natives. He turned in a report of two very
substantial volumes. Then an interagency
committee, representing the several departments
and agencies concerned with aviation policy, set
out to frame recommendations for the President,
using the contractor's report as a part of its
background material. The steering committee
was in session over a period of 7 or 8 months.
Its internal deliberations were supplemented by
consultations with industry and labor. After
an immense amount of discussion and argumen-
tation, it agreed on the recommendations which
the President accepted and restated in his April
24 statement.
I believe that the policy statement has helped
greatly to clear the air and to permit us to go
forward again with governmental business in
the field of international aviation. Strictly
speaking, the statement does not strike out in
new or revolutionary directions. It accepts the
reality that international aviation will not be
allowed to operate in a wholly unregulated
environment, but it rejects the proposition that
we should therefore adopt a system of thorough-
going governmental restriction and control. In
fact it is fair to interpret the policy statement
as falling strongly on the side of giving com-
petitive forces freedom to operate.
After looking at tlie alternatives, in effect,
the statement harks back to Bermuda and to
Chicago and finds the policymakers of those
days were in the main on the right track. It
restates the basic objectives of the United States
policy in terms that the negotiators at Bermuda
would, I am sure, have found acceptable. That
restatement is as follows : "to develop and main-
tain an expanding, economically and technolog-
ically efficient international air transport
system best adapted to the growing needs of the
Free World, and to assure air carriers of the
United States a fair and equal opportunity to
compete in world aviation markets so as to
maintain and further develop an economically
viable service network wherever a substantial
need for air tronsportation develops."
Interagency Relationships
Let me turn now to the question of organiza-
tion and interagency relationships in this area.
As you know, the President has written to
Secretary of State Eusk directing him, in the
President's words, "to provide ... a focus of
leadership for this vital area of foreign
policy." ° The President's directive to the Sec-
retary expressed his wish that the Secretary
take the lead within the executive branch in
identifying emerging aviation problems, in
advising the President about them, in giving
continuing attention to international aviation
policy, and in assuring necessary followup
actions.
In making clear the responsibilities of the
Secretary in this field, the President made it
equally clear that the Department of State
would be expected to consult with and work in
collaboration with the other agencies concerned.
He mentioned by name the Departments of
Defense and Commerce, the Federal Aviation
Agency, the Agency for International Develop-
ment, and the Civil Aeronautics Board.
" For text of a letter of June 22, 1963, from President
Kennedy to Secretary Rusk, see Bulletin of July 29.
1963, p. 160.
SEPTEMBER 30, 19G3
509
There has been established, pursuant to the
President's directive, a new interagency com-
mittee on international aviation policy. Sec-
retary Rusk has made Under Secretary Harri-
man the chairman of this committee, while
Najeeb Halaby of the Federal Aviation Agency
serves as its vice chairman.
Within the Department we have made some
organizational changes, the most important of
which has been to establish the Office of Inter-
national Aviation as a separate unit within the
Bureau of Economic Atl'airs. Mr. Allen Fergu-
son has come in from the Rand Corporation to
head the new office, and we are in the process of
a modest expansion of staff.
All of these I would characterize as tidying-
up and clarifying actions. The place of the
Secretary' of State in international aviation
policy derives directly from his role as the
President's chief foreign policy adviser. In-
ternational aviation is a piece of our foreign
relations, and the Secretary must have a close
concern for it if he is to discharge his general
responsibilities to the President.
At the same time, we in the Department fully
recognize that international aviation affairs
should not be and cannot be an exclusive foreign
policy preserve. Other agencies, and in par-
ticular the Civil Aeronautics Board, are obliged
by statute to participate intimately in the devel-
opment and conduct of international aviation
policy. Even where there are no statutory re-
quirements, we are very much aware that other
agencies have capabilities and interests that
bring them into the field of international avia-
tion policy. The task the President has laid on
the Secretary of State is to lead, not to preempt.
We intend to operate according to the spirit and
the letter of the President's directive.
Routes, Rates, and Capacity
Let me take up now some of the substance of
policy, in the way of routes, rates, and capacity.
The existing structure of air routes around
the world has been built up, sometimes pain-
fully, mainly through the negotiation of bi-
lateral air agreements. The United States has
been a leader in creating the existing route
structure. On the whole we have succeeded
fairly well in establishing our own flag lines on
the main traffic arteries of the world.
I am aware that our industry, or parts of the
industry, have not always been enthusiastic
about the route exchanges that have been nego-
tiated. I have heard it asserted that we have
bargained badly, in tlie first place, and, more-
over, that the United States Government often
has given up valuable traffic rights in order to
advance other international policies. During
the reexamination of our policy, this subject was
given very close scrutiny. We foimd precious
little to support the proposition that we had
been outbargained or that your Government had
been in the habit of giving away aviation inter-
ests to achieve other objectives.
Our conclusion was rather that American
negotiators had done a reasonably satisfactory
job of placing our carriers on the routes that
we needed to build an adequate system of inter-
national civil air commimications. Obviously,
as I have already said, the United States has
always bargained from a position of being the
largest single source of traffic in the world. If
we had insisted on absolute economic equiva-
lence in all of our bilateral agreements, we
would have had very few agreements, or routes.
What we set out to get, and what we did get, is
a network of rights for our flag carriers which
makes it possible for an American traveler to go
by air in an American-owned and -operated air-
craft to most of tlie places in the world that he
is likely to wish to visit.
Now, in any event, we have this rather fully
developed system of routes. The statement of
aviation policy says that we should go cau-
tiously in expanding it. In particular, the
statement warns against adding more carriers
to the North Atlantic route and against pro-
liferating the number of carriers over thin
routes.
The guidance of the policy statement is un-
exceptionable in principle. In practice, it is
easy to foresee that we are going to have a very
difficult time ahead. Even though the principal
route network is fairly well developed, we have
some unfinished business so far as our own car-
riers are concerned. We also have left over,
from the past, route exchanges in which rights
510
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
have been accorded but not exercised. These
are commitments of the United States, and we
are going to have to honor tliem if we are called
upon to do so.
In the case-by-case operation of i-oute policy,
we are going to be faced with hard choices. In
working within the policy guidelines laid down,
we will not have an easy time obtaining traffic
rights that American carriers would like to have
and that we would like to get for them. One
can predict that there are going to be instances
where carriers and government negotiators are
going to be pulled in one direction by our broad
policy interests and in another by the immediate
desires and interests of our flag lines. I hope
that we can find imaginative and successful
solutions to the tough cases. But I have been
around long enough to expect that there will be
occasions when we will have to make decisions
on I'outes that will not please our industry.
Next for rates.
I want to say, first of all, that the Department
of State does not intend to become a ratemak-
ing agency. We do not have a statutory man-
date to substitute for the CAB, nor do we have
the staff or the expertise to do the Board's job.
We do have an interest in rates, however, not
only because they bear on the health of the in-
dustry but also because international air rates
bear upon relations with other governments.
I need only recall to your mind the fare dispute
of last spring to make the point that the Secre-
tary of State can come to have a lively concern
indeed with the way in which fares on inter-
national air carriers are established or not es-
tablished.
Now, the Department agreed with the Civil
Aeronautics Board last spring that the Chan-
dler fares ° were unnecessarily high. We par-
ticipated with the Board in subsequent inter-
governmental talks about the Chandler rate
decisions. We have joined with the Board in
supporting legislation that would give the CAB
power to control international air rates. We
believe that the legislation requested by the
administration is a necessity if your Govern-
ment is to be able to operate with full effective-
ness in this area of international relations.
So far as the immediate future is concerned,
we accept the Civil Aeronautics Board's judg-
ment that lower fares, especially on the North
Atlantic, are justified in the light of cost con-
siderations and in terms of market development.
It seems to us also that experiments with lower
fares on the North Atlantic will move the ca-
pacity problem to a solution faster than any-
thing else. From the point of view of our
balance of payments, we would be interested in
a fare structure that would contribute to an
increasing flow of tourists to the United States.
With the New York World's Fair just around
the corner, now would be an especially apt time
for designing promotional fares that would
facilitate tourism into this country.
The President's policy statement deals with
the rate question. It accepts the lATA mecha-
nism as the most practical means available for
developing rate proposals. But it stresses that
our Government in accepting the lATA mecha-
nism is not prepared to abdicate its responsibili-
ties for assuring reasonable rates for the air
traveler and the shipper of air cargo. We have
told other governments that we interpret the
President's guidance to mean that the United
States Government will take an active and even
an aggressive part in seeking to assure that
rates are in fact reasonable.
Since our ovra carriers have made clear that
they stand for lower international fares, there
should be no difference between industry and
Government on the rate issue. I take it that we
both hope and wish that the decisions taken in
Salzburg ^ will be ones that the CAB can read-
ily approve. A number of European govern-
ments have expressed approval of the philoso-
phy of lower fares, and this is a heartening sign.
If our hopes are disappointed, however, then
you may be justified in expecting that your
Government will be consulting urgently with
other aviation powers to see what can be done
about getting a more acceptable answer.
This brings me to tlie capacity question.
In our policy review, we looked most care-
fully at possible alternatives to the capacity
'The International Air Transport Association
reached a rate agreement at Chandler, Ariz., in 1962.
'The International Air Transport Association Con-
fereuco convened at Salzburg on Sept. 9.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
511
guideluies laid down in the basic Bermuda
Agreement. We considered at great length,
also, the possibility of suggesting that legisla-
tion be submitted to the Congress to permit the
Civil Aeronautics Board to regulate the capac-
ity offerings of foreign carriers serving United
States gateways. In the end, we recommended
to the President that the United States should
continue to base its policies on the Bermuda
capacity principles. We did not recommend
legislation to give the CAB authority control
over foreign air carrier capacity.
I believe that we were right. The Bermuda
rules, with all their ambiguities and all the room
they leave for difTering interpretations, still
provide a set of principles compatible with the
objective of an expanding international avia-
tion industry. As for capacity legislation, I
think that it would be a most unfortunate mis-
take for the United States to provide an ex-
ample which could be taken to justify restric-
tionism by other national governments.
^fuc-h of tlie argument on capacity has been
over the kinds of capacity being offered by inter-
national carriers. There has been a vast
amount of discussion about fifth-freedom ca-
pacity and, as a further refinement, sixth-free-
dom capacity. Disputes over fifth- and sixth-
freedom questions no doubt will continue to
arise, even though the jet airplane has altered
greatly the condition under which at least the
sixtli-freedom question came into being. At
the same time, the more difficult and the more
persistent capacity problem of the remaining
years of the subsonic jet age is likely to involve
allegations of disproportionately large capacity
offerings, without regard for the freedom classi-
fication of the traffic.
It has always been our governmental policy,
and it continues to be our policy, to insist that
carriers should be given a maximum amount of
management freedom to decide in the first in-
stance their own capacity offerings. It has
been our position that if a carrier considers that
a substantial increase in its capacity will help
earnings, either on a short- or long-term basis,
then the carrier should be permitted to make its
own decision, subject to intergovernmental re-
view after an appropriate period of operating
experience. We have argued — and I think cor-
rectly— that added capacity tends to bring
added demand and that, in any case, govern-
ments should not substitute their judgments for
those of management about what traffic may be
available.
It would be an exaggeration to say that our
philosophy has been fully accepted around the
world, even though our practice has generally
been allowed. The future, however, is likely
to bring more strenuous challenges to our posi-
tion. There is an important body of opinion
in parts of the international aviation community
that favors arrangements for market sharing
and for advance agreement on capacity in-
creases. I do not expect that this point of view
will disappear. Rather, I anticipate that some
lively discussions will be arising from it.
So far as our policy is concerned, the Presi-
dent's statement gives no color of support for
the division of markets or for intercarrier or
intergovermnental arrangements to control ca-
pacity offerings in advance. Our writ, of
course, does not run beyond our own carriers
and our own bilateral agreements. If foreign
carriers and foreign governments choose to ex-
periment with market sharing beyond the ar-
rangements already in being, we probably will
normally have only an onlooker's interest. But
we are not prepared to become an active partici-
pant in a system which we believe would have
the effect of dampening down the very d)'namic
qualities that have made international civil avi-
ation the burgeoning industry that it has been.
The Air Transport Industry and the Government
Let me close with a word about the relation-
ships between your industry and Government.
I suppose that nobody nowadays would argue
seriously that there should be no governmental
interest in a public utility operating in an inter-
national environment. There is a constitu-
tional requirement that the executive branch be
concerned with the agreements under which air
carriers conduct their business abroad. There
is an obvious element of public interest in an
industry in which only a limited number of car-
riers can be allowed to carry on the business of
international air transportation.
612
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The case for the intervention of the Govern-
ment thus is perfectly clear. On the other
hand, it is implicit in our system that the de-
cisionmaking role of the Government ought to
be circumscribed. Government officials need
constantly to remind themselves that even in-
dustries touched heavily with a public interest
have managements and stockholders who have
responsibilities and interests too.
Unhappily these generalizations do not pro-
vide much guidance in particular cases. Wlien
we negotiate a bilateral air agreement, we in-
evitably touch on the basic concerns of the
people who manage and own our carriers.
Governmental decisions need to reflect these
concerns as well as considerations of inter-
national policy and domestic welfare. For
this, there is no substitute for close communica-
tion between industry and government.
Traditionally, our carriers have been kept
well informed about the progress of the Gov-
ernment's business in international aviation.
In our negotiations, a carrier representative has
customarily been at hand to advise the Govern-
ment negotiators. I see no reason for change
in this respect. We are not always going to
agree with one another. Probably it would not
even be desirable for us to aim at constant
agreement. But we do need to kiiow pretty
fully what the other party to the relationship
is doing or thinking and why. I can speak for
the Department of State — and I tliink for the
whole of the executive branch— when I say that
we intend for our part to keep the lines of com-
mimication with the industry open.
U.S. To Conduct Inspection
in Antarctica
Department Statement
Press release 469 dated September 13
The United States will conduct an inspection
in Antarctica during the 1963-1964 austral
summer season (November-March). Planning
for the conduct of such an inspection has been
under way for some time, and the United States
has advised the other signatory powers of its in-
tention to inspect.
The inspection is in keeping with provisions
of the 12-power Antarctic Treaty, signed on
December 1, 1959,^ which was subsequently rati-
fied by the 12 powers and entered into force on
June 23, 1961. The treaty stipulates that
"Antarctica sliall be used for peaceful pur-
poses only." Article VII provides for inspec-
tion "to promote the objectives and ensure the
observance" of the treaty. ' '
This inspection is not based on any anticipa-
tion that there have been treaty violations by
any signatory power. Indeed, the United
States believes that any inspection conducted
under the treat}', whether by the U.S. or any
other signatory power, will in fact reinforce the
basis of mutual confidence that prevails in Ant-
arctica. In this respect the United States has
informed the other signatory powers that it will
welcome inspection of its stations.
The 12 powers to tlie treaty are Argentina,
Australia, Belgium, Chile, France, Japan, Xew
Zealand, Norway, South Africa, the U.S.S.R.,
the United Kingdom, and the United States.
Mr. Cleveland Discusses U.N.
Affairs at NATO Session
Tiie Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 9 (press release 463) that Harlan Cleve-
land, Assistant Secretary for International
Organization Affairs, would take part in special
consultations of the North Atlantic Council at
Paris on September 10 and 11.
Consultations will cover a wide range of
United Nations matters. This NATO session
is another part of the broad process through
which the United States consults with other
U.N. members about the agenda of the upcom-
ing United Nations General Assembly, which
opens at New York on September 17.
Mr. Cleveland will be accompanied by Elmore
Jackson, Special Assistant for Policy Planning
in the Bureau of International Organization
Affairs.
' For background and text, see Bulletin of Dec. 21,
19.59, p. 911.
SEPTEMBER 3 0, 1963
513
Some Perspectives on the Current Debates on Aid
hy Frank M. Corfjin
Deputy Administrator for Operations, Agency for International Development
In addressing this distinguished foreign
policy conference I shall not try, in 15 minutes,
to say everj'thing that should be said on the
subject of aid. I recognize that all of you pos-
sess more than an ordinary interest in foreign
policy, or you would not be here. I therefore
view my role as that of adding some perspec-
tives to the current debates on aid.
Perspective is perhaps most difficult to
achieve when we are, as at present, in the throes
of our annual decision. It is all the more diffi-
cult when such issues as the test ban treaty and
civil rights claim the interest and passions of
the Nation.
But it is precisely because perspective may
be squeezed out of major policy determinations
that it is important for groups such as this to
maintain the ability to look through passing
events, moods, and personalities to some under-
lying and dominant facts and purposes. After
all, the words "look through" are the root
words of "perspective."
I^et us, therefore, pause to look through some
of the realities of the day.
The first, and most obvious, is that aid "is in
trouble" in Congress.
To say this does not require such access to
inside information as to qualify one as a legis-
lative expert. But there are one or two things
which can appropriately be said to such a con-
ference as this about the kind of trouble we face.
First, since most of us obtain most of our
knowledge about the aid debates from the news-
' Address raade before a regional foreign policy con-
ference held by the Department of State In cooperation
with the World AfTuirs Council of Boston at Boston,
Mass., on Sept 11.
papers, radio, or TV, it is useful to go to th
primary source and look at some of the senti
ments one hears expressed. The vigor of thes
remarks underscores the intensity of feeling
about aid.
A scanning of the Congressional Record re
veals these opinions from the Senate, wliich
quote exactly :
— Why should this country, which stood so firml;
against the nationalization of Industries, now pour oa
money for the aid of a government which has declare
itself bent upon going further into the nationalizatioi
of industries?
— We have no basic International policy, havii
definitely ignored the 125-year-old Monroe DoctrineT
... In its place has been substituted a hodge-podge
of executive orders and gifts of large sums of money to
foreign nations, founded upon no principle at all. . . .
— It is the road to bankruptcy, and not a very long
road at that.
— If I believed the exi>enditure of this amount of
money would stop the spread of communism, I would
support it. . . . But in the light of history, in the light
of facts, how can any Senator rise on this floor and say
it will stop communism . . .?
Even stronger statements have been voiced
in the House of Representatives where these
statements have been made :
— They are deliberately selling America short . . .
Our Uncle ( Sam ) in his flirtations has become the easy
prey of foreign and domestic grafters, vampires, and
gold diggers.
— In place of governing ourselves. In place of looking
after our own people, we are now trying to bribe and
govern the world.
— Congress Is lost in the dismal swamps of foreign
intrigue.
Yes, one does not have to be a prophet to say
there is rough sledding ahead. Now there is one
other fact you should know about these remarks
614
DEPARTMENT OP STATE BULLETIK
I have quoted from the Congressional Record.
The remarks in the Senate were not made in
1963. They were made in 1948, during tlie
Marshall Plan debate, by former Senators
[George "W.] Malone and [Chapman] Rever-
comb. The House quotes were taken from
Congressman [William] Lemke's remarks in
tlae 1950 debate on Point 4.
The lesson is plain. Aid has always been "in
trouble'' in the sense that not even the programs
which today are acknowledged as overwhelming
successes have escaped the hot crucible of pro-
longed and acrimonious debate.
The fact of controversy is dangerous only if
we forget the past and assume that it is a new
phenomenon, a sea change of American opinion.
It is healthy to remember the arguments of the
past. It is reassuring to recall how wrong they
were. And it is pertinent, for the same argu-
ments parade the parapets today. No one is a
better witness to the lineage of today's argu-
ments than your luncheon speaker. Under Sec-
retary [W. Averell] Harriman. For he not
only chaired the committee which prepared the
case for the Marshall Plan, but he was its key
official abroad in its critical years.
The Aid Program Today
Tliere is another perspective to add to the
current controversy. "VVliile we assume that con-
troversy is new, when it is not, we also approach
aid today as if it had not changed, when it has.
How often have we read the sage comment of
a columnist that, while he agrees with the basic
policy of aid, the basic pi'oblem is how it is
administered. He predictably concludes that
what is needed is a massive reappraisal. The
last time I came across this wisdom was last
week. As for Congress, it wearily assumes that
it is dealing with the same program it has re-
viewed for 15 years.
The fact is that aid today is not what it was
10 years ago, or even 5 years ago. There is no
function of government which has been so
studied and reorganized. It has passed through
seven structural changes and no fewer than
eight Presidential committees. These commit-
tees, headed by such men as Gordon Gray, Nel-
son Rockefeller, Clarence Randall, Benjamin
Fairless, the late Eric Joluiston, William
Draper, and— most recently— General [Lucius
D.] Clay, have not essentially difl'ered on the
why, what, when, and how of aid. They have
laid the basis for a national consensus on aid:
one integrated organization with overall re-
sponsibility, development based on programs
tailored to each country, emphasis on loans over
grants, increased procurement of goods and
services in the United States, meaningful con-
centration among countries, aid geared to self-
help, a broader role for private enterprise, and
termination of aid when countries become able
to maintain their own momentum.
Here is the record. Aid is now planned and
largely administered througli the Agency for
International Development. The reorganiza-
tion of 1961 is now completed. Planning is now
done on a country rather than a project-by-
project basis. Loans have increased from 10
percent to 60 percent of economic aid. Loan
terms, now all repayable in dollars, have hard-
ened for a number of countries. U.S. procure-
ment has increased from about 40 percent to
over 80 percent, with aid-financed exports trip-
ling from $600 million m 1962 to $2 billion in
1964. Military and supporting assistance have
decreased by one-half.
As for concentration, 80 percent of economic
assistance goes to 20 countries; 80 percent of
military assistance goes to 10 countries. Proj-
ects and programs are increasingly tied to self-
help. Investment guaranty agreements have
been signed with almost 20 additional coimtries
in the past 2 years, with guaranties themselves
running at three times the rate of 2 years ago.
A number of missions in the field have been
consolidated with embassies. Procedures are
being updated and simplified. At least half the
missions have had an infusion of new executive
leadership. Increasing use is being made of
land-grant colleges, cooperatives, savings and
loan associations. Instead of helping European
countries, these same countries are now furnish-
ing 40 percent of free- world aid.
The irony is that at the very time when the
planning and execution of aid is better than
ever before, the general view is that nothing
has changed in 10 years. Tlie historic fact is
that U.S. aid has steadily evolved through the
past decade and a half, acquiring new tools,
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
616
finishinn; tlie job in many countries, moving to
new areas of concern to tlie United States, and
developing new principles. It is now ready,
given steady support from the people and the
Congress, to play a major foreign policy role
in the formative years of the uncommitted one-
third of the globe.
we can point with hope to the dramatic reduc-
tion of juntas and dictators which has taken
place over the past deoade. In view of the
worldwide confrontation of ways of life, it is
remarkable that of the 46 nations that have
won tlieir independence since World War II,
not one has elected to become a bloc satellite.
Development Assistance
The timing could not have been better. De-
velopment assistance will play an even more
important part in terms of our leadership, re-
spect, and influence should there be a genuine
lessening of world tensions. In this we shall
not be alone. The nations of Western Europe,
Canada, Japan, and Oceania have also moved
into this field, almost equaling our capital aid
and maintaining 14 times as many technicians
abroad as we do. Their increasing participation
depends on our steady support of what is be-
coming truly a free- world aid movement.
The field will not be uncontested. Already
the Sino-Soviet bloc has over 10,000 nationals
abroad in aid work in over 30 countries. Even
more to the point are the new efforts and incen-
tive of Red China, which has shown its determi-
nation to extend its influence, not only from
Korea westerly to India and Pakistan but even
in Africa and Latin America.
At the same time, we can point to a concrete
record of achievement in every part of the
world where development assistance has been
made available in any substantial amount.
Politically, we can cite two kinds of achieve-
ments. Either by generating rapid economic
growth from within or by resisting aggression
from without, we helped to bring about the re-
birth of Europe, the survival of Greece and
Turkey, the emergence of a free and prosperous
Japan, the rapid building of Taiwan and
Israel, and continued, if contested, independ-
ence throughout the Far East. There has been
a second kind of achievement, less precise but
no less real. By offering, through assistance,
an alternative to either the extreme riglit or left,
we have exerted a continuing and growing in-
fluence on development. In Africa it can be
seen in the rejection of reliance on Communist
economic ideology by the very nations wliich
have experimented with it. In Latin America
The Record on Economic Development I
What about economic development? There
are some who would say aid should frankly be
used only for short-run political purposes, be-
cause real development is a hopeless task. Let's
look at the record.
Of the 41 major aid-receiving countries we
have helped since 1945, these are the results:
— Fourteen — Western Europe, Japan, Spain,
and Lebanon — have not only reached a satis-
factory growth rate of at least 1.5 percent for
5 successive years but are no longer dependent
on aid.
— Ten more have reached this record of
growth, have made progress in limiting depend-
ence on aid; and several, such as Israel, Greece,
and Taiwan, will soon be independent of ex-
ternal aid.
— Nine more countries have attained a satis-
factory giowth rate but will continue to depend
on substantial aid.
— Only eight cannot be said to have reached
a satisfactory rate of growth. Seven of these
are in Latin America, where aid in substantial
amounts has only just begun.
What about social and political progress in
these countries? Does aid help or hinder? In
virtually all of the 24 countries in the first two
groups democratic institutions have been
strengthened or less democratic regimes have
been liberalized.
We should not claim too much. The devel-
opment of nations with free institutions, with
the capacity to manage effectively, is a long and
arduous process, with many unpredictable turns
in the road. But it is clear that United States
aid has alreadj' built a record of significant
achievement.
We can look forward with satisfaction to the
graduation to self-sufficiency of at least half a
dozen countries. The transition from depend-
ence on aid has started with loan terms being
)16
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
such as to make the element of U.S. subsidy
minimal. These same nations are already be-
gimiing to assist others.
The international coordination of aid is be-
coming increasingly effective through the De-
velopment Assistance Committee in Paris, the
World Bank and the International Develop-
ment Association, and the consortia arrange-
ments for such countries as Pakistan, India,
Greece, and Turkey.
This very moment of time, therefore, is char-
acterized on the one hand by the evolving com-
petence of the U.S. aid effort, the increased ef-
forts of our allies, and a record of demonstrable
achievement, while, on the other hand, we see a
renewed interest in the economic arena with a
release of tensions, a focusing of efforts on de-
velopment by the Soviet Union and its satellites,
and stepped-up probings, economic and mili-
tary', by Red China.
This Year's Congressional Action
This is the backdrop against which to meas-
ure the implications of congressional action this
year. If not substantially modified, the cuts
already made will be tantamount to a policy of
withdrawal at the very moment in history when
we have so much to gain by a posture of steadi-
ness.
Let me rehearse what has happened in Con-
gress this year. The pattern of other years was
varied this year in a significant way. After
President Kennedy reviewed the findings of the
Clay Committee, he voluntarily reduced his re-
quest of Congress by over $400 million.^ The
House Committee on Foreign Affairs, which for
the past 4 years has averaged a cut of only $200
million, made a further cut of $438 million —
notwithstanding the President's earlier action.
At this point the aid request had been slashed
four times as much as at the same stage in an
average year.
The House of Representatives then pro-
ceeded to debate the bill. On Thursday, Au-
gust 22, it debated and voted until late at night,
having more teller votes than any aid bill has
seen in recent history. All cuts were fought
off by separate votes after separate debates.
On what is already being called Black Friday,
major policy was made by the simple device of
adding up all of the amounts of cuts which had
been defeated, except one, and making, in effect,
a motion to cut it by tliat total figure. The mo-
tion carried, for a further cut of $585 million.
The bill had been pared by almost $1.5 billion,
or nearly 30 percent — including the President's
reduction — and all this before the Appropria-
tions Committees had acted.^ Wlien one re-
flects that the average cut made over the past 4
years by the House Committee on Appropria-
tions has been an additional $1.1 billion, the
significance of this surgery becomes apparent.
What was the policy that was made by the
catchall motion to cut? Bear in mind that these
were cuts that went beyond the judgment of
the Committee on Foreign Affairs and had been
individually turned down by the House of Rep-
resentatives itself.
The policy implicit in the cuts — whether rec-
ognized or not — was just as clear as if the House
had said four things :
First, by bringing the authorized level for
military assistance down to about 70 percent of
the President's request and 75 percent of what
was actually appropriated last year, the House
was really saying that conventional defensive
strength along the Sino-Soviet border from
Greece to Korea should be diminished by as
much as one-third in a number of key coimtries.
Second, by bringing the contingency fund
down to one-half the request of $300 million,
and 60 percent of what was actually appro-
priated last year — the lowest since it was estab-
lished as a separate fund in 1959 — the House
was adopting a policy of much more sharply
limited Presidential flexibility to deal with the
political and economic crises of a fast-changing
and unpredictable world.
Third, by cutting Alliance for Progress lend-
ing authority 25 percent, to a level $75 million
below what was actually appropriated a year
ago, the House signaled a curtailing of incen-
tive at the very time when many of tlie Latin
■ For text of President Kennedy's message to Con-
gress on foreign aid, see Bulletin of Apr. 22, 1963,
p. 591.
' For remarks l)y President Kennedy and General
Clay at a news conference on Aug. 30, see ibid., Sept.
23, 1963, p. 476.
SEPTEJIBER 3 0, 196 3
517
American countries had readied themselves to
comply with tlie alliance requirements of plan-
ning and self -help and when Peru and Argen-
tina have placed themselves in a position to
maico dynamic progress.
Fourth, by reducing tiie authorization of
development loans for the rest of the world by
15 percent, to $000 million, the House was say-
ing in effect: Fulfill our lending commitments
to India, Pakistan, Turkey, Nigeria, and
Tunisia, but do little or nothing more. The cut
of $1G0 million is equivalent to all of the loans
made last year to all of Africa and tlie Far East.
Can it be argued that these implicit policy
determinations strengthen the forces of free-
dom—or are we to assume tliat there is such a
thaw in the cold war that we can unilaterally
lead the way ?
Is tliis consistent with the concern being
manifested by opponents of the test ban treaty?
Does this improve or hinder our cliances of
seeing the developing world grow in freedom?
Does anyone think that this will reinforce
the will of our allies to enlarge fheir efforts?
Would anyone contend that this will increase
the deterrence to Communist Chinese expan-
sionism ?
If we are still concerned about Latin America,
can one seriously claim tliat this increases our
chance of success?
Obviously all of these questions are rhetorical.
The answer to all is no. If tliis is so, what would
be achieved by this set of Black Friday policies?
Will it help our balance of payments? Per-
haps many voted on the assumption that it
would. But new military assistance and de-
velopment lending, accounting for over 90 per-
cent of the cut, are almost completely tied to
U.S. procurement. As AID Administrator
David E. Bell has pointed out, the particular
cuts made would have almost no effect on the
balance of payments.
But U.S. exports would be reduced by almost
the total amount of the cut, over half a billion
dollars. Where lies the U.S. interest in this
kind of action, if it strengthens us neither at
home nor abroad?
The answer, I tliink, lies in an attitude of
frustration tliat the countries we are helping
do not do everything we would like to see them
do— and immediately. It stems from an exag-
gerated expectation of the power of aid, which
in most cases is between 1 percent and 3 percent
of a country's gross national product. Yet this
is the lever which is expected to bring about,
overnight, in each developing country, a solu-
tion to border disputes, the abandonment of a
posture of nonalinement, a full range of so-
phisticated monetary, fiscal, and social policies,
the institution of full-fledged democracy, favor-
able votes in the United Nations, and a host of
other equally desirable objectives.
The Basic Purpose of Foreign Aid
Just because of our frustrations, perspective
is most critically needed to keep our eye on our
basic purpose. Aid is a limited but important
instrument of our foreign policy. It accounts
for seven-tenths of 1 percent of our gross prod-
uct, and one-twelfth of our budget for defense
and security. It is far less, both absolutely and
proportionately, than what we were willing to
commit in the days of tlie Marshall Plan, when
we were less than half as ricli as we are today.
But it is an important instrument of security
and freedom. In the world in which we live
there are no guarantees for either. But one
thing is sure. So long as we remain in the con-
test, so long as we are involved, there is the
chance of success with which history has re-
warded our perseverance in the past.' Equally
certain is it that when we withdraw from any
area of the world, when we furl the banner of
freedom and retreat, we have foreclosed the
chance for victory. We have made an irrevers-
ible decision. We may save some money for
the time being, but we will have paid a price.
It is this facing of alternatives that is the
highest task of diplomacy today. One seldom
hears it discussed by the ardent foes of aid. But
there have been eloquent voices raised. Let us
hear them now. They were not partisan voices.
One was that of a Democrat, the other a Ke-
publican.
One voice said:
The United States— the richest and most powerful
of all peoples, a nation committed to the independence
of nations and to a better life for all peoples— <-an no
more stand aside in this climactic ape of decision than
we can withdraw from the community of free nations.
518
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
The other voice said :
The greatest nation on earth either justifies or sur-
renders its leadership. We must choose. There are
not blueprints to guarantee results. We are entirely
surrounded by calculated risks . . . those who disagree
. . have not escaped to safety by rejecting or sub-
verting this plan. They have simply fled to other
risks, and I fear far greater ones.
The first voice was that of President Kennedy
in April 1963. The second was that of Senator
[Arthur H.] Vandenberg as he closed debate on
the Marshall Plan in the spring of 1948.
These statements reflect the makings of a
consensus. But they are statements separated
by a decade and a half. Can we, in 1963, syn-
chronize the voice of the past with the voice
of tlie present? Can Congress today pursue
with steadiness a program which faith initiated,
history has vindicated, and the times now so
urgently require ?
North Pacific Fishery Conference
Held at Tokyo
Statement hy President Kennedy
White House press release dated September 10
Ambassador Benjamin A. Smith II will lead
a delegation being sent to Japan to discuss with
Japan and Canada international arrangements
for the conservation and use of fishing resources
in the North Pacific Ocean. The discussions,
which are scheduled to begin on September 16,
represent the second attempt to reach agree-
ment on the questions raised by Japan about the
restrictions upon its rights under an existing
convention relating to fishing in the North Pa-
cific.^ The first attempt was made last Jime.^
The abstention principle, which calls for the
fishing restrictions when certain criteria occur.
' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2786
and 4092.
' Bulletin of June 10, 1963, p. 914.
will be the central issue in the new discussions.
I believe this principle is sound and reasonable.
Without restraints of this nature the nations
of the world would run serious risks of deplet-
ing fisheries. We have already seen Atlantic
halibut fisheries decline from 13,500,000 pounds
to 300,000 pounds. In Bristol Bay, the record
catch of 24.7 million salmon in 1938 has fallen
to a level of 2.8 million. On the other hand,
research and careful regulation have restored
depleted Pacific halibut fisheries from a low
of 40 million pounds in 1923 to an annual aver-
age of 70 million pounds.
It is obvious that unless international conser-
vation agreements are strictly enforced there
is grave danger of permanent injury to our
ocean resources. I hope that it is possible to im-
plement Senate Eesolution 392, which called
for an international fishery conference so that
such damage can be avoided.
In dealing with the North Pacific fisheries
problems we shall be mindful of our responsi-
bility for the preservation of vital fisliing re-
sources. When the convention criteria called
for the removal of Bering Sea halibut from ab-
stention, this was done despite the disadvantage
to American fishermen.^ We shall hope for the
same understanding from other nations — to re-
tain the abstention principle when appropri-
ate— for only in this way will it be possible to
reach agreement in the common world interest.
William Matson Roth Confirmed
Deputy for Trade Negotiations
The Senate on September 9 confirmed the
nomination of William Matson Eoth to be a
Deputy Special Eepresentative for Trade Nego-
tiations, with the rank of Ambassador. For
biographic details, see White House press re-
lease dated July 30.
'For background, see ibid., Apr. 15, 1963, p. 574.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
519
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Soviet Union Vetoes U.S.-U.K. Resolution in Security Council
on Israel and Syrian Complaints
Following are statements made in the U.N.
Security Council by U.S. Representatives Adlai
E. Stevenson and Charles W. Yost, together
with the text of a draft resolution sponsored by
the United States and the United Kingdom.
STATEMENT BY MR. STEVENSON, AUGUST 28
U.S./O.N. press release 4237
The first order of business for us today is to
consider Israel's complaint ^ regarding the
wanton murder of two of its citizens. The pic-
ture of two innocent farmers, murdered in cold
blood by a raiding party which struck them
down at work in their own fields, must distress
us all.
"We can sympathize with the sense of outrage
felt by the people of Israel, especially since this
slaughter follows so close upon the Syrian ab-
duction of three Israeli subjects, including two
young girls, who were boating on Lake Tiberias.
The United States deeply deplores these inci-
dents.
The evidence cited in the report of the United
Nations Truce Supervision Organization = is
admittedly circimistantial, but its ijnplications
arc clear enough. Tlie testimony of tl>e survivor
of the attack wlio saw the uniformed men shoot-
ing down his companions; the tracks which the
United Nations oflicials found leading to the
scone of tiie crime and continuing in the direc-
tion of Syria ; the spent bullets, cartridge cases,
' U.N. docs. S/.^.3i)-J and S/.'-.SOO.
• U.N. docs. S/5401 and Adds. 1-4.
520
and grenade fragments found in the vicinity
of the attiick; and the departure afterward in
the same direction, all add up to a clear picture
which permits objective observers to draw the
same conclusions about the origin of the attack.
Also we have before us a Syrian coxmtercom-
plaint ^ about incidents of August 19, 1963,
which the U.N. investigation has not corrob-
orated.
As the Security Coimcil is well aware, these
incidents are the latest in a long history of un-
rest and bloodshed on these frontiers.
Difficulties on the Syrian-Israeli frontiers
have broken out periodically ever since the sign-
ing of the General Armistice Agreement back
in 1948. Indeed this Council has devoted nearly
200 sessions — one-fifth of all its meetings — to
this subject. The nature of the alleged viola-
tions of the agreement varies somewhat from
time to time, but the fundamental cause of the
difficulties remains the same; it springs from
the failure of the two parties to live in peaceful
— if armed — truce in accordance with the armi-
stice agreement. This failure is at the cost —
now as in the past — of human lives lost and
continuing threats to peace. Although we find
ourselves back in session again on tlie same gen-
eral issue, I would like to emphasize tliat the
United States does not consider either past or
present efforts of this Council to be vain. Above
all, we wish to state that we consider any other
remedy for these difficulties than resort to the
United Nations to be dangerous to peace and
intolerable to the international community.
" U.N. doc. S/5395.
I
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
In the present connection we believe there
ire some hopeful signs. During the debate in
he Security Council on tlie Tiberias incident
n the spring of 1962,'' the United States repre-
lentative stressed repeatedly the necessity for
•,hunning direct unilateral action in the face of
provocation and for appealing to this body to
:ope with threats to the peace. We are grati-
ied to note that these new complaints have been
>rought to the Security Council. Of course,
ve also continue to believe that fuller recourse
;hould be had to United Nations machinery
)rovided locally for dealing with such
:omplaints.
Now that the Council has been summoned to
ict, it must accept its responsibilities and act
vith courage and wisdom in the light of the
lest evidence available to it. For us the course
chich this body should follow is clear. In all
ustice and in the interests of law and order
n international affairs, we believe this repre-
■lensible act of murder on August 19 deserves
he strongest condemnation. Only then can it
>e made clear that outrages of this kind cannot
)ass without the stern disapproval of the inter-
lational community.
In our consideration of this case we are for-
unate to have before us the report submitted
)y the Chief of Staff of the United Nations
Truce Supervision Organization. We all here
»we a debt of gratitude to the new Chief of
5taff of the United Nations Truce Supervision
)rganization, Lieutenant General Odd Bull,
ind to other United Nations officials, for the ex-
■ellent work they are doing in this area. Gen-
iral Bull's skill and tact in obtaining the agi-ee-
nent of both parties to observe a cease-fire and
0 permit visits by the United Nations Truce
Supervision Organization to both the demili-
arized zone and defensive areas are highly
lommendable.
This brings me to what we regard as the heart
)f the troubles which have erupted so often on
■he Israel-Syrian frontier. It is evident that,
argely as a result of the conflicting interests of
'he two parties and the varying interpretations
.vhich they have chosen to place upon the
* BuLMTiN of Apr. 30, 1962, p. 735.
meaning of the General Armistice Agreement,
the United Nations peacekeeping machinery is
unable to function as effectively as was orig-
inally intended and expected. Tliis problem
came to the attention of the Security Council
during its meetings on this subject in April of
1962, and you will recall that the resolution of
April 9, 1962,^ endorsed the measures recom-
mended by the then Chief of Straff for the
strengthening of the Tiiice Supervision Organi-
zation in its tasks of maintaining and restoring
the peace and detecting and deterring future
incidents and called upon the Israeli and Syrian
authorities to assist the Chief of Staff in their
early implementation. Unfortunately no no-
table progress resulted from that section of
the resolution.
We now have before us some recommenda-
tions which General Bull has in mind for the
strengthening of the United Nations Truce
Supervision Organization machinery. These
recommendations have been proposed by
General Bull in the light of his 3 montlis'
study of the problem. We believe the pro-
posals are wise ones and have been advanced
in full appreciation of the special points of view
of the two sides. We bel ieve that one element in
his proposals is absolutely vital. Without it
none of the others is likely to be very meaning-
ful. I refer to paragraph 41 in tlie report. In
it General Bull calls for the parties to "comply
fully with the order contained in the Security
Council resolution of 11 August 1949 to ob.serve
an unconditional cease-fire and should also ab-
stain from any acts of hostility as provided in
the General Armistice Agreement." General
Bull adds (and we fully endorse Ids statement) :
"I cannot therefore subscribe to any policy by
the parties based on the use of force, nor can I
condone any firing for whatever purpose across
the Armistice Demarcation Line."
We believe details of the plan for strength-
ening the United Nations Truce Supervision
Organization should be worked out by the Chief
of Staff in consultation with the Governments of
Israel and Syria. What is vital is the full
and willing cooperation, without reservation, of
the two sides with the Chief of Staff in what he
■ For text, see ibid., p. 737.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
521
is trying to accomplish. He will be able to
strengthen the United Nations Truce Super-
vision Organization only if the two sides are
willing to cooperate with him in his efforts.
Ultimately the United Nations Truce Super-
vision Organization can only be as useful as the
two sides want it to be.
Our belief is that the United Nations peace-
keeping organization, strengthened by such
measures as the Chief of Staff proposes, could
prevent many of the kinds of incidents which
both sides in this controversy are complaining
about to the Security Council today. And if
these incidents can be avoided, surely the ten-
sion which has gripped the frontiers of Syria
and Israel can be relaxed and the danger of
raids and retaliation significantly reduced.
This would be in the interests of both Israel
and Syria and in the interests of peace in the
Near East.
We do not believe that anybody can lightly
refuse to extend his full cooperation. The
peace and well-being of the people of the area
depend too much upon it. The judgment of the
United Nations and the world community is
based upon it. In the interests of all we be-
speak that cooperation vital to the success of
our efforts here today in behalf of interna-
tional peace.
STATEMENT BY MR. YOST, SEPTEMBER 3
D.S./U.N. press release 4239
I have asked for the floor to explain briefly
the United States position on the amendments
submitted by the distinguished delegate of
Morocco [Dey Ould Sidi Baba] contained in
document S/5410 to the resolution submitted by
the United Kingdom and my own delegation.
We understand the spirit which has prompted
the Moroccan delegation in putting forward
these amendments, and we have given the most
careful consideration to them. However, our
conclusion is that we cannot support them.
The first two amendments in our view sig-
nificantly change the meaning and the balance
of our resolution. We consider that they fail
to take into account the evidence surrounding
the incident at Almagor as presented to the
Council in the Secretary-General's report, anc
by this omission, if adopted, would cause thf
resolution to fail to deal with the first com-
plaint which the Council is meeting to consider
The distinguished representative of Moroccc
has given us today a rather detailed interpreta-
tion of the events at Almagor. Frankly, wc
have not felt justified in engaging in an inter-
pretation of these events but have felt it wisei
for the Council simply to limit itself to the fact*
as set forth in the Secretary-General's report
That is what we have attempted to do in para-
graphs 1 and 2 of our resolution. The proposed
revisions of these paragraphs would, in our
opinion, simply leave this whole incident pend-
ing in the air. We do not believe, therefore,
that these amendments would be compatible
with our resolution.
We cannot support the third amendment sug-
gested by the representative from Morocco. My
delegation certainly regrets any infringement
of the General Armistice Agreement, but we be-
lieve the more useful and significant action for
the Council to take in this connection is, as pro-
posed in paragraph 3 of the United Kingdom
and United States draft, to note that, while
there was an exchange of fire on August 20,
there was not a substantial and menacing show
of force in the demilitarized zone as had been
claimed.
With regard to the fourth amendment pro-
posed, the United States had repeatedly ex-
pressed its regret that the Armistice Commis-
sion has not functioned as envisaged in the
General Armistice Agreement. However, in
this case, the Chief of Staff of the U.N. Truce
Supervision Organization proposed a number
of measures which, in his estimation, could lead
to the alleviation of tension and restoration of
tranquillity in the area. We do believe it im-
portant for the Security Council to support the
Chief of Staff in his efforts, but we would not
consider it helpful to him if the Council were
to single out for special emphasis only one
aspect of his suggestions — suggestions which he
made as a whole to the parties concerned and
which depend for implementation on the par-
ties concerned. We believe the most effective
approach for the Council is to support the need
522
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BtTLLETIN
for measures such as those proposed by the
;^hief of Staff, to call upon the parties to co-
jperate with the Chief of Staff, but at the same
ime to allow him full discretion in his con-
niltations with the parties concerned. This we
feel is the better way to achieve progress rather
than attempting to prejudge which issue or
issues should receive the most or the first
attention.
For these reasons, Mr. President, the United
States will abstain on the amendments sub-
mitted in document S/5410.''
TEXT OF DRAFT RESOLUTION ?
The Security Council,
Eaving heard the statements of the representatives
of Israel and the Syrian Arab Republic,
Taking into consideration the report of the Secre-
tary-General dated 24 August 1963,
1. Condemns the wanton murder at Almagor in Is-
rael territory of two Israel citizens on 19 August 1963 ;
2. CaUg the attention of the Syrian Arab Republic to
evidence in the Secretary-General's report to the effect
that those responsible for the killings appear to have
been an armed group who entered Israel territory
from the direction of the Jordan River and afterwards
left in the same direction ;
3. Notes with satisfaction that the report of the
Secretary-General indicates that, although there was
an exchange of fire, there was no substantial show of
force in the demilitarized zone on 20 August 1963 ;
4. Appeals to the parties to co-operate in the early
exchange of prisoners in accordance with the sugges-
tion contained in paragraph 49 of the Secretary-Gen-
eral's report ;
5. yiotes from the report of the Secretary-General
that the Chief of Staff of the United Nations Truce
Supervision Organization has proposed to the parties
concerned certain measures to alleviate tension and
restore tranquillity in the area ;
6. Calls upon the parties to offer to the Chief of
Staff all possible co-operation in the pursuit of this end
in conformity with the General Armistice Agreement;
7. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the
Security Council by 31 December 1963 on the progress
made in regard to the measures proposed by the Chief
of Staff.
° The Moroccan amendments were defeated on Sept. 3
by a vote of 2 to 0, with 9 abstentions.
' U.N. doc. S/5407 ; not adopted, owing to the nega-
tive vote of a permanent member of the Council. The
vote on Sept. 3 was 8 to 2 (Morocco, U.S.S.R.), with
1 abstention (Venezuela).
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
il imeographcd or processed documents {such as those
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may
be purchased from the Sales Section of the United
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y.
Security Council
Telegram dated August 21, 1963, from the Secretary
General of the Organization of American States ad-
dressed to the U.N. Secretary-General concerning
OAS action taken with regard to Haiti situation.
S/5398. August 21, 1903. 1 p. ; letter dated August
16, 1963, from the Secretary General of the OAS ad-
dressed to the Secretary-General of the U.N. trans-
mitting a copy of the resolution approved by the OAS
in connection with situation between the Dominican
Republic and Haiti, S/5399, August 23, 1963, 2 pp.
Syria-Israel dispute:
Letter dated August 20, 1963, from the acting per-
manent representative of Israel addressed to the
President of the Security Council. S/5394. Au-
gust 21, 1963. 2 pp.
Letter dated August 21, 1963, from the permanent
representative of Syria addressed to the President
of the Security Council. S/5395. August 21, 1963.
Ip.
Letter dated August 21, 1963, from the permanent
representative of Israel addressed to the President
of the Security Council. S/5396. August 22,
1963. 6 pp.
Report by the Secretary-General concerning recent
incidents in and near the demilitarized zone cre-
ated by article V, paragraph 5, of the Israel-Syria
armistice agreement, S/0401, August 24, 1963, 47
pp. ; Add. 1 and Corr. 1, August 26, 1963, 11 pp. ;
Add 2, August 26, 1963, 13 pp. ; Add. 3, August 27,
1963, 12 pp. ; Add. 4, August 27, 1963, 4 pp.
General Assembly
Letters dated July 29 and 30, 1963, from the alter-
native representative of Mexico addressed to the
Secretary-General regarding Mexico's intention to
sign the limited nuclear test ban treaty. A/54b».
Julv 31, 1963. 2 pp.
Comments received from governments regarding con-
sideration of principles of international law con-
cerning friendlv relations and cooperation among
states in accordance with the Charter of the United
Nations. A/5470, August 7, 1963, 47 pp., and
Add. 1, September 6, 1963, 5 pp. „ u
Policies of apartheid of the Government of the Repub-
lic of South Africa. Letter dated August 2, 1963.
from the representative of Guinea addressed to the
Secretarv-General, A/.5472. August 2. 1963, 2 pp.;
letter dated Julv 25, 1963, from the representative
of Mali addressed to the Secretary-General, A/54 (4,
August 8, 1963. 2 pp. ^ ■ ,
Report of the Secretary-General on manifestations or
racial prejudice and national and religious intoler-
ance. A/5473. August 9, 1963. 77 pp.
Note verbale dated August 7, 1963, from the permanent
mission of Bulgaria addressed to the Secretary-Gen-
eral concerning the limited nuclear test ban treaty.
A/.5475. August 9, 1963. 4 pp.
Note verbale dated August 5, 1963, from the representa-
tives of Ethiopia, Nigeria, and the United Arab Re-
public addressed to the Secretary-General concern-
8EPTEMBER 30, 1963
523
lag oeaaaUon of nod^ar weapon tesU. A/&476.
August 12, 1!>63. 5 pp
Economic and Social Council
United Nations conference on trade and developniMit
Report of the group of exi«rt3, E/375e. June 27.
1063. 107 pp. ; report of the preparatory committee
on its second session, E, 37&&, July 5, 1963. 131 pp.,
and Corr. 1, .lu:; ii. ]'••;.';. 'j pp.; statement of
financial ; : ed by the .Secretary-
General, y. 14 pp.
Bepr>rt of tl.. ' .ijman Rights. E/3806.
July 8. l'J»«. I'U'W-
Commanication from the head of the Soviet delega-
tion addressed to the President of the Economic and
Social Council requesting iDfln.«ion in the agenda
of the .3«th session an item entitled "The policy of
genocide which is being pursued by the Government
of the Republic of Iraq against the Kurdish people."
E/3809. July 9, 1963. 5 pp.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Coffee
International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes.
Or>en for signature at United Nations Headquarters,
New York, September 28 through November 30, 1962.
Entered into force provisionally July 1, 196.3.
Notifications received of undertaking to geek ratifica-
tion or acceptance: Congo i Lctipoldville), Costa
Rica, July 25, 1963 ; Federal Republic of Germanv,
July 19, 1963: Haiti, July 2.";. 1963: .Spain, July 9,
1963; Switzerland, July 2.j, l'.H53; Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, July 2C, 1963.
Copyright
Universal c-opyright convention. Done at Geneva Sep-
tember 6. 19.")2. Entered into force September 16,
19."). TIAS 3324.
liatification dcponitcd: Pern, July IC, 1963.
Cultural
Agreement on the lnipr>rtation of educational, scientific,
and cultural materials, and protocol. Done at Lake
Succ«^ss November 22, 19."i0. Entered into force May
21. 19.52.'
Acceptance deposited: Ivory Coast, July 19, 1963.
Finance
Articles of agreement of the International Monetary
Fund. Ojwned for signature at Washington Decem-
ber 27, VMT,. Entered into force December 27, 1945.
TIAS l.Wl.
Hignaturea: Gabon, Mauritania, September 10, 1963.
Articles of agreement of the Internatiimal Hank for
Re<fm.structlon and Development. Oix'ncd for sig-
nature at Washington December 27. 194."). Entered
into force December 27, 1!>4.'). TI.VS l.")02.
Signature*: Gabon, Mauritania, September 10, 1963.
Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos
phere, in outer space and onder water. Done a-'
Moscow Aognst 5, 1963.'
Signatures affured at Washington: Gabon. Septembei
10, 1963: Austria. Sierra Leone, September 11
1963 ; Mauritania, Septemtier 13, 1963.
Oil Pollution
Amendments to the international convention for thf
prevention of pollution of the sea by oil, 1954 (TIAS
4900) . Done at London April 11, 1962.'
Acceptance deposited: United ECingdom, August 28
1963.
Sugar
International stigar agreement, 1058. Done at Londoo
December 1, 1958. Entered into force January 1.
1959 ; for the United States October 9, 1959. TIAS
4.389.
Extension to: Swaziland, July 12, 1963.
Trade
Declaration on the provisional accession of Argentina
to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Done at Geneva November 18, 1960. Entered into
force October 14, 1962.
Signuture: Yugoslavia (subject to ratification), Au-
gust 6, 1963.
Declaration on the provisional accession of Yugoslavia
to the General Agreement on TariCs and Trade.
Done at Geneva November 13, 1962. Entered into
force April 27. 1963.'
Signatures: Austria (^subject to ratification), June
20, 1963 ; Brazil. July 8. 19a3 : Tanganyika. July 1,
1963 ; United Arab RepubUc. June 24, 1963.
Wheat
International wheat agreement, 1962. Oi)en for sig-
nature at Washington April 19 through May 1.5. 1962.
Entered into force July 16, 1962, for part 1 and parts
III to VII, and August 1, 1962, for part II. TIAS
5115.
Accessions deposited: Brazil. September 6, 1963;
Guatemala, August 29, 1963; Iceland, September
10, 1963.
BILATERAL
Brazil
Agreement amending the agricultural commoditiee
agreement of March 15. 1962, as amended (TIAS
5061 and 5333). Effected by exchange of notes at
Rio de Janeiro August 22, 1963. Entered into force
Aiigu-st 22, 1963.
India
Agreement relating to the exemption of United States
military aircraft from landing and housing fees.
Effected by exchange of notes at New Delhi March 5
and July 22, 1963. Entered into force July 22, 1963.
Iraq
Agricultural commodities iigreement muler title IV at
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of 10.54, as amended (68 Stat. 4,54 ; 73 Stat. 610;
7 U.S.C. 1731-1736), with exchange of notes. Signed
at Baghdad August 27, 1963. Entered into force
August 27, 1963.
' Not in force for the United States.
' Not in force.
524
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN
DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE
Confirmations
The Senate on September 9 confirmed the following
ominations :
Henry A. Byroade to be Ambassador to the Union
f Burma. (For biographic details, see Department of
;tate press release 470 dated September 13. )
William O. Hall to be Assistant Administrator for
administration, Agency for International Develop-
lent. (For biographic details, see White House press
elease dated August 20.)
Graham A. Martin to be Ambassador to Thailand.
For biographic detaUs, see Department of State press
elease 477 dated September 17.)
Gen. Herbert B. Powell, U.S. Army, retired, to be
onbassador to New Zealand. (For biographic de-
ails, see Department of State press release 466 dated
^ptember 11.)
■'oreign Service Selection Boards Meet
The Department of State announced on September
1 (press release 468) that the 1963 Foreign Service
Officer Selection Boards had convened on that day to
■onsider promotions for Foreign Service officer and
Toreign Service Reserve officer personnel.
Some 4,000 officers whose performance files will be
•eviewed staff the more than 300 embassies, legations,
ind consulates located in over a hundred countries
•vith whom the United States conducts foreign rela-
jons. In addition these officers serve in Washington
ji the Department of State and other executive agen-
nes, including AID, ACDA, Commerce, Defense, Labor.
Treasury, and USIA.
The Boards are esi)ected to complete their review
within 2 months.
Members of the eight Selection Boards include For-
eign Service officers, public members drawn from pri-
vate life, and members and observers from other execu-
tive agencies which have significant foreign affairs
interests.
In recognition of the purpose and importance of the
selection system tie Department has called on a num-
ber of ambassadors to serve on the Boards. Among
the Boards' chairmen are John O. Bell, Ambassador to
.Guatemala ; Wymberley DeR. Coerr, Ambassador to
Uruguay ; Thomas S. Estes, Ambassador to the Re-
public of Upper Volta ; Raymond A. Hare, Ambassador
to Turkey; Robinson Mcllvaine, Ambassador to Da-
homey ; Murat W. Williams, Ambassador to El Salva-
dor; Bernard A. Gufler, former Ambassador to
Finland ; and Thomas W. McElhiney, Deputy Chief of
Mission, Khartoum.
Also serving on the Boards are David K. E. Bruce,
Ambassador to the United Kingdom ; Philip M. Kaiser,
Ambassador to Senegal and Mauritania ; PhUip Bonsai,
former Ambassador to Morocco; and Elbert G.
Mathews, Director of the Office of Inter-African Af-
fairs and former Ambassador to Liberia.
The public members are Charles N. Hall, industrial
engineer. Industrial Union Department, AFL-CIO;
William Figy, insurance executive, Denver, Colo. ;
Jerome Keithley, City Manager of Palo Alto, Calif. ;
Russell M. Stephens, president, American Federation
of Technical Engineers; and Harold F. Wendell,
department store executive, Portland, Oreg.
Voting members from other executive agencies are
Oliver Bongard, director. Exhibits Participation Divi-
sion, Department of Commerce; G. Huntington Damon,
public affairs officer, USIA, Seoul, Korea ; George Day,
foreign agricultural marketing specialist. Department
of Agrictilture ; Kenneth Douty, European area spe-
cialist. Labor Department ; and Harold Heck, director.
International Trade Analysis Division, Department of
Commerce.
Observers serving on the Boards are Herbert J.
Cummings, director. Performance Evaluation Division,
Department of Commerce; Edwin H. Bryant, Consul-
tant to the director. Office of Commercial Services,
Department of Commerce ; Lowell B. Kilgore, business
analyst. Department of Commerce; William R. Hay-
den, chief. Program and Facilities Evaluation Section,
Department of Commerce; Edward Sylvester, deputy
bureau administrator. Department of Labor ; James
D. Hoover, Far Eastern area specialist. Department
of Labor; Patrick S. Cooney, chief. Overseas Service
Branch, Department of Labor ; and Mary Cannon, inter-
national relations officer. Department of Labor.
Department Sets Up Office for Special
Representational Services
The Department of State announced on September 5
(press release 457) the establishment of the Office for
Special Representational Services and the abolition of
the Special Protocol Services Section. The new office,
directed by Pedro A. Sanjuan, will perform virtually
the same functions formerly discharged by the abol-
ished section — also headed by Mr. Sanjuan. In the
organizational change, the new office will report di-
rectly to William J. Crockett, the Deputy Under Secre-
tary for Administration.
The change reflects the Department's need to pro-
vide many special services to the Washington diplo-
matic community, which has expanded rapidly during
the past few years. A new responsibility given the
new office is the development of guidelines on civil
rights for use in the Department and at overseas posts.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1963
525
other responsibilities of the Office of Special Repre-
sentational Services will include:
—providing assistance to diplomatic missions in
Washington regarding such matters as orientation in
the United States, housing and schooling, and travel ;
—handling matters relating to the establishment,
expansion, or relocation of diplomatic missions In
Washington, including questions of zoning;
—handling complaints and incidents involving for-
eign government representatives, whether received di-
rectly or referred by the Office of Protocol or regional
bureaus, including those which might result from
racial discrimination ;
—helping coordinate arrangements for travel for
foreign dignitaries and for foreign visitors who come
to the United States under Federal sponsorship.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printino Offlce. Wasliinrilon, D.C. 20/,02. Ad-
dress requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, except in the case of free publications, which
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services,
Department of State.
Health and Sanitation— Cooperative Program. Agree-
ment with El Salvador, extending the Program Agree-
ment of Fel)ruary 2i). 1944, as extended and supple-
mented. Exchange of notes— Signed at San Salvador
June 17 and 21, IIXIO. Entered into force June 27,
19G0. TIAS r.:n5. 3 pp. 5(>.
Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Israel relat-
ing to the agreement of August 7 and 8, 19.'>2, as
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Tel Aviv and
Jerusalem Feliruary .'> and 20, 1903. Entered into force
February 20. 1903. TIAS 5316. 3 pp. 5«;.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with India
anieniling the agroonieiit of November 26, 1962. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at New Delhi April 1, 1903.
Entered Into force April 1, 1903. TIAS 5317. 2 pp.
C1alm<i — Settlement of Certain Claims Against Mem-
bers of United States .\rmed Forces (Including De-
pendents) Insured by Brandaris Insurance Company
in Germany. Acreeinont with the Federal I{epul)lie
of Germany. Exclinngo of letters — Signed at Bonn/
Bad Godeslierg and Honn February 2S and March 14,
1963. Entered into force March 14, 1903. TIAS 5318.
6 pp. 5(f.
Naval Matters — Furnishing of Certain Supplies and
Services to Naval Vessels. Agreement with Aus-
tralia, amending the agreement of December 19 and
31. I'.i.'iii. Exchange of notes — Signed at Canberra
March 28, 1903. Entered Into force March 28, 1963.
TIAS 5319. 2 pp. 5^.
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with BoUyl
amending the agreement of February 12, 1962, i
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at La Paz Marc
29, 1963. Entered Into force March 29, 1963. TIA
5320. 3 pp. 5(>.
Education — Educational Foundation and Financing <
Exchange Programs. Agreement with the Philippine
Signed at Manila March 23, 1903. Entered into fon
March 23, 1963. TIAS 5321. 6 pp. 5<f.
Trade. Agreement with Paraguay, postponing the tc
mination of the agreement of September 12, 1946, (
postponed and brought up to date. Exchange (
notes— Signed at Asuuci6n February 27 and March 2
1963. Entered into force March 29, 1963. TIAS 532:
3 pp. 5(*.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 9-15
Press releases may be obtained from the Office
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C.
20520.
Release issued prior to September 9 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 457
of September 5.
Sabject
U.S. participation in international
conferences.
Delegation to U.N. General Assem-
bly (biographic details).
Cleveland : "The Uses of Diversity"
(revised) ; see Bulletin of Sept.
23,
Deadline for claims under Austrian
persecutee fund.
G. Griffith Johnson : "The Interna-
tional Aviation Policy of the
United States."
Cleveland participating in NATO
consultations (rewrite).
Rusk : "Unfinished Business" (as-
delivered text).
Gardner : "The ISth General Assem-
bly : A Testing Ground of Hopes
and Opportunities."
Powell sworn in as Ambassador to
New Zealand (biographic
details).
Harriman : regional foreign policy
conference, Boston (excerpts).
Foreign Service Officer Selection
Boards (rewrite).
Decision to conduct Antarctica in-
spection.
Byroade sworn in as Ambassador
to Burma (biographic details).
G. Griffith Johnson: "The Climate
of World Trade and United
States-Canadian Trade Rela-
tions."
Cleveland: "The 18th General As-
sembly : Fair and a Little
Warmer, With Scattered Thun-
dersliowers."
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later Issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
*45a
9/9
*459
9/9
460
9/9
t461
9/9
462
9/9
463
9/9
464
9/10
465
9/10
*466
9/11
*467
9/11
468
9/11
469
9/13
♦470
9/13
1471
9/14
1472
9/14
626
DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIK
NDEX Septemher 30, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1266
iitarctica. U.S. To Conduct Inspection in
Antarctica (Department statement) .... 513
tomic Energy
he ISth General Assembly : A Testing Ground
of Hopes and Opportunities (Gardner) . . . 501
resident Urges Senate Approval of Test Ban
Treaty 496
.Tiation. The International Aviation Policy of
the United States (Johnson) 508
!umia. Byroade confirmed as Ambassador . . 525
'anada. North Pacific Fishery Conference Held
at Tokyo (Kennedy) 519
;ongress
'onfirmations (Byroade, Hall, Martin, Powell) . 525
•resident Urges Senate Approval of Test Ban
Treaty 496
.ome Perspectives on the Current Debates on
Aid (Coffin) 514
Villiam Matson Roth Confirmed Deputy for
Trade Negotiations 519
!;uba. Unfinished Business (Rusk) 490
)epartment and Foreign Service
:onfirmations (Byroade, Hall, Martin. Powell) . 525
Department Sets Up Office for Special Represen-
■ tational Services 525
j'oreign Service Selection Boards Meet .... 525
Jnfinished Business (Rusk) 490
Disarmament. The ISth General Assembly : A
Testing Ground of Hopes and Opportunities
(Gardner) 501
Economic Affairs
N'orth Pacific Fishery Conference Held at Tokyo
(Kennedy) 519
William Matson Roth Confirmed Deputy for
Trade Negotiations 519
Foreign Aid
Hall confirmed as Assistant Administrator for
Administration, AID 525
Some Perspectives on the Current Debates on
Aid (Coffin) 514
Unfinished Business (Rusk) 490
Human Rights. The 18th General Assembly : A
Testing Ground of Hopes and Opportunities
(Gardner) 501
Israel. Soviet Union Vetoes U.S.-U.K. Resolu-
tion in Security Council on Israel and Syrian
Complaints (Stevenson, Yost, text of draft
resolution) 520
Japan. North Pacific Fishery Conference Held
at Tokyo (Kennedy) 519
Laos. Soviet Charge on Introduction of Aircraft
Into Laos Rejected 500
New Zealand. Powell confirmed as Ambassa-
dor 525
Non-Self-Goveming Territories. The 18th Gen-
eral Assembly : A Testing Ground of Hopes
and Opportunities (Gardner) 501
513
519
498
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Mr. Cleve-
land Discusses U.N. Affairs at NATO Session .
Presidential Documents
North Pacific Fishery Conference Held at Tokyo .
President Discusses Viet-Nam on CBS and NBC
News Programs
President Urges Senate Approval of Test Ban
Treaty 499
Publications. Recent Releases 526
Science. The 18th General Assembly: A Test-
ing Ground of Hopes and Opportunities (Gard-
ner) 501
Syria. Soviet Union Vetoes U.S.-U.K. Resolu-
tion in Security Council on Israel and Syrian
Complaints (Stevenson, Yost, text of draft
resolution) 520
Thailand. Martin confirmed as Ambassador . 525
Treaty Information
Current Actions 524
North Pacific Fishery Conference Held at
Tokyo (Kennedy) 519
President Urges Senate Approval of Test Ban
Treaty 4%
U.S.S.R.
Soviet Charge on Introduction of Aircraft Into
Laos Rejected 500
Soviet Union Vetoes U.S.-U.K. Resolution in Se-
curity Council on Israel and Syrian Com-
plaints (Stevenson, Yost, text of draft resolu-
tion) 520
Unfinished Business (Rusk) 490
United Nations
Mr. Cleveland Discusses U.N. Affairs at NATO
Session
Current U.N. Documents
The 18th General Assembly : A Testing Ground
of Hopes and Opportunities (Gardner) . . .
Soviet Union Vetoes U.S.-U.K. Resolution in Se-
curity Council on Israel and Syrian Com-
plaints (Stevenson, Yost, text of draft resolu-
tion)
Viet-Nam. President Discusses Viet-Nam on
CBS and N'BC News Programs 498
Same Index
Brinkley, David 499
Byroade, Henry A 525
Coffin, Frank M 514
Cronkite, Walter 498
Gardner, Richard N 501
Hall. William O 525
Huntley, Chet 499
Johnson, G. Griffith 508
Kennedy, President 496,498,519
Martin, Graham A 525
Powell, Herbert B 525
Roth, William Matson 519
Busk, Secretary 490
Stevenson, Adlai E 520
Yost, Charles W 522
513
523
501
520
. fiOVCRMHENT I
Superintendent of Documents
u.s. government printing office
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20402
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