Skip to main content

Full text of "Department of State bulletin"

See other formats







Vol. XLIX, No. 1267 

October 7, 1963 


Address hy President Kennedy 530 


hy W. W. Rostow, Counselor 536 


iy Assistant Secretary Johnson 5^3 


• hy Assistant Secretary Cleveland 653 


U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY 556 -ston Public Library 

Superintendent of Documents 

For index see inside hack cover 

OCT 15 1963 

New Opportunities in tlie Search for Peace 

Address by President Kennedy ^ 

Mr. President — as one who has taken some 
interest in the election of Presidents, I want to 
congratulate you on your election to tills liigh 
office - — Mr. Secretary-General, delegates to the 
United Nations, ladies and gentlemen : 

We meet again in the quest for peace. 

Twenty-four months ago, when I last had the 
honor of addressing this body, the shadow of 
fear lay darkly across the world. The freedom 
of West Berlin was in immediate peril. Agree- 
ment on a neutral Laos seemed remote. The 
mandate of the United Nations in the Congo 
was mider fii-e. The financial outlook for this 
organization was in doubt. Dag Hammarskjold 
was dead. The doctrine of troika was being 
pressed in his place, and atmospheric nuclear 
tests had been resumed by the Soviet Union. 

' Made before the 18th session of the U.N. General 
Assembly at the United Nations, N.Y., on Sept. 20 
(White House press release (New York, N.Y.) ; as- 
delivered text). 

'Carlos Sosa Rodriguez, of Venezuela, was elected 
Prosiflont of tlio isth session on Sept. 17. 

Those were anxious days for mankind, and 
some men wondered aloud whether tliis orga- 
nization could survive. But the IGth and 17th 
General Assemblies achieved not only survival 
but progress. Rising to its responsibility, the 
United Nations helped reduce the tensions and 
helped to hold back the darkness. 

Today the clouds have lifted a little so that 
new rays of hope can break through. The 
pressures on West Berlin appear to be tempo- 
rarily eased. Political unity in the Congo has 
been largely restored. A neutral coalition in 
Laos, while still in difficulty, is at least in being. 
The integrity of the United Nations Secretariat 
has been reaffirmed. A United Nations Decade 
of Development is mider way. And, for the 
first time in 17 years of effort, a specific step 
has been taken to limit the nuclear arms race. 

I refer, of course, to the treaty to ban nuclear 
tests in the atmosphere, outer space, and under 
water, concluded by the Soviet Union, the 
United Kingdom, and the United States and 
already signed by nearly 100 countries. It has 


The DepartmeDt of State Bnlletln, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government with Informa- 
tion on developments In the field of for- 
eign relations and on the work of the 
Department of Stale and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, Issued 
by the White nou»e and the Dopnrtment, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the TreHldent and liy the .Secretary of 
State ond other offleers of the Depnrt- 

ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of International affairs and 
the functions of the Department Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and International agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial In the field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is tor sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, D.S. Govern- 

ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 
20402. Price : 52 Issues, domestic $8.60, 
foreign {12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents. 

Dse of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and Items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
Is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



been hailed by people the world over who are 
thankful to be free from the fears of nuclear 
fallout, and I am confident that on next Tues- 
day at 10 :30 o'clock in the morning it will re- 
ceive the overwhelming endorsement of the 
Senate of the United States. 

The world has not escaped fi-om the dark- 
ness. The long shadows of conflict and crisis 
envelop us still. But we meet today in an at- 
mosphere of rising hope and at a moment of 
comparative calm. My presence here today is 
not a sign of crisis, but of confidence. I am not 
here to report on a new threat to the peace or 
new signs of war. I have come to salute the 
United Nations and to show the support of the 
American people for your daily deliberations. 

For the value of this body's work is not de- 
pendent on the existence of emergencies — nor 
can the wimiing of peace consist only of 
dramatic victories. Peace is a daily, a weekly, 
a monthly process, gradually changing opin- 
ions, slowly eroding old barriers, quietly build- 
ing new structures. Aiid however imdramatic 
the pursuit of peace, that pursuit must go on. 

Today we may have reached a pause in the 
cold war, but that is not a lasting peace. A test 
ban treaty is a milestone, but it is not the mil- 
lennium. We have not been released from our 
obligations; we have been given an opportunity. 
And if we fail to make the most of this moment 
and this momentum, if we convert our new- 
found hopes and understandings into new walls 
and weapons of hostility, if this pause in the 
cold war merely leads to its renewal and not to 
its end, then the indictment of posterity will 
rightly point its finger at us all. But if we 
can stretch this pause into a period of coopera- 
tion, if both sides can now gain new confidence 
and experience in concrete collaborations for 
peace, if we can now be as bold and farsighted 
in the control of deadly weapons as we have 
been in their creation, then surely this first small 
step can be the start of a long and fruitful 

Peace, an Undertaking for All Nations 

The task of building the peace lies with the 
leaders of every nation, large and small. For 
the great powers have no monopoly on conflict 
or ambition. The cold war is not the only ex- 

pression of tension in this world, and the nuclear 
race is not the only anns race. Even little wars 
are dangerous in a nuclear world. The long 
labor of peace is an undertaking for every na- 
tion, and in this effort none of us can remain 
unalined. To this goal none can be un- 

The reduction of global tension must not be an 
excuse for the narrow pursuit of self-interest. 
If the Soviet Union and the United States, with 
all of their global interests and clashing com- 
mitments of ideology, and with nuclear weapons 
still aimed at each other, today can find areas 
of common interest and agreement, then surely 
other nations can do the same — nations caught 
in regional conflicts, in racial issues, or in the 
death thi-oes of old colonialism. 

Chronic disputes which divert precious re- 
sources from the needs of the people or drain 
the energies of both sides serve the interests of 
no one, and the badge of responsibility in the 
modem world is a willingness to seek peaceful 

It is never too early to try, and it's never too 
late to talk ; and it's high time that many dis- 
putes on the agenda of this Assembly were taken 
off the debating schedule and placed on the 
negotiating table. 

Basic Differences Between U.S. and U.S.S.R. 

The fact remains that the United States, as 
a major nuclear power, does have a special re- 
sponsibility in the world. It is, in fact, a three- 
fold responsibility — a responsibility to our own 
citizens, a responsibility to the people of the 
whole world who are affected by our decisions, 
and to the next generation of humanity. We 
believe the Soviet Union also has these special 
responsibilities and that those responsibilities 
require our two nations to concentrate less on 
our differences and more on the means of re- 
solving them peacefully. For too long both of 
us have increased our military budgets, our nu- 
clear stockpiles, and our capacity to destroy all 
life on this hemisphere— human, animal, vege- 
table — without any corresponding increase in 
our security. 

Our conflicts, to be sure, are real. Our con- 
cepts of the world are different. No ser\'ice 
is performed by failing to make clear our dis- 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


aj^reements. A central difference is the belief 
of the American people in self-determination 
for all people. 

We believe that the people of Germany and 
Berlin must be free to reunite their capital and 
their country. 

We believe that the people of Cuba must be 
free to secure the fruits of the revolution that 
has been betrayed from within and exploited 
from without. 

In short, we believe that all the world — in 
eastern Europe as well as western, in southern 
Africa as well as northern, in old nations as 
well as new — that people must be free to choose 
their own future, witliout discrimination or dic- 
tation, without coercion or subversion. 

These are the basic differences between the 
Soviet Union and the United States, and they 
cannot be concealed. So long as they exist, they 
set limits to agreement and they forbid the 
relaxation of our vigilance. Our defense 
around the world will be maintained for the 
protex;tion of freedom, and our determination 
to safeguard that freedom will measure up to 
any threat or challenge. 

But I would say to the leaders of the Soviet 
Union, and to their people, that if either of 
our countries is to be fully secure, we need a 
much better weapon than the H-bomli — a weap- 
on better than ballistic missiles or nuclear sub- 
marines — and that better weapon is peaceful 

We have, in recent years, agreed on a limited 
test ban treaty, on an emergency commimica- 
tions link between our capitals, on a statement 
of principles for disarmament, on an increase 
in cultural exchange, on cooperation in outer 
space, on the peaceful exploration of the Ant- 
arctic, and on tempering last year's crisis over 

New Steps Toward Peaceful Cooperation 

I believe, therefore, tliat the Soviet Union and 
the United States, together with their allies, 
can achieve further agreements — agreements 
which spring from our mutual interest in avoid- 
ing mutual destruction. 

Tliere can be no doubt about the agenda of 
further steps. We must continue to seek agree- 
ments on measures which prevent war by acci- 

dent or miscalculation. We must continue to 
seek agreement on safeguards against surprise 
attack, including observation posts at key 
points. We must continue to seek agreement 
on further measures to curb the nuclear arms 
race, by controlling the transfer of nuclear 
weapons, converting fissionable materials to 
peaceful purposes, and banning underground 
testing, with adequate inspection and enforce- 
ment. We must continue to seek agreement on 
a freer flow of information and people from 
East to West and West to East. 

We must continue to seek agreement, encour- 
aged by yesterday's affirmative response to 
this proposal by the Soviet Foreign Minister, 
on an arrangement to keep weapons of mass 
destruction out of outer space. Let us get our 
negotiators back to the negotiating table to 
work out a practicable arrangement to this end. 

In these and other waj's, let us move up the 
steep and difficult path toward comprehensive 
disarmament, securing mutual confidence 
through mutual verification and building the 
institutions of peace as we dismantle the en- 
gines of war. We must not let failure to agree 
on all points delay agreements where agreement 
is possible. And we must not put forward pro- 
posals for propaganda purposes. 

Finally, in a field where the United States 
and the Soviet Union have a special capacity — 
in the field of space — there is room for new co- 
operation, for further joint efforts in the regula- 
tion and exploration of space. I include among 
these possibilities a joint expedition to the moon. 
Space offers no problems of sovereignty; by 
resolution of this Assembly,' the members of 
the United Nations have forsworn any claim to 
territorial rights in outer space or on celestial 
bodies and declared that international law and 
the United Nations Charter will apply. Why, 
therefore, should man's first flight to the moon 
lie a matter of national competition? Why 
should the United States and the Soviet Union, 
in preparing for such expeditions, become in- 
volved in immense duplications of research, 
construction, and expenditure? Surely we 
should explore whether the scientists and astro- 
nauts of our two countries — indeed, of all the 
world — cannot work together in the conquest 

" For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 29, 1962, p. 185. 



of space, sending some day in this decade to the 
moon not the representatives of a single nation 
but the representatives of all of our countries. 

All these and other new steps toward peace- 
ful cooperation may be possible. Most of them 
will require on our part full consultation with 
our allies, for their interests are as much in- 
volved as our own and we will not make an 
agreement at their expense. Most of them will 
require long and careful negotiation. And most 
of them will require a new approach to the cold 
war — a desire not to "bury" one's adversary but 
to compete in a host of peaceful arenas, in ideas, 
in production, and ultimately in service to all 

The contest will continue — the contest be- 
tween those who see a monolithic world and 
those who believe in diversity — but it should 
be a contest in leadership and responsibility in- 
stead of destruction, a contest in achievement 
instead of intimidation. Speaking for the 
United States of America, I welcome such a 
contest. For we believe that truth is stronger 
than error and that freedom is more enduring 
than coercion. And in the contest for a better 
life, all the world can be a winner. 

Improving the Conditions of Man 

The effort to improve the conditions of man, 
however, is not a task for a few. It is the task 
of all nations — acting alone, acting in groups, 
acting in the United Nations — for plague and 
pestilence, and plunder and pollution, the haz- 
ards of nature, and the hunger of children are 
the foes of every nation. The earth, the sea, 
and the air are the concern of every nation. 
And science, technology, and education can be 
the ally of every nation. 

Never before has man had such capacity to 
control his own environment — to end thirst and 
hunger, to conquer poverty and disease, to ban- 
ish illiteracy and massive human misery. We 
have the power to make this the best genera- 
tion of mankind in the history of the world — 
or to make it the last. 

The United States since the close of the war 
has sent over $100 billion worth of assistance 
to nations seeking economic viability. And 2 
years ago this week we formed a Peace Corps 
to help interested nations meet the needs for 

trained manpower. Other industrialized na- 
tions whose economies were rebuilt not so long 
ago with some help from us are now in turn 
recognizing their responsibility to the less de- 
veloped nations. 

The provision of development assistance by 
individual nations must go on. But the United 
Nations also must play a larger role in helping 
bring to all men the fruits of modem science 
and industry. A United Nations conference on 
this subject, held earlier this year at Geneva, 
opened new vistas for the developing countries. 
Next year a United Nations conference on trade 
will consider the needs of these nations for new 
markets. And more than four-fifths of the en- 
tire United Nations system can be found today 
mobilizing the weapons of science and tech- 
nology for the United Nations Decade of 

But more can be done : 

— A world center for health communications 
imder the World Health Organization could 
warn of epidemics and the adveree effects of 
certain drugs, as well as transmit the results 
of new experiments and new discoveries. 

— Regional research centers could advance 
our common medical knowledge and train new 
scientists and doctors for new nations. 

— A global system of satellites could provide 
communication and weather information for 
all comers of the earth. 

— A worldwide program of conservation 
could protect the forest and wild game pre- 
serves now in danger of extinction for all time, 
improve the marine harvest of food from our 
oceans, and prevent the contamination of air 
and water by industrial as well as nuclear pol- 

—And finally, a worldwide program of farm 
productivity and food distribution, similar to 
our country's Food for Peace program, could 
now give every child the food he needs. 

"Human Rights Are Indivisible" 

But man does not live by bread alone, and 
members of this organization are committed by 
the charter to promote and respect human 
rights. Those rights are not respected when a 
Buddhist priest is driven from his pagoda, 
when a synagog is shut down, when a Protestant 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


church cannot open a mission, when a cardinal 
is forced into iiiding, or when a crowded church 
service is bombed. The United States of Amer- 
ica is opposed to discrimination and persecution 
on grounds of race and reliirion anywhere in the 
world, inchiding our own nation. We are work- 
ing to riglit the wrongs of our own country. 

Through legislation and administrative ac- 
tion, through moral and legal commitment, this 
Government has launched a detennined effort 
to rid our nation of discrimination which has 
existed t«o long — in education, in housing, in 
transportation, in employment, in the Civil 
Service, in recreation, and in places of public 
accommodation. And therefore, in this or any 
other forum, we do not hesitate to condemn ra- 
cial or religious injustice, whether committed or 
permitted by friend or foe. 

I know that some of you have experienced 
discrimination in this country. But I ask you 
to believe me when I tell you that this is not the 
wish of most Americans — that we share your re- 
gret and resentment and that we intend to end 
such practices for all time to come, not only for 
our visitors but for our own citizens as well. 

I hope that not only our nation but all other 
multiracial societies will meet these standards 
of fairness and justice. We are opposed to 
apartheid and all forms of human oppression. 
We do not advocate the rights of black Afri- 
cans in order to drive out white Africans. Our 
concern is the right of all men to equal protec- 
tion under the law — and since human rights are 
indivisible, this body cannot stand aside when 
those rights are abused and neglected bj' any 
member state. 

New efforts are needed if this Assembly's 
Declaration of Human Rights, now 15 years 
old, is to have full meaning. And new means 
should be found for promoting the free expres- 
sion and trade of ideas — through travel and 
comnuinication and through increased ex- 
changes of people and books and broadcasts. 
For as the world renounces the competition of 
weapons, competition in ideas must flourish — 
and that competition must be as full and as fair 
as possible. 

The United States delegation will be prepared 
to suggest to the United Nations initiatives in 

the pursuit of all the goals. For this is an or- 
ganization for peace, and peace cannot come 
without work and progress. 

Support for U.N. Peacekeeping Operations 

The peacekeeping record of the United Na- 
tions has been a proud one, though its tasks are 
always formidable. We are fortunate to have 
the skills of our distinguished Secretary-Gen- 
eral and the brave efforts of those who have been 
serving the cause of peace in the Congo, in the 
Middle East, in Korea and Kashmir, in 
New Guinea and Malaysia. But what the 
United Nations has done in the past is less im- 
portant than the tasks for the future. We can- 
not take its peacekeeping machinery for 
granted. That machineiy must be soundly fi- 
nanced — which it cannot be if some members 
are allowed to prevent it from meeting its obli- 
gations by failing to meet their own. The 
United Nations must be supported by all those 
who exercise their franchise here. And its 
operations must be backed to the end. 

Too often a project is undertaken in the ex- 
citement of a crisis, and then it begins to lose its 
appeal as the problems drag on and the bills pile 
up. But we must have the steadfastness to see 
every enterprise through. 

It is, for example, most important not to jeop- 
ardize the extraordinary United Nations gains 
in the Congo. The nation which sought this 
organization's help only 3 years ago has now 
asked the United Nations presence to remain a 
little longer. I believe this Assembly should 
do wliat is necessarj' to preserve the gains al- 
ready made and to protect the new nation in its 
struggle for progress. Let us complete what we 
have started, for "No man who puts his hand to 
tlie plow and looks back," as the Scriptures tell 
us — "No man who puts his hand to the plow and 
looks back is fit for the Kingdom of God." 

I also hope that the recent initiative of sev- 
eral memljers in preparing standby peace forces 
for United Nations call will encourage similar 
commitments by others. This nation remains 
ready to provide logistic and other material sup- 

Policing, moreover, is not enough without 
provision for pacific settlement. We should 



increase the resort to special missions of fact- 
finding and conciliation, make greater use of the 
International Court of Justice, and accelerate 
the work of the International Law Coimnission. 
The United Nations camiot survive as a static 
organization. Its obligations are increasing 
as well as its size. Its charter must be changed 
as well as its customs. The authors of that 
charter did not intend that it be frozen in per- 
petuity. The science of weapons and war has 
made us all, far more than 18 years ago in San 
Francisco, one world and one hmnan race, with 
one common destiny. In such a world absolute 
sovereignty no longer assures us of absolute 
security. The conventions of peace must pull 
abreast and then ahead of the inventions of war. 
The United Nations, building on its successes 
and learning from its failures, must be devel- 
oped into a genuine world security system. 

A Lever To Move the World 

But peace does not rest in the charters and 
covenants alone. It lies in the hearts and minds 
of all people. And in this world out here no 
act, no pact, no treaty, no organization can 
hope to preserve it without the support and the 
wholehearted coinmitment of all people. So 
let us not rest all our hopes on 2:)a,rchment and 
on paper; let us strive to build peace, a desire 
for peace, a willingness to work for peace, in 
the hearts and minds of all of our people. I 
believe that we can. I believe the problems of 
human destiny are not beyond the reach of 
human beings. 

Two years ago I told this body that the United 
States had proposed, and was willing to sign, 
a limited test ban treaty. Today that treaty 
has been signed. It will not put an end to war. 
It will not remove basic conflicts. It will not 
secure freedom for all. But it can be a lever, 
and Archimedes, in explaining the principles 
of the lever, was said to have declared to his 
friends : "Give me a place where I can stand, and 
I shall move the world." 

My fellow inhabitants of this planet, let us 
take our stand here in this Assembly of nations. 
And let us see if we, in our own time, can move 
the world to a just and lasting peace. 

King of Afghanistan 
Visits United States 

Their Majesties the King and Queen of Af- 
ghanistan made a state visit to the United 
States September J^-16. Following is the text of 
a joint cominunique iettceen President Ken- 
nedy aiid King Mohamvied Zaher issued on 
September 7 at the conclusion of the Washing- 
ton portion of the visit, September 5-7. 

White House press release dated September 7 

At the invitation of President and Mrs. Ken- 
nedy, Their Majesties King Mohammed Zaher 
and Queen Homaira of Afghanistan are paying 
a state visit to the United States. They have 
just completed the Washington portion of their 

His Majesty was accompanied by the Court 
Minister and Chief of the Royal Secretariat 
His Excellency Ali Mohammed, the Deputy 
Prime Minister and Minister of Finance His 
Excellency Abdullah Malikyar and the Min- 
ister for Press and Infoi'mation His Excel- 
lency Sayyid Kasem Rishtiya. 

During the course of the visit His Majesty 
had an exchange of views with President Ken- 
nedy on matters of mutual interest to Afghan- 
istan and the United States and on the current 
world situation. The United States has fol- 
lowed with interest and sympathy the efforts 
being made by Afghanistan, under the leader- 
ship of His Majesty, to achieve economic de- 
velopment and social progress. President Ken- 
nedy assui-ed His Majesty of the continuing 
desire of the United States to cooperate with 
Afghanistan in economic and technical fields 
and by so doing to contribute to the success of 
the efforts which Afghanistan is making to pro- 
vide a better life for its people. 

In international relations both countries are 
dedicated to the furtherance of the cause of 
world peace and to efforts designed to bring 
about the elimination or reduction of tensions 
between nations. They are deeply convinced 
of the indispensable role of the United Nations 
in advancing the cause of peace and of the 
necessity of supporting its efforts directed to 
this end. It was noted tliat Afghanistan's tra- 
ditional policy is the safeguarding of its na- 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


tional indepondonco through nonalignment, 
friendship and cooperation with all countries. 
The United States for its part places great im- 
portance on Afghanistan's continued independ- 
ence and national integrity. 

Both sides agreed that the visit of His Maj- 
esty has contributed to better understanding 
between the United States and Afghanistan 
and to a strengthening of the already friendly 
relations existing between the two countries. 

The Role of Germany in the Evolution of World Politics 

6y W. W. Rostov) 

Counselor and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council ' 

I have come hero today to talk to you about 
the role of Germany in the evolution of world 

If one looks at contemporary Germany and 
thinks back over the history of this century, it 
is clear that the internal condition of the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany and its role on the 
world scene represent an extraordinary achieve- 
ment — certainly one of the greatest achieve- 
ments of the postwar generation. 

I am not referring here simply to the miracle 
of German economic recovery, in which a 
devastated nation, with an important part of 
its territory temporarily withdrawn, absorbed 
some 11 million refugees and then went on to 
rebuild itself and to create new levels of eco- 
nomic and social life for all its people. 

I am thinking, rather, of the emergence of 
a stable, democratic government, rooted in a 
broad national consensus on foreign and domes- 
tic affairs transcending the major parties, freed 
of much of the bitterness and fragmentation 
which have marked democratic politics in parts 
of Europe in the past. 

I am thinking of the steady loyalty of the 
Federal Kepublic of Germany to the concepts 
of both P2uropean integration and the Atlantic 

' .Address tnndp at the University of Dayton, Dayton, 
Ohio, on Sept. 18 (press release 475 dated Sept. 17). 

I am thinking of the expanding role of Ger- 
many as a constructive force in many parts of 
the world outside of Europe. 

And I am thinking, too, of the combination 
of poise and determination with which the Ger- 
man people look to their ultimate reunification 
by peaceful means in the face of steady Com- 
munist provocation and the Communist attempt 
to portray their just concern for their fellows 
and their just aspiration for national self- 
determination as a desire for bloody revenge for 
defeat in the Second World War. 

History of Modern Germany 

To understand the scale of this achievement 
one must look back at the histoiy of modem 
Germany and the four major elements which 
converged to make that history difficult — diffi- 
cult for Germany, for its neighbore, and for the 

First, Germany was formed late among the 
modern nations. France, Britain, Russia, even 
the United St*ates, had acquired a clear sense 
of national identity and nationhood when the 
German peoples were still struggling in the 
mid-19th century to form an elective union. 
This accident of history tended to give Ger- 
many a sense that it had a lot to make up in 
a hurry before it could assume its rightful place 



in Europe and on tlie world scene. It made 
Germany at once less certain and more assertive 
in defining its national destiny. 

Second, in its initial phase, German unity was 
dominated by the province of Prussia. That 
northeastern region had an old history of mili- 
tarism, and it had been somewliat distant from 
the liberal currents of thought and feeling 
which ran through Western Europe, including 
Western Germany, in the late 18th century and, 
e-specially, during the French Revolution and its 
aftermath. There is a sense in which contem- 
porary Germany represents the victory — and I 
believe the final victory — of the men who or- 
ganized the liberal Frankfurt Parliament in 
1848, although the revolution of 1848 was at 
the time captured by Prussia and the German 

Third, there is the simple fact of German 
energy, competence, and will to express its na- 
tional feeling and identity in a large way on the 
world scene. In the context of European power 
politics between, say, 1860 and 1945, this thrust 
periodically created the greatest problems, since 
German ambitions clashed head-on with the vi- 
tal interests of other nations, although there 
were substantial intervals when Germany found 
peaceful channels for the expression of its talent 
and national ambitions, enriching international 
life in many directions — for example, in science, 
education, literature, and every other dimension 
of Western cultural life. 

Finally, there is the fact of geography : Ger- 
many is located astride the balance of power in 
Europe. It represents a critically important 
area, population, and concentration of resources 
between the East and the West. In the past 
some Germans have been able to dream of using 
that position to dominate Europe. From the 
Communist point of view, in the pursuit of 
M'orld power Germany remains the greatest pos- 
sible prize. 

Taken together, these elements of history, na- 
tional gifts, and geography have been the cause 
of severe difficulty; but in the postwar years 
the lessons of experience, painfully learned, 
have been given a constructive turn by the Ger- 
man people themselves, by their Western Euro- 
pean neighbors, and, to a degree, by ourselves. 

Building the Atlantic Community 

For we in the United States made important 
mistakes in our European policy between the 
two world wars and also had painful lessons to 
learn and to apply. By not joining the League 
of Nations and by not making our presence and 
military potential a steady factor in European 
security calculations, we helped create a situa- 
tion which made it possible for Hitler to dream 
of German domination of Europe and Euro- 
pean domination of the world. As I recall the 
diaries of Count Ciano, with their detailed ac- 
count of the diplomacy of the Axis in the 1930's, 
there were virtually no references to the United 
States. Hitler and Mussolini dreamed their 
dreams and made their plans as if the United 
States did not exist as a factor in Europe's 
power balance. Our isolationism between the 
wars helped encourage this tragic parocliialism. 

Reading this lesson in the immediate postwar 
days, the American Government sought to make 
a policy toward the European Continent which 
would avoid the mistakes of earlier times. 

As it became clear in the winter and spring 
of 1946 that the Soviet Union would not permit 
the unification of Germany and Europe on the 
basis of political freedom, we began to shape a 
policy that still stands ; namely, a policy of help- 
ing to build a prosperous and united Western 
Europe which would be closely linked in mili- 
tary and other great affairs to the United States 
and Canada and which would move back onto 
the world scene as a great power, broadly in 
concert with North America. 

Four elements converged to produce this 

First, there was Germany. It was judged 
essential that we create a strong, integrated 
European structure which could receive as an 
equal partner a Germany that was likely to be 
split for some time to come, a structure which 
would give to Germans an opportunity to mo- 
bilize their great energy and resources along 
constructive lines in the face of the inevitable 
strains that history and geography have placed 
upon them. Chancellor Adenauer has well said 
that German membership in an integrated Eu- 
ropean Community is the best assurance against 
a revival of nationalist tendencies in Germany. 

OCTOBER 7. 19G3 


Second, there was Moscow. Europe faced a 
unified adversarj' consolidating his empire up to 
the Elbe, seeking to exploit every schism or 
lesion he could find in tiie West. A united 
Europe linked to the United States appeared 
the only tolerably safe framework of organiza- 
tion to deal with this centralized, increasingly 
powerful locus of active hostility. 

Third, there was the perception to which 
many men had come on both sides of the Atlan- 
tic as the major historic lesson of the Second 
World War; namely, that in the world of the 
second half of the 20th century the individual 
nation-states of Europe could only execute effec- 
tively a major role on the world scene if they 
were to unite, and if that unity were to take the 
form of genuine integration rather than a loose 
grouping of wholly sovereign states. The arena 
of world affairs had widened out to embrace the 
whole of the planet ; and the technology of effec- 
tive power had outstripped the scale of the old 
states of Europe. The historic competition for 
power and status among them could only be 
pursued at the cost of their common effectiveness 
as a voice in world affaire, as well as at the risk 
of their common security. 

And, finally, there was the economic argu- 
ment: The full economic potentialities of 
Europe could only be developed on the basis 
of a spacious, highly competitive, continental 

As a minor official in the Department of State 
when these matters were first debated, early in 
194G, I can recall vividly that the dangers of 
this policy for the United States were laid on the 
table: How could we be sure that a united 
Europe would, in fact, pursue policies conso- 
nant with American interests ? Would it not be 
safer to conduct a bilateral set of relations with 
Europe which, given the potentialities of our 
bargaining power, might permit us to assure 
TTniled States influence in European affairs 
over a longer period ? 

We derided that the larger interests should 
prevail. And we went forward in support of 
European integration. Behind this decision 
was an act of faith— faith that the ultimate 
logic of the Atlantic connection, already tested 
in two world wars and then under a third test 
by Stalin, would prevail and that a united 
Europe would build its policy on the funda- 

mental overlap in our respective interests, not 
on the potential cross-purposes and divergen- 
cies — which were, and are, evident enough. 

It was on this view of the problem of Europe 
and Germany that we built the Marshall Plan. 
We played our part in constructing NATO ; we 
backed the Coal and Steel Community and 
EUEATOM; and we supported the Common 
Market. It was within this policy, to which 
German leadership creativelj' responded, that 
the Federal Republic of Germany has found 
its way back to a role of dignity, equality, and 
leadership within Western Europe itself, in the 
councils of the Atlantic community, and on the 
world scene. 

The Unity of Europe 

I believe the German people and their politi- 
cal leaders understand better than most that 
the real problems they confront and we in the 
West confront can only be solved by integrated 
European action and Atlantic partnership. 

In terms of history, they have — with authen- 
tic insight and sincerity — put aside the old 
rivalry with France and made the Franco- 
German rafprochement a major long-term 
object of policy, to be achieved within the 
framework of an integrated European Com- 
munity and soimd Atlantic partnership. 

In military affairs the Germans live, after all, 
on an exposed frontier of the free world. Tliey 
understand that the protection of that frontier 
and of West Berlin has been achieved over the 
years, not by gestures or by self-imposed Com- 
munist restraint, but by a massive mobilization 
of military resources and an evident will to use 
them. They understand that the military 
strength of the United States — in underground 
silos, in Polaris submarines under the seas, on 
aircraft carriers, alert on airbases all over the 
world, standing in ready reserve in the United 
States — is a critical and irreplaceable compon- 
ent of their security, along with the United 
States garrison in Berlin and United States 
troops side by side with their own on German 
soil, and with all the other contingents and com- 
mitments that NATO represents. 

With their economic life interwoven inti- 
mately with that of every part of Europe, they 
understand that their prosperity hinges on an 



outward-looking policy of trade, with policies 
that widen rather than narrow the areas em- 
braced within a low-tariff trading system. 
They have supported the concept of genume 
economic mtegration in Europe — common or- 
gans with substantial powers of decision — and 
have been willing to make substantial sacrifices 
to make it work. 

They have, moreover, seen economic integra- 
tion as a way station to other forms of Euro- 
pean imity, invohdng political as well as eco- 
nomic relations among the other European 

Shorn of colonies by history, and freed in this 
generation from the responsibilities and bur- 
dens of helping manage the great transition 
from colonialism, Germany has been able to 
approach the problems of the imderdeveloped 
countries on a worldwide basis and with a fresh 
vision of the task and its opportunities. 

With some quarter of a million American 
troops located in Gemiany for the defense of 
an essentially common frontier, the German 
Government has understood the strain on our 
balance of payments imposed by our commit- 
ment to the collective defense of the free world 
and has been sympathetic and helpful in cush- 
ioning some of its consequences. 

Finally, looking to the East and to those 18 
million Germans still held against their will 
within an essentially occupation regime, but 
miderstanding also the nature of the nuclear 
age, the Germans have pursued the struggle 
for self-determination and for national imity 
by peacefid means and as part of the Western 

In short, reading the lessons of their ex- 
perience and the common experience of this 
century, looking soberly at their problems as 
a nation, studying modern militai-y technology 
and the nature of modern communications, the 
Germans have understood that none of us in 
the West — including, of course, the United 
States — can solve our problems unless we make 
common cause, unless we build policies on a 
, common loyalty to Western values and the great 
Western tradition of which we are all a part. 
They have understood that the task with which 
we have been confronted since 1945, and which 
we still confront, includes, but transcends, older 

concepts of nationalism, national defense, and 
national destiny. 

The United States and Germany 

We have every reason to believe that the 
cast of German policy is firmly set in all the 
major political parties and in the minds and 
hearts of the German people — including the 
younger generation now emerging, which never 
really knew the days of Hitler. But the mod- 
ern world is so intimately interwoven that we 
in the United States bear a part of the respon- 
sibility for maintaining the continuity of Ger- 
man policy. 

First, we must remain not merely a reliable 
ally to Germany but a true partner with Ger- 
many in helping maintain within NATO the 
defense of the Western frontier, including West 
Berlin. The German contribution to its own 
and to Western defense has expanded and ma- 
tured. We arc both engaged, with some of 
our NATO allies, in exploring the setting up 
within NATO of a multilateral nuclear forc«, 
which would offer European nations self- 
respectmg participation in nuclear deterrence 
without leading to national nuclear prolifera- 
tion. We are both engaged with all our NATO 
allies in refining our strategic doctrine, in mov- 
ing toward an agreed NATO defense policy for 
the nuclear age, and in designing the courses 
which would make that doctrine steadily 

The stability of German policy hinges on the 
continued success of the collective defense of 
Western Europe and on Germany's role as a 
respected senior partner in that effort. 

We have demonstrated in the past 2 years 
in the Berlin and Cuban crises that the com- 
mitment of the United States to collective de- 
fense has siuwived the Soviet acquisition of nu- 
clear weapons and the Soviet ability to damage 
the United States grievously in a nuclear war. 
The Soviet tactics of nuclear blackmail mounted 
in 1958 against Berlm, and pui-sued down to 
19G2, failed. The first condition for the sta- 
bility of the West is that such tactics continue 
to fail, should they be again attempted. 

Second, in a period when we are seeking to 
reduce the dangers and tensions of the cold war 
and to establish how far we can move safely 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


toward the control of armaments, it is essen- 
tial that we consult in greatest intimacy with 
our allies wliere their interests may be involved. 
It is for that reason that we resisted in Mos- 
cow all pressures to link the nuclear test ban to 
a nonaggression pact between NATO and the 
Warsaw powers. The Atlantic partnership is 
more than a defensive alliance. It is a group 
of nations with a common heritage and large 
abiding common interests. We are evidently 
prepared to fight together. But we must learn 
to work with equal intimacy in exploring the 
opportunities for moving gradually toward a 
more peaceful world. 

We consulted almost daily, in the greatest 
operational detail, in dealing with the Berlin 
crisis of 1961-62. We intend to consult with 
equal intimacy in exploring the possibilities 
which may open up in the months ahead for 
easing the dangers and tensions of the cold war. 
And in these consultations the issue of Germany 
still split, its people still denied the rights of 
self-determination, must be dealt with by Ger- 
many and Germany's allies with the greatest 
concern and seriousness. 

Third, we must support Germany, within 
whatever degree of imity Europe comes to 
achieve, to plaj' a maximum role in all the great 
creative enterprises of the free world, already 
extensive but still expanding: in the adventure 
of aid to tlie underdeveloped comitries; in de- 
signing policies of trade, not merely within 
Europe and as between Europe and the United 
States but on a world basis, where all of lis 
must find ways of creating a trade framework 
beneficial at once to the more developed and less 
developed nations of the free-world community ; 
and in monetary affairs, where we must fashion 
in the 1960's new ways of underpinning a flow 
of trade and capital movements which is in- 
creasing mucli faster than the world's gold 

The Larger Vision of World Peace 

Aithougli our bilateral relations with Ger- 
many are intimate and intensive — and they 
should be, since together we be-ar a vei-y high 
proportion of the burden of European de- 
fense — we are ultimately bound together by 

loyalty to a larger vision. The vision has three 
parts: the unity of Europe; the building of 
the Atlantic community; and the systematic 
deployment of tlie energies and the resources of 
the Atlantic community for the larger purposes 
of world peiLce and prosperity. 

This vision is evidently still incomplete. Eu- 
ropean unity is in an interval of pause and 
debate — by no means the first such interval 
since 1945. Involved in tliis debate is, of course, 
Britain's longrun relationship to the European 
Continent. Partly because the European debate 
also concerns the appropriate longrun relation 
between the United States and a united Europe, 
certain issues in the transatlantic partnership 
remain stalled, although there is more quiet 
progress forward than the newspapers record. 

It should neither surprise nor dismay us that 
movement toward these goals — supported 
equally by all three of our postwar Presidents — 
should be slow. This is the biggest piece of 
international architecture ever undertaken at a 
time of peace by sovereign nations. Great issues 
are at stake in each country, reaching deep into 
both their history and their current politics. 

But as President Kennedy made clear on his 
triji to Europe in June of this year,^ we remain 
firmly committed to support the highest degree 
of European unity Europeans themselves can 
organize, within the larger framework of an 
Atlantic partnership. 

We remain loyal to this vision — now em- 
bedded in United States policy for almost a 
generation — not because of inertia and not with- 
out understanding the difficulties inherent in its 
pursuit. We remain committed to it because it 
best serves the interests of the United States, 
the interests of Europe, and the interests of 
freedom everywhere. 

Although this policy took shape in response 
to Stalin's immediate postwar effort to take over 
an impoverished and disheartened Western Eu- 
rope, it is not dependent, in our judgment, on 
the persistence of active Soviet thrusts against 
the West of the kind we have seen, for example, 
over Berlin in the period 1958-1962. We need 
a unified Eui'ope working in partnership across 
the Atlantic for reasons that go deeper into the 

• Bulletin of July 22, 1963, p. 114. 



times in which we live and the problems we 
shall face. 

The nature of military tecluiology — and Com- 
munist nuclear capabilities — decrees that the 
Atlantic community is about the smallest unit 
which can organize a rational and effective de- 
fense of Europe. Tlie problem of organizing a 
community of independent nations embracing 
both the advanced nations of the northern part 
of the free world and the rapidly emerging 
nations of Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and 
Latin America equally requires that we work 
in concert across the Atlantic. The problems 
posed for us by negotiations with Moscow look- 
ing toward control of atomic weapons touch 
vital interests of each nation of the Atlantic 
community, which require resolution within the 
family; and so, ultimately, does the problem 
of Communist China, its present aggressive dis- 
position and its future, notably when Commu- 
nist China acquires a nuclear capability. 

Peering ahead with all the imagination of 
which we are capable we cannot conceive of a 
time relevant to current planning in which it 
would not be to the advantage of Europe to 
unite and to work in concert with North Amer- 
ica. Put another way, we can see nothing but 
danger to us all if Europe should separate itself 
from the United States or if it should regard 
its great prosperity and the recent easing of 
tensions with Moscow as an occasion in which 
old-fashioned nationalism can again be given 
free rein. 

Communist authorities have said two things 
which are worth noting about the recent period 
of relaxed tension. First, that there shall be no 
ideological coexistence. This means that they 
conceive of the present negotiations as limited 
to one phase — one important phase — of the cold 
war; namely, efforts to reduce the danger that 
a nuclear war might come about which would 
be neither to their interests nor to ours. It 
means also that the Communists intend to per- 
sist, with every other means at their disposal, 
to press for the expansion of Communist power 
and influence. All the information at the com- 
mand of the Government, watching the behavior 
of Communists in every quarter of the globe, 
suggests that they have in no way reduced their 

efforts to expand their power and influence at 
the expense of tlie West. 

The second thing they have said is that they 
hope and expect in a period of slackened tension 
that what they call the "inherent contradic- 
tions" of the West will increasingly assert them- 
selves. They hope and expect that, with the 
crises in Berlin and elsewhere somewhat less 
acute, we in the West will not have the wit to 
stick together; and they evidently intend to 
exploit any schisms among us that might open 

These are warnings we should take seriously; 
and they relate to the maintenance within Ger- 
many of the kind of politics and policy which, 
as I said earlier, represent one of the greatest 
collective achievements of the postwar. 

I am confident that Germans and German 
policy will remain loyal to the concepts of 
European unity and the Atlantic partnership 
and to the collective defense of the values of 
Western civilization which underlie that policy. 
But this means that Germany's allies in Europe 
and North America must also remain actively 
committed to this policy. 

The issues on our common agenda in the West 
have changed in recent months, as indeed they 
have often changed over the period since about 
1947, when the present policy was launched. 
The policies of the Atlantic nations have ex- 
hibited in these two decades a great resilience. 
We have survived problems and crises of many 
kinds, leaving the bone structure of NATO still 
intact and the impulse toward European unity 
still vital. We have dealt with problems of 
economic reconstruction in Europe and foreign 
aid in the developing nations, with a wide range 
of issues in trade and monetary affairs. We 
have dealt with thrusts against Turkey and 
Greece and twice with major thrusts against 
Berlin. We have adjusted our common strat- 
egy from a time when the major threat was the 
Red Army on the ground to the increasing com- 
plexity of an era when the Soviet Union com- 
manded a nuclear arsenal and the means to 
deliver it with missiles. We are in the process 
of moving from a time of U.S. nuclear monop- 
oly to one where the burdens and responsibili- 
ties of nuclear defense are increasingly shared. 
We have seen moments close to war and have 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


had substantial intervals of relatively relaxed 
tension between Moscow and the West. We 
have seen relations between the West and East- 
ern Europe move from the black despair of 
Stalin's time to a period where men on both 
sides of the Iron Curtain can look forward with 
greater hope to increasing degrees of national 
independence and human freedom in the East, 
and to rebuilding old lines of connection that 
derive from the common religions and cultural 
basis of Eastern and Western Europe. We 
have seen Western Europe survive a series of 
difficult crises in the old colonial areas and 
move toward new relations of association and 
partnership with the former colonies and with 
other nations now emerging into the world 
under the banners of national independence and 

All of these adjustments have not gone 
easily; and being democratic societies, the 
difficulties have been there for all to see. 
Our debates are out in the open. But we have 
every reason for faith that the policies, ma- 
chinery, and attitudes of mind built up in the 
past generation will evolve in ways which will 
enhance the unity of the West — not fragment 

To this end Germany has now a great role to 
play. No nation has a greater stake in the suc- 
cess of a collective policy in the West or more 
capacity to give it substance. Germany's post- 
war security, prosperity, domestic tranquillity, 
and growing stature on the world scene are 
rooted in that policy; and what Germans and 
Germany have already achieved now makes it 
possible for them actively to lead in cari-ying it 
forward into the next phase of Western history. 
But so interconnected is the world in which we 
live that the steadfastness of one is dependent 
on the steadfastness of all. In particular, we 
in the United States— still the inescapable 
leaders of the West — must remain steadily on 

If we retain as a nation our loyalty to the 
large objectives of European imity and the 
Atlantic partnership — which the President so 
strongly reaffirmed on his trip to Europe in 
June — we can feel confident not merely of the 
stability of German policy but of the steady 
progress of the cause of freedom in every 
quarter of the globe. 

U.S. Comments on U.N. Secretary 
General's Findings on Malaysia 

Department Statement ^ 

The Department of State has noted the report 
issued by the Secretai-y-General of the United 
Nations which concludes that the majority of 
the people of Sabah (North Borneo) and Sara- 
wak desire the inclusion of their two states in 
Malaysia, to be proclaimed on September 16. 
The United States welcomes Malaysia and looks 
forward to close and cordial relations between 
our two nations. 

The initiative taken by the leaders of the Fed- 
eration of Malaya, Indonesia, and the Philip- 
pines in seeking the assistance of the Secretary- 
General to ascertain the wishes of the people 
of Sabah and Sarawak as set forth in the Ma- 
nila Agreement is indicative of the confidence 
we all share in the United Nations as an instru- 
ment for promoting harmony among nations 
and for helping peoples achieve their independ- 

Now that the Secretary-General has issued 
his findings, we believe that all concerned 
should direct tlieir national efforts toward mu- 
tually beneficial goals in the wider interest of 
stability and economic progress in the area. 

Edward Gudeman Named 

to Business Advisory Committee 

Under Secretary Ball announced on Septem- 
ber 18 (press release 479) the appointment of 
Edward Gudeman, a former Under Secretary 
of Commerce, as a member of the Advisory 
Committee on International Business Problems. 

The Committee, chaired by Clarence B. 
Eandall, will advise the Secretary and the 
Administrator of the Agency for Liternational 
Development on the handling of specific busi- 
ness problems confronting American firms 
abroad. The public members prev-iously an- 
nounced are Edwin A. Locke, Jr., Jacob Blau- 
stein, and C. Daggett Harvey.^ 

1 Read to news correspondents on Sept. 14 by Rich- 
ard I. PhiUips, director of the Office of News. 

' Bulletin of Apr. 8, 1963, p. 540. Lloyd N. Cutler 
resigned in June 1963. 



The Climate of World Trade and U.S.-Canadian Trade Relations 

by G. Grifflth Johnson 

Assistant Secretary for Economic A fairs ' 

You have requested that I discuss with you 
this evening the climate of world trade in which 
commerce between Canada and the United 
States must develop. The choice of this sub- 
ject is clear evidence of recognition that the 
development of closer United States-Canadian 
trade relations must take place within the larger 
context of our trading relationships with other 
nations. This is a large subject, for it must also 
take into account the overall relations of our 
two countries with one another and with the 
rest of the world. 

Looking at the international economic picture 
today, one is struck by the extent to which 
attention and activity is being focused through- 
out the world on international trade policies and 
arrangements. In the 19th century there were 
perhaps times when this was similarly true, 
but during the last generation the problems of 
depression and war and reconstruction have 
tended to occupy the center of the stage. Now 
we are in a period when, fortunately, through- 
out much of the Western World these problems 
have faded into the backgroimd and we can once 
more concentrate on issues relating to the nor- 
mal commercial intercourse among nations. 

The increasing attention to this area is not a 
matter of theory or doctrine but is rooted in the 
economic realities of the postwar world. I am 
sure I don't need to refer to the classical argu- 
ments regarding comparative advantage and the 
advantages of freer trade wliich have com- 
mended themselves to college students over the 

' Address made before the Pacific Northwest Trade 
Association at Harrison Hot Springs, British Columbia, 
Canada, on Sept. 15 (press release 471 dated Sept. 14). 

years. In the present world, however, there are 
two aspects which are of unusually compelling 
importance — perhaps more so than they have 
been in the past. 

The first of these is the necessity of having a 
mass market in order to take advantage of 
modern technology. In the United States we 
have for some time, by reason of our geographic 
character, been somewhat used to the mass-mar- 
ket psychology, but a large part of the world 
has not been accustomed to this. Only since the 
war has the great pressure of teclmology been 
felt, in this sense, throughout a large part of 
the world. And this pressure of modern tech- 
nology, this need for mass markets, is one of the 
principal factors behind the efforts for regional 
development, such as the European Economic 
Community and the Latin American free-trade 

The other aspect of importance to be noted 
in connection with the role of trade policy to- 
day is that the f reeing-up of international trade 
chamiels is one of the few, and also one of 
the most effective, methods of maintaining 
competitive pressures in the face of the large 
industrial combines which are, for technologi- 
cal or other reasons, so characteristic of modern 
industi-y. This is more than a theoretical ad- 
vantage. Sometime ago the London Econo- 
mist, in commenting on the remarkable progress 
of recent years in England and on the Conti- 
nent, made the remark that this was an "export- 
led" expansion and therefore an "efEciency-led" 
expansion. It has become increasingly appar- 
ent in recent years that industries operating 
behind high tariff walls and with limited 
markets are, generally speaking, inefficient in- 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


dustries and sources of weakness to the coun- 
tries involved. 

These are of course primarily economic as- 
pects. I need not mention the compelling po- 
litical imperatives which require us to work 
toward a more closely knit world at a time when 
the jet age will shortly be replaced by the super- 
sonic age. 

Since the end of "World War II we have 
made great progress in reducing restrictions, 
in lowering tariff barriers, and generally free- 
ing up the channels of international trade. 
The enormoiis growth in the volume of world 
trade is witness to this fact, and this in turn 
has been one of the basic causes of the phe- 
nomenal rise in living standards. We should 
recognize, however, that underlying this prog- 
ress in the trade field has been increasing ac- 
ceptance of the principle — which the United 
States and Canada have long accepted — that in- 
ternational trade should be conducted on a non- 
discriminatory, multilateral basis, with a 
minimum of restrictions and with mutual ad- 
vantage to all. Under this principle of most- 
favored-nation treatment, notable progress has 
been made in reducing impediments to world 
trade, and in fact it is hard to see how any 
alternative principle could have made possible 
the same degree of progress. 

Challenges to World Trade Structure 

Now, however, we should frankly recognize 
that there are several developments in the 
world scene wliich, if indeed they do not 
threaten this principle, at least require a care- 
fully thought-out .structure of relationships in 
order to permit further progress along the lines 
achieved in the past. I should like to mention 
specifically three of these current challenges 
to the structure of free-world multilateral trade 
which present special difficulties at the present 

Tliere is, first, the growth of regional economic 
organizations such as the European Economic 
Community and the Latin American Free Trade 
Association. To the extent that such entities 
develop as outward-looking, liberal-trading or- 
ganizations, they can make a notable contribu- 
tion to the further advancement of mutually 
advantageous international trade. But if 

these regional groups are inward-turning and 
protectionist, the work of many years in liberal- 
izing world trade could be undone. The diffi- 
culties — and dangers — involved in this matter 
are emphasized by the discrimination against 
third countries which is inherent in a customs- 
union type of arrangement. In the case of the 
European Community this inherent discrimi- 
nation has been exaggerated by the mathemati- 
cal method used in computing the common 
external tariff. It will require conscious and 
conscientious efforts to adjust these new ar- 
rangements to the requirements of the world 
trading system. 

A second major challenge to the world trade 
structure arises from the trade problems of the 
less developed countries and from certain of 
the measures which are being suggested for 
dealing with them. Although these problems 
are commonly referred to as new, the fact is 
that they have long been with us, though un- 
fortvmately largely neglected. "WHiat is new 
is the recognition that the industrialized coun- 
tries of the free world must, in their own inter- 
est, help the less developed countries to partici- 
pate more effectively in international trade in 
order that they can advance economically and 
politically and contribute increasingly to free- 
world strength. At the same time, also new 
is the energy and ingenuity with which efforts 
and emotions are being directed toward illu- 
sory or self-defeating policies. The problems 
involved in development are difficult — indeed 
at times frustrating — but they cannot be solved 
by slogans. 

Finally, the Soviet trade offensive, the third 
new aspect of the international trade picture, 
is a direct challenge to the multilateral trading 
system of the free world. Conducting their 
trade on the basis of bilateral bargaining, the 
Soviets offer tempting arrangements which the 
less developed countries, in particular, fre- 
quently find it difficult to resist. Yielding to 
the lure of close trade ties with the Soviets, 
such countries may find their political as well 
as their economic freedom threatened. This 
consideration, of course, greatly increases the 
urgency of finding solutions to the trade prob- 
lems of these counti-ies — and to do this in a way 
which avoids the proliferation of bilateral, bar- 



ter, or special preferential arrangements. 

Throughout the free world the problem of 
establishing a climate in which international 
commerce can best thrive and flourish is, as I 
have observed, receiving unprecedented atten- 
tion today. It is being studied by private 
groups organized on a national basis, by bi- 
national organizations such as your Pacific 
Northwest Trade Association, and by still 
others which are organized on a multinational 
basis. At every level of government in most 
nations of the world and in a wide range of 
international organizations and regional group- 
ings, problems are being discussed, policies are 
being developed, and actions are being taken 
in recognition of the vital role of foreign trade 
in the overall relations of the nations of the 

Next week in Washington, at the eighth an- 
nual meeting of the Joint United States- 
Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs, Cabinet officers of both Governments 
will consider economic and trade matters of 
common concern to the two countries.- 

Within the broad spectrum of United States- 
Canadian economic relations, the Joint Com- 
mittee is certain to consider the trade negotia- 
tions conference convening in May of next year 
under the aegis of the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. On the part of both Gov- 
ernments, and in fact throughout the world, 
there is full appreciation that the results of 
this new conference can substantially influence 
the climate in which world trade will operate 
in the years ahead. 

Preparations for New Tariff Negotiations 

The President has directed that optimum 
utilization be made of the unprecedented tariff- 
reducing authority which the Congress gave to 
him last year in the Trade Expansion Act. Key 
to successful negotiations, however, will be the 
willingness of all trading countries to partici- 
pate in negotiations of broad scope. The GATT 
ministers reached decisions at their meeting in 
Geneva last spring ' which prepared the way 
for multilateral negotiations on a broad basis, 

' For text of a joint communique, see p. 548. 
' For text, see Buxletin of June 24, 1963, p. 995. 

but much work remains to be done before the 
conference is convened. 

The principles laid down by the ministers 
recognize the realities of today's trading pat- 
terns and depart from the time-honored but 
outmoded negotiation procedures used by the 
GATT since 1947. 

The basic principle for the tariff negotiations 
will be substantial equal linear reductions with 
a minimum of exceptions. By contrast, former 
rounds of negotiations involved a long, labori- 
ous process of negotiating tariff concessions on 
a product-by-product basis. This procedure is 
not adequate for the broad negotiations now 

For the first time nontariff barriers to trade 
will be dealt with along with tariffs. This pro- 
vides insurance against frustration of the bene- 
fits expected from tariff concessions. 

Also for the first time, the trade problems of 
the less developed countries will be given spe- 
cial attention in the trade negotiations. 

And, confirming the broad scope of this 
important new trade conference, it was agreed 
by the ministers that the negotiations will cover 
trade in agricultural products as well as indus- 
trial goods. 

You will appreciate that reaching agreement 
on these principles was not easy. Some of the 
topics dealt with by the ministers brought out 
a diversity of points of view. As you probably 
Imow, there was extended discussion about the 
problem of so-called tariff disparities between 
the tariffs of the European Economic Com- 
munity and that of the United States and it 
was agreed that special rules would be devel- 
oped to make sure that tariff cuts in fact 
reflected mutual benefits where differences in 
tariffs between the two parties had a significant 
effect on trade. 

It was also recognized that there were special 
circumstances in the cases of certain countries, 
for example those whose exports are largely con- 
centrp.ted on a narrow range of products, or 
those whose secondary industries may still need 
some time before they can compete strongly in 
world markets. 

We have now moved to the next stage of 
preparations. Committees established by the 
ministers to work out detailed negotiating rules 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


and procedures and to examine pai-ticular prob- 
lems in detail are meeting in Geneva. Some- 
time next month we expect to begin the process 
of public discussion and review of our tariffs. 

In the upcoming negotiations we have four 
principal goals: a significant reduction in the 
tariff levels among the principal trading areas; 
progressive elimination of nontariff barriers: 
market access for agricultural commodities; 
and the expansion of trade with the developing 

Keductions in the common external tariffs 
of the Common Market are of particular im- 
portance to the expansion of world trade. The 
formation of the customs union of tlie Common 
Market is proceeding at a more rapid rate than 
that set in the Rome Treaty, and the accompa- 
nying change in trade patterns is likewise ac- 
celerated. In the two sets of tariff changes in- 
volved — the dismantling of tariffs on internal 
trade among the member states and the estab- 
lislmient of a common external tariff toward 
outside countries — the process is now 60 per- 
cent complete. At the end of the transitional 
period, probably by 1970, there will be com- 
pletely free trade among the member states, 
while the rates in the common external tariff 
will be charged on imports from outside 

On industrial goods, take as an example ad- 
dressing machines, where the Italian rate of 
duty was fonnerly 25 percent, whether the im- 
ports came from the United States, Canada, 
Germany, or any other of the countries supply- 
ing this product. Now, however, the rate to 
Germany and other EEC member states has al- 
ready been reduced to 10 percent by successive 
steps and will reach zero in a few years, prob- 
ably by 1970. At the same time Italy will have 
completed the process of making the transition 
to the common external tariff rate of 13 percent. 
This 13-percent rate is the result of tariff bar- 
gaining between the United States and the 
EEC in the last round of GATT tariff negotia- 
tions, in which the EEC agreed to a reduction 
of the 16-percent rate previously set in the com- 
mon external tariff. But even at the i-educed 
rate of 13 percent, tlie German supplier will 
have a $26 advantage over outside suppliers on 
every $200 addressing nuichine imported by 

Italy. Multiply this example by the vast num- 
ber of dutiable products in which the United 
States has traditionallj' had a supplier position 
in the member states, and the reason for our 
concern about maintaining and expanding our 
export opportunities in the Common JMarket 
is clear. 

The results achieved in the new negotiations 
will also have major significance for trade be- 
tween the United States and Canada. Last year 
our two countries exchanged goods valued at 
more than $7 billion. Each is the other's larg- 
est single market and its largest source of im- 
ports. Canada buys almost 20 percent of U.S. 
exports and provides over 20 percent of U.S. 
imports, while the United States buys slightly 
more than half of Canadian exports and is the 
source of nearly two-thirds of Canada's im- 
ports. If the Geneva negotiations result in 
substantial reductions in tariffs and other trade 
barriers on a multilateral basis, further growtli 
can be expected in our two-way trade. In addi- n 
tion, there will be new opportunities for both 
Canada and the United States to expand their 
markets in other countries around the world. 

I know that your association has given spe- 
cial thought to the effect that tariff reductions 
on both sides might have on Canadian-United 
States trade and is planning to continue to 
study this subject in detail. I am sure that you 
have heard, and will continue to hear, expres- 
sions of concern and disquiet on both sides of 
the border at the prospect of a substantial loss 
of protection against import, competition. But 
T am sure there is also general recognition that 
increased efficiency must be stimulated hy everj' 
available means, including exposure to in- 
creased import competition, if we are to focus 
our productive efforts in the most effective way 
.so that we can compete in the markets of third 
countries, and if the efficiency of our own econo- 
mies is to be stimulated. 

As I mentioned, one of the important prin- | 
ciples on which the ministere agi-eed at Genevn 
was that nontariff barriers were to be dealt 
with in the trade negotiations. Previously the 
reduction of tariffs was the sole aim sought in 
the GATT multilateral negotiating confer- 
ences. But the progress made through the 
years in reducing tariffs and in removing quan- 



titative restrictions imposed for balance-of- 
payments reasons has highlighted the trade- 
impeding etl'ects of a variety of regulations and 
practices which have become established 
through the years. The range of these trade 
impeding effects of a variety of regulations and 
less. So long as impediments of this kind re- 
main, it would be vain to expect that tariff 
reductions alone could produce the trade liber- 
alization that we need. 

Question of Agricultural Exports 

Certainly one of the most difficult areas with 
which the negotiators will have to deal at 
Geneva is trade in agricultural products. Here 
again no country is without fault. None allows 
the forces of a free market to work on agricul- 
ture. None has solved the problems accompany- 
ing the remarkable increases in agricultural 
productivity in recent years as a result of im- 
proved technology. Each employs some system 
of subsidies and supports for its agi'iculture and 
in turn insulates its agriculture from import 
competition. Thus domestic and import 
policies applicable to agriculture are closely 
intertwined, and the liberalizing of interna- 
tional trade in agricultural products requires 
parallel consideration of domestic policies in 
importing as well as exporting countries. The 
United States has made clear that it is willing 
to have its owm domestic policies reviewed in 
any general examination of national agricul- 
tural policies. 

For the farmers of both the United States and 
Canada, the EEC is a key market for agricul- 
tural produce. United States agricultural ex- 
ports to the EEC run at the rate of about $1.2 
billion a year, nearly a quarter of total U.S. 
agricultural exports. Over the longer run, at 
least a third of these exports could be affected 
by the common agricultural i>olicies of the EEC. 
Continued access to this important market is of 
vital interest to agriculture in both the United 
States and Canada. And the interests of the 
Europeans, it can be argued, would be best 
served by agricultural policies that keep food 
costs at reasonable levels and leave reasonable 
freedom of access to their markets for efficient 
producers outside the Common Market area. 

In addition to our concern for our own agri- 

cultural exports, we recognize the precarious 
position of major agricultural exporters such as 
Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, whose 
earnings from foreign trade depend very sub- 
stantially on their agricultural exports. Also, 
many of the less developed countries are in a 
similar situation, thougli theiv expoi-ts are gen- 
erally tropical types of agricultural produce 
rather than the temperate zone products of prin- 
cipal concern to the United States and Canada. 
Tlie GATT ministers recognized the need to 
examine the feasibility of special arrangements 
for international trade in grains as well as meats 
and dairy products, where the problems are com- 
plex and difficult. In each case, a special work- 
ing group has been instructed to explore the 
situation in detail and to re^onnnend solutions 
to the GATT Contracting Parties. The world 
trade climate will be fundamentally affected for 
better or for worse by the solutions found for 
agriculture. The difficulties are a challenge to 
the ingenuity and good will of the countries 
that will be participating in the trade negotia- 
tions at Geneva. 

Trade of Less Developed Countries 

The trade of the less developed countries is 
another problem area which the GATT minis- 
ters agi'eed should be given special considera- 
tion. They recommended that in the trade 
negotiations every effort should be made to re- 
duce barriers to exports of the less developed 
countries but recorded their recognition that 
the developed countries cannot expect to receive 
reciprocity from the less developed comitries. 
Thus the general terms have been outlined for 
participation of the less developed countries 
in the 1964 negotiating conference, though the 
specifics remain to be elaborated. 

Concern about the acute trade and develop- 
ment problems of the less developed countries 
led to the calling of a United Nations Confer- 
ence on Trade and Development to convene in 
Geneva next March.^ The basic purpose of this 
conference is to examine ways in which interna- 
tional trade can be made a more effective means 
of promoting the development of the less de- 
veloped countries. For the first time the United 
Nations will be considering at one time and 

' For background, see ibid., July 29, 1963, p. 173. 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


place all aspects of international commerce af- 
fecting the trade and development of the less 
developed countries. Complex issues of trade 
policy will be posed for all the major trading 
countries. Both Canada and the United States 
are now engaged in preparations for the 

The economies of most of the less developed 
countries of Latin America, Asia, and Africa 
are still geared to the production of a few basic 
export commodities. Prices of these commodi- 
ties in world trade fluctuate widely. Demand 
for some is declining due to the rise of synthet- 
ics and otiier technological developments. For 
others, prices are declining due to failure of con- 
sumption to keep pace with pi'oduction. The 
outlook for significant expansion of export earn- 
ings from trade in primary commodities is thus 
not encouraging. As a consequence, the plans 
and aspirations of the developing countries for 
economic progress are jeopardized with severe 
repercussions on their ability to maintain politi- 
cal stability and independence. Unless these 
countries are helped to participate more effec- 
tively in freer world trade, the aid programs 
of the industrialized countries cannot achieve 
their aims in these areas. 

In special instances it may l)e that interna- 
tional commodity arrangements hold some pros- 
pect of ameliorating the situation. These can 
succeed only where substantial agreement can 
be reached on a global basis by both producing 
and consiuning countries. An example is the 
new coffee agreements, whose purpose is to sta- 
bilize international market until solutions can 
be worked out for the basic problems of over- 
production. Longrun stability in commodity 
markets depends on bringing supply and de- 
mand into reasonable balance. Commodity 
agreements can only buy time in which to bring 
this about. For coffee and for other of their 
export products, some of the resources which 
less developed countries are now devoting to 
the production of surplus commodities must 
be shifted to other activities, in most cases proc- 
essing and manufacturing. 

The earnings of these countries from exports 
of their primary commodities cannot possibly 
meet their growing import, needs even if all 
present barriers to trade in primary products 
could be wiped out overnight. Tlie exports of 

the labor-intensive manufactures which the less 
developed countries are now beginning to pro- 
duce must also find a place in world markets. 
The industrialized countries have no reason- 
able choice but to open their markets to increas- 
ing imports of manufactured goods from the 
less developed countries. The alternatives are 
entirely unacceptable — continuation of foreign 
aid on an indefinite and ever larger basis, or 
ignoring the aspirations and hopes of the less 
developed countries and leaving the field to the 

Unlike the climatic conditions imposed by 
nature, which man has not yet succeeded in 
influencing in the slightest, the world trade 
climate is in large measure what men and gov- 
ernments make it. It could be profoundly in- 
fluenced by the outcome of major intergovern- 
mental undertakings such as the United Nations 
Conference on Trade and Development and the 
GATT trade negotiating conference. It is af- 
fected for better or for worse by programs and 
actions of national governments and of regional 
organizations. And it is responsive to efforts 
made by groups such as j'ours to create under- 
standing and to promote the liberalization of 
trade between om' two neighboring countries. 
The geographical proximity of Canada and 
the United States, our common cultural herit- 
age and ideals, the similarity of our objec- 
tives, provide both the circumstances and the 
necessity for productive collaboration between 
us on these matters. 

U.S.-Canada Economic Committee 
Concludes Eighth IVIeeting 

The eighth meeting of the Joint United 
States-Canadian Committee on Trade and Eco- 
nomic Affairs was held at Washington Septenv- 
her 20 and 21. Following is a joint communi- 
que released at the concliision of the meeting. 

Press release 4S4 dated September 21 

The 8th Jleeting of the Joint United States- 
Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs was held in Washington, September 20 
and 21, 1963. 



2. This was the first meeting of the Commit- 
tee since January 1962.^ The members, there- 
fore, took the occasion to review the basic eco- 
nomic relationship between the two countries. 
The unique nature and importance of this rela- 
tionsliip were emphasized. The Committee con- 
sidered ways of further strengthening these 
close and mutually advantageous trade and eco- 
nomic ties. It was agreed that early considera- 
tion would be given by the two Governments to 
the best means of elaborating and strengthen- 
ing the basic principles of economic coopera- 
tion between Canada and the United States. 

3. As background to the discussions on trade 
and economic matters, the United States Sec- 
retary of State and the Canadian Secretary of 
State for External Affairs reviewed the current 
international situation. 

4. The Committee noted recent favourable 
economic developments in both coimtries and 
the encouraging prospects for the near future. 
At the same time they agreed on the importance 
of continuing policies which will further stim- 
ulate economic growth and provide more em- 

5. The Committee discitssed the balances of 
payments of both countries and the measures 
that each is taking to reduce its deficit. The 
United States members reviewed recent devel- 
opments in some detail and called attention to 
some problems, including increased exports of 
long term private portfolio capital for which 
the proposed interest equalization tax was de- 
signed as a partial remedy. 

6. Canadian Ministers stated the determina- 
tion of the Canadian Government to take posi- 
tive and constructive measures to reduce the 
substantial deficit in Canada's international 
trade in goods and services. Meanwhile, how- 
ever, Canada would continue to need net cap- 
ital imports to offset this deficit. There was 
a full and frank discussion of the proposed 
United States interest equalization tax and the 
proposed Canadian investment tax measures. 

7. The Committee established a technical 
working group which will review the balances 
of payments of the two countries. 

8. The members of the Committee empha- 
sized the importance they attached to the suc- 

' BuTXETiN of Jan. 29, 1962, p. 168. 

cess of the forthcoming multilateral trade 
negotiations under the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. They agreed that satis- 
factory progress in reducing barriers to world 
trade in agricultural products would be a key 
element in these negotiations. 

9. It was noted that each country is the other's 
largest export market. Canadian Ministers 
urged that access of Canadian exports to the 
United States market should not be obstructed 
by special measures. In this comiection they 
referred to quota restrictions maintained by the 
United States on imports of lead and zinc, Ca- 
nadian matured cheese and to problems of access 
for certain other products of importance to 
Canadian trade. United States members took 
note of these points, and explained the impor- 
tance of continued access for U.S. products to 
the Canadian market, and their concern over 
any possible measures which might adversely 
affect such access. 

10. There was a frank discussion of the views 
of the two Goverimients on the trade between 
Canada and the United States in automobiles 
and automotive parts. The Canadian members 
explained their view of the nature of the prob- 
lem in relation to Canada's balance of payments 
and the urgent need to deal with it. The United 
States members expressed concern that any 
measures adopted should not artificially distort 
the pattern of trade in this industry or inter- 
fere with the normal exercise of business judg- 
ment. The discussion helped to bring about a 
better understanding of the problem and the 
attitudes of the two Governments. 

11. The Committee discussed the economical 
and efficient development of the raw material 
and energy resources of the continent and agreed 
on tlie importance of a better utilization of these 
resources. Arrangements were therefore made 
for a working group of the Joint Committee to 
examine energy relations between the two 

12. The Committee agreed on the usefulness 
of continuing to consult closely together on agri- 
cultural matters of common interest to the trade 
of the two countries. The Committee reaffirmed 
in this regard the value of the quarterly meet- 
ings on wheat and related matters which facili- 
tate effective cooperation in respect of world 
trade in grain. 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


13. The Committee agreed on the importance 
of continuing to assist the economic develop- 
ment of the less developed countries. Canadian 
Ministei-s indicated that the Canadian Govern- 
ment was reviewing its aid programmes with 
the aim of increasing the volume of its economic 
assistance. Botli countries recognized the need 
for international action to e.\pand the trading 
opportunities of less developed countries. 

14. The Committer met under the Chairman- 
ship of Mr. Dean Rusk, United States Secretary 
of State. 

15. The Canadian Delegation included Mr. 
Paul Martin, Secretary of State for External 
Affairs: Mr. Walter Gordon, Minister of Fi- 
nance; Mr. Mitchell Sharp, Minister of Trade 
and Commerce: Mr. Harry Hays, Minister of 
Agriculture: Mr. C. JI. Drury, Minister of In- 
dustry : the Canadian Ambassador to the United 
States, Mr. C. S. A. Eitchie; the Governor of 
the Bank of Canada, Mr. L. Rasminsky and 
other advisers. 

16. The United States Delegation included 
Mr. Dean Rusk, Secretary of State; Mr. Doug- 
las Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury; Mr. 
Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Commerce; Mr. 
Orville L. Freeman, Secretary of Agriculture; 
Mr. George "W. Ball, Under Secretary of State ; 
Mr. Christian A. Hertcr, the President's Special 
Representative for Trade Negotiations; Mr. 
John M. Kelly, Assistant Secretary of the In- 
terior; the United States Ambassador to Can- 
ada, ilr. W. W. Butterworth ; Mr. Walter W. 
Heller, Chairman of the President's Council of 
Economic Advisers; Mr. Frank Coffm, Deputy 
Administrator of the Agency for International 
Development and other advisers. 

Deadline for Claims on Austrian 
Persecutee Fund Is October 31 

Press release 101 dated September 9 

The Department of State calls attention to 
the approiiching deadline for former perse- 
cutecs in Austria to fde claims for awards under 
the additional $24 million program established 
by the Austrian Government in 1962.^ 

Awards will be made for occupational or 
professional damage suffered as a result of Nazi 
persecution and for damage caused by the ter- 
mination or interruption for more than 3i/^ 
years of occupational (professional) or preoc- 
cupational (preprofessional) training. Awards 
viill be made to persons persecuted "on polit- 
ical grounds whatever their nature {inter 
alia, also because of origin, religion or 

Persons who were Austrian citizens on March 
13, 1938, or who, during a period prior to 
March 13, 1938, had their uninternipted place 
of domicile and permanent residence in the ter- 
ritory' of the Republic of Austria, may apply 
for awards under the fund. In addition, per- 
sons who on March 13, 1938, possessed German 
nationality and emigrated from Austria because 
of political persecution may also apply. 

The Department has been infonned that as 
of July 31, 1963, the number of claims which 
had been filed amounted to 31,397, of which 
15,341 had been filed by applicants in the United 

The deadline for filing claims is October 31, 
1963. Application forms are available from 
the Fonds zur Milfelehtung an Politisch Ver- 
folgfe, Taborstrasse 4-6, Vienna II, Austria, 
from the Austrian Embassy, Washington, D.C., 
and from Austrian consulates throughout the 
United States. 

President Proclaims Protocol 
for Spain's Accession to GATT 


Proclamation of Protoooi, for the Accession of Spain 
TO THE General Aqreeiient on Tariffs and Trade 

Table of Contexts 
Part I — Purposes 
Part II — Identification and Justification 

(A) Agreement Supplementary to a Prior Trade Agree- 


(1) Identification of Agreement 

(2) Determination that It Is Required or Appro- 
priate that Trade Agreement be Supplemented 

(B) Termination of Prior Trade Agreement Proclamation 
Part III — Proclaiming Part 

(A) Agreement Supplementary to a Prior Trade Agree- 


(B) Termination of Prior Trade Agreement Proclamation 

' Bulletin of Dec. 24, 19G2, p. 971. 

' No. 3553 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 9859. 



Part I — Pdrposes 
The purposes of this proclamation are : 

(a) To proclaim an agreement for the accession of 
Spain to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
(GATT). (61 Stat. (pt. 5) All)' 

(b) To terminate in part a proclamation relating to 
a prior trade agreement with Spain. 

Paet II — Identification and Justification 

(A) Agreement supplementary to GATT 

(1) Identification of Agreement. The protocol of 
July 1, 1963 for tlie accession of Spain to GATT, con- 
taining no new tariff concessions by the United States, 
supplements provisions of GATT which have been pro- 
claimed. This protocol includes a schedule to GATT 
of United States concessions (hereinafter referred to 
as "schedule XX" Spain — 1963) which comprises the 
concessions provided for in the schedule of United 
States concessions annexed to the Interim Agreement 
of December 31, 1962,^^ signed by the United States and 
Spain, and proclaimed by Part III (A) of Proclamation 
3517 of January 31, 1963 (28 F.R. 1195) . Schedule XX 
(Spain— 1963) became a schedule to GATT on August 
29, 1963. A copy of the protocol of July 1, 1963, is 
annexed to this proclamation.* 

(2) Determination that It Is Required or Appropriate 
that OATT be Supplemented. As President, I have 
determined that it is required or appropriate, on and 
after August 29, 1963, that those provisions of GATT 
and of agreements supplementary thereto which have 
heretofore been proclaimed be applied as supplemented 
by the protocol of July 1, 1963 (identified in paragraph 
(1) of this subpart). 

(B) Termination of prior trade agreement procla- 

As President, I determine that on and after August 
2'.), 1963 it is required or appropriate that Part III (A) 
of Proclamation 3517 of January 31, 1963 (28 F.R. 
1195) be terminated in part insofar as it relates to the 
Interim Agreement of December 31, 1962 (identified in 
subpart (A)(1) of this part). This termination re- 

'That agi-eement of October 30, 1947, has been pro- 
claimed by Proclamation 2761A of December 16, 1947 
(61 Stat. (pt. 2) 1103) which proclamation has been 
supplemented by subsequent proclamations. [Footnote 
In original.] 

' For a Department announcement and schedule of 
U.S. concessions, see Bulletin of Jan. 28, 1963, p. 146. 

*The agreement annexed to this proclamation has 
been published by the Contracting Parties to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the United States 
sales agency for the publications of which is the Colum- 
bia University Press. The English text of the general 
provisions of this agreement and the schedule of United 
States concessions will be published in Treasury De- 
cisions (Customs) with this proclamation. The agree- 
ment wiU be published by the Department of State in 
Treaties and Other International Act Series (TIAS) 
and eventually in United States Treaties (UST). 
[Footnote in original.] 

suits from the proclamation in Part III (A) of this 
proclamation of schedule XX (Spain — 1963) compris- 
ing the same concessions as were proclaimed by the 
proclamation of January 31, 1963. 

Now, THEREFORE, I, JoHN F. KENNEDY, under the au- 
thority vested in me, as President, by the Constitution 
and statutes, including .section 350(A) (6) of the Tariff 
Act of 1930, as amended (19 U.S.C. 1351(a)(6)), do 
proclaim that : 

Part III — Proclaiming Part 

(A) Agreement supplementary to a trade agreement 
On and after August 29, 1963, those provisions of 

GATT and agreements supplementary thereto which 
have heretofore been proclaimed shall be applied as 
supplemented by the protocol relating to Spain of 
July 1, 1963 (identified in Part 11(A)(1) of this 

(B) Termination of prior trade agreement procla- 

On or after August 29, 1963, the proclamation of 
January 31, 1963 (identified in Part 11(B) of this proc- 
lamation) is terminated in part as specified in Part 
II (B ) of this proclamation. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to 
be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this sixth day of 
September in the year of our Lord nineteen 
[seal] hundred and sixty-three, and of the Inde- 
pendence of the United States of America the 
one hundred and eighty-eighth. 

/fLJ L^ 

By the President: 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

88th Congress, 1st Session 

Convention Concerning the Abolition of Forced Labor. 
Message from the President transmitting the con- 
vention concerning the abolition of forced labor (con- 
vention no. 105), adopted by the International Labor 
Conference at its 40th session, Geneva, June 25, 1957, 
S. Ex. K. July 22, 1963. 9 pp. 

Wild Birds and Wild Animals. Hearing before the 
Senate Committee on Finance on H.R. 1S39, an act to 
amend the Tariff Act of 1930 to provide for the free 
importation of wild animals and wild birds which 
are intended for exhibition in the United States. 
July 23, 1963. 41pp. ^ ^ 

Export-Import Bank Act Extension. Conference re- 
port to accompany H.R. 3872. H. Rept. 578. 2 pp. 

Promoting the Economic and Social Development of the 
Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Report to 
accompany H.R. 3198. H. Rept. 605. July 30, 1963. 
19 pp. 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 




Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings' 

Scheduled October Through December 1963 

OECD Miuisters of Science Paris . 

U.X. IX'E lOlectric Power Committee: 22d Session Geneva 

(JAU'T WiJiUing Group on Preferences Geneva 

U.X. ECE Timber Coinniittee: 21st Session Geneva 

ICEM Executive Committee : 22cl Session Geneva 

ITU CCITT Study Group B (Intercontinental Automatic Network) Melbourne 

ITU CCITT Study Group XI (Teleplione Switching) Melbourne 

ITU CCITT Study Group XIII (Automatic Networks) Melbourne 

ITU Extraordinary Kadio Conference Geneva 

South Pacific Commission : 25th Session Noumea 

OECD Maritime Transport Committee : Working Party . London 

ICEM Council : 20th Session Geneva 

IMCO Assembly : 3d Session . . . , London 

11th Pan American Uailway Congress MiSxico, 

U.N. ECE Committee on Trade Geneva 

U.X. ECA Conference on African Electric Power Problems Addis Ababa 

GATT Committee III on Expansion of International Trade Geneva 

FAO Working Party for Rational Utilization of Tuna Resources in Atlantic Rome . 


ICAO Air TraflSc Control Automation Panel : 3d Meeting Montreal 

iCAO Visual Aids Panel: 3d Meeting Montreal 

IMCO Council : 9th Session London 

OECD Agriculture Committee Paris . 

lA-ECOSOC : 2d Regular Annual Meeting at the Expert Level Sao Paulo 

Consultative Commillee for Cooperative Economic Development in South and Bangkok 

Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : 15th Meeting. 

WMO Regional Association VI (Europe) : 4th Session Vienna 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 7th Session Geneva 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Worldng Party II (Economic Growth) . . Paris . 
U.N./KAO Intergovernmental Committee on the World Food Program: 4th 

Session. Rome . 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on the Transport of Geneva 

Dangerous Goods. 

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions Geneva 

ILO Governing Body : 157th Session (and its committees) Geneva 

ITU CCITT Working Party of Study Groups V and XV Geneva 

FAO Council : 41st Session Rome . 

ITU CCITT Study Group V (Protection) Geneva 

lA-ECOSOC: 2d Regular Annual Meeting at the Ministerial Level Sao Paulo 

ITi; CCITT Working Party of Study Group XV (Transmission Systems) . . . Geneva 

NATO Senior Civil ICmergeney Planning Committee Paris . 

F.\0 Conference: 12ih Session Rome 

IMCO Working Group on Tonnage Measurement London 

ICAO Panel of Teletypewriter Specialists: 5th Meeting Montreal 

WHO/FAO/IAEA Seminar on the Protection of the Public in the Event of Genera 

Radiation Accidents. 

OECD Ministerial .Meeting Paris . 

ITU CCITT Working Parties of Study Groups V and VI . . Geneva 

GATT Contracting Parties : 21st Session Geneva 

ILO Meeting of Experts on Conditions of Work of Public Servants ..'.'.'. Geneva 

Oct. 2- 
Oct. 2- 
Oct. 7- 
Oct. 7- 
Oet. 7- 
Oct 7- 
Oct. 7- 
Oct. 7- 
Oct. 7- 
Oct. 10- 
Oct. 14- 
Oct. 14- 
Oct. 16- 
Oct. 18- 
Oet. 21- 
Oct. 21- 
Oct. 21- 
Oct 25- 

Oct. 2&- 
Oct. 28- 
Oct. 29- 
Oct. 29- 
Oct. 29- 
Oct. 31- 

Nov. 4- 
Nov. 4- 

Nov. 4- 
Nov. 4- 

Nov. 4- 
Nov. 4- 
Nov. 6- 
Nov. 11- 
Nov. 11- 
Nov. 11- 
Nov. 11- 
Nov. 12- 
Nov. 16- 
Nov. 18- 
Nov. 18- 
Nov. 18- 

Nov. 19- 
Nov. 20- 
Nov. 21- 
Nov. 25- 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 20, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations : COIR, 
Comlte consultatif international des radio communications; CCITT, Comity consultatif international t«e- 
graplii(nip et l('l('phoni(iue : ECA, Economic Commission for Africa; EC.VFE, Economic Commission for Asia and 
the Far East ; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; L\EA, International Atomic Energy Agency; lA-ECOSOC, Inter-.\merican 
Economic and Social Council; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICE.M, Intergovernmental Com- 
mittee for Euroi)ean Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime 
Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organi- 
zation; OECD, Organization for Economic CoojMjrntion and Development; U.N., United Nations; WHO, World 
Health Organization ; WMO, World Meteorological Organization. 



ITU CCIR/CCITT Plan Committee for the Development of the International 


ICAO Airworthiness Committee: 6th Session 

12th Pan American Child Congress 

FAO Council : 42d Session 

U.N. ECAFE Asian Population Conference 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee : Working Party on Combined Transport 


OECD Maritime Transport Committee 

NATO Ministerial Council 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 36th Session (resumed) 

Rome Nov. 2&- 

Montreal or Paris . November 

Buenos Aires . . Dec. 1- 

Rome Dec. 6- 

Manila .... Dec. 10- 

Geneva .... Dec. 11- 

London .... Dec. 16- 

Paris Dec. 16- 

New York . . . December 

The 18th General Assembly: ''Fair and a Little Warmer, 
With Scattered Thundershowers" 

iy Harlan Cleveland 

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs ^ 

It's the new season — for school and college, 
for opera at the Met and situation comedies 
on TV, for the legitimate theater and that other 
drama, also legitimate we hope, called foot- 
ball. In the year-round histrionics of foreign 
policy it's a new season too — a time for hopes 
and qualms, for euphoria and indigestion and 
plain hard work. In other words, it's time 
again for the General Assembly of the United 

Our children are leaving for college this 
weekend, checking their datebooks and their 
class schedules — in tliat order. Our wives are 
looking over the fall show bills, and wincing 
at the fall due bills. And the members of the 
American delegation to the General Assembly,^ 
and their backstopping colleagues in Washing- 
ton, have spent the past several weeks exam- 
ining the show bills and due bills for the seven- 
ring drama of passion and procedure in the 
greatest arena of politics on earth. 

Those of you who have read the official agen- 

^ Address made before the American Association for 
the United Nations at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 15 
(press release 472 dated Sept. 14) . 

' See p. 556. 

da ' for the 18th session of the General Assem- 
bly — and that smaller number of you who man- 
aged to stay awake all the way througli reading 
it — must have thought you were reading a 
Volkswagen advertisement. It's the same de- 
sign, the same size, the same shape every year. 
But politicians and diplomats, like manufac- 
turers, practice their own kind of built-in ob- 
solescence. On the outside General Assemblies 
look alike. But in the corridors and committee 
rooms of the United Nations building each sea- 
son has its own special atmospherics. 

Last year the United Nations met under the 
gathering thunderheads of Red China's attack 
on India and lived tlirough an electrical storm 
called the Cuba missile crisis. Tliis year's ses- 
sion meets m the uncertain sunlight of the test 
ban treaty, and most of the heat lightning 
around is produced by fission in the Commiuiist 

Political weather is not any easier to predict 
than the meteorological kind. But, as of this 
afternoon, the forecast looks like "Fair and a 
little warmer, with a good chance of scattered 
thundershowers." The United States delega- 

• See p. 556. 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


tion, which will be sworn in by the President 
in Wasliington tomorrow noon, will be coming 
to New York in its shirtsleeves, ready to work 
at making peace; but they provided themselves 
with sweaters and galoshes just in case. 

The Promising Directions of Cliange 

The agenda of a General Assembly deals with 
the raw stuff of human affairs. Since the stuff 
of human affairs is change, the sameness of 
agenda items obscures a dynamic process in the 
real world outside the U.N. 

First, the agenda has to do with the making 
and keeping of peace — which means finding 
ways for change to happen without organized 

Second, the agenda deals with the building 
of nations — which is, whether in growth or de- 
cline, a process of change. 

Third, the agenda deals with human rights, 
the evolving story of man's humanity (or other- 
wise) to man — which is also a process of 

The beginning of a political process may be 
hidden in the nature of man : its end may be ob- 
scured in the mystery of a distant future : and 
its evolution — though predictably erratic — is 
more likely to be marked by subtle alteration 
than by radical change. Single events can, of 
course, have a profound impact on world af- 
fairs — mainly by tipping the scales which ac- 
celerate or reverse a trend. But history does 
not record as many "turning points" or "water- 
sheds" as get mentioned in State Department 
speeches and reported in the breathless seg- 
ments of the press. 

I suppose, nonetheless, that when the 18th 
General Assembly opens on Tuesday some of 
us will be smitten with the conscious or un- 
conscious e.vpectation that some fateful de- 
cision, some sudden act, some auspicious agree- 
ment will untangle the troubles of this tumultu- 
ous planet and trumpet the new dawn in human 

And I suppose others will nurse the fear that 
if this issue or that conflict does not get settled 
once and for all. our world will plunge inevi- 
tably down the slippery slope to chaos, war, and 
the end of civilization. 
Of course, the General Assembly will pro- 

duce no apocalyptic revelation ; nor will it lead 
to Armageddon. It will be just what its name 
says it is: the 18th annual meeting— the one 
that comes between the I7th and the 19th — of an 
important political organ of an international 
organization which is trying to deal with a vast 
range of problems and prospects through a di- 
versified collection of institutions, most of 
which work around the year and many of which 
work in a highly practical fasliion around the 

It is no mean achievement for the United Na- 
tions each year to collect together in the same 
room a great variety of people and nations— 
and live to tell the tale. But the test of an in- 
stitution is not whether it can attract a big 
crowd to talk all at once in a dialog of the ar- 
ticulate deaf. The relevant test is whether the 
institution can point all these varied delegates, 
with their many conflicting interests, in the same 
direction— and whether that direction then be- 
comes the direction of history. 

What Saint Exui)ery said of love could 
equally be said of international cooperation: 
"To love is not to look at each other, but to look 
together in the same direction." Given our 
many conflicting aims and our own common in- 
terest in survival and growth, it is not very use- 
ful for us to agree on general principles and 
distant aims. What counts is whether we can 
agree on next steps, on actions to be taken in 
common. (We will certainly not agree as to 
why we are acting, but that is the essence of 
democratic process : to act together for reasons 
as diverse as our colors and our cultures.) 

Taking as our baseline the real state of affairs 
right now, what are the promising directions of 
change in the General Assembly that opens on 


The world asks, after the test ban, "What?" 
A couple of years ago we agre«d to stop arguing 
about ultimate aims since the ultimate aim of 
disarmament was obviously general and com- 
plete disarmament. That agreement on prin- 
ciples left us free to tackle the really difficult 
part of the job — to decide together what first 
steps to take, in what order, on what schedule. 

Progress in the business of arms control and 



disarmament is measured not in golden words 
or quantum leaps but in orderly moves that are 
the result of reams of teclmical staff work and 
long professional negotiations among experts. 

We have now agreed to two such moves — the 
test ban * and the "hot line." ^ To make some 
moi-e moves in this direction requires, not more 
polemics in the General Assembly, but more 
hard work behind closed doors in Geneva and 
in foreign offices and defense ministries of many 

The General Assembly's contribution to this 
process will be in inverse proportion to the noisy 
argument it generates — in direct proportion to 
the courtesy and restraint we all exercise during 
the disarmament debate and the speed with 
wliich these important matters are sent back to 
the negotiating table. 


In the Middle East and Yemen the U.N.'s 
watchful eye serves to keep the tenuous peace 
from vanisliing in a headlong clash for power. 

The U.N. Force in the Congo has mastered 
successive armed challenges in its noble but diffi- 
cult efforts to convert chaos into order. Now 
that it nears the end of its task, the U.N.'s mem- 
bers are naturally getting impatient to close 
down the peace force and end the U.N.'s emer- 
gency aid to the Congo's economy. A few more 
months and a few more millions of dollars will 
probably be needed to secure the gains so dearly 
won. But it is false economy that puts the 
whole house on the block to evade the last pay- 
ment on the mortgage. 

Nothing is more fundamental to the future 
of the U.N. than its capacity to keep the peace. 
That capacity will surely be tested again, but 
with finer calipers, in other crises. The orga- 
nization must meet the measure by fasliioning 
sharper and better tools for the job. 

To keep the peace costs money — a fraction of 
the cost of war, but harder by far to raise. The 
General Assembly faces the problem of those 
members, a small but very important minority, 
who have adopted as their financial slogan "Our 
way or no pay." "We would all like to have our 

* For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 
234 ; Aug. 26, 1963, p. 314 ; and Sept. 2, 1963, p. 350. 
= 76id., Julys, 1963, p. 50. 

way 100 percent and pay only part of the cost 
of peace. But the imperative of peace in the 
nuclear century is more complicated than that: 
The decisions have to be shared, and the bills 
for carrj'ing them out must also be shared. The 
alternative is too close to the jungle for comfort 
or safety. 

Races and Rights 

Issues of racial discrimination, of racial 
apartness, and of the self-determination of peo- 
ples will again be high on the General Assembly 
agenda. And in these matters this Assembly 
will be a crucial test of maturity — for the 
United Nations Organization itself and for 
important groups of its members. 

All of us seek basic human rights for others, 
and all of us still have unfinished business in 
our own coimtries to bring the rights described 
in the charter to every citizen. The maturity of 
the organization will be measured by its capac- 
ity to effect peaceful change in the direction of 
"fundamental freedoms"; neither change with- 
out peace nor peace without change will suffice. 

The maturity of some of the U.N.'s members 
will be judged by their ability to work dispas- 
sionately toward the changes they most pas- 
sionately desire in the world. And the maturity 
of all members whose governments deny funda- 
mental freedoms to their own people will be 
judged by the vigor of their effoi'ts to modify 
law and practice to conform to the sweep of 
history — the history of freedom for individual 
men and women. 

No corner of our world can reasonably expect 
to escape the winds of change, and the direction 
of those winds is clearly charted for all to see in 
the prescient and precious words of the pre- 
amble and article 1 of the United Nations 

The hardest question before the General 
Assembly — a question that members are just 
beginning to ask— will only be raised, and not 
answered, in the ISth General Assembly. The 
question is: Wliat should the United Nations 
be doing, besides talking, to help its members 
carry out their charter obligations to promote 
"imiversal respect for, and observance of, human 
rights and fundamental freedoms for all . . ." ? 

Let's remember the unfulfilled promise of the 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


charter, like the unfulfillofl promise of our own 
Declaration of Independence, is fundamental 
freedoms and unalienable rights, not for some, 
but for all. 

U.S. Policy in the U.N. 

I have mentioned three kinds of issues in the 
new-model General Assembly : the sequel to the 
test ban, the future of U.N. peacekeeping, the 
implications of an awakening world interest 
in human rights. There are half a hundred 
other issues, including a complex of decisions 
about how the organization can get on faster, 
and concentrate its efforts better, in helping the 
newly developing nations with that familiar yet 
still mystic process called development. 

The United States delegation is about toHbe 
subjected to great rivers of words — and the 
American delegates will contribute at least 
their full share to the ceaseless flow. If you 
want a measure of the value of these words, I 
can only suggest the simplest test possible. Are 
they leading to action hy the organization or 
merely to more words in the organization. The 
policy of the United States in the United Na- 
tions is rather simple after all : to build an orga- 
nization that can act for peace, for development, 
and for human rights. 

It is man's capacity to organize that makes 
the United Nations possible. But it is his grow- 
ing capacity to create trouble and commit sui- 
cide that makes the United Nations mandatory. 

Senate Confirms U.S. Delegation 
to 18th U.N. General Assembly 

The Senate on September 13 confii-nied the 
following to be representatives and alternate 
representatives of the United States to the 18th 
session of the General Assembly of the United 
Nations, to serve no longer than December 31, 

Adiai E. Stevenson 
Edna F. Kelly 
William S. Mnllllard 
Francis T. P. Plimpton 
Charles W. Yost 

Alternate Representatives 

Mercer Cook 

Charles C. Stelle 

Jonathan B. Bingham 

Sidney R. Yates 

Mrs. Jane Warner Dick 

For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 459 dated September 9. 

Agenda of the 18th Regular Session 
of the U.N. General Assembly ^ 

1. Opening of the session by the Chairman of the 
delegation of Pakistan. 

2. Minute of silent prayer or meditation. 

3. Credentials of representatives to the eighteenth 
session of the General Assembly : 

(a) Appointment of the Credentials Committee ; 

(b) Report of the Credentials Committee. 

4. Election of the President. 

5. Constitution of the Main Committees and election 
of officers. 

6. Election of Vice-Presidents. 

7. Notification by the Secretary-General under Article 
12, paragraph 2, of the Charter of the United 

8. Adoption of the agenda. 

9. General debate. 

10. Report of the Secretary-General on the work of 
the Organization. 

11. Report of the Security Council. 

12. Report of the Economic and Social Council. 

13. Report of the Trusteeship Council. 

14. Report of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 

15. Election of five members of the International 
Court of Justice. 

16. Election of three non-permanent members of the 
Security Council. 

17. Election of six members of the Economic and 
Social Council. 

18. Election of the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees. 

19. United Nations Emergency Force : 

(a) Report on the Force ; 

(b) Cost estimates for the maintenance of the 

20. Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and 
the Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West 
New Guinea (West Irian) : report of the Secre- 

' Adopted by the General Assembly on Sept. 20 (U.N. 
doc. .\/5.5r)0). 



21. Report of the Committee on arrangements for a 
conference for the purpose of reviewing the 

22. Third International Conference on the Peaceful 
Uses of Atomic Energy: report of the Secretary- 

23. Report of the Special Committee on the Situation 
with regard to the Implementation of the Declara- 
tion on the Granting of Independence to Colonial 
Countries and Peoples. 

24. Report of the Preparatory Committee on the Inter- 
national Co-operation Year. 

25. Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Improve- 
ment of the Methods of Work of the General As- 

26. Question of general and complete disarmament: 
report of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation 
Committee on Disarmament. 

27. Question of convening a conference for the purpose 
of signing a convention on the prohibition of the 
use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons : report 
of the Secretary-General. 

28. International co-operation in the peaceful uses of 
outer space : report of tie Committee on the Peace- 
ful Uses of Outer Space. 

29. The Korean question : report of the United Nations 
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation 
of Korea. 

30. The policies of apartheid of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa : reports of the Special 
Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Gov- 
ernment of the Republic of South Africa and 
replies by Member States under General Assembly 
resolution 1761 (XVII). 

31. Effects of atomic radiation : 

(a) Report of the United Nations Scientific Com- 
mittee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation ; 

(b) Report of the World Meteorological Organiza- 

32. Report of the Commissioner-General of the United 
Nations Relief and Worl£s Agency for Palestine 
Refugees in the Near East. 

33. Economic development of under-developed coun- 

(a) Planning for economic development : report of 
the Secretary-General ; 

(b) Activities of the United Nations in the field of 
industrial development : report of the Econom- 
ic and Social Council ; 

(c) Decentralization of the economic and social 
activities of the United Nations and strength- 
ening of the regional economic commissions ; 

(d) Accelerated flow of capital and technical as- 
sistance to the developing countries : report of 

the Secretary-General ; 

(e) Establishment of a United Nations capital de- 
velopment fund : report of the Committee on a 
United Nations Capital Development Fund 
and comments thereon by the Economic and 
Social Council. 

34. Conversion to peaceful needs of the resources re- 
leased by disarmament : report of the Secretary- 

35. United Nations training and research institute : re- 
port of the Secretary-General. 

36. Progress and operations of the Special Fund. 

37. United Nations programmes of technical co-opera- 

(a) Review of activities; 

(b) Confirmation of the allocation of funds under 
the Expanded Programme of Technical Assist- 
ance ; 

(c) Technical assistance to Burundi and Rwanda : 
report of the Secretary -General. 

38. Report of the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees. 

39. Co-operation for the eradication of illiteracy 
throughout the world : report of the United Na- 
tions Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi- 

40. Draft Recommendation on Consent to Marriage, 
Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of 
Marriages : report of the Economic and Social 

41. Measures to accelerate the promotion of resi)ect 
for human rights and fundamental freedoms: re- 
port of the Economic and Social Council. 

42. Manifestations of racial prejudice and national 
and religious intolerance : report of the Secretary- 

43. Draft Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms 
of Racial Discrimination. 

44. Draft Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms 
of Religious Intolerance. 

45. Draft Declaration on the Right of Asylum. 

46. Freedom of information: 

(a) Draft Convention on Freedom of Information ; 

(b) Draft Declaration on Freedom of Informa- 

47. Measures designed to promote among youth the 
ideals of peace, mutual respect and understanding 
between peoples. 

48. Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. 

49. Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories 
transmitted under Article 73 e of the Charter of 
the United Nations: reports of the Secretary- 
General and of the Committee on Information from 
Non-Self-Governing Territories : 

(a) Political and constitutional information; 

(b) Information on educational, economic and 
social advancement; 

(c) General questions relating to the transmission 
and examination of information. 

50. Dissemination of information in the Non-Self-Gov- 
eming Territories on the Declaration on the grant- 
ing of independence to colonial countries and 
peoples : report of the Secretary-General. 



61. Offers by Member States of study and training 
facilities for inhabitants of Non-Self-Goveming 
Territories : report of the Secretary-General. 

62. Question of the continuation of the Committee on 
Information from Non-Self -Governing Territories. 

63. Election, if required, to fill vacancies in the mem- 
bership of the Committee on Information from Non- 
Self-Governing Territories. 

54. Si)ecial training programme for Territories under 
Portuguese administration : report of the Secre- 

65. Question of South West Africa : 

(a) Report of the Sixjcial Committee on the Situa- 
tion with regard to the Implementation of 
the Declaration on the Granting of 
Independence to Colonial Countries and 
Peoples ; 

(b) Special educational and training programmes 
for South West Africa : report of the Secre- 

66. Financial reports and accounts for the financial 
year ended 31 December 19G2, and reports of the 
Board of Auditors : 

(a) United Nations ; 

(b) United Nations Children's Fund ; 

(c) United Nations Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees in the Near East ; 

(d) Voluntary funds administered by the United 
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 

57. Supplementary estimates for the financial year 

58. Budget estimates for the financial year 1964. 

59. United Nations Operation in the Congo: cost 

60. Review of the pattern of conferences: report of 
the Secretary-General. 

61. Appointments to fill vacancies in the membership 
of subsidiary bodies of the General Assembly: 

(a) Advisory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions; 

(b) Committee on Contributions ; 

(c) Board of Auditors ; 

(d) United Nations Administrative Tribunal; 

(e) United Nations Staff Pension Committee. 

62. Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the 
expenses of the United Nations: report of the Com- 
mittee on Contributions. 

63. Audit reports relating to expenditure by special- 
ized agencies and the International Atomic Energy 
Agency : 

(a) Earmarklngs and contingency allocations from 
the Sr)ecial Account of the E.xpanded Pro- 
gramme of Technical Assistance ; 

(b) Earmarkings and allotments from the Special 

64. Administrative and budgetary co-ordination of the 
United Nations with the specialized agencies and 
the International Atomic Energy Agency : 

(a) Report of the Advisory Committee on Admin- 
istrative and Budgetary Questions; 

(b) Inter-organizational machinery for matters of 
pay and personnel administration : report of 
the Secretary-General. 

65. Administrative and budgetary procedures of the 
United Nations : 

(a) Report of the Secretary-General on adminis- 
trative and financial procedures to be followed 
by the General Assembly at the time peace- 
keeping operations are authorized ; 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General on his con- 
sultations concerning the desirability and 
feasibility of establishing a peace fund. 

66. Personnel questions : 

(a) Geographical distribution of the staff of the 
Secretariat: report of the Secretary-General; 

(b) Proportion of fixed-term staff ; 

(c) Other personnel questions. 

67. Report of the United Nations Joint Staff Pension 

68. United Nations International School : report of the 

69. Report of the International Law Commission on 
the work of its fifteenth session. 

70. Question of extended participation in general multi- 
lateral treaties concluded under the auspices of 
the League of Nations. 

71. Consideration of principles of international law 
concerning friendly relations and co-operation 
among States in accordance with the Charter of 
the United Nations. 

72. Technical assistance to promote the teaching, study, 
dissemination and wider appreciation of inter- 
national law : report of the Secretary-General with 
a view to the strengthening of the practical appli- 
cation of international law. 

73. Urgent need for suspension of nuclear and thermo- 
nuclear tests. 

74. Denuclearization of Latin America. 

75. Question of Southern Rhodesia. 

76. Means of promoting agrarian reform. 

77. The violation of human rights in South Viet-Nam. 

78. Question of Oman. 

79. Designation of 1968 as International Year for 
Human Rights. 

80. Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's 
Republic of China in the United Nations. 

81. Question of the composition of the General Com- 
mittee of the General Assembly. 

82. Question of equitable representation on the Se- 
curity Council and the Economic and Social 



Security Council Considers 
Southern Rfiodesian Question 

Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson 

U.S. Representative in the Security Council ^ 

At the request of 32 African states, the Secu- 
rity Council is considering the question of 
Southern Rhodesia. On the fifth of August, the 
members of the Council received the request^ 
of the delegations of Ghana, Guinea, Morocco, 
and the United Arab Republic that the Security 
Council consider the situation in Southern 

At that time we studied that letter carefully, 
and, as most of the members of the Security 
Council no doubt know, we had reservations, 
despite the contentions set forth in the explan- 
atory memorandum, on whether the situation 
in Southern Rhodesia required Council action 
or that there was any significant change in the 
situation since it had been considered by the 
Committee of 24. 

In this connection it should be noted that the 
Committee of 24 on the 20th of June ^ drew the 
attention of the Security Council to what it 
termed the deterioration of an explosive situa- 
tion which prevailed in Southern Rliodesia. 
My delegation did not support that decision in 
the Committee of 24, but we note that tlie 
Committee of 24 did no more than draw the at- 
tention of the Security Coimcil to the situation. 
It did not call for Security Council considera- 
tion. Despite our reservations my delegation 
did not oppose Coimcil consideration of this 

Since the opening of this discussion we have 
listened with care and attention to the presenta- 
tions and the argimients set forth by the dele- 
gations of Ghana, Tanganyili:a, Mali, the United 
Arab Republic, and Uganda. We believe tlie 
thoroughness and detail of these presentations 
has facilitated the work of the Council. We 
have studied carefully the position set forth 
with equal clarity by the representative of the 
,United Kingdom, which has such particular and 

'Made in the Council on Sept. 11 (U.S./D.N. press 
release 4245). 
'U.N. doe. S/5382. 
• U.N. doc. A/AC. 109/45. 

special responsibility vis-a-vis Southern Rho- 
desia. We have carefully examined the pre- 
sentations of the four African delegations in 
the light of the charter, and we have weighed 
their views as to why Security Council action 
is called for at this time. In so doing we have 
attempted to determine whether there are any 
new developments in the situation in Southern 
Rhodesia which would warrant consideration 
or action by the Security Council. 

The representative of Ghana and the other 
African delegations in their presentations to the 
Security Council argued that the transfer of 
certain powers to the Southern Rhodesian Gov- 
ernment in accordance with the agreements 
reached at the Victoria Falls conference for 
the dissolution of the Federation, in particular, 
the transfer of an air force and an army, con- 
stituted an action which could endanger inter- 
national peace and security. 

In the first place, it is necessary to emphasize 
the point made by the delegate of the United 
Kingdom that, strictly speaking, what is taking 
place as a result of the Victoria Falls agree- 
ment is a reversion to that Government of 
certain powers which it exercised for many years 
before 1953, which in that year were transferred 
to the Federation, and which with the dissolu- 
tion of the Federation now revert to Southern 
Rhodesia. This reversion of powers is inti- 
mately involved witli the long-established con- 
stitutional relationship between the United 
Kingdom and Southern Rhodesia, on which is 
based of course such powers as the United King- 
dom still exercises in Southern Rhodesia. 

Mr. President, I think there is a related factor 
which we must carefully consider in deciding 
whether to take action on this question. The 
African delegations have suggested that certain 
provisions of the agreement on the dissolution 
of the Federation reached with considerable 
difficulty at Victoria Falls should be nullified 
for the reasons I have covered earlier. Regard- 
less of whether one agrees with these reasons, 
it cannot be denied that to take any action or 
recommend any action with regard to these pro- 
visions must necessarily affect the whole struc- 
ture of the agreement reached at Victoria Falls. 
This agreement involves, as the members of the 
Council know, the future of Nyasaland and 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


Northern Rhodesia. No one, I think, could con- 
tend that the dissolution of the Federation is 
unresponsive to the will of those two peoples. 
To suggest changes in the provisions of the 
Victoria Falls agreement, which represents the 
mechanism for the dissolution of the Federation, 
risks upsetting that agreement and setting back 
the progress toward independence of Northern 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland. 

Sir Patrick Dean, the United Kingdom rep- 
resentative, made further significant and re- 
assuring points in his statement to the Council 
yesterday. He pointed out that reversion of the 
armed forces in no way changed the degree of 
control exercised by the United Kingdom Gov- 
ernment over those forces. In other words, 
their deployment and use either outside or in- 
side the territory of Southern Rhodesia was not, 
in fact, changed by their reversion to the Gov- 
ernment of Southern Rhodesia. 

Thus my delegation concludes that, whatever 
may be the views of members about the disposi- 
tion of armed forces, there has in fact been no 
factual deterioration in tlic situation in South- 
ern Rhodesia resulting from the action agreed 
upon at the Victoria Falls conference such as 
would require Security Council action in ac- 
cordance with its responsibilities under the 
charter. We were further reassured by the 
statement of the United Kingdom representa- 
tive tliat his Government has alwaj'S retained 
and will continue to retain, until such time as 
there is a change in the constitutional relation- 
ship between the United Kingdom and South- 
em Rhodesia, ultimate responsibility for all 
external relations and actions of Southern 

We are confident that the United Kingdom 
will exercise its full authority to assure that 
tliese forces, whether nominally pertaining to 
the Federation as they are now or pertaining 
to the Government of Southern Rhodesia, will 
not pose a threat to the security of Southern 
Rhodesia's neighbors in Africa or the peace 
and sex^urity of that continent. With regard to 
the maintenance of internal security, which is, 
of course, the responsibility of the Southern 
Rliodesian Government, we understand from 
the rei)resentative of the United Kingdom that 
these forces "are no less available for these pur- 

poses under existing arrangements than they 
will be when they revert to Southern Rhodesian 

The United Kingdom representative in his 
statement to the Council also gave us certain 
reassurances on the possibility of Southern Rho- 
desia becoming independent under the current 
terms of franchise or under conditions not ac- 
ceptable to the majority of the people of South- 
em Rhodesia. First of all, he stated categor- 
ically that the reversion of the former Federa- 
tion powers to the Southern Rhodesian Govern- 
ment did not in any way change the status of or 
the constitutional relationship of Southern Rho- 
desia to the United Kingdom. Thus Southern 
Rhodesia will be neither more nor less sovereign 
than it is today, and its relationship with the 
United Kingdom remains unchanged. He as- 
sured us there were no pledges "secret or other- 
wise" concerning the question of independence 
and that this question remains completely open 
for further discussion. He reiterated that the 
position of his Government was that, before 
further consideration of the question of inde- 
pendence was possible, the Goveriunent of 
Southem Rhodesia must make proposals for 
amendments of its constitution which would re- 
sult in broadening the basis of representation 
in the legislature to take effect as soon as prac- 
ticable. The Southern Rhodesian Government, 
lie stated, has been so informed, and this is 
where the matter lies. 

These are in the view of my delegation the 
central issues in the question we are examining. 
Other contentious issues have been raised, such 
as the precise status of Southern Rhodesia in 
respect to article 73 of the charter and the ques- 
tion of General Assembly resolutions. "\^niile 
they concern the overall question of Soutliern 
Rhodesia, they do not touch on the situation 
there which will ensue following the implemen- 
tation of the Victoria Falls agreement. With- 
out passing judgment on questions or 
others which have been raised, I think that the 
debate so far has revealed three significant 

First, that the projected developments result- 
ing from the Victoria Falls conference and the 
dissolution of the Federation, specifically the 
revei-sion of powers to the Southern Rhodesian 



Government and in particular the disposition of 
the armed forces, will not produce deterioration 
in the existing factual situation in Southern 

Second, that such transfer of powers in no 
way affects the current status of Southern Rho- 
desia or the constitutional relationship between 
the United Kingdom and Southern Rhodesia. 

Third, that the United Kingdom Govern- 
ment is not contemplating independence for 
Southern Rhodesia without amendment to the 
constitution which would significantly broaden 
the franchise. 

Mr. President, none of the foregoing consid- 
erations should be construed to have altered the 
oft-reiterated views of the United States on 
internal conditions in Southern Rhodesia. 

On June 22, 1962,^ again on October 26 of that 
year,^ and most recently on March 25 last," 
Ajnerican spokesmen expressed identical hopes 
for the people of Southern Rhodesia. The 
United States desires progressive liberalization 
of the franchise in Southern Rhodesia to per- 
mit tlie emergence of a government that derives 
its just powers from the consent of all of the 
peoples it governs. The United States desires 
an end to racial discrimination in Southern 
Rhodesia as it does elsewhere in the world. 
And the United States wants full and free self- 
determination for Southern Rhodesia to lead to 
tranquillity between its peoples at home and 
peaceful and mutually beneficial relations with 
its neighbors. 

We have repeatedly expressed our concern 
with the unsatisfactory situation prevailing in 
Southern Rhodesia as well as our concern for 
the possible impact of the situation throughout 
the African Continent. We have repeatedly 
stressed the need for increased efforts to stimu- 
late what the representative of the United 

* For text of a statement by Jonatban B. Bingbam 
in plenary session of tbe U.N. General Assembly, see 
Bulletin of Aug. 20, 1962, p. 299. 

' For test of a statement by Ambassador Bingbam 
in Committee IV (Trusteesbip), see U.S. delegation 
ipress release 4075 dated Oct. 26, 1962. 

' For text of a statement by Sidney R. Yates in the 
Special Committee on the Situation With Regard to the 
Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of 
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, see 
D.S./U.N. press release 4168 dated Mar. 25, 1963. 

Kingdom in another forum has referred to as a 
"political climate favorable to liberal and or- 
derly constitutional development." Finally, 
we have repeatedly voiced our anxiety, as I 
noted earlier, over the possibility that inde- 
pendence should be granted before a more sat- 
isfactory situation has been achieved within 
the territory. 

We have taken the view that tlie United 
Kingdom has special responsibilities with re- 
gard to Southern Rhodesia, and the United 
Kingdom has again reasserted its ultimate in- 
ternational responsibility for Southern Rho- 
desia. We have in the past urged and we con- 
tinue to urge the United Kingdom to use its 
special influence toward the rapid broadening 
of the franchise and the rapid elimination of 
racial discrimination. We believe the United 
Kingdom is now embarked on this course, a 
course entirely consistent with its record in 
other territories, which has already been ac- 
knowledged by previous speakers, and a course 
which, if pursued urgently with the cooperation 
of all parties, will produce the solution sought 
not only by the members of tliis Council but first 
and foremost by the peoples of Southern 

For all the foregoing reasons, Mr. President, 
my delegation considers that the Coimcil should 
take no action on this item at this time. 

U.S. Continues To Oppose 
Capital Development Fund 

Statement ly Jonathan B. Bingham ' 

The general debate in this Committee opened 
with an observation that the question of a 
United Nations Capital Development Fund has 
been under consideration for 12 years. Subse- 
quent speakers have observed that there are two 
main issues involved in our discussion; viz., the 
volume of assistance and methods of providing 

' Made in the Committee on the United Nations Capi- 
tal Development Fund on Sept. 9 (U.S./U.N. press re- 
lease 4242 dated Sept. 10). Mr. Bingham is U.S. 
representative on the U.N. Economic and Social 

ocToiiEn 7. j'j(;:i 


By both standards a great deal of progress 
has been made during the past 12 years. The 
flow of capital and assistance to the developing 
countries stood at $3.2 billion 12 years ago. By 
1960 it had more than doubled, to a figure ex- 
ceeding $7 billion. During that year the 
United States accounted for nearly two-thirds 
of the total capital and donations rexieived by 
the 35 developing countries for which data were 

Substantial progress has also been made with 
regard to methods. First, there has been a 
great increase in the use of international insti- 
tutions. In 1951 loans from the "World Bank 
to the developing countries were relatively 
minor. A decade later the World Bank and the 
International Development Association were 
lending about $1 billion a year, almost all of it 
to the developing countries. 

Within the United Nations itself a remarka- 
ble increase has occurred in technical coopera- 
tion activities. From a level of $20 million 12 
years ago, these resources are currently more 
than six times that amount. U.N. activities in 
the field of technical cooperation have expanded 
not only in quantity but in quality as well. The 
establishment of the U.N. Special Fund 4 years 
ago brought into being a new international in- 
strument which carried the concept of technical 
cooperation a long step forward into the vital 
area of preinvestment. 

New instruments were also created in the area 
of financing. The Inter-American Develop- 
ment Bank, with a capital of over $960 million 
and a social progress trust fund of some $394 
million, was established in 1960. The Interna- 
tional Development Association was also estab- 
lished in 1960, with a capital of almost $1 bil- 
lion. IDA provides credits for up to 50 years 
with no interest charge and a 10-year grace pe- 
riod. This type of credit was not given even 
bilaterally in 1951, and now there is an inter- 
national institution furnishing such credits. 
Loans on similar terms are also provided by the 
Development Loan Fund of the United States. 
Another new institution, the International Fi- 
nance Corporation, brought a new type of as- 

' Report by the Secretary-General on "International 
Flow of Long-Term Capital and Official Donations, 
IMO-mCl" (U.N. doc. A/5195/nev. 1). 

sistance to private enterprise, particularly ti. 
entrepreneurs in the developing countries. Tb 
United States takes pride in the fact that it wa: 
either singly or jointly an initiator of all thesi 
new advances. 

Representatives of developed and developing 
countries can agree on the progress made ove 
the last 12 years. We regret that there is stil 
some disagreement about the need for a Unitec 
Nations Capital Development Fund. As foi 
the United States, we continue to believe thai 
the establisliment of such a new fund woulc 
serve no useful purposes. Tlie existing spec- 
trum of international institutions covers ever} 
type of assistance required by the developing 
coimtries and can be adapted in the light oi 
any new requirements. 

We can understand the viewpoint of repre- 
sentatives of developing countries who desire 
still another fund. It is difficult for a country 
which continues to need assistance to oppose any 
new channel or any new window. We hope that 
the representatives of the developing countries 
will also understand our position. The United 
States has provided massive sums of aid 
to developing countries, despite a difficult 
balance-of-payments position. These funds 
have come from taxpaj'ers — from farmers, fac- 
tory workers, teachers, and great numbers of 
people who do not find it easy to meet tax 
burdens. The Congress of the United States, 
as a body of the people's representatives, must 
react to and reflect the viewpoint of the tax- 
payers. In existing circumstances, it would be 
illusory to expect acceptance of a new capital 

Several delegations have alluded to the pos- 
sibility of expanding the activities of the Spe- 
cial Fund to include the financing of capital 
development projects. It is difficult for us to 
consider this possibility when, as yet, the ini- 
tial target for the Special Fund has not been 
met. For 1963 only about 75 percent of the 
target has been pledged. As for the United 
States, we have pledged $60 million toward the 
joint target of $150 million for the Special 
Fund and the Expanded Program, provided 
that our contribution shall not exceed 40 percent 
of total contributions. 

Tlie need for more resources to enable the 



Special Fund to fulfill its present mandate in 
^'- the field of preinvestment was spelled out by 
the Secretary-General, who served as tlie first 
chairman of the Committee on the United 
Nations Capital Development Fund. In the 
introduction to his annual report on the work 
of the organization for the year ending 15 June 
1963,^ U Thant said : 

Tbe Special Fund, for its part, has continued to ful- 
fill the General Assembly's intention that it be "a con- 
structive advance in United Nations assistance to the 
less developed countries" .... 

These accomplishments reflect not only sound 
criteria on the part of Governments and wise manage- 
ment principles on the part of the Special Fund ; they 
are also the result of effective contributions by the 
United Nations and its related organizations vphich 
serve as executing agencies for the Special Fund. 
There is, however, one major disappointment which 
must be voiced : governmental pledges to enable the 
Fund to finance new projects in 1963 were some 2.5 
per cent below the $100 million target. It is therefore 
to be hoped that all participating Governments will 
help the Fund to obtain the $100 million it urgently 
requires in 1964. The scale of the major programme 
in the United Nations Development Decade must be 
raised somewhat more closely to the needs of the low- 
income countries, more closely to their capacity to 
alisorb its assistance and more closely to the ability 
of the Special Fund and the executing agencies to help 
meet those needs. 

The need for more multilateral development assist- 
ance is very real. The time for meeting that need is 
rapidly growing shorter, because the processes of de- 
velopment are inevitably protracted — training is a vast, 
long and difficult as well as essential task, social and 
economic transformations are not easily prepared nor 
speedily accomplished, and investment on the scale 
required to achieve the aims of the Development Decade 
will not be forthcoming unless pre-investment work is 
completed in time. 

Thus the Secretary-General has underlined 
the urgency of providing the Special Fund with 
additional resources to enable it to proceed with 
the preinvestment work which it is so well fitted 
to tmdertake. Surely our first concern must be 
with that problem. In these circumstances, Mr. 
Chainnan, it is cleai'ly premature to discuss any 
proposal to add capital financing to the scope of 
the Special Fund. 

It has also been suggested that the organiza- 
tion of the IDA be modified and its membership 
increased to provide greater representation for 

" U.N. doc. A/5501/Add. 1. 

developing countries. I should like to comment 
briefly on this suggestion. 

IDA has 77 members. Sixteen additional 
countries have applications pending, and most, 
if not all, will in all likelihood become members 
within a month. With these accessions, IDA's 
membership will include virtually all develop- 
ing countries and all countries which make 
important contributions to United Nations pro- 
grams. There is no inherent limitation on fur- 
ther growth. We seriously doubt whether 
revision of IDA's charter along the lines sug- 
gested this morning would enhance its accept- 
ability or its effectiveness. On the contrary, we 
believe such revision might jeopardize current 
negotiations to provide additional resources for 

The present organization of the IBRD and 
the IDA has won full confidence of taxpayers 
in the United States and other major contribu- 
tor countries. Any basic changes might well 
jeopardize the support of these countries, which 
is essential for IDA's success. 

Mr. Chairman, bearing in mind the desires 
and concerns of the representatives of both the 
developing and the developed countries, we 
pledge that the United States will continue to 
give its full cooperation to continuing consider- 
ation of the capital requirements of developing 
countries. We shall do so not only in this 
forum but in all other forums where a practical 
contribution can be made. 

United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

IAEA Meeting on Desalting Water 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 16 (press release 474) that Under Sec- 
retary of the Interior James K. Carr will head 
a special team of experts to consider the use of 
nuclear power to desalt sea water at a meeting 
of the International Atomic Energy Agency to 
be held at Vienna, Austria, beginning Septem- 
ber 23. Commissioner James T. Ramey of the 
Atomic Energy Commission will serve as co- 
chairman with Mr. Carr and represent the 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


Government's nuclear interests in the discus- 

The 2-day panel discussions will be held just 
prior to the general conference of the Interna- 
tional Atomic Encrjry Agency. Fourteen 
countries will participate in the panel. The 
scientists will review the latest developments in 
the technology of desalting water by using nu- 
clear power as a source of heat. 

Representative Chet Holifield, vice chairman 
of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, who 
will attend the International Atomic Energy 
Agency conference as congressional representa- 
tive, will also participate in the panel discus- 
sions. The United States group will also in- 
clude John C. Calhoun, science adviser to the 
Secretary of the Interior; ^Y. Sherman Gillam, 
research director, Office of Saline Water, De- 
partment of the Interior; and Robert W. Ritz- 
mann, senior evaluation engineer, Atomic En- 
ergy Commission. 

General Conference of IAEA 

The Department of State annoimced on Sep- 
tember 19 (press release 481) that President 
Kennedy had appointed Glenn T. Seaborg,i 
Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, 
as U.S. Representative to the seventh regular 
session of the General Conference of the Inter- 
national Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). 
The conference will be held at Vienna, Septem- 
ber 24 to October 4. 

The IAEA is an 83-nation body established 
in 1957, largely on U.S. initiative, to encourage 
and assist research and development and prac- 
tical application of atomic energy for peaceful 
uses tliroughout the world. The Agency is 
headed by a Director General appointed by the 
Board of Governors with the approval of the 
General Conference, which meets annually at 
Vienna, the Agency's headquarters. 

The President also appointed tlie following 
alternate representatives : ^ 

Henry D. Smyth, U.S. Roprosentative to the IAEA, 

Frank K. Hefner, Deputy U.S. Representative to the 
IAEA, Vienna 

' Confirmed by the Senate on Sept. 13. 

John G. Palfrey, Commissioner, Atomic Energy Com- 

James T. Ramey, Commissioner, Atomic Energy Com- 

Other members of the delegation are : 
Senior Scientific Adviser 
Isidor I. Rabl, Consultant-at-Large to the President's 

Science Advisory Committee 

Congressional Advisers 

Chet Holifield. vice chairman, Joint Committee on 

Atomic Energy 
Craig Hosmer, member. Joint Committee on Atomic 


Melvin Price, member. Joint Committee on Atomic 

Jacli Newman, counsel. Joint Committee on Atomic 


Senior Advisers 

R. B. HoUingsworth, Atomic Energy Commission 

Charles Wilson Thomas, Department of State 

Algie A. Wells, Atomic Energy Commission 

Ashton J. O'Donnell, U.S. Mission to the IAEA, Vienna 


Raymond C. Ewing, U. S. Mission to the IAEA, Vienna 

George M. Fennemore, Department of State 

Betty C. Gough, U. S. Mission to the IAEA, Vienna 

Carl W. Schmidt, American Embassy, Vienna 

Robert N. Slawson, Atomic Energy Commission 

Marvin Sorliin, U. S. Information Service, Vienna 

Irwin M. Tobin, Executive OflJce of the President 

William Yeomans, U. S. Mission to the IAEA, Vienna 

Special Assistant to the U.S. Representative 

Arnold R. Fritsch, Atomic Energy Commission 

The principal items to be considered at this 
session include the extension of the IAEA safe- 
guards system, which has since 1961 applied 
only to reactors having power outputs of less 
than 100 megawatts (thermal), to apply to re- 
actors of all types, particularly to those having 
large power outputs; the amendment of article 
XIV of the IAEA statute to provide for the 
merging of the present administrative budget 
(financed by assessment of the members) and 
the present operational budget (financed by 
voluntary contributions) into a single budget 
financed by assessment of the members; the 
program and budget of the IAEA for 1964; 
report of the Board of Governors for 1962-63; 
election of members to the Board of Governors; 
applications for membership in the IAEA ; and 
the relations with other organizations in the 
United Nations. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those 
listed beloio) may be consulted at depository libraries 
in the United States. V.N. printed publications may 
be purchased from the Sales Section of the United 
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 


Current Actions 

Security Council 

Note verbale dated August 28, 1963, from the repre- 
sentative of Ghana to the President of the Security 
Council, enclosing a "Memorandum in regard to 
Southern Rhodesia submitted to the Security Council 
on August 2, together with documents and notes 
supplementary thereto." S/5403. August 28, 1963. 
84 pp. 

Letter dated August 28, 1963, from the representative 
of the United Arab Republic to the President of the 
Security Council enclosing the texts of a resolution 
adopted by the Egyptian-Israel Mixed Armistice 
Commission on August 5 and a statement by the 
chairman of the Commission. S/5405. August 28, 
1963. 3 pp. 

Letter dated August 29, 1963, from the representative 
of Iraq to the President of the Security Council re- 
garding the Palestine question. S/5406. August 29, 
19U3. 3 pp. 

Letters dated August 28 and September 10, 1963, from 
the representatives of Yemen and the United King- 
dom to the President of the Security Council regard- 
ing alleged British acts of aggression. S/5408, Au- 29, 1963, 2 pp., and S/5424, September 10, 1963, 
4 pp. 

Letters dated August 30 and September 3, 1963, from 
the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Haiti to the Presi- 
dent of the Security Council requesting a meeting of 
the Council to reconsider the Haitian-Dominican 
question. S/54H, August 30, 1963, 1 p., and S/5416, 
September 5, 1963, 3 pp. 

Report by the Secretary-General to the Security Coun- 
cil on the U.N. Yemen Observation Mission and the 
implementation of the terms of disengagement 
S/5412. September 4, 1963. 6 pp. 

Letter dated September 12, 1963, from the representa- 
tive of the U.S.S.R. to the Secretary-General, trans- 
mitting a letter from Soviet Foreign Minister 
Gromyko regarding the Security Council resolution 
of July 31 on the situation in territories under Por- 
tuguese administration. S/5427. September 16, 
1963. 2 pp. 

General Assembly 

Election of five members of the International Court of 
Justice. Memorandum by the Secretary-General, 
A/5480, August 12, 1963, 5 pp.; list of candidates 
nominated by national groups, A/5478, August 12, 
1963, 5 pp., and Corr. 1, August 28, 1963, 1 p., and Add. 
1, September 6, 1963, 1 p. ; curricula vitae of candi- 
dates nominated by national groups, A/5479, August 
22, 1963, 49 pp., and Add. 1, September 12, 1963, 
4 pp. 

Letter dated August 22, 1963, from the permanent rep- 
resentatives of the Soviet Union and the United 
States addressed to the Secretary-General concerning 
international cooperation in the peaceful uses of 
outer space. A/5482. August 26, 1963. 24 pp. 


Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 
Done at New York October 26. 1956. Entered into 
force July 29, 1957. TIAS 3873. 
Ratification deposited: Libya, September 9, 1963. 

Amendment to article VI.A.3 of the Statute of the In- 
ternational Atomic Energy Agency. Done at Vienna 
October 4, 1961. Entered into force January 31, 
1903. TIAS 5284. 
Acceptam.ce deposited: Libya, September 9, 1963. 


Articles of agreement of the International Monetary 
Fund. Opened for signature at Washington Decem- 
ber 27, 1945. Entered into force December 27, 1945. 
TIAS 1501. 

Signature and acceptance: Trinidad and Tobago, 
September 16, 1963. 

Articles of agreement of the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development. Opened for sig- 
nature at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered 
into force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502. 
Signature and acceptance: Trinidad and Tobago, 
September 16, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos- 
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at 
Moscow August 5, 1963.' 

Signatures affixed at Washington: Dominican Re- 
public, September 16, 1963 ; San Marino, Septem- 
ber 17, 1963 ; Tanganyika, Togo, September 18, 
1963 ; Rwanda, September 19, 1963 ; Panama, Sene- 
gal, September 20, 1963. 

Postal Services 

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex, 
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding 
airmail with final protocol. Done at Ottawa Octo- 
ber 3, 1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 

Adherences deposited: Jamaica, August 29, 1963; 
Mongolia, August 24, 1963. 


International telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En- 
tered into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United 
States October 23, 1961. TIAS 4892. 
Ratification deposited: Peru, July 25, 1963. 


General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annexes 
and schedules, and protocol of provisional applica- 
tion. Concluded at Geneva October 30, 1947. TIAS 

'Not in force. 

OCTOBER 7, 1963 


Admitted as contracting party (icith rights and obli- 
gations dating from independence): Dahomey, 
September 10, 1903. 

Declaration on the provisional accession of the Swiss 
Confederation to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva November 22, 1958. En- 
tered into force January 1, 19C0; for the United 
States April 29, 1960. TIAS 4461. 
Ratification: Brazil, July 8, 1963. 

Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Tokyo November 12, 19.59. Entered into force May 
21, 1960; for the United States June 15, 1960. TIAS 

Signature: Yugoslavia (subject to ratification), Au- 
gust 6, 1963. 

Proees-verbal extending declaration on provisional ac- 
cession of Tunisia to the General Agreement on Tar- 
iffs and Trade done at Tokyo November 12, 1959 
(TIAS 4498). Done at Geneva December 9, 1961. 
Entered into force for the United States January 9, 
1962. TIAS 4958. 

Signature: Yugoslavia (subject to ratification), Au- 
gust 6, 1963. 

Proa"'s-verbal extending and amending declaration of 
November 22, 195S (TIAS 4461), on provisional ac- 
cession of the Swiss Confederation to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
December 8, 1961. Entered into force December 31, 
1961 ; for the United States January 9, 1962. TIAS 
Signature: Brazil, July 8, 1963. 

Declaration on provisional accession of the United 
Arab Republic to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva November 13, 1962. En- 
tered into force January 9, 1963; for the United 
States May 3, 1963. TIAS 5309. 
Sigtiaturcs: Ceylon, May 21, 1963; Cuba, July 2, 
1963; Yugoslavia (subject to ratification), August 
6, 1963. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of November 26, 1962, as amended (TIAS 
5225 and 5317). Effected by exchange of notes at 
New Delhi September 4, 1963. Entered into force 
September 4, 1963. 



H. Freeman Matthews as Chairman of the United 
States Section of the Permanent Joint Board on De- 
fense, United States-Canada, effective Sei)tember 14. 
(For text of a letter to Mr. Mattliews from President 
Kennedy, see White House press release (Newport, 
R.I.) dated September 14.) 


The Senate on September 13 confirmed Frank K. 
Hefner to be the deputy representative of the United 
States to the International Atomic Energy Agency. 
(For biographic details, see White House press release 
dated July 25.) 

Legation at Usumbura, Burundi 
Raised to Embassy Status 

Department notice dated September 18 

On September 16, 1963, the Legation at Usumbura, 
Kingdom of Burundi, was elevated to the status of Em- 
bassy. Minister Donald Dumont has been appointed 
United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Burundi. 

Clieck List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 16-22 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to September 16 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulleti.n are Nos. 461 
of September 9 and 471 and 472 of September 14. 

No. Date Subject 

*473 9/16 U.S. participation in international 

474 9/16 Delegation to IAEA meeting on de- 

salting water (rewrite). 

475 9/17 Rostow : "The Role of Germany in 

the Evolution of World Politics." 

t476 9/17 Rusk: White House Conference on 
Export Expansion. 

•477 9/17 Martin sworn in as Ambassador to 
Thailand (biographic details). 

♦478 9/18 Delegation to Joint U.S.-Canadian 
Committee on Trade and Eco- 
nomic Affairs. 
479 9/18 Gudeman appointed to Advisory 
Committee on International Busi- 
ness Problems (rewrite). 

•480 9/19 Cultural affairs (Latin America). 
481 9/19 Delegation to IAEA General Con- 
ference (rewrite). 

t4S2 9/20 Martin : "Cuba, Latin America, and 
Communism" (as-delivered text). 

•483 9/20 Cultural exchange (Dominican Re- 
484 9/21 Communique of Joint U.S.-Canadian 
Committee on Trade and Eco- 
nomic Affairs. 

•Not printed. 

tllcld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



INDEX Octoher 7, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1267 

Afghanistan. King of Afghanistan Visits 

United States (text of joint communique) . 535 

Atomic Energy 

General Conference of IAEA (delegation) . . 564 

Hefner confirmed as deputy representative 

to IAEA 566 

IAEA Meeting on Desalting Water (delega- 
tion) 563 

Austria. Deadline for Claims on Austrian Per- 
secutee Fund Is October 31 ..►.., . 550 

Burundi. Legation at Usumbura, Burundi, 

Raised to Embassy Status . , 566 


The Climate of World Trade and U.S.-Canadian 
Trade Relations (Johnson) 543 

Matthe\YS appointed Chairman, U.S. Section, 
Permanent Joint Board on Defense .... 566 

U.S. -Canada Economic Committee Concludes 

Eighth Meeting (test of communique) . . . 548 

Claims and Property. Deadline for Claims on 
Austrian Persecutee Fund Is October 31 . . 550 


Confirmations (Hefner) 566 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy 551 

Senate Confirms U.S. Delegation to ISth U.N. 

General Assembly 556 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Matthews) 566 

Confirmations (Hefner) 566 

Legation at Usumbura, Burundi, Raised to 
Embassy Status 566 

Economic Affairs 

The Climate of World Trade and U.S.- 
Canadian Trade Relations (Johnson) . . 543 

Edward Gudeman Named to Business Advisory 

Committee 542 

President Proclaims Protocol for Spain's Acces- 
sion to GATT 550 

U.S.-Canada Economic Committee Concludes 

Eighth Meeting (text of communique) . . . 548 

U.S. Continues To Oppose Capital Develop- 
ment Fund (Bingham) 561 

Europe. The Role of Germany in the Evolution 
of World Politics (Rostow) ►,.... 536 

Germany. The Role of Germany in the Evolu- 
tion of World Politics (Rostow) ..... 536 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and 
Meetings 552 

General Conference of IAEA (delegation) . . 564 

Hefner confirmed as deputy representative 

to IAEA 566 

IAEA Meeting on Desalting Water (delega- 
tion) 563 

Malaysia. U.S. Comments on U.N. Secretary- 
General's Findings on Malaysia (Depart- 
ment statement) 542 

Military Affairs. Matthews appointed Chair- 
man, U.S. Section, Permanent Joint Board 
on Defense, U.S.-Canada 566 

Non-Self-Governing Territories. Security Coun- 
cil Considers Southern Rhodesian Question 
(Stevenson) , , 559 

Presidential Documents 

King of Afghanistan Visits United States . . 535 
President Proclaims Protocol for Spain's Acces- 
sion to GATT 550 

Southern Rhodesia. Security Council Considers 

Southern Rhodesian Question (Stevenson) . 559 

Spain. President Proclaims Protocol for Spain's 
Accession to GATT 550 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 565 

United Nations 

Agenda of the 18th Regular Session of the 

U.N. General Assembly 556 

Current U.N. Documents 565 

The 18th General Assembly : "Fair and a Little 
Warmer, With Scattered Thundershow- 
ers" (Cleveland) 553 

New Opportunities in the Search for Peace 

(Kennedy) 530 

Security Council Considers Southern Rhodesian 
Question (Stevenson) 559 

Senate Confirms U.S. Delegation to 18th U.N. 
General Assembly 556 

U.S. Comments on U.N. Secretary-General's 
Findings on Malaysia (Department state- 
ment) 542 

U.S. Continues To Oppose Capital Develop- 
ment Fund (Bingham) 561 

Name Index 

Bingham, Jonathan B 556, 561 

Cleveland, Harlan 553 

Cook, Mercer 556 

Dick, Mrs. Jane Warner 556 

Gudeman, Edward 542 

Hefner, Frank K 566 

Johnson, G. Griffith 543 

Kelly, Mrs. Edna F 556 

Kennedy, President 530, 535, 550 

Mailliard, William S 556 

Matthews, H. Freeman 566 

Plimpton, Francis T. P 556 

Rostow, W. W 536 

Stelle, Charles C 556 

Stevenson, Adlai E 556,559 

Yates, Sidney R 556 

Yost, Charles W 556 

Zaher, King Mohammed 535 

Superintendent of Documents 
U.S. government printing office 






Fact Sheet Series 

The following Department of State pampUets, in. the form of fact sheets describing the coimti' 
people, government, economy, and U.S. relations with each country, are now available: 


Pub. No. 


Union of Burma 


10 cents 

Kingdom of Cambodia 


10 cents 

Republic of Congo (L6opoldville) 


10 cents 



10 cents 



10 cents 

Republic of Korea 


10 cents 


Kingdom of Laos 
Kingdom of Morocco 
Federation of Nigeria 
The Philippines 
Republic of Viet-Nam 

ub. No. 



10 cei 


10 cei 


10 cei 


10 cei 


10 cei 




Enclosed find % 

( cash, check, or money order pay- 
able to Supt. of Documents) 

FACT SHEET SERIES 10 cents each 

Please send me pamphlets in the Fact Sheet Series as indies 

below : 

Burma Israel 

Cambodia Korea 

Congo (L6opoldville) Laos 

Indonesia Morocco 









Vol. XLIX, No. 

October U, 1963 


Address by Secretary Busk and Remarks by Ambassador Stevenson 570 


Addresses by President Kennedy, Secretary Rusk, and Ambassador Herter 595 


by Assistant Secretary Martin 57^ 


Texts of Addresses and Press Statement SSSBoston Public Library 

Superintendent of Documents 

OCT 23 1363 


For index see inside back cover 

Dedication of Cliurch Center for the United Nations 

A Church Center for the United Nations, 
built by the Methodist Church and administered 
by the National Council of the Churches of 
Christ in the UjS.A., was dedicated at New 
York, N.Y., on Se-ptember 22. Adlai E. Steven- 
son, U.S. Representative to the United Nations, 
brought greetings from the U.S. Mission to the 
United Nations, and Secretary Rusk teas one 
of tlie principal speakers at the convocation 
ceremony. FoUoioing are texts of the Secre- 
tary's address and Ambassador Stevenson'' s 


All of us are grateful for occasional moments 
of deep and quiet satisfaction, and this is surely 
one of them: the consecration of the Church 
Center for the United Nations. 

There was a time when foreign policy, in- 
cluding the ultimate issues of war and peace, 
was decided by kings and emperors — with or 
without the advice of a privileged few in 
an isolated royal court. In the earlier days 
of democrac}', foreign policy was for specialists 
or practitioners who tended to hold such mat- 
ters aloof from the hurly-burly of domestic 

politics and the scrutiny of public discussion 
and consent. 

But not so today. Especially since the end 
of World War II, foreign affairs have become 
personal affairs for every citizen. Democratic 
governments of our day must take public 
opinion into fullest and serious account in the 
conduct of foreign affairs — and nowhere more 
than in this country. 

Tliis is as it should be. For what happens 
along tlie Congo, the ilekong, and the Spree is 
of vital concern to people living along the Mis- 
sissippi. The people of the United States have 
shouldered heavy burdens to defend freedom 
and to preserve peace. Foreign policy reaches 
into eveiy home in the United States. There is 
no frontline any more. 

But the conduct of foreign policy is a com- 
plex business because the world has become ex- 
tremely complex. And I would hope that one 
of the results of the activities of the Church 
Center for the United Nations will be to help 
illustrate and illuminate the characteristic com- 
plexity of most of the basic issues of our day. 

But to find our way through the complexities, 
we need a clear view of fundamentals. And 
here religious values are among those distant 
stars bv which we chart our coui"se. For reli- 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly piihllcntlnn IflRUed by the Office 
of Media .ServlceH. Biirenii of Public Af- 
falri". provldPR the public and Interested 
afrencteN of the Government with Informa- 
tion on developments In the field of for- 
eign relatlonfi and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign [lollcy. Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other ofllccrs of the Depart- 

ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of Interontlonal affairs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and InternatlonaJ agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department. United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial In the field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 

ment Printing Office, Washington. D.C. 
20402. Peicb : 52 Issues, domestic $8.50, 
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and Items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
Is Indexed In the Readers' Gnide to 
Periodical Literature. 



gious values are concerned not only with man's 
relations to God but with man's relation to 
man — with what we call the moral values. 

When we speak of moral values we speak of 
wliat is permanent witliin seas of political 
change, what is fundamental beneath the sur- 
face, and what is simple witlun complexity. 

I>et me say quite simply that we need to hear 
the voice of enlightened public opinion ; we need 
to feel the pressure for reason in the midst of 
turbulent events ; and we need evidence of broad 
support for our largest goals and purposes. 

As we struggle in Washington with complex 
foreign policy problems on behalf of an open, 
vigorous, and diverse society, we are subject to 
pressures from many who do not have your 
grasp of the underlying moral values which 
animate policy and make luminous the Charter 
of the United Nations. 

We hear from those who nourish hatred be- 
cause they are frightened. 

We hear from those who want to withdraw 
from the world because they dislike it. 

We hear from those who are supercautious 
because they trust nothing but physical power. 

We hear from those who insist upon the non- 
existent easy answers, the quick solutions which 
solve nothing, and issues involving the rights 
and interests of others. 

And we hear from those who are just plain 
confused because they lack the anchor of the 
simple moral values. 

Over the years, the National Council of 
Churches has kept its focus on basic goals and 
has given steadfast support to policies and pro- 
grams designed to move us, and all mankind, 
toward those great goals. 

iForeign Aid 

You have supported our foreign aid pro- 

Over the years those transfusions of strength 
from this country to others have accomplished 
great results. Of the 41 major recipients of 
our aid since 1945 : 

— Fourteen — twelve in Western Europe, 
Japan, and Lebanon — have not only reached a 
satisfactory growth rate of at least II/2 percent 
per capita annually for 5 successive years, but 
they no longer depend on aid. 

— Ten more have reached this rate of growth 
and are becoming less dependent on aid, and 
several will require no more concessional aid. 

— Nine more have attained a satisfactory rate 
of growth but will continue to require for some 
time substantial amounts of aid. 

There are many other nations which have not 
attained a satisfactory rate of growth. The 
struggle of the new nations to modernize their 
economies and societies and achieve political 
stability in freedom is difficult. In some in- 
stances it may be slow. The main job must of 
course be done by the citizens of the developing 
nations. But the more fortunate nations of the 
world must help. And to this end we have 
pledged our support to the Decade of Develop- 
ment, as the United Nations has aptly termed 
the 1960's. 

The United States and other free nations are 
committed to helping the less developed na- 
tions, in the words of President Kennedy,^ "not 
because the Communists may be doing it, not 
because we seek their votes, but because it is 

The United States has carried the major as- 
sistance burden of the world since the end of 
World War II, but other countries are in- 
creasingly sharing the burden. But if the Dec- 
ade of Development is to be successful, we must 
all do more and every prospering nation must 
carry a full load. 

We are concerned about the cuts made by the 
House,^ concerned about the 25-percent reduc- 
tion in the Alliance for Progress, concerned 
about the 15-percent reduction in development 
loans, the severe limits on Presidential flexi- 
bility in dealing witli crisis situations. Thei-e- 
fore we hope this will not be Congress's final 


You have supported disarmament. But you 
have recognized that disarmanent is one of the 
most difficult and complex problems in front 
of us. It involves an attack upon those issues 
which bring men to wish to fight each other. 
It involves the distrust which breeds distrust, 

' Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175. 

' For background, see Hid., Sept. 23, 19C3, p. 476. 

OCTOBER 14, 19G3 


ambition and the fear of ambition, pride and 
the resentment of pride, and other feelings 
which appear to be rooted in a distant past we 
little understand. 

Since undergraduate days at tlie end of the 
twenties, I liave followed closely the repeated 
effort of governments and peoples to strengthen 
peace through tlie laying down of arms and 
have been officially involved in this effort, in 
one way or another, since the end of World War 
II. Reviewing the many attempts there is 
much frustration, much tediimi, much disillu- 
sionment — and even bittei'ness. But today I 
would merely say that we must try again and 
once again to find some way to impose restraints 
upon a lawless world and curbs upon an arms 
race wliich could engulf us all. Taking the 
longest view, I am encouraged by the fact that 
the causes for war appear to be diminishing in 
variety, and I am also encouraged by the grow- 
ing and sobering realization of what war itself 
can mean. 

I do not see on the immediate horizon dra- 
matic and sweeping solutions to divisive and 
dangerous problems. But we must work at 
them steadily, and patiently, and ceaselessly. 
Small steps are worth taking because we might 
find them to be tlie key to larger ones. The ar- 
rangements we make for limited measures may 
prove the small foundations upon which confi- 
dence can grow and security, which has no as- 
surance through destructive power alone, may 
be allowed to grow, because men come to see that 
we need not be the only species of life bent upon 
its own destruction. 

The United Nations 

You have stalwartly supported the United 
Nations. Indeed, representatives of our 
churciies made significant contributions to 
drafting tlie charter itself and were effectively 
on hand at the organization meeting in San 
Francisco 18 years ago. Since then, the 
churches as a whole have contributed greatly to 
public understanding of tlie activities and pur- 
poses of the United Nations. 

This new center here in U.N. Plaza is a 
heartening symbol of your devotion to that or- 
ganization. But it is much more than a sym- 

bol, for it is a place of action and a multiplier 
of action. 

Thousands will come here from church or- 
ganizations for leadership training in U.N. 
affairs. They will study, no doubt, the intri- 
cacies of the charter; but with their own roots 
in moral values, they know in advance that the 
essence of the charter is a similar set of values 
and that this is what draws them to it. 

Your trainees will study the complexities of 
disarmament and the techniques of resolving 
conflicts; but they know in advance that the 
United Nations was organized first and fore- 
most "to save succeeding generations from the 
scourge of war." 

They will study some of the administrative 
problems of teclinical assistance and the trans- 
fer of technology from one culture to another; 
but they know in advance that the United Na- 
tions also was organized "to promote social 
progress and better standards of life in larger 

They will learn something of human rights 
issues which agitate the U.N.'s agenda ; but they 
know in advance that the United Nations is 
committed to "faith in fundamental human 
rights, in the dignity and worth of the human 
person, in the equal rights of men and women 
and of nations large and small." 

In short, those who come to this center, like 
those who direct its affairs, already know that 
the Cliarter of the United Nations projects on 
a world scale the values they already cherish. 

And I know of no better statement of the 
basic goals of the foreign policy of the United 
States than those set forth in the preamble and 
articles 1 and 2 of the United Nations Charter. 
These goals harmonize with the central teach- 
ings of the great majority of mankind. 

In a sentence from one of your basic state- 
ments of policy : "God, still Sovereign amid the 
unleasliing of the atom and the probing of 
space, seeks a world community in which all 
His children have access to every resource for 
human welfare and growth." 

What you do in this new center — and all that 
radiates out from it — is quite literal]}' an essen- 
tial part of the foreign policy of the American 
people. Your program represents both morality 
at work and democracy in action. 



I congratulate you on the completion of this 
concrete symbol ol' aroused and intelligent inter- 
est in world affairs. And I wish you all possible 
success with your impressive and important 
program for the future. 


U.S. /U.N. press release 4247 dated September 23 

In the United States Mission to the United 
Nations we have watched this splendid building 
rise, floor by floor, impatient for it to be finished 
so that the important work it will house can 
begin — and the noise stop ! 

The National Council of Churches has been 
carefully observing the work of the United 
Nations for many years. Now its scrutiny will 
be closer, and those of us who toil across the 
street welcome it. For the truth about the 
United Nations — the truth that can best be 
learned at close range — is what makes it strong. 

Seeing so many United Nations veterans 
here — I am one, too, and proud of it — today 
I am reminded of the spirit in which the United 
Nations was born. Winston Churchill ex- 
pressed this spirit when he said, before the war 
was over, "The little people will have won the 
war, and it will be their right to say what the 
future will be." 

The charter itself reflects that spirit. In- 
stead of beginning with the traditional phrases 
about "governments" or "states" or "high con- 
tracting parties," it says, "We the peoples of 
the United Nations . . . ." 

There were plenty of difficulties then which 
we couldn't foresee. Perhaps that was just as 
well. If we had been able to look ahead, we 
might never have tried to create the United 
Nations at all ! But now we have the courage 
to carry on, encouraged and sustained by the 
hopes, fears, and faith of most of the people of 
the world. 

A large share of the credit for the confidence 
the United Nations enjoys in this country goes 
to you. Your seminars and training courses 
have had a significant effect upon public opin- 
ion among 40 million church members. The 
Church Center for the United Nations, thanks 
to this location, will provide new and sharpened 

perspective for church leaders and laymen. 
They will return to their congregations, wiser 
for their experience and better equipped to in- 
crease understanding and respect for this bold, 
vigorous, and unique experiment in security and 
social economic progress by collective action. 

It is easy and — in some shrill quarters — 
popular to attack the United Nations with 
half-truths and distortions. But to refute even 
the most careless charges, one must be armed 
with facts. And here at the United Nations is 
an arsenal of facts to help you do battle for the 

The churches have been with us from the 
beginning. They have been both clear-sighted 
and foresighted, never expecting miracles and 
never, to put it another way, confusing this 
meeting place of the kingdoms of the world 
with the kingdom of heaven. 

This week 111 nations began a new session 
of the General Assembly in an atmosphere of 
rising hopes. However, political weather is 
not any easier to predict than the meteoro- 
logical kind, and the forecast is: "Fair and 
a little warmer, with a good chance of scattered 

But we are used to thundershowers, and even 
lightning. The headlines about the United Na- 
tions are made by disputes, not by agreements; 
by intemperate words, not by harmonious ac- 
tions. Sometimes a torrent of such words 
threatens to drown our hopes that the United 
Nations will ever become that real community 
of nations which would guarantee peace in the 
world. But let us not forget^to pursue the 
metaphor — that rains and storms do produce 
fruitful results. To the question "What does 
constant sunshine produce?" the answer is "a 

To those who see only the shortcomings of 
the United Nations I would repeat that the 
United Nations is a mirror of the world. And 
if we don't like what we see, let's not blame the 
mirror. The better people understand that any 
weakness of the organization is but a reflection 
of our own weakness, the sooner this compli- 
cated and remarkable instrument for peace— the 
best man has contrived— will do an even better 
job of fulfilling mankind's oldest dream. 

Yet I don't wish to mislead anybody. And 

OCTOBER 14, 19G3 


I like tlmt fine line of Robert Frost : 

But islands of the blessed — 

Hless you, son, 

I never came across a blessed one. 

Even so, when we come to count our present- 
daj' blessings, I would put the United Nations, 
with all of its shortcomings, high on the list. 

Indeed, I feel a little like an Irisli peasant 
who said to the poet Yeats: "Sure, I be- 
lieve in fairies. Never seen any, but it stands 
to reason." 

And it stands to reason that to survive in this 
age mankind has no choice but to erect a mighty 
fortress of safety and sanity. 

Cuba, Latin America, and Communism 

by Edwin M. Martin 

Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs ^ 

During my 18-month tenure as Assistant 
Secretai-y for Inter-American Affairs it has 
been estimated that as much as a third of tlie 
time of the top staff of my bureau in the State 
Department has been spent on tlie problem of 
Cuba. In a sense I have found this an extrav- 
agant overinvestment of time and effort on the 
affairs of a small island of 7 million people, 
when the responsibility of the bureau as a 
whole takes in the formation and implementa- 
tion of United States foreign policy toward 22 
countries in one of the most strategic areas in the 
world for the United States, and having a total 
population of over 200 million. 

In anotlier sense, however, we dare not under- 
estimate the increased danger to Latin America, 
and through it to the United States, posed by 
the continued presence of a Communist regime 
in Cuba tied to the Soviet bloc. Therefore I feel 
that our investment of time and talent on the 
problem is more than justified. 

I need not remind you that only a year ago 
we went to the brink of thennonuclear war over 
the emplacement of Soviet missiles on the island. 
Secretary Rusk just 10 days ago = reminded the 

' Address made before the Los Angeles World Af- 
fairs Council at Los Angeles, Calif., on Sept. 20 (press 
release 482 ; as-delivered text) . 

" BuiXETiN of Sept. 30, lt)C3, p. 490. 

world that, despite relaxation of tensions be- 
tween the United States and the Soviet Union 
on other issues since the October crisis, Cuba 
remains a major obstacle to normal relations 
between us. Paraphrasing the President, who 
has repeatedly stated this policy. Secretary 
Rusk made it plain that we will neither accept 
nor negotiate on the political or milita,ry intru- 
sion of the Soviets in this hemisphere. Neither 
will we stand idly by should Castro attempt to 
interfere by force in the affairs of other nations. 

In the meantime we shall spare no effort to 
induce the Soviet Union to continue to remove 
its military personnel from the island. As you 
are aware, the President at a recent press con- 
ference [August 20] reported that the Soviets 
have been withdrawing forces from the island 
tlirough most of the summer. But we will not 
relax our pressure until all these forces are gone 
from the Caribbean. 

Wliat is the position of Cuba in the hemi- 
sphere today ? Very briefly, it is an island under 
military interdiction, by sea and air, with 
United States forces poised to stop either the 
reintroduction of strategic weapons systems or 
the embarkation of any military expedition for 
neighboring countries. Its government, re- 
jected by the nations of this hemisphere as a 
Marxist-Leninist regime incompatible with the 


r traditions of freedom and democracy of the 
inter- American system, is a pariah in the West- 
em World. Its people are being inexorably 
delivered into the bondage of a slave society, 
their revolution and its once bright promise ut- 
terly betrayed by leaders who have sold them 
out to the Communist world. Their abiding 
hope, evidenced by the continuing stream of ref- 
ugees from oppression, is to be again free to 
organize an independent government on their 
own responsibility. 

To this end, the United States is vigorously 
enforcing a policy of isolation of the Castro 
regime. Revolutions led by egomaniacs like 
Castro must be fed new successes, one after an- 
other, to stay alive. Our objective is to deprive 
this revolution of new successes at home or 
abroad. But we do not stop there ; a standstill 
or stalemate is not good enough. Conspicuous 
failure on every front must be made the daily 
diet of Castro and his associates. A revolution 
in reverse is a revolution destroyed, awaiting 
only some fortuitous incident to cause its col- 
lapse and reveal its internal decay. 

Abroad, the policy of isolation seeks to seal 
off Castro's Cuba and to prevent his program 
for violent revolution from exploiting the social 
unrest that infects much of Latin America. A 
number of measures, unilateral, bilateral, and 
multilateral, which I shall outline in a moment, 
are being employed in this effort. Thus his 
boastful claims to be the leader of the wave of 
the future in Latin America will be shown to be 
only the rantings of a vain demagog, not of a 
revolutionary genius. 

Domestically, isolation will keep the economy 
descending its present downgrade until it is 
clear to all that the glowing promises of a bet- 
ter life for all Cubans, which proved so alluring 
at the outset of the July 26th movement, can 
never be fulfilled by Castro and his cohorts but 
must be sought from new leaders. 

It is frequently said that the isolation policy 
won't work or that it can't take effect fast 
enough to avoid catastrophe in Latin America. 
We are convinced it will work, and we are push- 
ing forward on several fronts to insure that the 
noose on the regime continues to tighten. 

To those who urge "stronger action," I can 
say only, as the President has, that while mili- 
tary action against Cuba sounds like a simple 

proposition of "going in and getting it over 
with," this involves awesome risks. The terrible 
costs that very likely would be involved in such 
a course of action should be borne in mind when 
it is lightly proposed that those who bear the 
full responsibility opt for "action." Neither 
should it be forgotten that what might ensue 
from a "tougher policy" against Cuba could not 
necessarily be limited to a clean-cut military 
operation in the Caribbean. The interrelation 
of our global foreign policies practically insures 
that such an operation could not be delimited 
but rather could be expected to spill over into 
other areas, with unpredictable results. 

Effects of Isolation Policy 

In its essentials the isolation policy is 
designed to deny to the Castro regime the where- 
withal and the plaudits of success that it 
requires to consolidate itself. And by increas- 
ing the costs to the Soviets of their maintenance 
of Castro, and eliminating their prospect of 
gains in Latin America, we are determined to 
convince Moscow that it is backing a sure loser, 
and an expensive one at that. 

In large part because of our isolation policy, 
Cuban trade with the free world has slowed 
to a trickle. Free-world exports to Cuba in 
1959, Castro's first year in power, totaled $680 
million; in 1962 they were $85 million and are 
expected to decline even further this year. 
Free-world purchases from Cuba, primarily 
sugar, have declined almost as much. The ris- 
ing costs to the Soviets of keeping their satellite 
afloat in the Caribbean, an enterprise that be- 
comes more dubious as time goes on, thus are 

We estimate, for example, that bloc-Cuban 
trade this year — Cuba now does more than 
four-fifths of her trade with the Communist 
world— will total about $1 billion, $600 million 
in bloc exports to Cuba and aroimd $400 million 
in Cuban shipments to the bloc. This trade 
gap, which the Soviets must finance, is expected 
to be equally large next year. In addition to 
Cuba's deficit on trade accoimt, the bloc has in- 
vested well over $350 million in military aid to 
Cuba since mid-1960 and has committed itself 
to provide another $500 million in economic 
capital aid to the island. It should be noted. 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


though, that actual deliveries against this latter 
commitment have totaled only $40 to $50 

Regarding free-world shipping to Cuba, a 
subject about wliich much has been said in this 
country, we have been able to discourage this 
trafGc to the extent that there has been a two- 
thirds decrease in the number of calls at Cuban 
ports by free-world ships in the first 7 months of 
this year, compared with the same period in 
1962. "Wliile there was a gradual increase in 
these calls between January and July of this 
year, there has been a period of leveling off 
during midsummer, and a downturn in August. 
It should be pointed out that many of these 
ships arrived at Cuba empty, calling only to 
pick up sugar cargoes. Even so, we are by no 
means satisfied with this performance and will 
continue to press our friends and allies to take 
additional unilateral measures to reduce further 
the ocean transport capacity that has been avail- 
able to the regime. 

The isolation of Cuba by air has been much 
more complete. At the present time there is 
only one free-world flag carrier — Spain's Iberia 
Air Line — providing scheduled service to the 
island. Except for this outlet, scheduled air 
service between the free world and Cuba is 
available only on Cuban flights to Mexico, 
•which operate on an irregular basis and are 
carefully watched. Castro has been making 
rather frantic efforts to open up new channels 
of communication, but without much success. 
It is no accident that the 59 American students 
covered the 90 miles to Cuba via Prague goin"- 
and via Madrid coming home. 

In the financial field the United States this 
summer closed out Cuba's access to a large part 
of the international financial system when it 
froze all dollar transactions with Cuban Gov- 
ernment entities or citizens of Cuba.' A cen- 
tral objective of this move was to reduce sharply 
the amount of dollars available to the Castro 
regime to finance its subversive apparatus in 
other countries of Latin America. 

This unrelenting squeeze, in which I might 
say we have had more wholehearted coopera- 
tion from our friends in Latin America and 
Western Europe than most people are aware 

' Ibid., July 29, 1003, p. 1(30. 

of, has substantially eroded the economic foun- 
dation on which the Castro regime must de- 
pend. Notwithstanding the glowing propa- 
ganda from the regime, and even the testimony 
of some recent but not veiy observant visitors 
to the island, the Cuban economy today is a 

A heavy contributing factor, it should be 
added, has been the monumental mismanage- 
ment of the regime itself over the past 4 years. 

Cuba's "Economic Dry Rot" 

Rather than raising living standards, as Cas- 
tro promised in the early days, communism has 
dramatically reduced them. The Cuban gross 
national product last year was estimated to be 
25 percent below the 1958 level ; in per capita 
terms the real GNP has fallen 30 percent in 
Castro's 4 years. It is expected that, as the 
regime improvises in a desperate effort to cor- 
rect its early errors, output will continue falling 
this year. 

With most basic foodstuffs rigidly rationed, 
average caloric intake is estimated to be 15 to 
25 percent less than it was in pre-Castro 3'ears. 
Consumer goods generally, and spare parts for 
the Cuban industrial base in particular, are in 
even shorter supply, frequently being unobtain- 
able. Shortages are reported daily of electric 
power and water, while the once highly efficient 
transport network continues to crumble. 

The economic drj' rot that has set in is forc- 
ing even more rigorous efforts to control and 
collectivize the economy Soviet-style. Re- 
doubled efforts of the regime to check the dete- 
rioration have largely eliminated pri\'ute 
economic activity and, through the multiplica- 
tion of massive bureaucracies, created even more 
chaotic conditions. All this is bringing in its 
train declining worker productivity, increasing 
absenteeism, and, more frequently of late, the 
execution of quiet but nonetheless effective 

Xowhere has the Castro failure been more 
evident than in agriculture, and particularly in 
the production of sugar. Because the early 
economic planning of the regime envisaged a 
rapid leap forward into industrialization, an 
idea encouraged by the Soviets with their 
promises of hundreds of factories, the Castro 



regime deemphasized the production of sugar 
cane. To them, ti-aditional Cuban dependence 
on this single crop was the symbol of "imperi- 
alist" oppression of the pre-Castro era. 

As the hard facts of economic life bore down 
on them, however, Castro-Communist planners 
began to face the reality that Cuba's destiny as 
a viable nation depended in the final analysis 
on sugar. After the relatively small harvest 
this year — 3.8 million tons in contrast with the 
average annual production of 5 million tons dur- 
ing the past 5 years — the regime within the past 
few months has swung 180 degrees and begun 
heavily to emphasize sugar production; thou- 
sands of acres taken out of cane during the years 
of deemphasis on sugar are to be rushed back 
into sugar production next year. Wliy ? 

On his return from Moscow in May, Castro 
announced that henceforth Cuba's economy 
would be governed by the "international divi- 
sion of labor," meaning that Castro had ac- 
cepted the higher judgment of the Soviets that 
Cuba's role in the Communist bloc had to be 
that of a producer of raw materials. 

Consciously or not, Castro had yoked Cuba 
to the modern-day mercantile system of Soviet 
imperialism that has the mother country, in this 
case Russia, using its colony, here Cuba, as a 
source of raw materials and a captive market 
for manufactures. And the machine of the 
Cuban Government now is trying to apply 
Moscow's dictate to practice. It is clear, if 
Castro's decision was a conscious one, that the 
Soviets had convinced him they could not con- 
tinue pouring money down his rathole unless 
he put his economy in order and on their terms. 
To do that it was necessary to jettison all the 
fine slogans about industrial diversification and 
enroll the population in a new campaign to 
produce sugar. 

Efforts already are under way in this and 
other fields to force the Cuban worker to in- 
crease production through various means, 
including the establishment of work norms on 
the Soviet model, the so-called "emulation" cam- 
paign, and controls on wages that further 
reduce both the workers' real incomes and tlieir 
individual liberties. 

It also is clear that part and parcel of the 
Soviet instruction to Castro to consolidate his 
regime economically was an order that he build 

up the single Communist Party in Cuba. It 
will be interesting to see if this order is carried 
out, implying as it does the further down- 
grading of Castro's most reliable base of sup- 
port, the largely non-Communist 26th of July 

Castro's Shift to Peiping 

For a time, on his return from Moscow, Castro 
seemed to observe the Soviet dictate that he 
should follow a "peaceful coexistence" line and 
mute his strident calls to other Latin American 
nations to rise in violent I'evolution in order to 
concentrate on his domestic economic problems. 
It was no small surprise, then, when on July 
26, the 10th anniversary of his movement, he 
ignored the domestic pi'oblems he was expected 
to discuss and launched into a long exhortation 
renewing his appeal for revolution in the 
Americas on the Cuban model. That this was 
no accident, with Fidel merely carried away by 
his own rhetoric, can be seen in the fact that 
at the same time "Che" Guevara, the brain of 
the revolution, in which Fidel is the heart and 
Eaiil the fist, began issuing polemics designed 
to convince the activist revolutionaries in other 
Latin American countries that not only had 
they the duty to rise up ; they had the capacity. 
Thus the head and the heart of the revolution 
currently seem to be in accord again that now 
is the time for the extreme left to make a force- 
ful bid for power in the hemisphere, resuming 
the theme they dropped last January in favor 
of a softer line. 

Whether this is only another shift in Castro's 
erratic course of the past year remains to be 
seen. It also remains to be seen what response 
it evokes in Latin America, for, with the excep- 
tion of Venezuela, the extreme left has tended 
largely to follow the "peaceful" Moscow 
line, preferring infiltration and political means 
to achieve power rather than the violent 
path. To most of these groups, the resort 
to violence is a confession of weakness, coming 
at a time when they are trying to pose as re- 
spectable political movements; moreover, they 
fear that violent tactics might produce strong 
counterreactions in many of these countries. 

This sliift raises interesting questions about 
Castro's stance in the Moscow-Peiping quarrel. 

OCTOBEK 14, 1963 


It clearly puts him on record in favor of a 
policy line in Latin America which, while both 
necessary to his political future in Cuba, where 
he needs early successes, and congenial to his 
personal pencliant for revolutionary violence, 
would appear to j'jut him much closer to Pei- 
pinp than to Afoscow in what is becoming an in- 
creasingly bitter struggle. It is also not with- 
out interest that Cuba is the only Communist 
country tied closely to and dependent on Mos- 
cow that has not signed the nuclear test ban 
treaty. It is on tlie same side of the fence as 
Communist China and Albania on this issue. 
But we have seen how dependent Cuba is on 
the Soviet bloc economically. Castro's heart 
seems again to have shifted to Pciping, leaving 
his stomach in Moscow. Tliis hardly seems a 
prescription for a long life. 

It is interesting also that in view of the re- 
luctance of most of the older Moscow-line Com- 
munist parties of Latin America to embark on 
violence, Castro has been forced to depend 
on assorted extremists — anarchists, Stalinists, 
Trotsky ites, et cetera. His dogmatic impera- 
tive would appear to be violence and terror 
rather than any one of the Marxist ideologies. 

Meeting the Challenge of Communism 

Regardless of Castro's immediate prospects 
with this new tactic, there remains in Latin 
America a combination of elements that, with or 
without him, promises to advance the cause of 
communism in tlie hemisphere unless checked by 
resolute action on tha part of the forces of de- 
mocracy and freedom. The social rigidities of 
many Latin American countries, plus wide- 
spread economic want, are, of course, most 
fertile areas for Communist incubation. 

And Marxist teaching and Communist propa- 
ganda and infiltration, it should be remembered, 
did not arrive in the hemisphere witli Castro. 
Even today Communist parties in Latin Amer- 
ica have a life and a force of their own and are 
not wholly dependent on outside nourishment or 
guidance. A clear pattem has been established, 
for example, in accordance with which commu- 
nism in recent years has been able to advance 
by making common cause with indigenous 
leftist, ultranationalist groups. Indeed, I often 
wonder which — the Latin American Commu- 

nist or the destructive ultranationalist — is the 
more dangerous adversary to freedom and 

The steps we are taking in concert with our 
Latin American partners in the Alliance for 
Progi-ess, which I shall touch on later, consti- 
tute the most effective long-tenn check on these 
subversive elements. The revolutionaries know 
this too, and the increased emphasis on violence 
reflects, first, the loss of hope of early access to 
power by political means resulting from the loss 
of popular support and sympatliy at the time of 
tlie missile crisis, and second, a growing sense of 
the urgency of preventing the success of the 
alliance. Violence and terror are means to that 
end, whether they lead to such disorder that the 
private investment, on which the economic goals 
of the alliance so much depend, will not take 
place, or whether they lead to rightist coups, 
military or civilian, which not only stop vio- 
lence but stop progress as well and thereby mag- 
nify the appeal of the Communists. We must 
remember that the leaders of the current terror- 
ism in Venezuela got their framing and their 
clear dedication to violence in fighting the 
Venezuelan military dictator, Perez Jimenez. 

To meet this challenge, we now have under 
way a number of specific programs for confront- 
ing and defeating communism in Latin Amer- 
ica. Earlier I mentioned the LTnited States 
military interdiction of Cuba, which is in part 
designed to thwart any attempt to export arms 
or men to other countries in Latin America in 
support of local subversion campaigns. The 
blocking controls limit the dollar assets which 
might be used to finance these campaigns. The 
absence of any free- world ship passenger serv- 
ice to Cuba and the very limited contact by air 
sharply reduce the means by which the regime 
can move agents into and out of these countries. 

In the sphere of bilateral arrangements, at 
the request of the governments concerned the 
United States is supporting extensive internal 
security programs in most countries to increase 
the capability of the police and military forces 
to prevent and suppress Commimist-inspired 
disorders, terrorism, sabotage, or guerrilla 

As part of our cooperation with the Organiza- 
tion of American States, the United States is 
working diligently to improve the capability of 



the hemisphere to counter effectively Castro 
communism in Latin America. Tlie Council 
of tlie OAS last July approved an important 
list of measures for attacking Communist sub- 
version and urged their prompt implementation 
by the member governments. The Central 
American countries and Panama have worked 
out special security arrangements for the 
isthmian area, in which we are assisting.* 

While in tlie aggi'egate these measures con- 
stitute a formidable defense for the free nations 
of this hemisphere, they are, I must repeat, only 
a short-term defensive posture designed to give 
us time to deal with the fundamental problems 
which have produced the phenomenon of com- 
munism in the Americas. Latin America can- 
not realize its destiny by anticommunism alone. 
In fact, if there were not a Communist ideology 
to exploit these problems, something else would 
take its place. The problems cannot be buried 
or forgotten. People will fijid ways to make 
their needs known and to get their demands met. 

Objectives of Alliance for Progress 

The real long-term solution, of course, lies in 
the correction of these underlying problems, 
and it is to this that the Alliance for Progress 
is devoted. 

A detailed outline of our mutual achieve- 
ments so far and an appraisal of our prospects 
for ultimate success would alone require a 
speech or two, probably rather dull ones too. I 
would like therefore just to philosophize a few 
moments about what the alliance is really trying 
to do and about the United States role in it. 

Wliile there are many facets to the alliance, 
I group them under some five closely interre- 
lated objectives: 

1. Political development toward greater sta- 
bility and wisdom. 

2. Institutional change. 

3. Social development. 

4. Economic development. 

5. Individual attitude change. 

Many people think of the problems of the 
developing world almost exclusively in terms 
of economic growth. I put political develop- 
ment first, because I think it comes first from 

* For .background, see ibid.. May 6, 1963, p. 719. 

nearly every standpoint. For the individual to 
be able to participate freely in a successful 
political system is a good in itself. But political 
maturity also is essential to sound institutional 
change and to economic and social development. 
Without it, private enterprise does not find the 
assurances it needs to risk its capital. Without 
it, resources cannot be commanded or wisely 
utilized for public infrastructure. Social serv- 
ices will be inefficient or lacking. The legal 
framework for the life of the community will 
be inappropriate, or laws will remain dead let- 
ters. Our lives must be touched at every turn 
by government in order for our complex modem 
social system to function with a minimum of 
friction and disorder. We all therefore have a 
fundamental interest in the quality of govern- 
ment in the developing countries which must 
cope with the tensions of rapid change. 

Institutional reform, a central feature of the 
alliance concept, is largely a function of politi- 
cal decisions and can be no better than the politi- 
cal wisdom of the people and their government. 
At the same time, basic reforms are essential to 
political stability. Without a wider distribu- 
tion of political and economic power, unrest and 
tension can block the development of mature, ef- 
ficient, perhaps even democratic political 
institutions. And the continued lack of 
opportunities for advancement on the basis of 
ability, without regard to social or economic 
status, will not only feed unrest but deprive the 
society of urgently needed human resources. 

There is something of a chicken-and-egg 
problem here, and it will appear again, for 
change will not wait but must take place before 
conditions can exist for it to be surely sound and 
wise. There will therefore inevitably be mis- 
takes and injustices and disorder. And prog- 
ress, as perhaps always in human history, will 
be a sawtooth rather than a smooth curve — ^but 
hopefully with an upward trend. 

Closely related to institutional change is so- 
cial development. Its importance derives from 
the necessity for providing direct and immedi- 
ate improvements in the lives of the underprivi- 
leged. This is so not only for humanitarian 
reasons, justified as these are in most ceases. It 
is also because we are in an era of rising expec- 
tations in which it is not politically possible to 
wait for improved economic activity to be re- 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


fleeted eventually in improved social conditions. 
Funds and elVort must be consciously directed to 
the correction of present evils, and largely by 
government action. 

Important as these reasons for social devel- 
opment programs are, they overlook a funda- 
mental longer term economic dividend from 
such investments. For, far from being only a 
naturally deferred result of substantial eco- 
nomic growth, investment of capital in health, 
education, and housing programs has repeatedly 
been demonstrated to bring big returns in pro- 
ductivity in factories and on farms. Production 
costs are higher in Latin America than in most 
less developed countries, and one reason is cer- 
tainly liealtli and education deficiencies. We in 
the United States have long recognized the vital 
role early investments in our educational sys- 
tem played in making possible our unprece- 
dented rate of economic growth. 

Economic development is so much the center 
of attention that there is little I need add. It 
depends in substantial part on rapidly increas- 
ing investment of both domestic and foreign 
private capital. This, in addition to the de- 
velopment of markets, depends on a reassuring 
climate for private enterprise which govern- 
ments can do much to make or destroy. To gov- 
ernments we look for public order, for adequate 
provision of the public infrastnicture on which 
private capital everywhere depends, and for 
fiscal and financial policies which will insure 
that revenues collected produce commensurate 
public benefits and that budget deficits do not 
cause ruinous infiation which scares off soimd 
private investment. 

In its turn, economic growth has a most im- 
portant contribution to make to political sta- 
bility. It provides a larger base from which to 
secure public revenues and thus makes it easier 
to meet the demands of social and economic de- 
velopment on the public puree without incur- 
ring budget deficits of the kind which provokes 
widespread crises. And of course, even more 
than health and education or housing, most 
Latin Americans, like Americans, want above 
all a job. Unemployment is the most basic 
source of political unrest and dissatisfaction. 

Millions in I^atin America are thus involved 
in a vicious circle, for it is hard for one who has 
been unemployed or seriously underemployed 

for years to see that the present private enter- 
prise system has done much for him. It is not 
surprising that it is hard for him to understand 
why he should be interested in protecting it and 
expanding it. 

This leads us to one of the most basic ob- 
stacles to an adequate rate of economic develop- 
ment in Latin America today. For it takes a 
substantial amount of capital to put a man to 
work, and it is difficult to see where it will all 
come from if population keeps growing at its 
present rate. At 2.8 percent per year, it is the 
highest rate of any major area of the world. 
The Alliance for Progress goal is a per capita 
increase of 2. .5 percent per year in GNP during 
the 196n's. The population rise therefore re- 
qtiires a .5.3 percent total increase, a rate seldom 
achieved by any country over a long period. 
Too much capital has to go into providing jobs, 
and too little is left for productive investment 
that will increase incomes over the longer term. 

The fifth and final major area in which the 
alliance must work is a sort of shadowland — 
that of changing individual attitudes. Such 
changes are, of course, an essential ingredient 
of all the preceding programs. This is not just 
a matter of superficial points of view, nor of 
passing enthusiams, helpful as these may be. 
Rather, it is a question of changing attitudes 
molded by a cultural tradition of four centuries 
in this hemisphere and many more in the Ibe- 
rian Peninsula and pre-Columbian America. 
This culture is less alien to the traditions of 
modem industrial Atlantic society than those 
of the Middle and Far East and Africa and has 
thus suffered less shock and erosion than they 
from conflict with it and is therefore less mal- 
leable. Yet at crucial points its very values 
impede the successful development of a 20th- 
century scientific and industrial culture whose 
material and other benefits are so much desired. 

Atlitudes and values deriving from long- 
lived institutions are not changed quickly. The 
history of the human race prior to the last three 
or four centinnes has been characterized by 
repetition more than change: man is not well 
adapted to abandoning quickly the way his an- 
cestors thought and acted. "We in this coim- 
try can perhaps better understand what is in- 
volved in view of the crises of attitudes we are 
going through as the result of accelerated prog- 



ress in equal treatment for Negroes, some hun- 
dred years after they were legally emancipated 
and given an equal treatment under the law. 

]\Iany kinds of changes in attitudes and values 
are involved. Among them is a view of the im- 
portance of precision in measurement, whether 
of time, or costs, or distances; a pragmatic 
rather than doctrinaire approach to the solution 
of differences and problems; an appreciation 
of the value of work with the hands and of 
scientific knowledge as compared to humanistic 
studies; a sense of public responsibility and 
public trust and through this of more respect 
for the contribution of good government to the 
public welfare; more team spirit and less indi- 
vidualism ; an understanding of the importance 
of social and economic opportunity and mobility 
guided by performance rather than status. 

Thousands of Latin Americans understand 
these matters and have made these changes, but 
it must become millionn. 

The U.S. and the People of Latin America 

So much for a general outline of the areas 
in which unprecedented progress must be made 
in the decade of the sixties if the Alliance for 
Progi'ess is to succeed, or, even more important, 
if the minimum of essential improvements in 
the conditions and opportunities of life for the 
vast majority of the people of Latin America 
are to be made. That they must be made is 
beyond question. Latin Americans no longer 
are willing to accept a 20th-century standard 
of living that is one-tenth that of tlie average 
in the United States and one-half that of West- 
ern Europe. President Kennedy recognized 
this when he said, ^ "Those who make peaceful 
revolution impossible will make violent revolu- 
tion inevitable." 

What must we in the United States do as 
partners in this unprecedented effort, bearing 
in mind that we are the junior partners and that 
the vast bulk of the decisions and sacrifices and 
work falls on the Latin Americans themselves ? 
Our problems are largely ones of attitudes too. 
The first requirement of us is that we be tolerant 
and patient of the turmoil, the disappointments, 
the disorder, the bitter criticisms of the alliance 
from both right and left extremes, that are as 

' Ibid.. Apr. 2, 1962, p. .5.39. 

certain as history to accompany a period of 
change of the kind in store for Latin America. 

Secondly, United States policy in Latin 
Anierica puts primary emphasis on assisting 
the countries and peoples of the area to realize 
fhe/r aspirations for a richer and fuller life, 
for a greater participation by all citizens in the 
cultural, material, and spiritual benefits which 
the 20th century has to offer. 

AVe want the peoples of each of the 22 coun- 
tries of the area, including Cuba, to be free to 
choose the political and economic and social sys- 
tem which f/iey think will best fulfill their aspi- 
rations and to be able periodically to review 
and revise that choice and elect those leaders 
who can help them reach their goals. 

We believe there is no better way for a politi- 
cally mature people to assure that their govern- 
ment is responsive to their needs. We also be- 
lieve that no government which is not so chosen 
by its citizens can command the support and 
sacrifices necessary to enable a society to put its 
full energies into the task of breaking both the 
old liabit patterns and the physical limits of the 

We are therefore convinced that the drive to 
develop can only have real vitality if the end 
and means are of a people's own choosing as the 
best for them. We cannot look for carbon 
copies of the United States to succeed or even 
for all the Latin American countries to follow 
similar paths. Our resources, our histories, our 
individual wants and capacities are all different, 
and so must be our futures if they are to have 
depth and meaning and enrich the lives of those 
to come. 

Rightfully proud as we are of the success of 
our way of doing things, we must therefore ac- 
cept the fact that they will and often should do 
things differently. AVe must try to help them 
out of our own experience to reach their objec- 
tives, and by their own routes. Our role calls 
for an attitude of tolerance toward differences 
that will not be an easy one for a country as 
proud of its great achievements as we are to 

A third attitude we will need to cultivate is 
that of patience. It is important for us to keep 
aware of our history, past and current, to realize 
how long it has taken us to .solve some of the 
problems with which the Latin Americans are 

OCTOBER 14, 19C3 


struggling and to remember how many of them 
we are still wrestling with. Racial equality, 
tax reform, honesty in government, nepotism, 
the spoils system, the right division of roles be- 
tween government and private enterprise, how 
to give our children the education they need for 
tomorrow's world and how to pay for it, how to 
handle our farm surpluses, are just a few of the 
l)roblems we share. These are all tough ones 
for which we are still seeking answers, and we 
should not expect overnight miracles from 
those who start with fewer assets to solve them 
than we. 

Fourtidy, I wish to stress that we shall never 
succeed in giving them of our best — and they 
want and need it — unless our giving puts pri- 
mary emphasis on people. Attitudes are 
changed by people much faster than by books 
or money. Education is at heart a person-to- 
person process. Friends are made by people, 
not dollars. Unless enough Americans of 
talent and dedication are willing to spend some 
part of tlieir lives, often under physically un- 
comfortable conditions, sharing what they have 
learned, we cannot hope to reap credit for ful- 
filling our role. And from many I have talked 
to, it ends up not in just "spending" but in 
"collecting" an experience of satisfaction in 
achievement, in an impact on people's lives, now 
and for the long-term future. 

But, of course, while I put people and atti- 
tudes first, we cannot succeed without money. 
AVe must help prime the pump and get the 
engine of development moving fast enough and 
soon enough to defeat the hopes of our 
enemies, the Communists. An amount which 
is small in relation to what we have left for 
luxuries can be the difference between pliysical 
and mental and moral starvation and an oppor- 
tunity to live a decent life with hope for a better 
future, for their children if not themselves. It 
is this ability to hope, to see a glimmer of light 
at the end of the tunnel, which is crucial to 
keeping people believing that our way of life 
is worth working for and, if need be, figjiting 
and dying for. 

These are heavy demands on us, but no 
greater than we have met before in our history 
in developing this great and rich continent. I 
am confident that our people are increasingly 
becoming aware of what is needed and that they 
•will measure up to the task. 

U.S.-Japan Cultural Conference 
To Be Held at Washington 

Press release 491 dated September 2G 

The Second U.S.-Japan Conference on Cul- 
tural and Educational Interchange will be held 
at Washington, October 16-22, the Department 
of State announced on September 26. 

Heading the American delegation will be 
Hugh Borton, president of Haverford College 
and scholar in Japanese history, who was also 
chairman of the American delegation at the first 
conference at Tokyo in January 1962. Other 
American delegates will be Lucius D. Battle, 
Assistant Secretary of State for Educational 
and Cultural Affairs; Charles B. Fahs, Min- 
ister-Counselor for Cultural and Public Affairs 
of the American Embassy at Tokyo; Richard 
Mcliinnon, associate director of the Center for 
Asian Arts, University of Washington; 
Edward R. Murrow, Director of the U.S. In- 
formation Agency; Donald Oenslager, stage 
designer and theater consultant; John D. 
Rockefeller III, president of the Japan Society ; 
Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., historian and Special 
Assistant to the President; and Joseph K. 
Yamagiwa, chairman of the Department of 
Far Eastern Languages and Literature, Uni- 
versity of Michigan. 

The Japanese delegation will be headed by 
Tatsuo Morito, president-emeritus of Hiro- 
shima University and cuiTently president, 
Japan Scholarship Foundation (Xihon Ikuei 
Kai), and chairman, Central Council for Edu- 
cation, Ministry of Education. Other Japanese 
delegates are Isao Amagi, director of Research 
Bureau, Ministiy of Education; Shintaro 
Fukushima, Japanese delegate to the United 
Nations and president of the Japan Times; 
Shoji Hamada, ceramic artist, now in the 
United States; Hideo Kishimoto, director, 
Toltyo University Library; Yoshinori Maeda, 
vice president of the Japan Broadcasting Cor- 
poration (NHIv) ; Saburo Matsukata, president 
of Japan International Television Film Ex- 
change, Inc.; Minister Plenipotentiary and Ex- 
traordinaiy Susumu Nakagawa, Japanese Em- 
bassy, Washington, D.C.; Takashi Sugawara, 
playwright; Shohei Takamura, pi-esident of 
Keio University; Kogoro Uemura, vice presi- 
dent of the Japanese Federation of Economic 



Organizations; Kikuchi Yonezawa, director of 
the Society for Intei-national Cultui'al Relations 
( Kokusai Buuka Shinkokai) . 

Five jnajor topics will comprise the agenda 
for the conference. The conference will open 
with reports from both delegations on the pi'og- 
ress achieved on the recommendations made at 
the Tokyo meeting. The other topics are: im- 
proving the exchange of educational television 
programs between the two countries ; increasing 
the translation and abstracting of Japanese 
scholarly information; broadening Japanese 

studies in the United States and American 
studies in Japan; and promoting wider ex- 
changes in the performing arts. 

Agreement to hold a binational conference on 
cultural and educational interchange was 
reached during the talks between President 
Kennedy and Prime IMinister Hayato Ikeda in 
June 19G1 in Washington.^ The present con- 
ference was called for in the final communique 
issued at the close of the first meeting. 

' Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 57. 

Vice President Johnson Visits Northern Europe 

Vice President and Mrs. Lyndon B. Johnson, 
with their daughter Linda Bird, made a trip 
to northern Europe, leaving Washington on 
Septemher 2 and returning on Septemher 17. 
Following is the text of one of the addresses 
made hy the Vice President in each of the coun- 
tries he visited, together with a press statement 
agreed upon and issued jointly at Helsinki hy 
Mr. Johnson and President Urho K. Kekkonen 
on September 10 at the conclusion of the Vice 
Presidents visit to Finland. 

City Council, Goteborg, Sweden, September 4 

TVe are most grateful for this opportunity ro 
visit your historic city — from which so many 
of your fine countrymen sailed to become our 
countrymen in America. 

In my land, Goteborg is most often known as 
"Gothenburg." In the same manner, many 
families who left your land as Jonssons or 
Johanssons are Icnown in America as Johnsons. 
Wliile I cannot claim direct kinship, I can say 
that as an American — and as a Johnson — I feel 
very much at home in Sweden, wherever we go. 

Your friendly reception has drawn us even 
closer in those happy and honorable bonds 
which the people of Sweden and America 
have shared for so long. We can hope — and 
expect — that in the future, as in the past, the 
most conspicuous differences between us will be 

no more significant than matters of spelling. 

It is especially appropriate that our journey 
of friendship should bring us here. In years 
past, your port was the gateway to America 
for hundreds of thousands. Today it is, as you 
proudly say, the gateway to northern Europe. 
Your country — and your region — is making a 
most significant and growing contribution to 
the remarkable surge of vitality among the 
free nations. Swedish skills, science, and 
standards of quality are universally admired 
and envied, just as the traditional Swedish 
traits of stalwartness and perseverance have so 
long been universally respected. 

We of America anticipate a role of increasing 
importance for all of northern Europe in the 
economic upsurge of the promising years im- 
mediately ahead. It is good to come to this 
important center and find among you that 
spirit of confidence, enthusiasm, and optimism 
so widespread in the Atlantic community now. 

If you were to visit my country— as we hope 
you will — you would find such a new spirit 
present, also. Our union of many peoples, 
many interests, and many States has often pre- 
sented us with many unique problems and chal- 
lenges — as it does now. But today, as in the 
past, optimism and confidence are the unfailing 
characteristics of the American people. We 
feel now that for ourselves, as for the world, 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


this is the beginning of a new and most liopeful 

Thirty years ago, wlicn the United States 
■was huinclied upon its great and long-sustained 
advance toward industrial maturity and eco- 
nomic abundance, we were a nation of 123 mil- 
lion persons. Today there are 180 million of 
us. Yet we are even now required to prepare 
for a population in the 1970's which will be 
twice the size of the prewar years. 

It is a measure of tlie dynamic nature of this 
period that, currently, our population over 65 
increases by 1,000 every day ; our population of 
16-year-olds will this year increase by 20,000 
every week. We are challenged throughout 
this decade to create 200,000 new jobs every 

Tlie challenges are imposing, but the continu- 
ing vitality of our system is reassuring. Sev- 
enty million Americans are employed today — a 
new peak in our hi.story. Average wages for 
our factory workers also have reached a new 
peak this year — of more than $100 weekly. 
Only a few days ago, the legal minimum wage 
in our economy advanced to $1.25 an hour. We 
are engaging in new programs to retrain work- 
ers for new employment in the 4 million jobs 
which are now unfilled. 

We recognize that tlie necessary expansion of 
this perioil imposes extraordinary demands up- 
on the private sector of our economy. We are, 
among otlier efforts, seeking to reduce the bur- 
den of tax rates and stimidate new investment 
to accelerate the growtli and modernization of 
our industry. We are committing our resources 
and talents on an unprecedented scale in sup- 
port of scientific research and development. 

As your guest, I speak reluctantly of our 
affairs at home. But it is important, I believe, 
for others of the free world to appreciate the 
tides which are now running in the United 
States. When the facts of the dynamic Amer- 
ican market are considered, it is clearly un- 
realistic for any to believe that so vital an 
economy as that of the United States can be 
excluded or ignored in the shaping of the free 
world's future prosperity. 

We of America believe that prosperity, no than security, is a mutual concern, a mu- 
tual activity, and a mutual responsibility among 
free nalions. AVe liavo prepared ourselves with 

new legislation to participate more effectively 
in the support of our traditional goal of more 
liberal trade among all nations. We do not 
believe the free world can be both prosperous 
and protectionist. In our attention to the many 
details of this present period, it is important 
for us all — in all regions of the free world — 
not to lose sight of the indispensable source of 
the mutual success we are privileged to enjoy 

Foreign trade, foreign shipping, foreign pol- 
icy are all important to us. But our past, pres- 
ent, and future success rests upon our respective 
policies at home — and, especiallj', upon 
our continuing concern for the individual: the 
individual family, the individual youth, the 
individual aged, the individual M'orker, the in- 
individual businessman, the individual farmer 
and fisherman. 

This cannot be overemphasized. The neces- 
sities of the age require governments to take 
large roles in relations and negotiations with 
other governments which intimately affect the 
lives of individuals. But we who cherish the 
values of the free societies would lose much we 
cannot afford to lose by allowing government to 
eclipse or overshadow the essential dignity of 
the individual. 

In the domestic debates and discussions of my 
country, we traditionally express our interest 
in and concern for the status of what we call 
the "little man." We believe that the individ- 
ual without great economic power or great po- 
litical power must be served by his government. 
His opportunity must be preserved. His rights, 
his liberty, his liuman dignity must be protected 
against those forces which he is powerless to 
control alone. The "little man" is very big in 
the affairs of America. We believe it is the 
necessary goal of free societies everywhere to 
help the "little man" stand tall against all 
forces which would make him subservient — in- 
cluding the power of government itself. 

We recognize that this tradition in America 
is akin to your traditions and the motivations 
of your own domestic objectives. In Sweden 
you would permit no man to starve ; you want no 
family to live in slums, no child to mature with- 
out education, no aged citizen to languish with- 
out care for his illnesses. In America you 
would find these same values not onlv in the 



hearts of the people but in the heart of the pub- 
lic policies as well. 

We believe government must keep its head 
witJiout losing its heart. If there is kinship 
between us in this spirit, we can — and I am sure 
we do — mutually respect the fact that kinship 
in values does not require emulation or dupli- 
cation in design of our institutions and policies. 

At this particular period the independent 
peoples of the free world can appreciate that 
their strength and vitality benefits richly from 
the absence among us of attempts to impose 
universal dogma and doctrine. We are not 
spending our creative energies and capacities 
attempting to bind either the future or each 
other by rigid concepts or preachments of the 
past. This is a source of strength we must cher- 
ish and guard ourselves against temptations to 
compromise in our own relations. 

We in America have evolved for our own 
ne«ds a system of responsible private enterprise. 
We have no thought of departing from this sys- 
tem and its precepts. We aim not to enlarge the 
powers of government over the individual but 
to strengthen the power of the individual to 
stand against the challenges he encounters. We 
believe government must concern itself with 
maintaining a floor under the lives and oppor- 
tunities of the people without becoming itself 
a ceiling over their aspirations or attainments. 

In this context perhaps the policies and di- 
rections of our American system may be more 
readily understood. We believe government 
must serve all sectors without becoming the par- 
tisan of one or the master of others. Hence we 
believe government should be concerned with 
the earnings of workers and the earnings of 
capital alike. We believe government should be 
concerned with opportunity for youth — and op- 
portunity for investors. 

We believe that our Government serves its 
responsibility by working for freer trade among 
all nations while at the same time taking meas- 
ures necessary to assure our nation of a private 
maritime capacity. America's commerce is 
great and growing, the largest volume of any 
nation. Our Congress does not regard it as 
restrictive when 90 percent of that commerce is 
open to competitive bidding by carriers of other 
nations, with only 10 percent reserved for ship- 
ment in American bottoms — to assure a base for 

our own maritime capability in the event of in- 
ternational emergency. 

We work, in all that we do, for the greater 
prosperity of all — for Americans, for tlie peo- 
ple of Sweden, the peoples of all lands. In our 
efforts we are guided by the friendly and stead- 
fast desire for your success as well as our own. 
We believe that in attitudes of mutual respect, 
understanding, and cooperation we shall suc- 
ceed together as we stand together. 

Finnish-American Society, Helsiniti, Finland, 
September 7 

Mr. President, friends of the Finnish-Amer- 
ican Society : Our visit to Finland is a visit Mrs. 
Jolinson and I have long anticipated. We have 
heard much about the beauty and wonders of 
your country from Ambassador and Mrs. Sep- 
piila, who are here tonight and who were 
guests at our ranch home in Texas earlier this 
year. Finland surpasses even your Ambassa- 
dor's considerable gifts of description. 

Your heartwarming welcome, the impressive- 
ness of this thriving capital city of Helsinki, 
the friendliness of your people, the graciousness 
of your elected leaders, all have impressed us. 
We shall return to America with gratifying 
memories of these eventful days in Finland. 

Having seen your country firsthand, it is pos- 
sible to appreciate even more those character- 
istics which have made Finnish Americans such 
valued citizens of our country through the years. 
Those who have come to America from Finland 
have brought sturdiness and enterprise, but, 
even more, they have contributed to us those 
special Finnish talents of imagination and 
creativeness in many fields. 

The character of a nation in relations with 
other nations is a reflection of the character 
and purposes of its own citizens and their rela- 
tions with one another. 

Since the beginning of our history we in 
America have been challenged to perfect a suc- 
cessful system while uniting many strains from 
many regions of the world. To the extent we 
have succeeded, it is because we have devoted 
ourselves to fulfilling the founding concept of 
our system, expressed in our Declaration of In- 
dependence: "We hold these truths to be self- 
evident, that all men are created equal, that they 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 
707-B78— 63 


are endowed by their Creator with certain un- 
alienable Rights, that among these are Life, 
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." 

This great ideal did not come into being full- 
blown. For 180 years it has been the constant. 
work of our jVmerican system to give this goal 
a broader meaning for all our people. We are 
justly proud that the history of the United 
States is a history of adding to — rather than 
taking from — the personal liberty, independ- 
ence, and individual dignity of our people. 

Whatever his status in life, every citizen has 
the constitutional guarantee of the right of peti- 
tion, the right of free speech, the right to pub- 
lish and distribute his peaceful protests and 
comments without fear of reprisal. 

We maintain an open society without conceal- 
ment, without suppression. We are not fearful 
of the world knowing our shortcomings or our 
problems because we are confident of the capac- 
ity of our own system to overcome those short- 
comings and cure those problems. 

Today, Americans who are a racial minor- 
ity — those of Xegro ancestrj' — are petitioning 
in our land for greater fulfillment of the prom- 
ises of our democratic system. Their petition is 
being heard and heeded. Our system does not 
permit — and will not tolerate — those devices 
of deportation, confinement, or persecution by 
which, under one system, majorities shut off the 
appeal of minorities. 

We are proud of the responsibility and the 
contributions such Americans are making to our 
society. We are especially proud to be repre- 
sented in Finland by one of our most outstand- 
ing j'oung Americans — my good friend and 
close associate, whose absence from Wa.shing- 
ton we regret so much. Ambassador Eowan. 

Ten years ago one of our leading American 
organizations studied the achievements and 
talents of all our young men and on a competi- 
tive basis selected Carl Rowan as one of the 
10 most outstanding young Americans. Carl 
won many honors for his work in Minneapolis, 
which is the leading city of the State of Min- 
nesota, one of the States where many persons 
of Scandinavian origin settled. We felt espe- 
cially fortunate that he accepted this important 
post because few young Americans are so well 
qualified for service here. 

In recalling the pattern of our American con- 

cepts and beliefs, I described for you the essen- 
tial foundation of America's policy in the 
world. Our purposes in this century in all re- 
gions of the world reflect the values and objec- 
tives of our life at home. We have designs 
against neither the territories of other nations 
nor the independence of other peoples. Only 
witliin the past 2 weeks our Government re- 
turned to the Government of Mexico a segment 
of territory in my own State of Texas to which 
Mexico had a just claim.^ We live in peace 
with our neighbors, sharing friendly and open 
common borders with both Mexico and Canada. 
It is indicative also that, only within the past 
few years, our Union has increased from 48 
to 50 States l)ecause the people of both Alaska 
and Hawaii have petitioned and consented to 
voluntary union with us. 

Having learned and proved from our own 
experience that men can overcome the most an- 
cient of hostilities and suspicions to live to- 
gether in peace, harmony, and cooperation, it 
is repugnant to us that people and territories 
should ever be absorbed by force or threat of 
force — whether in Europe, Asia, or elsewhere. 
We do not believe any doctrine or dogma is 
valid or worthy when it rests upon preach- 
ments of conquest, subversion, or domination of 
other peoples against their will. 

We do not believe that right is determined 
by might. We do believe free nations must be 
prepared and ready to use their might in sup- 
port of right. 

Twenty years ago the United States alone 
possessed the power of the atomic bomb. We 
used this awesome new force to end the aggres- 
sion of those who were attempting to enslave 
the world. When peace was obtained, the 
United States promptly renounced the use of 
this power under the terms of the Baruch plan 
which it oflFered to the world. Unfortunately 
this was not accepted by those who wished to 
add atomic power to the power of their massive 
land armies. 

Since then, we of the United States have 
worked unceasingly for eflFective controls of 
the power of the atom and to channel its uses 
to peaceful purposes. We have labored long. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 23. 1963, 
p. 480. 




patiently, and untiringly to secure the limited 
test ban treaty in Moscow - — and we welcome the 
support of Finland's signature to this first sig- 
nificant agreement. The new treaty is only a 
beginning, and we recognize it as such. But 
it will serve to protect the people of the world — 
and certainly the people of Finland — from the 
hazards of radioactive fallout. 

In working as we do work for peace, we labor 
for the triumph of right — not the triumphs of 
power. While some believe otherwise, we of the 
United States deeply believe that the affairs 
of nations in their relations with each other 
must finally rest upon standards and concepts 
of international morality. If there were no 
concepts of international morality — if there 
were no standards of values among all 
mankind — there would be no Charter of the 
United Nations. Under that charter, no na- 
tion—large or small — is to use force or threaten 
to use force against a nation wliich does not 
threaten it. To this concept we of the United 
States — like you of Finland — give our strongest 
and most unwavering support. 

As fellow members with you of the United 
Nations, we of the United States compliment 
and congratulate Finland for the responsible 
role you have taken in the work of this vital 
organization. Where others have not, Finland 
has consistently met its financial obligations to 
the United Nations. In the Suez, in Lebanon, 
and in Kashmir, your officers and men have 
filled valued roles in times of emergency. Your 
support has helped maintain the peacekeeping 
operations in the Congo. And just the other 
day you announced your intention to create a 
standby military force which can be a most 
useful addition to the peacekeeping capacity of 
the United Nations. 

Finland has, in fullest measure, lived up to 
the principle enunciated by your President him- 
self in 1961 that the United Nations should con- 
cern itself with constructive efforts — and re- 
alizable objectives. Finland, furthermore, 
contributes both fiiiancially and in terms of 
talent to the United Nations teclinical assist- 
ance program in less developed countries, and 
certainly the progress of your own land should 
be an inspiration and guide to those who are 

' /6i(f ., Aug. 12, 1963. p. 234, and Aug. 26, 1963, p. 314. 

organizing their new societies. You have 
learned and applied, as we in the United States 
have done also, the lessons of the benefits to be 
achieved from industrialization through the 
processes of a liberal democracy. 

This mission which brings us to your country 
comes at a timely moment of hope, both in the 
affairs of the world and in the affairs of our 
own country. We of the United States are 
experiencing the beginning of a further decisive 
upward surge of our economy, and we are mak- 
ing important progress in the greater unity and 
strength of our society. We hopefully believe 
this progress will not be— and need not be— 
unique to our own land. 

Over the years since World War II, more new 
nations have been formed by their people than 
in any comparable period of world history. It 
is of greatest significance, we believe, that the 
jieople of these new lands have consistently and 
unfailingly rejected an ideological totalitarian- 
ism and chosen freedom without domination by 
or submission to alien ideologies or systems. 
Free societies and free systems are the basic 
tools of men everywhere when they assume the 
privilege and right of determining their own 

We believe the years immediately ahead will 
see the entire world reap a bountiful harvest 
from this choice. A new day of broader pros- 
perity and common abundance is dawning for 
humankind. We who have enjoyed good for- 
tune and success in our own American system 
work and pray for the day when all men of 
every land may enjoy a more bountiful and sat- 
isfying life together. 

^Hiatever the future may hold, you may know 
that the bonds of friendship between Finland 
and America will remain strong and steadfast. 

Joint Press Statement, Helsinki, September 10 

During his visit to Finland, Vice President 
L3mdon B. Jolinson had two meetings with 
President Kekkonen. During their meetings 
the President and Mr. Johnson had an exchange 
of views on the international situation as well 
as on relations between Finland and the United 
States. President Kekkonen and the Vice Pres- 
ident agreed that the treaty on a partial nuclear 
test ban was a hopeful first step toward the 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


lessening of world tensions and toward general 
disarnianient. They agreed that the United Na- 
tions is a vital force for maintaining world 
peace. While expressing awareness of the ob- 
stacles that still lie in the way of securing peace, 
they reatlirined their conviction that all disputes 
between nations must be solved by peaceful 
means in accord with the principles of the U.N. 
Charter. In this connection President Kekko- 
nen paid tribute to the etforts made by the Presi- 
dent of the United Stales on belialf of interna- 
tional peace and cooperation. 

President Kel<konen and Vice President 
Johnson noted with satisfaction that relations 
between the United States and Finland are not 
burdened by any outstanding political problems 
and that the traditional ties of friendship lie- 
tween the two countries had been further 
strengthened. Tliey also discussed a number of 
matters relating to trade between Finland and 
the United States. They agreed that both na- 
tions had a vital interest in increasing trade be- 
tween themselves as well as in promoting the 
further development of international trade. 

Dinner Given by Prime Minister John Lyng, Oslo, 
Norway, September 11 

Mr. Prime Minister, friends of Norway: At 
the end of this fii-st day in your country and 
among your people, there is a warm flame of 
good friendship and closeness in our hearts. 
At Bodo yesterday, in Oslo last night, and again 
today in our talks and travels about your city 
we have felt the strength of the resolute Nor- 
wegian people in every friendly contact. The 
high point of these hours was, of course, our 
privilege in being the guest and enjoying the 
inspiring exchange with His Majesty [King 
Olav V] at noon. 

Through many years and many seasons the 
people of the United States have admired the 
character and courage of the people of Norway. 
AVe have been drawn close by the ties of kinshij) 
established by natives of Norway who 
have honored us by coming to live on our shores. 

Today, at this .season in world atl'airs, it is 
a matter of great pride for us to be able to stand 
with Norway as allies in NATO and as allies 
in the greater and broader work of preserving 
both freedom and peace. 

Here in this land, we of America feel a spe- 
cial sense of hi.storic debt. It was the great 
Viking heroes who first crossed the sea between 
us to discover the New World where America 
was born. I^ng before there was an America 
in history — or a United States — an impressive 
civilization flourished here. 

Today our common concern is the future, not 
the past. Where yesterday brought us together 
in common purpose, common values, common 
principles, and common hopes, it is our belief 
now that the common experience of the future 
can and will present more opportunities for 
closer unity in both purpose and effort. 

We of the United States live with the belief 
today that the world is entering one of the most 
hopeful periods in the history of mankind. 

We recognize, as you recognize, that the age 
of peril and danger is still with us. The time 
has not come when free men can drop their 
guard or cease their vigilance. It is doubtful 
that such a time would ever o^me, for eternal 
vigilance is the price of liberty. But we can 
look about the world — and especially to the na- 
tions of the North Atlantic community — and .see 
now the existence of great new strength and 

There is greater hope for maintaining and as- 
suring world peace. We do not overestimate 
the first tentative steps toward that high goal, 
but we do find it more hopeful and more en- 
couraging that such steps can be taken at all. 

There is cause for greater confidence in the 
ultimate spread of universal freedom. This is 
not a nebulous and vague conjecture. Very tan- 
gible evidence exists in support of this faith. 
Since the end of World War II, more new na- 
tions have come into being than ever before. Of 
these new nations, not one has chosen to place 
itself under an ideological totalitarianism; all 
have sought to establish and perfect a free 

There is a strong, fresh tide running for free- 
dom, for justice, for individual integrity and 
decency. Furthermore, there is among free 
peoples a will to succeed in helping the world 
to raise the standards by which all men live. 

As we look ahead into the immediate years 
to come we can see uncharted seas where we have 
need of the explorei-s of the human mind and 
spirit carrying forward the Norwegian tradi- 




tion of independence of thought and intrepidity 

of action. The free world has need of modern- 
day Nansens and of Amundsens if it is to under- 
stand the new era and to reacli the new world 
of assured peace, sustained prosperity, and inter- 
national "rood will. 

What we need to see together is this. The eco- 
nomic foundations of modem civilization are 
shifting — from exclusive dependence on prod- 
ucts made from basic materials of earth and 
sea to those requiring a higher content of the 
mental capacity of man. The era of iron, of 
coal, of unskilled mass labor is pa.ssing. In its 
place is coming the rapid development of a 
world economy based on precision instruments, 
on computer machines, on electronics, on petro- 
chemicals. This is a new industrial age — a 
second industrial revolution. 

What attracted so many of tlie sons of Nor- 
way to the United St-ates in decades gone by 
were the broad empty acres of the Middle West 
farmlands. There, with their characteristic 
energy and determination, they performed 
heavy manual and physical labor to feed the 
growing millions. Today, with the teclmical 
revolution applied to farming, less than 11 per- 
cent of our population feeds the rest of the 
country. Each American farmer produces 
enough food for himself and 27 other persons, 
and we are privileged to have surplus supplies 
which are being used to help feed millions in 
other lands. 

Youthful descendants of those respected and 
honored Norwegian settlers are found today less 
and less on farms working with their muscles 
and more and more in schools, universities, and 
technical institutions working with their minds. 
The emphasis today and in the future will be on 
quality and above all on the quality of the mind 
and heart. 

Here we believe is Norway's opportunity. 
Norway's population may be smaller and your 
natural resources more limited. But there is no 
hmit to the capabilities and genius of your 
people — especially your young. Economic re- 
sources will be measured less and less by coal 
production or supply of workers. It will be 
measured more and more by products of the 
test tube and the laboratoiy. In the market- 
place of ideas small powers and great powers 
tend to become equal. 

It is in the field of international affairs where 
progress needs most to be made and where ui-- 
gency is greatest. Here Norway has been a 
pioneer. Norway's influence in world councils 
as a democratic, progressive, forward-looking 
country is high. My Govemment looks ahead 
with anticipation to a close collaboration with 
your new Government in the future even as we 
have with the pre\-ious Norwegian governments 
in the past. Norway's influence in the councils 
of the United Nations has not been reckoned by 
the size of its population or the amount of its 
natural resources. It has provided men and 
money through the United Nations to keep 
the peace and strengthen this great world 

In the North Atlantic Council the wisdom 
and courage of Norway have played an impor- 
tant role. It is the strength of the NATO alli- 
ance, the devotion and sense of dedication of its 
members, which provide the solid foundation 
from which we all hope to make further steps 
toward a more assured peace and a relaxation 
of tensions as symbolized by the nuclear test ban 
treaty, of which Norway was one of tlie early 

Your country and mine are connected by the 
broad reaches of the Atlantic Ocean. We seek 
together to build and strengthen an Atlantic 
community to which we both belong — a com- 
munity of likeminded nations, not shackled by 
an imposed ideology but united by common 
ideals of democracy and freedom, depending 
for our strength on the soaring minds of free 
men. W^e must cooperate together to build and 
maintain an international way of life which 
will allow the new era which we see rising be- 
fore us to fulfill its promise as an era of hope 
and progi-ess, of peace and prosperity. 

Danish Student Association, Copenhagen, 
Denmark, September 14 

May I express to you of this audience, and to 
the officers of the Student Association, my deep 
gratitude for making this occasion such a 
memorable climax to a most heartening day. 

Over the past 2i/2 years, as Vice President of 
the United States, it has been my privilege to 
visit in some 25 countries. Many of those e.x- 
periences have been heartwarming and un- 
forgettable. But I can truthfully say to you. 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


as a grateful guest — and as an appreciative 
American — that no visit will live longer in our 
memories than this stay in Denmark. 

From my Government's viewpoint, the con- 
versations with your able leadership have been 
most significant and important. Our meetings 
have been entirely frank and entirely friendly, 
and I shall return to Wasliington with a report 
on Danish-American relations which I know 
President Kennedy will find most gratifying. 

I have personally expressed my appreciation 
to the Prime Minister [J. O. Krag] for our 
gracious reception in your country. I want, 
also, to express my gratitude to the people of 
Copenhagen for the warmth of their welcome. 
We shall take our leave on Monday reluctantly 
and anticipate our return most enthusiastically. 

Our mission to all of Scandinavia— to Swe- 
den, Finland, Norway, and Iceland, as well as 
Denmark — represents tlie first time that a Presi- 
dent of the United States has asked the Vice 
President to come to tiiis region. This is, of 
itself, a measure of the importance the United 
States attaches to both tlie present achievements 
and the future potential of the good neighbors 
of northern Europe. 

It is another measure of our feeling that for 
the vital post of Ambiissador to your country 
President Kennedy has sent one of America's 
most outstanding and widely known public 
figures. Ambassador Blair. We regret not 
having the Ambassador and his gracious lady 
in Wasliington, but we all appreciate the 
warmth you have extended to them here. 

May I say that we in Washington are grate- 
ful to you for sending to us such able represen- 
tatives as your Ambassador [Count Kield 
Gustav Knuth-Winterfeldt] and his wife — 
whom Mrs. Johnson and I are proud to count 
as our personal friends. 

On this occasion tonight I want to talk with 
you, as I iiave with the officials of your Govern- 
ment, about certain of America's programs and 
purposes in the realm of space exploration. 
My is not to talk of wliat America is 
doing alone but, rather, to suggest what, in the 
years ahead, America and Denmark and all the 
countries of the world can be doing together. 

The space program of the United States to- 
day is the largest effort ever undertaken by 
any nation, at any time in history, to advance 

the frontiers of human knowledge. Our budget 
this year will exceed $7 billion for this one 
program — an amount exceeding $1,000 per resi- 
dent of Denmark. 

"V^^ly are we doing this? Why is the Ameri- 
can taxpayer willing to support a program of 
such magnitude ? "V\Tio will be the ultimate ben- 
eficiary of this enterprise? 

Those questions are answered in part by the 
initial declaration of the Johnson-McCormack 
Space Act, which I was privileged to author 
6 years ago as a Senator at the beginning of 
this age of space. In our basic law, establishing 
civilian control over our space activities, our 
Congress declared that America's space effort 
"should be devoted to peaceful purposes for the 
benefit of all mankind." Furthermore, that law 
expressly provides for "cooperation by the 
United States with other nations and groups of 
nations in work pursuant to the Act and in 
peaceful applications of the results thereof." 

We are now observing both the letter and the 
spirit of that direction. 

We have instituted programs of cooperation 
in outer space activities with more than 60 na- 
tions. More than 4,000 leading scientists from 
54 countries have studied and worked with our 
space program because we are not proceeding 
behind a cloud of secrecy attempting to hide our 
failures or monopolize our successes. 

Only two nations have tlie capability at pres- 
ent of launching rockets into space. For our 
part, we of the United States have established 
cooperative agi-eements with 11 other nations — 
including Denmark, Norway, and Sweden — to 
use our rockets and share scientific information 
together. Just this week such cooperation paid 
effective dividends again with the fifth success- 
ful ionospheric probe launched cooperatively by 
your country, Norway, and the United States. 

Our weather satellites are being used to pro- 
vide valuable information to 35 nations — and 
have provided several countries with advance 
warnings of ocean storms, hurricanes, and ty- 
phoons which have permitted the saving of 
many lives and much property. 

International cooperation in space — as in- 
tended by the American people and their Con- 
gi'ess — is already an accomplished and signifi- 
cant fact. But what we see today is only the 
smallest forerunner of what is to come. 



We are not engaged in a mere race for na- 
tional prestige. We are engaged in a great joint 
adventure to improve life for man upon this 
earth. Some may question today whether the 
exploration of space has practical meaning and 
value. I am sure that centuries ago those great 
masters of the sea who sailed fi'om your shores 
to explore the Atlantic and discover the New 
World were asked such questions too. 

But we believe the objectives of the space pro- 
gram answer the questions forcefullj' and effec- 

Does it have value for a farmer to know how 
much rain thei-e will be for his crops during 
the coming season? Does it have meaning for 
a fisherman to know when and where there will 
be storms over the seas during the next 2 weeks 
or next 2 months? Does it have value for us 
to be able to detect fires smoldering on the floors 
of our great forests before they can consume 
the trees — or to predict in advance tlie spring- 
time runoff from melting snows? 

These are not fanciful questions. In a very 
few short years, projects now underway will 
provide us with such capabilities. 

This is by no means all. In future years 
scholars in distant lands will be able to receive 
and use the contents of all the great libraries 
of the world, with books as lengthy as the Bible 
transmitted and delivered around the globe 
in much less than a minute. International 
businessmen will be able to see and talk with 
colleagues on every continent — or the masters 
of ships on the seas. Researchers in faraway 
South Asia will be able to solve their intricate 
problems on computers located in Scandinavia. 

I could give countless other examples of what 
is to be — what is coming far faster than we 
realize. The inventions of the early 20th cen- 
tury — such as the radio, telegraph, telephone, 
and others— evolved over a period of decades. 
The age of space is not yet 6 years old, yet in 
my own country this dynamic new period has 
brought 5,000 new businesses into being and 
produced more than 3,000 new inventions, prod- 
ucts, and processes of practical application. 

We are living in a new age — an age of science 
which promises us the potential of being able 
someday to eradicate human poverty and 
misery. Ninety percent of all the scientists 
who have ever lived are living today. The 

entire sum of human knowledge is being in- 
creased by 100 percent every 10 years. 

No generations have ever lived in more excit- 
ing times— or times of such unlimited poten- 
tial—as we who are living today. 

Wliat is the meaning of this for you, for your 
country, and for other countries like Denmark? 
The meaning is most profound. 

It is clear that your nation of highly skilled 
people, a nation which has always produced 
some of each age's most talented minds, will 
have a large role in this future, a role which 
will not be limited by Denmark's geograpliic 
size or resources or population. 

If one calls the roll of gifted minds which 
tamed the atom and stressed its peaceful use, 
the name of your Niels Bohr stands high on 
that list. In all the sciences, in medicine, in 
literature, in every intellectual realm, Denmark 
lias contributed many figures respected and 
lionored the world over. 

But the ne^? age now developing will not 
restrict the contribution of Danish talent to 
rare genius alone. Tliere will be a rising de- 
mand for employment of the particular gifts 
and talents of Danish working men and 
women — to manufacture the exacting products 
required for space exploration and other scien- 
tific advance. You, like we, will face the chal- 
lenge of providing the manpower required for 
the higher level, higher paying, higher skilled 
work of this new age. 

This new age will esi^ecially bring new op- 
portunity to increase Danisli exports — and the 
commerce of all our free nations. Last year 
tlie United States exported some $175 million 
of products to Denmark — much of it was grain, 
soybeans, machinery, and aircraft. You sent 
some $145 million to the United States, mostly 
canned meats, ships, and furniture. But the 
time is clearly foreseeable when we shall be 
buying from you many of the essentials of this 
new age of science — products which will mean 
increases in the dollar volume of your exports 
and further increases in the standard of living 
for your people. 

The implications of what is now before us 
give us all great satisfaction — satisfaction over 
the sacrifice and labors we have invested to- 
gether as allies in maintaining the shield of 
strength over the flowering of Western talents 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


and cieiitivity. We must keep that shield of 
our NATO alliance aloft, held firmly by our 
continuino: unity and continuing resolve. 

We must at the same time continue progress- 
ing forward in tlie work of building a bett«r 
world. We of the United States know and 
admire your efforts in bringing young people 
from less developed countries to study in Den- 
mark, in sending out the Danish equivalent of 
our Peac« Corps, in sending your doctors to 
Korea and later to the Congo, and in commit- 
ting Diuiisii oflicei-s and men to stand guard in 
the Middle East and Africa on the peacekeeping 
works of the United Nations. 

The works of peace are many, but the rewards 
of such work are many too. We believe that 
the space program of the United States is one 
of the major contributions ever made toward 
genuine peace among men and nations. AVe 
are only grateful that our resources and circum- 
stances permit us to undertake such an effort, 
and we shall feel fully rewarded if, in years 
to come, our children and your children can live 
together in a world of universal peace, univer- 
sal justice, and universal freedom. 

Joint Meeting of Vardberg Icelandic American 
Society and Society for Western Cooperation, 
Reykjavik, Iceland, September]16 

We are most grateful for the honor you pay 
our country — and the friendship between our 
people — by welcoming us as you have today and 
by coming to this assembly tonight. 

This is a visit to which I have long looked 
forward. We in America learn early in life the 
story of your great explorer Leif Ericsson. 
Along with that story we acquire — and carry 
through life — an image of the people of Iceland 
as courageous, stalwart figures from an almost 
legendary land. It has been a lifelong ambition 
for me to come to Ic-eland and meet your people. 
This day has fulfilled my expectations many 
timers over. 

Our visit to your country comes at the end of 
a gratifying and rewarding mission to each of 
the nortiiern lands — Sweden, Finland, Norway, 
Denmark, and now Iceland. With each of 
lands, we in the United States have many proud 
and binding ties of common heritage, common 
values, and common goals. We cherish the his- 

tory, both ancient and more recent. But we 
find now a new and exciting promise for the 
future, and it is of this future that we come to 
talk together tonight. 

In our world today there is an encouraging 
.sense of global community uniting the peoples 
of all continents in more and more common en- 
deavors. We hope and expect this tide in the 
affairs of man will continue to run and bring 
us to new shores of achievement for all man- 

But hopeful as this prospect may be, realism 
requires us to acknowledge that for the pres- 
ent — in the here and now — there remain marked 
distinctions in the stage of development at- 
tained by societies of different global areas. 

My country is privileged to be actively as- 
sociated and allied with those groups of coxin- 
tries which have enjoyed the most marked 
advance. We recognize the blessings and good 
fortune which have come to us, and to our peo- 
l>le, of the places and time we occupy 
in the world and in history. But we regard this 
not as a basis for claiming privilege to exercise 
dominion over others. On the (;ontrary, we re- 
gard these circumstances as demanding of us 
and requiring of us the most exacting exercise 
of responsibility. 

We believe the success of the developed so- 
cieties shall have been achieved in vain unless 
the successful concern themselves with the as- 
pirations of the less developed. 

We believe the strength of tlie strong socie- 
ties shall have been built in vain unless the 
strong concern themselves with assuring peace. 

We believe the freedom of the free societies 
cannot have its fullest meaning until all men in 
all societies live under fi'cedom. 

Tliese beliefs are — and will continue to be — 
basic to the policies, programs, and purposes of 
the United States. While we hold these convic- 
tions with the strongest dedication, we of the 
United States do not regard dedication as jus- 
tification for dogma. If free men are to be 
truly free, they must be able to set their own 
course, fashion their own societies, hold to their 
own values, fulfill their own destinies and op- 
portunities. This requires defense against those 
enemies of freedom who would impose an alien 
will, be it with armed aggression or subversion. 



But it also means that the dignity of each soci- 
ety must be free from the dogma of any others — 
whether enemy or friend. 

In tlie North Atlantic alliance — of which Ice- 
land and the United States are part — the world 
has been offered an inspiring and convincing 
example of what can be achieved in this regard. 
Our alliance in NATO is based on the modern 
realism that free societies must stand together 
if tliey are to resist subjugation by international 
aggressors. But our alliance for a common pur- 
pose is not based on compliance with or submis- 
sion to a standard dogma, and this is a vital 
source of our alliance's capacity to endure. 

Within NATO there are nations representing 
16 heritages, 15 traditions, 15 distinctive cul- 
tural histories. We trace our ethnic heritages 
to many different origins. Of these differences 
and distinctions, we are justly and rightfully 
proud individually and have no thought of 
sacrificing them or permitting their compro- 

Our systems and laws are equally distinctive, 
country to country. Economies are different, 
and our economic interests differ. But the su- 
preme fact of our alliance is that none of us are 
required to submit to the dogma or dictation of 
those with whom we are so proudly allied. 

This is our strength, and we must preserve it. 
We have rejected — and we shall continue to re- 
ject — the concept of an alliance eroding the in- 
tegrity of any of our cultures. We accept — 
and we shall continue to accept — the concept of 
an alliance based not alone on the interests of 
mutual security but on the values of mutual re- 

Ours is the only such alliance in the world 
today where allies and partners are not forced 
to defend themselves against the designs and 
dogma of fellow allies and partners. Because 
we are not turning inward, because we are not 
reduced to suspicions of one another, because we 
are devoted to common principles, we can be- 
lieve that our alliance will endure long after 
more rigid and less trusting alliances have shat- 

We of the United States have particular un- 
derstanding for the desire of individual peoples 
to retain their identity and integrity. One 
hundred and eighty years ago our central gov- 

ernment was formed from a union of 13 distinc- 
tive States. Under our constitutional system, 
the 50 States of today retain their identity as 50 
equals under our system. Because of our own 
experience at home, it is repugnant to Ameri- 
cans even to think of alliances which are callous 
and unfeeling toward the pride and heritage of 
any members. 

We regard the Western alliance as an alliance 
of equals. We regard it as an alliance which 
draws its essential unity from common devo- 
tion to the same basic ideals of freedom and 

We know that your people — and our people — 
share such devotion with common fervor. 

In terms of population, Iceland is the smallest 
of the NATO nations. But we respect, as the 
world respects, Iceland's traditional genius for 
making contributions to the world far out of 
proportion to population size. Icelanders have 
made historic contributions to the exploration 
of our planet. In the fonnns of international 
relations, such as the United Nations, Iceland 
exercises a significant influence for respon- 

All this befits a country and a people which 
gave the world the model of the parliamentary 
systems which support our democratic systems 
today. Amid the challenges of the most rugged 
forces of nature, you have for many centuries 
forged a vital, stable, constructive, and inspiring 
society — making contributions far beyond your 
shores. We are proud to be allied with you and 
look to you to continue Iceland's uniquely val- 
uable leadership in the progress of Western 

As a nation bounded on two sides by the 
oceans, we also have developed our histoiy in 
close affinity with the seas, and we understand 
and appreciate your achievements in fishing 
and the commerce of the sea. We look with 
greatest satisfaction upon your desire now to 
broaden your economic base and to diversify the 
elements of production for the benefit of all 
your people. 

We believe that a new age is dawning for 
mankind in the present great undertaking of 
space exploration. In this new day we know 
that space teclinology will have the most con- 
structive influence for all nations — nations as 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


large as ours, nations as small in population as 

The measure of a nation's role in the world's 
space effort will not be resources or wealth or 
population, but, ratlier, it will be the talent and 
genius of its people and their minds. 

Out of tiie projects ah-eady underway in our 
space program, we expect in the not-distant 
future to see sucli things as these made possible : 

Fishermen and seafarers will be able to know 
2 weeiis or 2 months in advance about the storms 
on the seas. 

Navigators will be able to pinpoint their posi- 
tions from manmade "stars" with unprecedented 
accuracy at any hour of night or day, in any 
kind of weather. 

Distress calls from ships — or even life rafts — 
will be detected and plotted in seconds from 
satellites hundreds of miles in the sky. 

"We shall be able to foretell the patterns of 
nature far in advance, from the formation of 
storms to the runoff of melting spring snows. 

We shall see — in the very next few years — 
the longest strides of progress man has made in 
modern times in many realms — weather com- 
munication, navigation, medicines, and many 

The benefits of these gains will be benefits for 
all mankind, because the basic law governing 
the space effort of the United States expressly 
directs that such benefits be shared with other 
nations. It offers to nations like Iceland the 
opportunity to make contributions to the de- 
velopment of space capabilities. 

The role of your people will not be limited 
by geography or climate or resources or popula- 
tion or national wealth. The world will need 
and will seek the finest of minds and put those 
talents to use in a great cooperative effort for 
human betterment. 

"We welcome this stimulating and hopeful 
prospect. "We believe that the space era now 
opening will afford particular opportimity for 
fulfillment of the promise and potential of the 
nations of the north. 

"We Iielieve, furthennore, that at the end of 
the long road Ix-fore us — the road of under- 
standing as allies and cooperation as free men — 

there lies for us all universal peace, universal 
justice, and universal freedom. It is the pros- 
pect of attaining this goal that inspires our con- 
tinuing joint efforts and leads us to trust our 
ability always to reach mutual understandings. 
"We are allied as equals in the greatest cause 
of man on earth. We are working together as 
respectful and self-respecting partners and 
friends. We can and do believe that some day 
we shall be able to stand together, side by side, 
in a world of freedom and peace. 

Vice President Jolinson To Open 
Food Exposition at Amsterdam 

Press release 493 dated September 27 

At the request of Secretary of State Rusk and 
Secretary of Agriculture Freeman, Vice Presi- 
dent Johnson will open the 18-day U.S. Food 
and Agriculture Exposition-Symposium for 
"Western Europe at Amsterdam on November 
7. This exposition is the largest U.S. agricul- 
tural export promotion ever staged; it will be 
held in Amsterdam's ultramoflern exhibit 

A cooperative activity of the Department of 
Agi-iculture and the agricultural and food in- 
dustries, the exposition will be an entirely 
American display. Several thousand U.S. food 
items will be displayed, demonstrated, and sold 
in an American-style self-service market. 
Among the other features will be a "Food in 
Space" exhibit arranged by NASA [National 
Aeronautics and Space Administration], a spe- 
cially produced motion picture on liberal trade, 
and an exhibit on quality and wholesomeness in 
U.S. food. 

During the second week, November 11-15, 
there will be a European-American symposium 
on food and agricultural trade attended by ap- 
proximately 500 international leaders. 

Discussions are currently in progress with 
the Governments of the Netherlands and Lux- 
embourg regarding their desire for an exten- 
sion of the Vice President's itinerary to include 
official visits to the capitals of these countries. 



White House Holds Conference on Export Expansion 

Following are texts of three addresses made 
on September 17 before the White House Con- 
ference on Export Expansion, lohich met at 
Washington September 17-18. 


White House press release dated September 17 

I want to stress a very warm welcome to all 
of you. We appreciate your coming down here. 
It is our hope that out of this meeting will come 
not only a very candid consideration of what we 
as Government are doing to assist you in devel- 
oping your exports but also some proposals as 
to what we might do in the future which will 
improve this program. 

The Federal Government is a partner of yours 
in this effort. We are anxious to do everything 
we can to make your way easier. Wliat we 
want from you is a renewed concentration by 
American industry in expanding our markets 
abroad. This ties into our foreign policies, it 
ties into our national security, it ties into the 
prosperity of our people ; and therefore we hope 
that this meeting will be a two-way street. 

On the one hand we stimulate those who are 
not here because quite obviously your presence 
here indicates your interest. We stimulate those 
who are not here to look at what they may now 
regard as a marginal market and make it a sig- 
nificant market. It can mean economic re- 
sources for tlieni, but it can mean even more for 
our counti-y. 

Now, I am quite well aware if a major com- 
pany has a larger domestic market — and after 
all this is the greatest market in the world here 
in the United States — it does sometimes not ap- 
pear to be useful to make the concentrated ef- 
fort to take the risk which goes with building 
a market which can by your best judgment only 
amount to 10, 15, or 20 percent at best of your 
domestic market. You really may feel it is bet- 

ter to concentrate here, that this is the area for 
the future. 

I hope that in making that economic judg- 
ment and weighing those economic factoi-s you 
will also consider the national interest. Every 
dollar you earn abroad is in our interest. As 
long as we spend what we must spend to main- 
tain our defenses, as long as we spend what we 
must spend to assist those countries who are 
in the frontline of freedom, as long as we spend 
what we must spend to maintain our other obli- 
gations abroad, then we must earn our way. 
The Federal Government cannot earn the way 
for you. You have to do it yourself. But 
earning your way, earning helps us. So I re- 
gard this as a vei-y important meeting. 

We can meet our problem in one of two ways, 
either by cutting down or by building up. I 
don't think the cutting down is the way to do it. 
It may be finally the only way to do it, but I 
think we liave another opportmiity and that is 
to expand our markets. If we cut down, it 
means reducing defense, it means reducing aid, 
and I think that in the final analysis, if you 
can just add 10 percent to the exports of last 
year, wliich should not be beyond the possibil- 
ities for this very resourceful group of entre- 
preneurs in the United States, we could meet 
all of our balance-of-payments problems. 

Our ratio of exports to gross national prod- 
uct is only 4 percent — about one-half of what 
it was a century ago. If the volume of our com- 
modity exports last year had maintained the 
same share of world trade that we had only 6 
years ago, we would have exported $4.5 billion 
more than we actually did, more than enough 
to eliminate our entire balance-of-paj^ments 

We are not talking about dumping our great 
productive resources abroad. The fact of the 
matter is there are enough dollars to pay for 
what we want to export through tourists and 
all of the other means. We spread a good many 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


dollars throughout the world. We are asking 
that there be a rising tide in trade wliich will 
benefit all the countries— which will lift all the 
boats. We are not novices at export trade. 
Indeed, one of the factors which led to tlie 
American Revolution was an attempt to limit 
our access to foreign markets. And during 
much of the 19th century American exports 
were aggressively merchandised around the 
globe. As a matter of fact, the motto of the 
City of Salem is "To the farthest reaches of 
the Indies." So that we have a long tradition. 

We still have a larger volume of exports than 
any other country. Our merchandise exports 
exceeded imports by over $4 billion last year. 
Even after deducting tliose exports financed by 
Government grants and loans, the favorable bal- 
ance was $2 billion — not enough — not enough. 

There is no reason why this nation should be 
able to export only 4 jiercent of its gross national 
product when Germany exports 16 ]iercent, 
Italy 10 percent, Japan 9 percent, Sweden 19 
percent, Switzerland 22 percent, and the Neth- 
erlands a staggering ^^ percent. 

This performance, of course, came in the most 
part from sheer necessity. They either had to 
export or die. We never had that kind of pres- 
sure, but we do have a pressure today and I 
hope that a country as large as ours, with our 
large domestic market, will increasingly look 

The Congress of the United States in passing 
the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 voiced its 
confidence in the capacity of our nation and its 
businessmen to show purpose and determina- 
tion in selling all over the globe. The act of 
Congress was an act of faith in the capacity of 
the United States to compete and compete suc- 

We are now committed in the Trade Expan- 
sion Act to full participation in a world market 
of vast dimensions. We have left the house of 
partial protection and tariff stalemate to begin 
a much larger involvement in world trade. We 
ask other nations to do the same. 

Exports and the National Interest 

There are four reasons, it seems to me, in the 
national interest why it is desirable for us to 
expand our exports: 

First, export expansion means more jobs. 
Excess unemployment has plagued us for 6 
years because of the insufficient demand for the 
products of American industry. The tax reduc- 
tion bill, which I hope the Congress will pass, 
represents our principal attack on tliis prob- 
lem, but demand can also be created abroad. 

Second, by expanding our exports we can end 
the persistent deficits in our balance-of-pay- 
ments program. Tliis is a far better solution 
than crippling cuts in vital national security 
programs or retreat into protection or other 
measures of restriction instead of expansion. 

Third, increased exports mean increased 
profits, and profits are the basis of the free en- 
terprise system. 

Fourtli, and finally, the entire free world will 
benefit from an expansion of our exports. We 
seek no unfair competition and no injury to 
others. On the conti'ary, our efforts rest on the 
fundamental principle that both parties to a 
transaction benefit from it. Increased trade in- 
creases international income. It sharpens ef- 
ficiency and improves productivity and binds 
nations together. 

Although export expansion is primarily a 
task for each individual firm, the Federal Gov- 
ernment has special responsibilities : 

— to pursue tax policies which promote in- 
creased efficiency ; 

— to negotiate vigorously for the reduction of 
tariff and nontariff barriers against our prod- 

— to refrain from placing unnecessary bar- 
riers in the way of exports ; 

— to furnish positive help in the form of 
credits, guarantees, and other technical assist- 

I hope this conference will discuss candidly 
the extent to which the Federal Government 
and its representatives overseas are meeting 
these responsibilities. If we are not doing it, 
wo want to hear from you. If you are not get- 
ting the kind of help which you feel you are 
entitled to get, we want to hear from you. If 
you feel that the businessmen of other countries 
are getting more assistance from their govern- 
ment of a partictdar kind and more assistance 
from their representatives overseas, in the De- 
partment of State or in Commerce or wher- 



ever it may be, we want to hear from you. We 
can't do anything about it unless you tell us 
about it, but I can assure you that if you tell us 
about it we will look at it and analyze it and, if 
Ave feel it is in the interest of the United States, 
we will do something about it. 

The passage of the pending tax reduction bill 
will aid the competitive position of American 
industry as it did last year in the case of last 
year's investment credit and depreciation lib- 
eralization. We talked about that for a year. 
Secretary Dillon [Douglas Dillon, Secretary of 
the Treasury] will recall and Governor Hodges 
[Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Com- 
merce] — a good many businessmen opposed it. 
Tlie fact of the matter is it has done a good deal 
of good in stimulating investment, making it 
possible for you to write off some of your ma- 
chinery and capital investment faster than 
otherwise. It puts us on a more satisfactory 
competitive basis with some of your competitors 
from abroad, but there may be other things. 

In the field of credit assistance, we have now 
provided the same facilities for our exporters 
as those provided by other industrial nations, 
through the Export-Import Bank and a pro- 
gram of Government guarantees and insurance. 
But it is possible that we can improve this pro- 

The coming round of tariff negotiations at 
Geneva will determine the climate in which 
American exporters will operate for years to 
come. Our objective will be the reduction or 
the removal of all nontariff restrictions. But 
in the final analysis, the success of our negotia- 
tions depends on you. Our negotiators can 
help to create new opportunities, but you must 
take advantage of them. 

Western Europe itself offers maximum possi- 
bilities. The Common Market countries alone 
have a gross national product of $218 billion. 
It is a prosperous and expanding market. 
With an increased demand for American prod- 
ucts — consiuner products — our exports concen- 
trate far too much on such traditional items as 
raw materials, semimanufactured, and capital 
goods. Consumer products account for less 
than 10 percent of our sales. Yet it is our con- 
sumer goods that have earned the highest repu- 
tation around the world. 

Otlier parts of the world offer, too, I think, 

export opportunities. The developing nations 
need machinery and transport and capital goods 
and equipment, and I see no reason why this 
country should not sell them. This is a valu- 
able market which our much abused foreign aid 
program has been instrimiental in opening up 
for American business and industry. 

Relation of Aid Program to Exports 

I wish American businessmen who keep talk- 
ing against the program would realize how sig- 
nificant it has been in assisting them to get into 
markets where they would have no entry and 
no experience and which have traditionally 
been European and come to the aid of this pro- 
gram in the coming months and years. Last 
year 11 percent of our exports were financed 
under our aid program. And the importance 
of this aid to our exports is increasing as our 
developing assistance is increasing, now almost 
entirely tied to American purchases. 

This program wliich we talk about is tied to 
the United States. As the program is cut, 
business is cut and jobs are cut here in the 
United States. We are not giving away goods 
in those cases on a loan basis which will be paid 
back and which must be spent here in the 
United States. Almost one-half of the railroad 
equipment exported by American manufac- 
turers was paid for by AID [Agency for Inter- 
national Development]. Ten percent of the 
trucks and buses sold abroad were sold under 
AID. One-third of the fertilizer shipped 
abroad was shipped under AID contracts. 

But the real measure of the impact of these 
AID-financed exports lies in the future. To- 
day most of our exports go to industrialized 
nations. Fifteen developed countries received 
two-tliirds of our exports. Ninety lesser coun- 
tries received one-third. 

In the long run, the greatest gains for Ameri- 
can U.S. exports will come when nations are 
capable of purchasing our products, and AID 
can help pave the way. For example, we began 
15 years ago to help rebuild the markets of 
Western Europe and Japan. Even after their 
remarkable resurgence enabled us to do away 
with aid, our markets in those areas continue. 
Our exports to Europe have doubled and to 
Japan have tripled. The same story has been 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


repeated in other lands where aid combined 
with the efforts of the people themselves has 
brought stronrj economic projrress. 

In the last 5 years, for example, our exports 
to Taiwan increased H percent, to Colombia 
by 28 percent, to Israel by 76 percent. In Iran 
our share of their imports has grown 2V^ 
times since piv-World "War II days. In Paki- 
stan our share of their imports in that same 
period has increased by over 5 times, and our 
commercial exports have gone up 50 times. 

I stress these facts because I don't think that 
businessmen and the country realize the role 
foreign aid plays in acquainting the people and 
the countries with our goods, and, as they move 
into a period of prosperity and the aid is dis- 
pensed with, there is a tradition of dealing with 
the United States and knowledge of our goods 
which can lay the groundwork for sounder 
export trade. Otherwise, their traditional ties 
are in Europe and Europe will be the 

Too little attention, in short, has been paid to 
the part which an early exposure to American 
goods, American skills, and the American way 
of doing things can play in forming the tastes 
and desires and customs of these newly emerg- 
ing nations which must be our markets for the 

In one country, a little over a decade ago, to 
cite another example, it M-as extremely difficult 
for American contractors to bid upon jobs be- 
cause the specifications were tied to bidders 
from other countries. Now, largely because of 
our AID program, American bidders are able 
to participate successfully in these contracts. 

No foreign aid program, of course, can and 
should substitute for private initiative, but it 
can assist in breaking the path, and that is one 
important reason — thougli there are even more 
vital reasons in this critical year of 1963 — for 
us all to give it support. 

The^se aid expenditures are not the cause of 
our balance of payments. AID can help our 
balance of payments by helping exports, and the 
recent cuts in this program by the House of 
Representatives saved only $20 million in Amer- 
ican dollars on our balance-of-payments ex- 
ports. It will have, unfortunately, a severe 
impact upon our exports abroad — to Latin 

America and all the rest. That is why, even 
though this meeting is not called for this pur- 
pose, there is an interrelationship. 

Expanding the Export Market 

I was glad to see the Chamber of Commerce 
yesterday support the Alliance for Progress. 
This is a program meshed in with the other 
actions which the Government can take which 
I think will assist you in the long run to develop 
our export markets which assist the United 

Trade, in short, is not merely a matter of 
Europe. If we are to reverse the flow of our 
dollars in gold, we must expand our efforts in 
Bangkok and Nairobi and Bangalore, in Bo- 
gota, in Sao Paulo, as well as in Frankfurt and 

There will be difficulties and disadvantages. 
The domestic market will loom very bright. 
Our firms will need ingenuity and patience, but 
the results will be rewarding to the people of 
America as well as to the business. For an 
American truck in Pakistan or a machine tool 
in Colombia or a bulldozer in Kenya form a link 
between our nation and our people and, there- 
fore, I ask you today to commit yourselves to 
even more intensive efforts abroad and also to 
encourage your fellow members of the Ameri- 
can business community to look abroad. In 
looking abroad. I think they can serve their re- 
sponsibility as businessmen to their companies 
and also serve the country. 

This is a matter of vital importance. This 
is a matter which is very high on our agenda, 
and I cannot think of any way that we can 
solve our problems more easily — happily — than 
to encourage you and to assist j'ou in develop- 
ing increased exports. 

As everyone has said, we are talking about a 
$20 billion trade, an increase of 10 percent, 
which is not beyond us. Bringing in an extra 
$2 billion would bring our balance of payments 
into balance without taking steps which are 

So we ask your assistance on it. 

As I said at the beginning, what we want to 
hear from you today is specifically' what it is 
that we are now doing that we could do better; 



how we can oi-ganize our problems to assist you ; 
what it is the United States Government should 
do. I am sure you hear once in a while com- 
plaints about what is being done in AVashington. 
We want to hear them here. We want you to 
tell us how to improve our assistance to you. 
We want you to tell us as much as you can what 
countries abroad are doing so we can do the 
same or better. And we want to ask you on our 
part to make this a priority issue in the same 
way that our forefathers did to the benefit of 
our country and to the benefit of our system. 

I want to particularly thank all of you who 
have come down here. You are all busy men ; 
you have a lot of otlier responsibilities. We 
would not ordinarily hold this meeting — and 
it is one of the few meetings of its kind that we 
have held in the last 2i/^ years — unless we 
thought it desei'ved the attention of all of you. 
I express our thanks to you. 


Press release 476 dated September 17 

Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. 

The President has set forth the importance of 
export expansion. 

Expansion of trade has been one of the main 
objectives of our policy ever since Benjamin 
Franklin went abroad as our first Ambassador. 
We in the Department of State, just as you in 
business, have been taking a fresh look at prob- 
lems and opportiniities for trade as we have 
moved from a period of relatively easy sales to 
one of keen competition. 

The central goals of our foreign policy are 
familiar to you. Work toward these goals in- 
volves many elements. We must maintain our 
ability to deter Communist aggression in all its 
forms. We must build the free world's 
strength — and one way of doing that is to mul- 
tiply the ties of commerce. We must continue 
our aid to the underdeveloped nations of 
Africa, Asia, and Latin America in modernizing 
their economies and social systems. This re- 
quires, among other things, spreading the tech- 
nical and managerial skills of modern industry 
and agricidture, as well as the provision of 
American goods and equipment which will help 
these economies progress. 

A strong and expanding domestic economy is, 
of course, essential to our foreign policy. So 
is an expanding foreign trade. 

The Balance-of-Payments Problem 

You are familiar with the balance-of-pay- 
ments problem with which we are struggling. 
I would like to emphasize that large reductions 
in our essential overseas defense expenditures 
and in the resources needed to build the strength 
of the free world would involve grave risks. 
No international agreement which has been 
reached, and none which seems likely to be 
achievable in the immediate future, justifies 
letting down our guard. Although they differ 
as to pace and method, both of the leading 
branches of the Communist movement remain 
committed to the communization of the world. 
A central objective of both may be summed up 
in three words: "Yanks, go home." When we 
come home, the Communists begin to take over. 
It would be folly for us to cooperate with them 
by slashing our overseas expenditures for 
defense and foreign aid. 

Recent cuts in the aid program, if sustained, 
would be a matter of real concern. The reduc- 
tion of 30 percent in the President's request for 
military assistance funds would require a cut- 
back in assistance to a number of key countries 
along the southern rim of the Sino-Soviet bor- 
der. The Alliance for Progress reduction of 25 
percent signals a lack of U.S. confidence at the 
very time that a number of Latin American 
coimtries have started to move forward and 
when several others are almost ready to start. 
Other reductions would further impair the abil- 
ity of the President to protect our national in- 
terests and security. 

A major reason cited by many for making 
these cuts is the adverse balance of payments. 
But an analysis of the effect of the most recent 
reduction by the House indicates that approxi- 
mately $565 million of the $585 million cut 
would have been spent entirely in the United 
States for American goods and sci-vices. Thus 
the effect on our balance of payments would be 

If the gap in our balance of payments is to be 
closed without serious risks to our security and 
without curbing the growth of the free-world 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


economy, it must be done mainly by expanding 
our exports. An increase of only 10 percent in 
our current export volume of $21 billion would 
be a substantial contribution. Tliis is not an 
impossible poal — perhaps it is too modest — 
when we realize that our exports have increased 
by more than $5 billion since 105!) and that 
world trade, although not expanding at the 
rapid rate of 2 or 3 years ago, continues to grow. 

There is no magic formula for expanding 
our exports. In this highly competitive world, 
exports cannot be self-generating; they require 
hard and persistent work. The main job is for 
business. But the Government can help. 

"We hope that negotiations under the Trade 
Expansion Act of 1002 will produce mutually 
advantageous reductions in tariffs. 

The role of our foreign aid program in pro- 
moting American exports is increasing. In 1062 
our foreign aid program, including sales of 
farm surpluses, accounted for approximately 
$2.3 billion, or 11..5 percent, of our exports. 

ifuch more important, our foreign aid pro- 
gram is helping to build future markets. When 
nations grow, when people have hope for the 
future, freedom advances — and with it the na- 
tional interest of the United States. But the 
consequences are even more than a safer and 
generally better world. Economic growth in 
other countries means a larger market for 
American goods. 

The decade of the 1050*s was marked by the 
tremendous economic resurgence of Western 
Europe and Japan, initially aided by the 
United States. Their economic advance meant 
not only that our aid could cease but that our 
exports could continue to grow. From 1050 to 
1002 our ex])orts to Europe doubled. In the last 
decade our exports to Japan have tripled. 
Many of the less developed nations which 
have made progress toward self-support have 
at the same time increased their capacity to 
buy U.S. exports. This should be a continuing 
process. If we in the United States are alert, 
I believe that our commercial trade with the 
less developed countries will increase signifi- 
cantly over the long nm. 

And we should not underestimate the im- 
portance of foreign aid in making the less de- 
veloped countries more familiar with American 
goods and sen-ices. The returns to the United 

States will be measured for decades to come. 
We in Government are fully mindful that, 
as one of our ambas-sadors put it, "There is no 
substitute for the direct dialog between the sell- 
er and the buyer." On the domestic side, the 
Department of Commerce is trying energeti- 
cally to attract more American firms, especially 
medium-size and small establislmients, into the 
export field and at the same time to encourage 
those already engaged in foreign trade to in- 
crease their export operations. Outside the 
United States, the commercial officers and staff." 
of our Foreign SerAnce carry the Government's 
primary trade promotional responsibilities in 
overseas markets. 

Government Services to American Business 

As a result of these efforts, at home and 
abroad, and of growing opportunities in world 
trade, the number of businessmen calling upon 
our posts for services, personally and through 
the Department of Commerce, is increasing 
sharply. A recent survey of 71 Foreign Servnce 
posts revealed that they had more than 47,000 
American business visitors in 1962, compared 
with some 37,000 during 1061 — an increase of 
28 percent in one year and almost double the 
number of 1060. Local business callers in- 
creased from some 46,000 in 1061 to 65,000 in 

In addition to helping business visitors, our 
commercial staffs must handle voluminous busi- 
ness correspondence and prepare a variety of 
reports of service to American firms, including 
trade opportunities, WorJd Trade Directory re- 
ports, and trade contract surveys. They are 
active also in the trade promotional aspects of 
specialized programs of the Department of 
Commerce abroad, namely, the Trade Mission 
Program, the Trade Center Program, and the 
Trade Fair Program. I hope you are finding 
these activities useful to you and that you will 
suggest waA's in whicli they can be improved. 

The Government's efforts abroad to promote 
exports are not confined to our commercial 
staffs. Last fall I instructed our chiefs of mis- 
sion ^ to take an active personal part in assisting 

' For text of a letter of Oct. 19, 1962. from Secretary 
Rusk to American ambassadors abroad, see Bttlletiji 
of Nov. 5, 1962, p. 682. 



American firms to expand export markets. 
Since tlieu, I have had many gratifying reports. 
In a letter of August 2 of this year/ I pointed 
out to our chiefs of mission the emphasis which 
we in "Wasliington attach to the Export Expan- 
sion Program for balance-of-payments reasons. 
In order to pinpoint our problems, I asked that 
our embassies prepare for my guidance and that 
of the Secretary of Commerce a simimary of the 
specific ways in which they have found it pos- 
sible to give support to this program. I also 
asked for fresh information on particular diffi- 
culties encountered and for suggestions for 
overcoming these, as well as for suggestions for 
improving our export expansion work as a 

Our officers abroad are accustomed to pursue 
their duties without thought to fanfare or 
public recognition. Against this background 
of modesty, I am happy t-o note that an in- 
creasing nimiber of businessmen are writing to 
us expressing satisfaction with the services 
rendered by our officers abroad. 

I could cite many specific examples where 
trade opportunities submitted by our posts and 
publicized by the Department of Commerce 
have led to new transactions valued from a few 
dollars to several million. Naturally, there are 
many tips that cannot be openly advertised for 
various reasons, including the protection of our 
trading interests in highly competitive situa- 
tions until they conclude their contracts. 

Let me outline a typical case. Our embassy 
in country x learns that there is a prospective 
purchaser for certain equipment. Embassy 
officers make it clear at the highest levels of the 
local government and industry concerned that 
A.merican companies can pi'ovide this equipment 
and that the United States Government is in- 
terested in seeing to it that they have a full and 
fair opportunity to compete for this business. 
At the same time they take steps, through the 
Department of Commerce, to alert the Ameri- 
cian producers. They establish and maintain 
jlose contacts with the Cabinet officers whose 
ministries must approve various aspects of the 
transactions and with the top officials of the 
prospective purchasing company, as well as with 
nany senior staff officers in both local govern- 

ment and industry. In due course, they ar- 
range for the American companies concerned to 
send their top officials to country x to conduct 
demonstrations timed for the greatest impact on 
the contractual discussions and decisions. This 
is the sort of cooperation which produces new 

I feel sure that, through mutual help, busi- 
ness and Government can further improve the 
Export Expansion Program. I wish you well 
in your present deliberations. 


I join with the President and with the distin- 
guished members of his Cabinet who have al- 
ready welcomed you to this conference. The 
warmth of your reception is a good measure of 
the great value which all of us in Government 
attach to your counsel and your help. The 
presence here of so many distinguished leaders 
of commerce and industry gives, in turn, 
heartening evidence of your appreciation of 
the central importance of expanded exports to 
our economy and our position in the world. 

We value highly the initiative and — to use a 
word which is heard from time to time in 
Washington — the vigor of American enter- 
prise. We should like to see it directed in- 
creasingly to searching out new markets in the 
four quarters of the globe. We in Govern- 
ment want to work together with you in part- 
nership to this purpose. 

The function of my office — that of the Special 
Representative for Trade Negotiations — is to 
seek a general and very substantial reduction 
in tariffs and other barriers to trade. We are 
preparing for negotiations to this purpose next 
year in Geneva, under the auspices of the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade — GATT, 
for short. 

We most certainly need your full cooperation 
in preparing for these negotiations. And I ana 
happy to say that we have been able to enlist 
outstanding businessmen in the work of our 

These negotiations will be the most important 
and comprehensive trade talks in history. 

' For text see iUd., Aug. 19, 1963, p. 290. 

= Mr. Herter is the President's Special Representative 
for Trade Negotiations. 

ICTOBEK 14, 1963 


They will involve more than 50 nations, 
ranging from the highly industrialized coun- 
tries wliich border the North Atlantic to many 
of the less developed countries of Asia, Africa, 
and Latin America. 

As you know, the President's authority to 
negotiate is contained in the Trade Expansion 
Act of 1962. It gives him the power to reduce, 
on a basis of mutual benefits, virtually the en- 
tire range of our tariffs by as much as 50 per- 
cent, staged over five annual installments. In 
certain cases the act enables the President to 
cut tariffs more than 50 percent — indeed, to 
eliminate them altogether. It gives him par- 
ticular authority to take accoimt of our special 
trade interests in the European Economic Com- 
munity. Finally, the trade interests of the less 
developed countries are specifically taken into 

There are three principal goals which Con- 
gress sought to achieve through this legislation : 

1. To increase the security and well-being of 
the United States and the free world through 
the expansion of trade, with the consequent ben- 
efits to industries and workers. 

2. To strengthen Atlantic ties and enlarge the 
area of interdependence within an Atlantic 
community and with industrialized countries 
such as Britain, Japan, Australia, and Canada. 

3. To stimulate the economic growth of the 
less developed nations by offering access to 
world markets for their products and encourag- 
ing commercial policies on their part which are 
conducive to their own development and to 
fruitful world trade. 

Tlie Trade Expansion Act has vested my of- 
fice with primary responsibility in preparing 
for and conducting these trade negotiations. 
But this is in every sense a team effort, involv- 
ing many Departments and agencies of Govern- 
ment, and they have shared generously with us 
their rich resources of knowledge and experi- 

Wo have a powerful bargaining tool in the 
Trade Expansion Act. But that does not by 
itself assure success. Wc must be prepared to 
put it to good use, and we have begun that proc- 
ess in the past few months. 

The first major milestone on the road to next 
year's negotiations was the GATT ministerial 

meeting in Geneva this spring. High-ranking 
representatives of 50 nations gathered there to 
lay the groundwork for next year's talks. 

Results of GATT Ministerial Meeting 

After vigorous and far-ranging discussion, 
they unanimously adopted a resolution * declar- 
ing that a significant liberalization of world 
trade is desirable and that comprehensive nego- 
tiations to this end should be held, with the 
widest possible participation. They should be 
conducted, it was decided, on a most-favored- 
nation basis and in accordance with the prin- 
ciple of reciprocity. 

The resolution also provided that the trade 
negotiations should cover all classes of products 
and deal not only with tariffs but also with non- 
tariff barriers. It was further decided that they 
should be based upon a plan for substantial and 
linear tariff reductions, with a bare minimum of 

In tliis connection, the issue of so-called "dis- 
parities" was raised by our Common Market 
friends. The U.S. and the Common Market 
tariff schedules average about the same. But 
the United States has more high rates and more 
low rates, while the Common Market tariffs 
tend to be bunched in the middle ranges. Wliat 
to do about this was one of the main subjects of 
discussion at the Geneva meeting. In the end, 
a compromise was worked out, in the following 
language : 

In those cases where there are si^nifieant disparities 
in tariff level.s, the tariff reductions will be based upon 
special rules of general and automatic application. 

In presenting this language, the chairman of 
the conference. Dr. Hans Schaffner of Switzer- 
land, added for the record that disparities 
which are "significant" are those which are 
"meaningful in trade terms" and that this is to 
be considered an essential part of the agreement. 

The ministers further resolved that, in view 
of the importance of agriculture in world trade, 
the negotiations shall provide for acceptable 
conditions of access to world markets for agri- 
cultural products. 

It was decided, finally, that every effort shall 
be made to reduce barriers to the exports of the 
less developed countries but that the fully de- 

' For text, see Botxetin of June 24, 1903, p. 99.5. 



veloped countries cannot expect to receive rec- 
iprocity from tlie less developed ones. 

The Geneva meeting took action to put its de- 
cisions into effect. It established a Trade Xego- 
tiations Committee and instructed it to prepare 
a trade negotiating plan in keeping with the 
principles it had set forth. Eecognizing that 
trade in some major agricultural commodities 
presents particularly troublesome problems, it 
agreed that special groups on cereals, meats, 
and possibly dairy products should work on 

The principles adopted at Geneva represent a 
new and creative approach to negotiations 
under the GATT. Efforts to clear away non- 
tariff barriers are to be coupled with tariff ne- 
gotiations, thus insuring that the concessions 
given will be genuinely meaningful in terms of 
liberalizing trade. Also for the first time, the 
general approach to tariff concessions will be on 
an equal, linear basis, rather than by negotiating 
reductions item by item. This new plan will 
greatly facilitate the work of the negotiators. 
It will also result in wider exchanges of tariff 
cuts by putting the negotiations on a broad 
basis, rather than the haggling involved in tedi- 
ous and time-consuming decisions for or against 
cutting each of several thousand individual 

Two issues seem likely to dominate our talks 
with our trade partners, as we tool up for next 
year's negotiations — the disparities question 
and trade in agriculture. 

Speaking of the disparities issue at the close 
of the Geneva meeting, the German Vice Chan- 
cellor, Dr. Ludwig Erhard, commented very 
aptly: "We are agreed on the shell of an egg. 
What will be in the egg, we do not know." 

This is precisely what we have been seeking 
to determine in the Trade Negotiations Com- 
mittee. It met in Geneva in July and made 
good progress in identifying the issues. It will 
resume work this month, and we look forward 
confidently to an eventual and mutually satis- 
factory agreement. 

Problem of Trade in Agriculture 

In the longer nm, the problem of trade in 
agricultural products is likely to present more 
difficulties. From the beginning, we have made 
it clear that the coming trade negotiations can- 

not be limited to industrial goods. The level of 
the U.S. exports depends to an important de- 
gree on our overseas markets for farm products. 
In the Common Market alone, our agricultural 
market amounted to almost $1.2 billion last 

Agriculture has always raised thorny prob- 
lems in international trading relationships. It 
is a longstanding problem, and the time is over- 
due for coming to grips with it. In so doing, 
we shall, of course, have to take a long and hard 
look at our own farm policies and practices. 

We and our negotiating partners must seek 
a solution which will take account of the legiti- 
mate interests of everyone concerned. This will 
require a real effort of statesmansliip. We must 
tackle these many difficulties as problems we 
share in common — and deal with them in com- 
mon, and not simply in response to the internal 
domestic pressures to which all our govern- 
ments are subject. Otherwise, it is difficult to 
see how we can move forward along the road 
to partnership. 

We have already experienced, in the current 
dispute over poultry, the problems involved in 
dealing with agricultural restrictions. After 
seeking for over a year, patiently and persist- 
ently, to negotiate the reduction of the heavy 
charges imposed upon our poultry exports, we 
have been compelled — reluctantly, I assure 
you — to move toward restoring the balance 
through the withdrawal of tariff concessions 
benefiting the EEC [European Economic Com- 
munity] . Last month we announced the sched- 
uling of public hearings for the purpose of de- 
ciding the specific items on which we would act.' 

These hearings were concluded last Tliursday, 
and their results are now being analyzed. Wlien 
this analysis has been completed, we shall — 
imless, as we would much prefer, the dispute 
can be otherwise resolved in the meantime — give 
the member nations of GATT the rex]uired 30 
days' notice of the withdrawal of concessions on 
the items selected. 

However, we must not let our current con- 
cerns over U.S. relations with the Common Mar- 
ket dominate the wider trade and economic 
spectrum, of which the EEC is only one part. 

' For text of the notice of a public hearing, see ibid., 
Aug. 26, 1963, p. 331. 



Japan, Canada, Britain and lier fellow mem- 
bers of the European Fi-ee Trade Association, 
and other industrialized countries all have an 
important role to play. I was heartened, for 
example, by the statement on Britain's trade 
policy whicli Prime Minister Macmillan recent- 
ly made in Stockholm. He said : 

To expand trade, to reduce tariffs, to take away 
barriers to trade as far as possible — quotas, protec- 
tionism, mill all llie rest of it— that is our broad pur- 
pose in Great Britain. 

I have heard similar views expressed every- 
where I have traveled in recent months — in 
Japan, in Canada, and in the principal capitals 
of Europe — althou<Th, to be candid, I have also 
found pockets of protectionism everywhere. 

The less developed countries are also keenly 
interested in exjjanding their trade — in a 
wholly commendable desire to earn more of 
their own way in the world. Indeed, one of the 
most striking features of the GATT meeting 
this spring was the veiy active part they took 
in it. And they are likewise taking a very 
lively interest in preparations for the U.N. Con- 
ference on Trade and Development, which is 
scheduled for next spring." 

Preparations for Tariff Negotiations 

Tliese are the issues which will face us in 
Geneva next year. And we are busy here in 
the United States getting ready to deal with 

To begin with, a great deal of detailed work 
has to be completed in order to define clearly 
the President's tariff-reducing aiithority. To 
take one example, he has the authority to re- 
duce to zero tariffs on items for which the pres- 
ent duty is 5 percent or less. But to determine 
what these are is a time-consuming task. Many 
such items carry a specific tariff rate rather than 
a percentage one, and many of these have not 
moved in trade for a number of years. Thus, 
the Tariff Commission must determine what 
their price would have been had they been 
traded and then what the specific rates come 
to in percentage terms. 

Nevertheless, we expect that, within a month 
or so, the President will proclaim a "public 
list" including all items on which taritf modifi- 
cations may be contemplated. In order to avoid 

the taking of arbitraiy decisions before all tlie 
evidence is available, it has been decided that 
this list will include all items except those ex- 
empted by statute. 

Tlie appearance of an item on the public list 
merely signifies that it will be considered for 
possible inclusion among the items on the nego- 
tiating list. This latter and final list will be 
compiled after the conclusion of hearings on 
the public list before the Tariff Commission and 
the Trade Information Committee,' an inter- 
agency committee chaired by a representative 
of my office. 

Wo view these hearings as the fairest way of 
determining what the real economic effect of 
tariff reductions will be. Under this procedure, 
every American industrj' and branch of agri- 
culture can have its "day in court," so to speak. 

The President, taking into account advice 
from the Tariff Commission, from my office, and 
from such other agencies as he may choose, has 
complete discretion under the Trade Expansion 
Act to reserve any items from the negotiations, 
in addition to those reserved by law. 

Government Needs Help of Business Leaders 

This is what we have done and what we plan 
to do. Equally important to ultimate success 
in these negotiations is your support and coop- 
eration at everj' step on the way. 

I need not remind you of the great stake that 
you as businessmen have in the success of these 
negotiations. They could, if fruitful, establish 
an international climate for trade in wliich you 
can push ahead even more confidently with an 
export drive of the magnitude you are discuss- 
ing here today and tomorrow. 

We need your help, first, in creating the kind 
of atmosphere here in America which will put 
us in the strongest possible position at the bar- 
gaining table, by establisliing beyond any rea- 
sonable doubt the credibility of our dedication 
to liberalizing trade. We cannot afford to have 
that credibility undermined abroad by indul- 
gence in protectionism at home. 

We shall need your more specific help when 

* For bacliground, see thid.. July 29, 1963, p. 173. 
' Kor text of regiilatious of the Trade Information 
Committee, see ihid., Aug. 20. 19f.3. p. 330. 



the Trade Information Committee holds its 
hearings. "Wliile any matter relevant to the 
trade negotiations can be brought before the 
committee, we should like its hearings to focus 
largely upon determining which foreign tariffs 
and trade restrictions are most burdensome to 
U.S. exporters. We hope, therefore, that you 
will take full advantage of this opportunity to 
share with us this vital information, which your 
firsthand experience in the markets of the world 
uniquely qualifies you to give. 

Through the Trade Information Committee, 
we are seeking to give greater importance and 
jmphasis to the work formerly carried on by the 
Committee for Reciprocity Information. I am 
icting in accord with the emphasis in the Trade 
Expansion Act on the requirement that, in the 
performance of my functions, I am to seek in- 
formation and advice from the representatives 
jf industi-y, agi'iculture, and labor. The Trade 
Information Committee provides one meaning- 
ful charmel for this two-way communication. 

What is good for America is good for busi- 
ness, and vice versa. I have no hesitation in say- 
ing this, even if I paraphrase a statement which, 
when Charlie Wilson made it some years ago, 
subjected him to much criticism — unfair criti- 
cism, may I add. 

It is in this spirit that we look to you, as 
leaders in business and industry, for help and 
guidance, counsel and support, in this common 
enterprise which is so important to you both as 
businessmen and as prominent citizens of the 
United States. 

U.S. Regrets EEC Council Action 
on Poultry issue 

Statement by Christian A. Herter ^ 

It is a matter of regret that measures to 
restore reasonable access for U.S. poultry to 
the European Economic Community have not 
been taken by the EEC Council of Ministers. 
, In place of such measures (in accordance with 
our information) the Coimcil has proposed that 

the U.S. forgo its negotiating rights in return 
for a small and uncertain modification of poul- 
try levies. 

The United States had not j^et received a 
reply to its offer to agree on adjudication under 
GATT auspices of the amount of trade affected 
by the EEC restrictions. 

While proceeding with its preparations for 
restoring a balance of tariff concessions, the 
United States continues to believe that accept- 
ance of this offer would minimize the trade re- 
percussions of the poultry issue. 


' Released to the press on Sept. 24. Mr. Herter is 
the President's Special Representative for Trade 

Current Actions 



International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes. 
Open for signature at United Natious Headquarters, 
Neiw York, September 28 through November 30, 1962. 
Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963. 
Notification received of undertaking to seek ratifica- 
tion: India, July 29, 1963. 


Articles of agreement of the International Monetary 
Fund. Opened for signature at Washington Decem- 
ber 27, 1945. Entered into force December 27, 1945. 
TIAS 1501. 

Signatures and acceptances : Algeria, September 26, 
1963 ; Uganda, Mali, September 27, 1963 ; Guinea, 
Congo (L^opoldville), September 28, 1963. 
Articles of agreement of the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development. Opened for sig- 
nature at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered 
into force Dec'ember 27, liMS. TIAS 1502. 
Signatures and acceptances: Algeria, September 26, 
1963 ; Uganda, Mali, September 27, 1963 ; Guinea, 
Congo (L^opoldville), September 28, 1963. 
Articles of agreement of the International Develop- 
ment Association. Done at Washington January 26, 
19(!0. Entered into force September 24, 1960. TIAS 

Signatures and acceptances: Central African Repub- 
lic, August 27, 1963; Mauritania, September 10, 
1963 ; Dahomey, Trinidad and Tobago, September 
16, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, 
in outer space and under water. Done at Moscow 
August 5, 1963.' 

' Not in force. 

OCTOBER 14, 1963 


Ratification advUcd by the Senate: September 24, 

Signatures affixed at Washinnlan: Guatemala, Mala- 
casv Republic. September 2.S, 1963 ; Niger, Septem- 
ber 24, 19«3 ; Ecuador, September 27, 1963. 

Safety of Life at Sea | 

International convention for the safety of life at sea. 
Done at I^ndon June 17. I960.' 
Acceptance deposited: Paraguay, September 11, 1963. 


Spain accepted on June 30. 1063, the folloioing instru- 
ments by accepting protocol of accession to the General 

Afjrecment on TariUs and Trade: 

Fourth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
annexes and texts of schedules to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva March 
7, 1955. Entered Into force January 23, 1959. TIAS 
41 86. 

Third protocol of supplementary concessions to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Denmark 
and the Federal Republic of Germany). Done at 
Geneva July 15, 1955. Entered into force Septem- 
ber 19. 1956. TIAS 3629. 

Fourth protocol of supplementary concessions to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Federal 
Republic of Gerniuny and Norway). Done at Geneva 
July 15, 1955. TIAS 3630. 

Fifth protocol of supplementary conce.'^sions to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Federal 
Republic of Germany and Sweden ) . Done at Geneva 
Julv 15, 1955. Entered into force September 19, 1956. 
TIAS 3631. 

Fifth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of sche<lules to the General Agreement on Tar- 
iffs and Trade. Done at Geneva De<'ember 3, 1955.' 

Sixth protocol of supplementary concessions to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva Mav 23. 1956. Entered into force June 30, 
19.56. TIAS 3.591. 

Seventh protocol of supplementary concessions to the 
General Agroomont on Tariffs and Trade (Austria 
and the Fe<leral Rei'ublic of Germany). Done at 
Bonn Februarv 19, 1957. Entered into force August 
21. 19.59. TIAS 4.324. 

Sixth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 11, 19.')7.' 

Eighth protocol of supplementary concessions to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Cuba and 
the United States). Done at Habana June 20, 1957. 
Entered into force June 29, 19.57. TIAS .3882. 

Seventh protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva November 30, 

Eighth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
text.s of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva February 18, 

Ninth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texta of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva August 17, 



Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of 
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act of 19,54, as amended (OS Stat 4.55; 7 U.S.C. 

1701-1709), with exchanges of notes. Signed at Rio 
de Janeiro September 11, 1963. Entered into force 
September 11, 1963. 


Agreement amending the agreement of May 5, 1961, as 
amended (TIAS 4806, 5301), governing the coordi- 
nation of pilotage services on the Great Lakes and 
St. Lawrence River. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Washington August 23 and September 10, 1963. 
Entered into force September 10, 1963. 


Agreement supplementing the agreement of March 28 
and 29, 1955 (TIAS 3230), so as to provide for 
additional investment guaranties authorized by new 
United States legislation. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Quito September 4, 1963. Entered into force 
September 4, 1963. 


Agricultural commodity agreement. Signed at Wash- 
ington September 23, 1963. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 23, 1963. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of September 14, 1962 (TIAS 5190). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Tunis September 13, 
1963. Entered into force September 13, 1963. 

' Not in force. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 23-29 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C., 

Releases issued prior to September 23 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
476 of September 17 and 482 of September 20. 

No. Date Subject 

*485 9/23 U.S. participation in international 

*486 9/23 Hummel designated Deputy Assist- 
ant Secretary for Educational and 
Cultural Affairs (biographic de- 

Williams : "Women in the New 

Visit of Emperor Haile Selassie of 

Schaetzel : "The Nuclear Problem 
and Atlantic Interdependence." 

Manning: "Policy and People" (as- 
delivered text). 

U.S.-Japan Conference on Cultural 
and Educational Interchange. 

U.S.-Spain joint declaration on co- 

Vice President Johnson to open 
Food and Agriculture Exposition 
at Amsterdam. 
t495 9/27 Cleveland: "Health for Peace and 
Vice Versa." 

•Not printed. 

IHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 


















INDEX October Ik, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1268 


U.S. Regrets EEC Council Action on Poultry 
Issue (Herter) , 605 

Vice President Johnson To Oiien Food Exposi- 
tion at Amsterdam 594 

American Republics. Cuba, Latin America, and 
Communism (Martin) ...,,.... 574 

Communism. Cuba, Latin America, and Com- 
munism (Martin) 574 

Cuba. Cuba, Latin America, and Commu- 
nism (Martin) 574 

Denmark. Vice President Johnson Visits North- 
ern Europe 583 

Economic Affairs 

Cuba, Latin America, and (Mar- 
tin) 574 

U.S. Regrets EEC Council Action on Poultry 
Issue (Herter) ........... 605 

White House Holds Conference on Export Expan- 
sion (Herter, Kennedy, Rusk) 595 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. U.S.-Japan 
Cultural Conference To Be Held at Washing- 
ton 582 


U.S. Regrets EEC Council Action on Poultry 
Issue (Herter) 605 

Vice President Johnson To Open Food Exposi- 
tion at Amsterdam . . . . , 594 

Finland. Vice President Johnson Visits North- 
ern Europe 583 

Foreign Aid. White House Holds Conference on 
Export Expansion (Herter, Kennedy, Rusk) . 595 

Iceland. Vice President Johnson Visits North- 
ern Europe 583 

Japan. U.S.-Japan Cultural Conference To Be 

Held at Washington 582 

Netherlands. Vice President Johnson To Open 

Food Exposition at Amsterdam 594 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Vice Pres- 
ident Johnson Visits Northern Europe . . . 583 

Norway. Vice President Johnson Visits North- 
ern Europe 583 

Presidential Documents. White House Holds 

Conference on Export Expansion .... 595 

Sweden. Vice President Johnson Visits North- 
ern Europe 583 

Treaty Information. Current Actions . . . 605 

United Nations. Dedication of Church Center 
for the United Nations (Rusk, Stevenson) . 570 

Name Index 

Herter, Christian A 601,605 

Johnson, Vice President 583 

Kennedy, President 595 

Martin, Edwin M 574 

Rusk, Secretary 570,599 

Stevenson, Adlai E 573 

Superintendent of Dcx:uments 
u.s. government printing office 




Fact Sheet Series 

The following Department of State pamphlets, in the form of fact sheets describing the comitry, 
people, government, economy, and U.S. relations with each country, are now available: 


Kingdom of Laos 
Kingdom of Morocco 
Federation of Nigeria 
The Philippines 
Kepublic of Viet-Nam 


Pub. No. 


Union of Burma 


10 cents 

Kingdom of Cambodia 


10 cents 

Republic of Congo (L6opoldvUle) 


10 cents 



10 cents 



10 cents 

Republic of Korea 


10 cents 

Pub. No. 



10 cents 


10 cents 


10 cents 


10 cents 


10 cents 




Enclosed find $ 

(cash, check, or money order pay- 
able to Supt of Documents) 

FACT SHEET SERIES 10 cents each 

Please send me pamphlets in the Fact Sheet Series as indicato 

below : 

Burma Israel 

Cambodia Korea 

Congo (L^poldvllle) Laos 

Indonesia Morocco 












Vol. XLIX, No. 1269 

Octoler 21, 1963 


Remarks by President Kennedy and Statements by Secretary of the Treasury Dillon and 
Under Secretary of State Ball 610 


by McGeorge Bundy 625 


by Assistant Secretary Williams 636 


by Assistant Secretary Manning 639 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

OCT 2 8 1363 

For index see inside hack cover 


strengthening the International IVIonetary System 

Following are texts of remarks hy President 
Kennedy and statements hy Secretary of the 
Treasury Douglas Dillon and Under Secretary 
of State George 17. Ball before the Boards of 
Governors of the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development, the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund, the International 
Finance Corporation, and the International De- 
velopment Association, which held their annual 
meetings at Washington, D.C., September 30- 
October ^. 


White riouse press release September 30 ; as-delivered text 

Mr. Dillon, gentlemen : This is the second 
time that I have had the opportunity to wel- 
come you to Washington,' and I do so with the 
greatest pleasure and satisfaction. Yours is a 
very vital role in the defense of the free world. 
Your contribution to financial and economic sta- 
bility among the nations of the world is essen- 
tial, and the results of these efforts will 
determine in a very large measure whether or 

' For text of remarks made by President Kennedy on 
Sept. 20, VM2, see Bulletin of Oct. 15, 1962, p. 573. 

how much each nation can use its resources, 
generous as they are, in the best interests of all 
of our people. 

Since I last met with you, we have suffered 
the loss of one of the great leaders of the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund, Per Jacobsson. He 
served the Fund with skill and dedication. He 
combined a great deal of wisdom with good 
humor. We will miss him, but the indelible 
mark that he left upon your work and upon the 
monetary systems of the world and upon the 
IMF will continue to guide us. 

To his successor, Mr. Pierre-Paul Schweitzer, 
I extend my best wishes as he now guides the 
Fund. We are grateful to France for releasing 
him for this service. His broad talents and 
experience equip him admirably for the heavy 
responsibilities which now press upon him. 

I am glad, too, that the Bank was able to find 
a talented successor to Mr. Eugene Black. Mr. 
Black's genius helped give this in.stitution the 
best reputation any bank or banker can have, a 
reputation for combining prudence with con- 
structive generosity. I am pleased that Mr. 
George Woods has been selected to sustain this 

Twenty years ago, when the architects of 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly piihllcnllon Issued by the OIBce 
of Media Services. Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs. |>rovldes the public and Interested 
BBencles of the Government with Infor- 
matliin on developments In the Held of 
fnrelcn relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy. Issued 
b.v the White Flouse and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the l*reKldent and by the Secretary of 
State aud other ofllcers of the Depart- 

ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of International affairs and 
the functions of the Iiepartment. Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and iDternatlonal agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department. United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial In the field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 

ment Printing Office. Washington, DC. 
20402. Price : 62 Issues, domestic $8.50, 
foreign $12.25 : single copy, 25 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and Items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of Stat" Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
Is Indexed In the Headers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



these institutions met to design an international 
banking structure, the economic life of the 
world was polarized in overwhelming, and even 
alarming, measure on the United States. So 
were the world's monetary reserves. The 
United States had the only open capital in the 
world apart from that of Switzerland. Sixty 
percent of the gold reserves of the world were 
here in the United States. The war-torn na- 
tions of Europe and the Far East faced difficult 
tasks of reconstruction with depleted and in- 
adequate capital resources. There was a need 
for redistribution of the financial resources of 
the world and the financial strength of the free 
world. And there was an equal need to organ- 
ize a flow of capital to the impoverished and 
underdeveloped countries of the world. 

All this has come about. It did not come 
about by chance but by conscious and deliberate 
and responsible planning. Under the Marshall 
Plan and its successors, liberal assistance was 
given to the more advanced nations to help re- 
store their industrial plant, and development 
loans were given to less developed countries. 
In addition, private American capital was made 
freely available, and there was a steady liberal- 
ization of our trade policies. In this effort, 
your institution and, more recently, a growing 
number of industrialized countries have played 
an increasingly important role. 

We are now entering upon a new era of eco- 
nomic and financial interdependence. The rise 
of trading blocs such as the Common Market 
offers a new and greater challenge for trade lib- 
eralization. The United States has prepared 
itself to take advantage of those opportunities 
by legislation permitting an unprecedented re- 
duction of trade restrictions and trade barriers. 
Our gold reserves are a healthy but not exces- 
sive 40 percent of the world's holdings. 

The Balance-of-Payments Problem 

Largely as a result of these changes, this na- 
tion today is engaged in an effort to bring our 
international accounts into equilibrium and to 
maintain the necessary strength behind the dol- 
lar. This is not merely, I believe, in our in- 
terest. It is in the interest of all those who 
have placed their faith in the dollar. 

To this end we have taken several steps to 

reduce the drain on our balance of payments. 

First, we are making a major effort to in- 
crease our exports in the flow of trade between 
the United States and other free nations." 

Secondly, we are initiating further savings 
in our overseas dollar expenditures. 

Third, we are seeking to slow down the very 
rapid increase in overseas demands on our capi- 
tal markets as well as to retard the outflow of 
short-term capital resulting from interest rate 

Fourth, we intend to maintain stable prices 
and to increase the attractiveness of investment 
here in the United States. 

We do not seek by pi'ecipitous acts to improve 
our position at the expense of others. We do 
seek by comprehensive effort, consistent with 
our international responsibilities, to reduce out- 
flows which are weakening our capacity to serve 
the world community. In short, every nation 
in the world has a direct interest, for the dollar 
is an international currency and the security of 
the dollar therefore involves the security of us 

The operations of the International Mone- 
tary Fund, the International Bank for Recon- 
struction and Development, the International 
Finance Corporation, and the International 
Development Association all play important 
roles in this effort. Their techniques of cooper- 
ative action and the availability of their re- 
sources permit capital to be deployed around 
the world in the most effective and efficient 

In a special message to the Congress on the 
balance of payments,^ I announced that the 
United States had for the first time entered into 
a standby arrangement with the Fund. The 
attendance of all of you at this meeting under- 
scores the extent of world involvement in these 
institutions and the determination for so many 
nations to work together for mutual strength. 
We have been able to do this in so many fields 
and we have done it, it seems to me, with such 
success in recent months and years that I am 
confident that that intimate association will 
continue to grow and to prosper. 

' For backsrround, see i6iW., Oct. 14, infiS, p. n95. 
' For text of the President's message of July 18, 19C3, 
see ibid., Aug. 12, 1963, p. 250. 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


During the past year many of you have co- 
operated either tiirougli the international orga- 
nizations or through your own central banks 
in an improved approach to the problems of 
foreign excliange and gold markets. Credit 
facilities and reserve-holding techniques liave 
been improved. The international monetary 
systems met with ease the Cuban crisis last 
autumn, the strains upon sterling early in 1963, 
and the evidence that our own payments situ- 
ation had not developed as well as we hoped 
in the first half of this year. This performance 
has benefited every nation, large and small, but 
success should not, I believe, be an encourage- 
ment to inaction. This nation — the United 
States — must continue its efforts to meet the 
balance-of-payments problems now confront- 
ing us, and we must all assure ourselves by 
preparations now that we will be ready to meet 
the international monetary problems of the 

Increasing International Liquidity 

I am pleased to learn that studies of these 
problems and of appropriate measures to deal 
with them are about to be launched. There is 
a sharp distinction, however, between long- 
term questions of international liquidity and 
the current problems of international imbal- 
ance. We do not intend to neglect the latter 
while pursuing the former. 

This Government considers our tax reduction 
and reform program which has recently been 
approved by one House of the Congress to be 
the most important action that Congress can 
take now to improve our long-range position. 
It should help attract capital investment, im- 
prove our ability to sell goods and services in 
world markets, stimulate the growth of our 
economy and the employment of our people, 
give greater freedom to monetary policy, and 
play a vital supporting role in our determina- 
tion to achieve equal rights and opportunities 
for all of our citizens. 

In other areas, including the interest equal- 
ization tax and the other steps that I have 
noted, and the forthcoming trade negotiations, 
■we are proceeding in our efforts to bring our 
payments into balance. We are proceedino' 

with caution. We are fully aware of the effects 
of our actions on our friends, but no one should 
confuse caution with any lack of determination. 
We are determined to do whatever must be done 
in the interest of this country and, indeed, in 
the interest of all to protect the dollar as a con- 
vertible currency at its current fixed rate. 

We are determined — and I believe in your in- 
terest as well as our own — to maintain the firm 
relationship of gold and the dollar at the pres- 
ent price of $35 an ounce, and I can assure you 
we will do just that. 

We recognize that the reserve position of 
other countries is a mirror image of our own; 
and as the United States moves toward equilib- 
rium, it will be more difficult for others to in- 
crease their reserves. Some nations will be 
more handicapped than others, but no nation 
should be forced to make drastic alterations in 
its domestic and trading policy because of short- 
run movements in its resei-ve position. The 
United States, therefore, stands ready to sup- 
port such measures as may be necessary to 
increase international liquidity. 

Patience will be required in working out these 
matters. The balance of payments is not a 
problem to be cured by a single all-purpose 
medicine. Each country is challenged to find 
the appropriate blend of fiscal, monetary, trade, 
and other policies that will enable interest to 
play its proper role in sustaining rather than 
straining the system of international payments. 
But patience is not the enemy of progress, and 
I think the last 20 years have provided impres- 
sive proof of the benefits of international finan- 
cial cooperation. We are linked so closely 
together; our economies are tied so intimately. 
It is so essential that all of our people benefit 
and prosper that I am confident that you gen- 
tlemen who occupy a position of high respon- 
sibility, working intimately together, can 
maintain our system so that we remain its mas- 
ter. For us to move in an opposite direction, 
of course, would be not only distressing but 
inimical to our common interest. 

The men who gathered at Bretton Woods 20 
years ago were criticized by both those who said 
that no institutions were needed and those who 
said nothing useful could be done. Their effort 
and the success which crowned it are a warning 



both against pessimism and excessive self- 

Today we all believe in tlie achievements of 
intelligent cooperation; and under the wise and 
imaginative leadership of the Governors here 
assembled, I feel sure this cooperation can be 
enlarged and extended. There is no more im- 
portant group, it seems to me, in the free world 
than you gentlemen who are here ; no group it 
seems to me bears greater responsibility. If 
VdU are able to conduct your affairs with suc- 
cess, it benefits all of the people all around the 
globe, and therefore we regard this meeting as 
perhaps the most important that takes place in 
our Capital this year. Your success will make 
]inssible all of the great efforts of the free world 
which have had such an astonishing and, I 
think, dazzling effect upon international rela- 
tions and the security of the West. Our role, 
tlierefore, I regard as essential, and we believe 
in I lie achievements of a determined and intelli- 
gent cooperation which will benefit all of our 

I look forward in the years ahead to con- 
tinued progress, to continued gain, to continued 
expansion toward the goal of economic health 
for all nations, for this goal — second in urgency 
to the quest for peace, only to the necessity of 
peace — is surely indispensable to the free world. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I greet you with great 
satisfaction and we wait on your deliberations 
with great hope and confidence. Thank you. 


At the outset of my remarks, I ask you to join 
with me in paying tribute to our late, great 
colleague and good friend. Per Jacobsson. 
Firmly dedicated throughout his long and dis- 
tinguished career to the cause of financial stabil- 
ity, he guided the International Monetary Fund 
with a deep understanding of the needs and 
realities of his times. The responsibilities of 
Managing Director have now passed into the 
capable hands of Pierre-Paul Schweitzer. His 
willingness to assume these duties provides us 
with fresh assurance that the Fund, building 
on its current strength and influence at the cen- 
ter of the international monetary system, will 

successfully meet the fresh challenges that lie 

It is also a pleasure to welcome to the Fund 
family an unusually large number of new mem- 
bers, bringing our group to more than 100. The 
election of a 19th Executive Director, who will 
cast the votes of a group of the many new Afri- 
can members, is symbolic of the increasing use- 
fulness of the Fund to the emerging nations. 

I am sure that each of these new members 
will profit from the important assistance the 
Fund can render to their further development 
through its expanding program of technical 
assistance in the areas of central banking and 
fiscal practices and policies, through its regular 
consultations, and by providing timely financial 
support for well-conceived stabilization pro- 
grams. In addition, the new compensatory 
financing facilities announced last March mark 
an important and constructive advance in the 
services available to members heavily dependent 
upon exports of primary commodities. 

These activities in support of balanced, dy- 
namic growth are, of course, complemented by 
those of the Fund's companion Bretton Woods 
institution, the World Bank and its afBliates, 
now under the able direction of George Woods. 
I should mention particularly at this year's 
meeting the work of the International Develop- 
ment Association, whose activities in so short 
a span of time offer so much promise for the 
future. Action by the Part I countries on the 
proposals for increasing its resources will mark 
another milestone in the work to which it is 
dedicated and in which we are all joined 

The successive annual reports of the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund have expertly traced 
the evolution of our international monetary 
system since World War II. They have also 
made clear that new problems have a way of 
emerging as older ones are solved. Tlie report 
for 1963 is no exception. In particular, it deals 
at some length with the adequacy of existing 
arrangements for providing international li- 
quidity during the coming years. The authors 
point out that liquidity is not simply a matter 
of the aggregate of official holdings of gold or 
foreign exchange, and they review the progress 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


made in recent years — in considerable part 
under the auspices of the Fund itself — in sup- 
plementing these resources with international 
credit. But the report also recognizes that the 
needs of nations for assured means of financing 
balance-of-payments deficits — either by draw- 
ing upon a stock of liquid assets or by means of 
borrowing — can be expected to increase over 
time. At the same time, as the deficit in the bal- 
ance of payments of the United States is nar- 
rowed and closed, tliat deficit will no longer 
contribute to the liquidity of other nations in the 
manner and magnitude of the last few years. 

The Fund's report has now been supple- 
mented by the thoughtful and important state- 
ment of its new Managing Director. Mr. 
Schweitzer indicated that the Fund expects to 
study the problem of international liquidity and 
has expressed the Fund's readiness to cooperate 
with others in such a study. He points out 
that studies of this problem are timely even 
though there is at present no sign of any short- 
age in international liquidity. He has also 
given us his view that the Fund should be at 
the center of whatever strengthening of the 
international monetary system may prove to 
be desirable. The United States finds itself 
in general agreement with all of these thoughts. 

But in discussing this matter I would like to 
make one point crystal clear : The United States 
does not view possible improvements in the 
methods of supplying international liquidity 
as relieving it of the compelling and immediate 
task of reducing its own payments deficit. In- 
deed, it is largely the prospect of the elimina- 
tion of the United States payments deficit that 
makes it necessary and advisable to undertake 
these studies. 

The Process of International Adjustment 

Nor can the provision of appropriate facili- 
ties for international liquidity relieve nations 
of their joint responsibilities for effective and 
timely action to eliminate such imbalances in 
trade and payments as may arise m the future. 
In a world of fixed exchange rates and con- 
vertible currencies, deficits and surplusf'S 
emerge from a wide variety of causes, both 
domestic and international. The necessity to 
make cash outlays for defense and aid, shifts 

in the basic pattern of demand for interna' 
tionally traded goods, the development of ne 
products, resources, and production techniques 
(and developments in capital markets) can be 
just as important as changes in average price 
levels and aggregate demand within countries 

The adjustments necessary to correct these 
deficits and surpluses take time if they are tc 
proceed in an orderly fashion, without dam- 
aging consequences for either domestic growth 
and stability or the free flow of trade among 
nations. That is why, as part of the adjust- 
ment process, a country experiencing deficits 
needs reserves to draw upon, or credit that it 
can rely upon. That is also why a country re- 
ceiving the counterpart in surpluses needs as- 
sets of assured value, in amounts and forms 
that will not disrupt its own economy. But in 
the last analysis, without effective adjustments 
by both deficit and surplus countries no amount 
of liquidity will enable us to achieve the mutual 
benefits of a closely integrated world economy 
within a framework of steady growth accom- 
panied by monetary stability. 

The challenge implicit in this situation is 
clear. Side by side with our studies of possible 
liquidity needs, we must consciously seek out 
means of improving the process of interna- 
tional adjustment itself, while preserving our 
separate abilities to meet our respective domes- 
tic needs. 

This is a large order, but one that is well 
within our capacities. Much has been learned 
from the experience of recent years. We have 
come to recognize that in shaping domestic 
policies and choosing from the various tools 
available for use, their varying impact upon 
our external accounts and upon those of our 
trading partners must be taken fully into ac- 
count. There is greater awareness of the need 
to identify and eliminate those market rigid- 
ities that inhibit the process of adjustment. 
And we are learning that new techniques can 
be developed for assisting the process of adjust- 
ment that are consistent with domestic goals 
and competitive markets. 

Much of this can be illustrated by analysis 
of the position of the United States, faced as 
we are with the twin tasks of achieving more 
rapid growth at home while simultaneously 



IMF "Group of 10" Agrees To Undertake 
of International Monetary System 

The following statement was issued at Washing- 
ton on October 2 on behalf of the "Group of 10" 
members of the International Monetary Fund by the 
chairman of the group, Douglas Dillon, Secretary of 
the Treasury of the United States. 

1. In the course of the annual meeting of the In- 
ternational Monetary Fund, the Ministers and Cen- 
tral Bank Governors of the 10 countries (Belgium, 
Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Nether- 
lands, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United 
States) participating in the agreement of December 
1961 ' to supplement the resources of the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund met in Washington, together 
with Mr. Pierre-Paul Schweitzer, Managing Director 
of the Fund. In this meeting, they discussed the 
international payments situation and reviewed the 
functioning of the international monetary system 
now and in the future in the light of their common 
aims as reflected in the Fund's Charter. 

2. They agreed that the removal of the imbalances 
still existing in the external accounts of some major 
countries was the most important objective to be 
pursued over the near future. For this reason they 
welcomed the recent efforts of certain deficit coun- 
tries to improve their balances of payments, as well 
as actions by a number of countries designed to re- 
duce or remove surpluses, as evidence of progress 
toward a better basic international equilibrium. 
The Ministers and Governors reaffirmed the ol)jec- 
tive of reaching such balance at high levels of eco- 
nomic activity with a sustainable rate of economic 
growth and in a climate of price stability. 

3. In examining the functioning of the interna- 
tional monetary system, the Ministers and Gover- 
nors noted that the present national reserves of 
member countries, supplemented as they are by the 
resources of the IMF, as well as by a network of 
bilateral facilities, seemed fully adequate in present 
circumstances to cope with possible threats to the 
stability of the international payments system. In 

' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 29, 19G2, p. 


this connection, the Ministers reviewed the "General 
Arrangements To Borrow" In the International 
Monetary Fund and reiterated their determination 
that these resources would be available for decisive 
and prompt action. 

4. In reviewing the longer-run prospects, the Min- 
isters and Governors agreed that the underlying 
structure of the present monetary system— based on 
fixed exchange rates and the established price of 
gold — has proven its value as the foundation for 
present and future arrangements. It appeared to 
them, however, to be useful to undertake a thorough 
examination of the outlook for the functioning of 
the international monetary system and of its proba- 
ble future needs for liquidity. This examination 
should be made with particular emphasis on the 
possible magnitude and nature of the future needs 
for reserves and for supplementary credit facilities 
which may arise within the framework of national 
economic policies effectively aiming at the objectives 
mentioned in paragraph 2. The studies should also 
appraise and evaluate various possibilities for cover- 
ing such needs. 

5. The Ministers and Governors have noted with 
approval the statement by the Managing Director 
that the International Monetary Fund will develop 
and intensify its studies of these long-run questions. 
They, for their part, have now instructed their 
Deputies to examine these questions, and to report 
to them on the progress of their studies and dis- 
cussions over the course of the coming year. They 
requested the Deputies in carrying out these studies 
to maintain close working relations with the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund and with other interna- 
tional bodies concerned with monetary matters. 
Any specific suggestions resulting from the studies 
by the Deputies will be submitted to the Ministers 
and Governors for consideration. 

6. The Ministers and Governors believe that such 
an examination of the international monetary sys- 
tem will further strengthen international financial 
cooperation, which is the essential basis for the con- 
tinued successful functioning of the system. 

closing the troublesome gap in our balance of 
payments. And many of the lessons of this 
experience, I believe, will prove sooner or later 
I to be more generally applicable to the problems 
of international adjustment. 

Business activity in the United States has 
continued to expand over the past year at a 
fairly steady pace. Total output has now 

reached a rate of over $585 billion a year — in 
real terms more than 13 percent above the level 
of early 1961. 

Measured against other peacetime expan- 
sions of the past 40 years, this performance has 
been encouraging. All but one of these recov- 
ery periods have now been equaled or exceeded 
in terms of percentage increase in output, and 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


that single exception took place only after the 
steep declines in production during the early 
193()'s. Prices of manufactured goods have re- 
mained virtually unclianged during the current 
expansion, extending the period of stability 
that has existed since 1958. However, unem- 
ployment is still excessive. And we are not 
fully utilizing our available savings or our ex- 
isting productive plant capacity. True, invest- 
ment activity has risen in response to increases 
in demand and to measures introduced a year 
ago to liberalize the tax treatment of deprecia- 
tion and provide an investment tax credit. But 
new investment still remains below the levels 
required to support a full employment economy 
and to assure the position of our industry 
among the leaders in technological progress. 

At the same time, our overall balance of pay- 
ments has responded slowly to the series of 
measures we have undertaken since 1961. The 
overall deficit was reduced to $2.2 billion in 
1962, from $3.9 billion in 1960, and $2.4 billion 
in 1961. But the deficit grew markedly larger 
during the first half of 1963. 

When this situation first became apparent, we 
made a thoroughgoing review of our entire 
balance-of-payments program, which culmi- 
nated in a series of decisions announced by the 
President on July 18. Resulting programs now 
underway will, by the end of next year, bring a 
reduction of $1 billion in the annual rate of 
dollar expenditures abroad for defense, aid, and 
other Government programs. Savings of 
similar magnitude are also expected on capital 
account as a result of the proposed interest 
equalization tax and the firmer structure of 
short-term interest rates accompanying the 
recent one-half percent increase in the Federal 
Reserve discount rate. We can already see indi- 
cations that the deterioration in our accounts 
during the first half of the j'ear is being arrested. 

These new actions will complement and rein- 
force the longer run measures we have l^een 
taking to achieve both external balance and 
more rapid domestic growth. Basic to our 
strategy for achieving these twin goals is a 
broad program of individual and corporate tax 
reduction totaling $11 billion, which, after pas- 
sage by our House of Representatives last week, 
is now before our Senate. It will provide an 

impetus to the domestic economy in a manner 
consistent with our international position. It 
will give increased flexibility to our monetary 
authorities in meeting balance-of-payments re- 
quirements. The added incentives for use of 
capital in the United States will enhance the 
relative attractiveness of investment here for 
Americans and foreigners alike. At the same 
time, the increased productivity associated with 
rising investment, together with greater incen- 
tives to develop and market new products and 
to apply more rapidly the fruits of our vast 
research capabilities, will reinforce the efforts 
we are making to increase our exports. 

Expanding Production 

Our ability to expand production — which is 
implicit in our current unemployment, in our 
rapidly growing labor force, and in our margin 
of underutilized industrial capacity — provides 
protection against upward price pressures as 
the stimulus from the tax program takes hold. 
Meanwhile we are continuing successfully to 
finance our budgetary deficit outside the bank- 
ing system. For instance, in the j^ear that 
ended August 31, the latest date for which fig- 
ures are available, the combined holdings of 
Government debt in the hands of our Federal 
Reserve and commercial banks declined by 
more than $11/^ billion. We have also made 
further progress in improving the maturity 
structure of our marketable debt. As a result 
of our latest advance refunding, the average life 
of that debt exceeded by^ years for the first 
time since 1956. We are not faced, therefore, 
with the kind of excessive liquidity that could 
fuel inflationary developments as our economy 
moves toward fuller employment. 

Perhaps most significant of all in terms of 
the outlook for prices, our manufacturing labor 
costs per unit of output have declined over the 
past 3 years — the first time since World War II 
that this basic measure of our competitive 
strength has improved for so long a period, or 
during a time of substantial recovery. And 
the rate of wage increases in our manufacturing 
industry is holding within the range of past 
and anticipated productivity increases. 

In this way we are encouraging basic cor- 
rective forces in terms of costs and prices that 



should provide a firm base for improving our 
trading position, thus contributing to the order- 
ly adjustment of our entire balance of pajanents. 
Highly tentative, but nonetheless encouraging, 
signs of an improvement in our international 
competitive position are developing. But it is 
clear that the contribution that exports can 
make to overall balance will be heavily depend- 
ent upon the adjustment policies of other na- 
tions as well. By this I do not, of course, mean 
to suggest that surplus nations have a responsi- 
bility to inflate, any more than it would be con- 
sistent with our internal needs to force defla- 
tion. Nor, in our particular situation, would 
it be reasonable to look only — or primarily — 
to increases in our commercial trade balance as 
the solution for our payments problem. 

But opportunities do exist for surplus na- 
tions, in instances where inflationary pressures 
are evident, to serve the interests both of their 
own domestic stability and of extei'nal balance 
by reducing or eliminating barriers to imports, 
including those from the United States. In 
the search for effective adjustment mechanisms 
within the context of a convertible currency 
system, this kind of action, it seems to me, can 
become, for surplus countries, a modern sub- 
stitute for the inflationary price adjustments 
that we must all do everything we can to avoid. 

A basic factor in our own deficit position has 
been the heavy burden we carry for the defense 
of the free world and for assisting the develop- 
ment of less favored nations. This burden, in 
a wider context, is an inescapable part of the 
kind of world we live in. But we are also learn- 
ing that methods of handling these Government 
outpayments, and more appropriate distribu- 
tion of their balance-of-payments impact, can 
also contribute to the adjustment process with- 
out subverting their essential purpose. 

Important savings have already been made 
in this area, reducing net outflows under our 
defense and aid programs from $3.8 billion in 
1960 to $3.0 billion in 1962. A large portion of 
this improvement can be traced to the recogni- 
tion by some European countries of their grow- 
ing capacity to assume a greater share of the 
foreign exchange costs of the common defense. 
As a result, the drain on our payments from 
maintaining our troops in Germany and Italy 

is now virtually fully offset by their purchase 
of military equipment and supplies from the 
United States — equipment which, because of 
the size and flexibility of our defense industry, 
can be produced more rapidly and more econom- 
ically in the United States than in their own 
countries. Thus these arrangements have 
simultaneously strengthened the free world's 
military and economic defenses. 

In addition, we have adopted a policy of 
providing the great bulk of our economic aid 
to developing countries in the form of goods 
and services, so that it can be brought within 
the limits of our capacity without impairing its 
effectiveness. When current commitments are 
fully reflected in actual disbursements, only 
some 10 percent of the aid from our various 
foreign assistance programs will be provided 
in the form of dollars. At the same time, I 
believe that we must guard against any tend- 
ency to make the "tying" of aid into a subtle 
new form of protection for home industries. 
Rather, the logic of our efforts to expand multi- 
lateral trade and promote international effi- 
ciency through competition among the pro- 
ducers of all nations demands that it be used as 
a temporary device, reserved for periods of 
balance-of-payments strains. 

With forces of adjustment underway in both 
our Government and our commercial trade ac- 
counts, the most pressing problem in terms of 
our balance of payments has been the recent 
acceleration in the outflow of long-term capital. 
The net outflow of such capital during the first 
half of this year reached an annual rate of $3.8 
billion. This was fully $1.3 billion higher than 
the already substantial figures for 1962 and 
nearly double the rate maintained over the years 
1959-1961. While some of this recent increase 
stemmed from direct investment, a flood of new 
foreign borrowings totaling nearly $1 billion in 
only 6 months was the major factor. This is 
considerably more than three times the volume 
we have been accustomed to. 

It is entirely consistent with restoration of 
full equilibrium in international payments that 
the United States, with its capacity to generate 
large savings, continue to supply reasonable 
amounts of capital to aid the development of 
other nations. But it is perfectly clear that 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


maintenance of outflows at the recent pace, far 
from being a constructive force in world pay- 
ments, would soon put intolerable strains on 
the international monetary system as a whole. 
As our program of tax reduction takes hold 
and there are stronger incentives to employ a 
larger portion of our savings at home, normal 
market forces will work strongly in the direc- 
tion of reducing this outflow of long-term capi- 
tal to more tolerable levels. But the experience 
of the past year makes clear that we cannot 
rely on these longer term forces of adjustment 
to meet our immediate problems. Nor is it 
feasible to speed the process of adjustment by 
artificial attempts to force our entire structure 
of long-term interest rates sharply and suddenly 
higher. If possible at all in the face of the 
huge supply of savings flowing into our mar- 
kets, this course of action would require so 
drastic a tightening of credit as to seriously 
jeopardize the prospects for domestic expan- 

Interest Equalization Tax 

In this situation, we have recommended en- 
actment of a temporary interest equalization 
tax which will have the effect of raising the costs 
of portfolio capital in our market by 1 percent 
for borrowers in the developed countries 
abroad. This will bring these costs into a 
rough alinement with those in most other in- 
dustrialized countries. The purpose is quite 
simple — to speed the essential redirection of 
capital flows in a manner comparable to an 
equivalent, but presently impracticable, rise in 
our entire structure of interest rates. 

We view this tax solely as a necessary — but 
temporary — expedient to meet a specific situa- 
tion that has arisen in large part out of a struc- 
tural imbalance "in the capital markets of the 
free world. Borrowers from deficit and surplus 
countries alike converge upon the New York 
market, not only because of our lower structure 
of long-term interest rates — since equivalent or 
lower rates can be found in at least two other 
countries — but because it is still the only source 
for international capital in whatever size and 
form desired, freely available to any borrower 
able to meet the normal market test of credit- 
worthiness, and oflFering higlily efficient dis- 

tribution facilities with low issuing costs. In 
contrast, potential alternative markets are in 
most cases subject to official controls or have 
difficulty in supplying the needed funds in the 
volume required. And, with few exceptions, 
they are characterized by high and rigid rate 
structures. In the face of this situation, we 
must temporarily help to redirect the demands 
pressing on our market through a tax that will 
increase the costs of long-term borrowing here 
by foreigners. 

The impediments to the development of more 
adequate European capital markets are cur- 
rently under close and continuing study within 
the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development, and progress is beginning to 
be visible. As efforts to improve European 
capital markets come to fruition and the re- 
maining controls and restrictions are elimi- 
nated — and as our own domestic demands for 
capital put increased pressures upon our supply 
of savings — there is every reason to believe that 
the need for extraordinary action of the kind 
we are now taking will be eliminated. 

'V\1ien the Fund was established, there was 
great apprehension that sudden and massive 
short-term capital movements might again be- 
come a disruptive influence as they had in the 
disturbed climate of the 1930's. Gratifying 
progress has been made in developing sturdy 
defenses against such threats to our convertible 
currency system through the concerted coopera- 
tive efforts of the industrialized countries. A 
chain of new facilities for coping with such 
pressures is now in place and tested, and there 
are grounds for confidence that the processes of 
adjustment can be shielded from perverse 
speculative flows in the future. 

"With the restoration of convertibility, how- 
ever, it has become apparent that a sizable 
volume of capital is ready to move from country 
to country in response to relatively small shifts 
in interest rates. Thus the stability of ex- 
change rates and freedom of markets toward 
which we have all worked in the postwar period 
carries with it the implication that short-term 
interest rates in the major trading countries 
must inevitably be kept reasonably well in line 
with each other. 

Both problems and opportunities are implicit 



in these circumstances. Domestic objectives 
will sometimes limit the practicable range of 
fluctuation in interest rates that can be under- 
taken for facilitating balance-of-payments ad- 
justment. But, since the margin between rate 
relationships that attract or repel short-term 
funds is likely to be relatively narrow, it will 
usually be feasible to encourage small changes 
in short-term rates in the interest of speeding 
restoration of international equilibrium without 
disturbing the domestic economy. 

Consultation and Cooperation 

Most promising of all in terms of facilitating 
the adjustment process is the increasingly close 
and continuous consultation on these matters 
that has developed in the forums provided by 
this institution, by the Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development, and by 
the Bank for International Settlements. This 
has been particularly evident in the area of 
short-term capital flows and interest rates. But 
we are also coming to understand that this same 
kind of consultation and cooperation is essential 
in other areas as well. We know that any ad- 
justment demands offsetting changes in the posi- 
tion of deficit and surplus nations. We also 
know, in the last analysis, that these adjust- 
ments must take place, for no workable interna- 
tional monetary system will allow a nation to 
continue to run a deficit — or for that matter a 
surplus — for an indefinite period. 

The critical question is how the adjustments 
are to be made. Balance can be — and too often 
in the past has been — forced by measures that 
endanger domestic stability or the prospects for 
growing trade. Those alternatives are not open 
to us today if the bright promise of all that has 
been accomplished since Bretton Woods is to be 
fulfilled. Nor can the industrialized countries 
afford to undermine the defenses of freedom or 
to withdraw their support of the developing 

The only realistic solution is to find effective 
ways for reconciling the requirements of a con- 
vertible currency system based on fixed ex- 
change rates with the freedom of each nation 
to pursue domestic growth and stability. No 
methods will work instantaneously, and one 
prerequisite to their proper fmactioning is the 

availability of adequate liquidity — in the form 
of international reserves or ready access to 
credit. The studies now being launched pro- 
vide fresh assurance that these liquidity needs 
will be met effectively in the more distant fu- 
ture, just as they are being met effectively today. 
But adequate liquidity will not make our ma- 
chinery of adjustment work automatically, nor 
can its development be safely put off until 
emergencies arise. Instead, its effective use will 
require governments of all nations witli a stake 
in a liberal trading order to work together con- 
tinuously in many areas: in developing a mix of 
domestic policies appropriate to external cir- 
cumstances, in adjusting trade policies, in shar- 
ing the burdens of aid and defense, in providing 
long-term capital, and in eliminating rigidities 
and inefficiencies in their economies that impede 
and distort the adjustment process. That will- 
mgness, I believe, is now being demonstrated 
more fully than at any time in the past. This 
is the real source of my confidence, not only that 
the United States will restore balance in its own 
accounts — for we intend to carry out that re- 
sponsibility in any event — but also that a true 
equilibrium can be restored within a framework 
of expanding trade, flourishing growth, and 
monetary stability. 


Press release 500 dated October 2 

We meet this year under new captains. The 
Bank has a new President, the Fund a new 
Managing Director. Many of us have known 
Mr. Woods and Mr. Schweitzer before. Those 
of us who are now meeting those two gentle- 
men for the first time have been impressed and 
encouraged by the wise and perceptive words 
that each has spoken in his inaugural address. 
All of us convening here this week can carry 
home the heartening news that both of the 
Bretton Woods institutions are in firm and ex- 
perienced hands. 

In the course of the past year, the Bank has 
acquired not only a new leader but new mem- 
bers— 20 in number. Most are nations only 
recently independent. We welcome their pres- 
ence here this morning, and we look forward 
to their participation in our common effort. 

OCTOBEK 21, 1963 


In his inaugural address on Monday, Pres- 
ident Woods spoke both of the Bank's achieve- 
ments and of its phins. The Bank has increased 
its rate of lending in recent months, and we 
welcome Mr. Woods' statement— phrased with 
the caution characteristic of a good banker — 
that "the prospect is not for a downward trend 
in the Bank's operations." 

Yet, as we all know, the achievements of the 
Bank cannot be measured merely by the rate 
of its lending. During its almost two decades 
of active life the Bank has come to cast a long 
shadow. Today its influence is felt on many 
financial relationships. The way in which the 
Bank does its business, the sound counsel given 
by its President and staff, have significant in- 
fluence on the whole free-world financial 

Bank and Fund Complementary 

In speaking of the Bank in this context, we 
must necessarily take account of its functional 
relation to the Fund. These two organizations 
were, after all, created at the same time, by a 
common inspiration, to serve a single common 

A central purpose of the Fund, as set forth 
in its Articles of Agreement, is "to facilitate 
the expansion and balanced growth of inter- 
national trade" by preventing the kind of finan- 
cial warfare among nations that had proved so 
disruptive in the 1930's. The World Bank also 
has, as one of its purposes, "to promote the 
long-range balanced growth of international 
trade and the maintenance of equilibrium in 
balances of payments. . . ." 

I need not point out to you, therefore, that 
these two institutions are complementary in 
objective and operation. 

The Fund has specific responsibility for the 
effective conduct of the international payments 
system. But the Bank also, if it is to fulfill 
its purposes of encouraging development and 
expanded trade, must be concerned that its own 
activities contribute to the efl'ective operation 
of the international payments system and that 
its efforts are not frustrated by the development 
of distortions and imbalances in that system. 

This was, of course, a constant preoccupation 
of Eugene Black while he was President of the 

Bank, and Mr. Woods has made it known in 
his thoughtful statement on Monday that he too 
is concerned with this problem. 

Development Lending and Balance of Payments 

The Bank can, through its operations and 
example, affect the payments system by both 
its lending and borrowing activities. Mr. 
Woods showed an acute awareness of the rel- 
evance of development lending to the balance 
of payments of borrowing countries when he 
spoke so lucidly of the "debt problem." Effec- 
tive development requires, of course, that the 
less developed countries acquire foreign ex- 
change resources in order to sustain a volume 
of imports of technology and capital goods es- 
sential to the building of a sound economy. Un- 
til the development process is well advanced, 
these countries must depend upon a substantial 
input of foreign capital to meet their foreign 
exchange requirements, and, to the extent that 
the foreign capital is made available upon cred- 
it terms, it must be repaid. This means that the 
terms of the credits must be carefully related 
to the ability of a borrowing nation to cam 
foreign exchange. 

]\Iost of the new countries that have come 
into being during the postwar period have been 
born with relatively little external debt. But in 
their eagerness for rapid development many 
of the developing nations have paid little at- 
tention to the effective scheduling of their 
mounting indebtedness. They have contract- 
ed much of it on short term and have piled up 
a burden of repayment obligations that they 
are compelled to face long before the develop- 
ment process has begun to pay off in greater 
earning capacity. Mr. Woods mentions the sit- 
uation of one major geographic area where one- 
half of the present debt has to be paid during 
the next 5 years. The danger we face — all of 
us — is a series of foreign-exchange crises, one 
on top of the other, that can restilt in untold 
harm to the developing countries, inject a new 
element of uncertainty into international trade, 
and cause a serious disturbance to the interna- 
tional payments system. 

This is a problem that lending and borrowing 
countries must face together. It is a major 
problem on which there should be more con- 


sultation on the part of lending nations, both 
with borrowing nations and with one another. 
Too often less developed countries have ac- 
cmnulated debt haphazardly in a series of bi- 
lateral arrangements made by the borrowing 
nation with many different governments and 
institutions. In many instances the lending 
nation does not know the exact structure of 
debt of a nation to which it is extending credit, 
and loans are all too often made without regard 
to the concentration of repayment obligations. 

Debt Structure of Developing Nations 

In its preoccupation with this problem, the 
World Bank has taken the lead, as it has with 
so many other problems in the field of economic 
development. From the beginning it gave 
careful attention to the debt-servicing ability 
of its loan recipients — initially to assure that 
borrowing countries would be able to service 
loans made by the Bank itself. The remarkable 
repayment record for Bank credits is testimony 
to the wisdom of this approach. 

Later, however, as the Bank broadened its 
activities to take more comprehensive respon- 
sibility for the problems of developing na- 
tions — as it moved into the field of economic 
surveys and technical assistance — it began to 
look upon the debt structure of its borrowers 
as one indicator of the pace at which a country 
could achieve orderly growth. 

As a result, the Bank has become a repository 
of extensive information regarding the external 
liabilities of its developing membei-s. It uses 
this information not only in assessing the re- 
payment prospects on its own loans but also in 
advising its borrowers as to the difficulties that 
they may confront if they do not achieve an or- 
derly phasing of debt repayments. 

The Bank has employed this store of infor- 
mation in reaching decisions regarding its own 
policies concerning the terms of its loans. Its 
awareness of the debt-servicing problem was a 
compelling argument for creating the Inter- 
national Development Association. 

My Government has also recognized that it 
can be more effective in helping a less developed 
country if it has full knowledge of the structure 
of the debt which that country has contracted. 
This necessarily means that we must inform 

ourselves in some detail as to the nature, size, 
and terms of aid — both grants and credits — 
extended by other developed countries. 

Such detailed infoi-mation is, however, often 
difficult for a lending nation to obtain. It can 
be made most readily available if the lending 
nations pool their information. With this in 
mind, we have encouraged the Development As- 
sistance Committee of the OECD— the DAC — 
to build on the activities of the Bank and 
serve as a kind of clearinghouse for gathering 
data as to the credits each lending country is 
extending to each less developed country. 
The information so far collected by the 
DAC has been of great value to my Govern- 
ment and, I am sure, to others as well. Within 
the last few months the Bank and the DAC 
have made great progress in this common ef- 
fort. In the interests of both developed and 
developing nations, we believe, however, that 
the time has come to move farther in collecting 
and consolidating this information for the use 
of lending and borrowing nations alike. 

We would hope that, through the increased 
cooperation of these two institutions, informa- 
tion can be periodically made available to 
lending nations regarding the debt structure 
of developing countries. The lending nations 
should tlien be able more effectively to design 
the credits they are themselves extending so as 
to make the burden of repayment obligations 
easier for the borrowing nations. They can 
thus help to free the less developed countries 
from the ordeal of successive balance-of-pay- 
ments crises. 

Liberalizing Terms of Credit 

But even the most comprehensive informa- 
tion regarding debt structures will be of little 
use unless the lending nations liberalize the 
terms of their credits to accord with the capaci- 
ties of the recipients. The Bank has long 
recognized this problem and has played an 
evangelical role in admonishing lending nations 
to reduce their interest rates and provide longer 

In this connection, we welcome Mr. Woods' 
suggestion that the Bank may, in appropriate 
cases, modify the terms of its lending so as to 
lengthen grace periods and extend maturities. 


My Government has, of course, been a pio- 
neer in this direction. Development lending by 
the United States Agency for International 
Development for most developing nations has 
been on the basis of 40-year maturities, grace 
periods extending to 10 years, and interest rates 
of three-fourths of 1 percent. We have added 
our powers of persuasion to those of the Bank's 
in an effort to induce other nations to shape 
their lending terms more generously, and this 
has been one of the principal efforts of the DAC 
as well. 

Last spring the DAC recommended to its 
members that the terms of aid should be related 
to the circumstances of each underdeveloped 
country and that this would mean, in practice, 
a liberalization of the terms of many lenders. 

All of this effort has not been without result. 
Today the terms upon which many governments 
are providing aid have been substantially im- 
proved. We are gratified to note, for example, 
that the British Government in its recent "V\^iite 
Paper has announced the decision "in suitable 
cases" to provide loans for periods of up to 30 
years with extended grace periods of up to a 
decade and to reduce the burden of interest pay- 
ments by waiving interest for 7 years. 

Yet, in spite of all the progress that has been 
made, this problem of debt terms is still with us. 
We must frankly examine the relationship be- 
tween long-term, low-cost loans and the funding 
of short-term commercial credits. Properly 
used, short-term credits can play a constructive 
role in the economic life of a country. Unwise 
use of such credits can and has led to the need 
for a series of creditor consolidation arrange- 
ments which are damaging to borrowers and 
lenders alike. 

Moreover, we should, all of us, realize that 
lending nations which periodically roll over 
short-term debt are not thereby making avail- 
able any new resources to the debtor country. 
In fact, the need for continual rollovers injects 
a serious element of uncertainty into the eco- 
nomic life of new nations, makes financial and 
development planning precarious, and creates 
a crisis-like atmosphere that is conducive 
neither to development nor to the achievement 
of stability in international accounts. 

I think it essential, therefore, that if we are 
to get on with this business of assisting the less 
developed countries on a rational and effective 
basis, the economically advanced countries 
should reach a common understanding that ef- 
fective development assistance must necessarily 
be tailored to the repayment abilities of develop- 
ing countries and that the excessive concentra- 
tion of repayment obligations must be scrupu- 
lously avoided. 

International Development Association 

The International Development Association 
provides an instrument by which many of the 
more advanced countries — and particularly 
those that do not conduct large aid programs 
of their own- — can make resources available to 
finance development on terms that will not un- 
duly burden the debt structures of the borrow- 
ing nations. The recent proposal for the $750 
million replenishment of the resources of the 
association by 17 governments will assure the 
continued activity of this important organiza- 
tion and will enable it to play an even greater 
role in the development task. IDA extends 
loans, as we all know, for terms of 50 years 
with a 10-year grace period and a service charge 
of three-fourths of 1 percent. And its experi- 
ence could well serve as a guide for member na- 
tions in the conduct of their own bilateral as- 
sistance programs. 

Financial Problems of Surplus Countries 

I have spoken so far of the need to avoid 
policies that will embarrass the balance of pay- 
ments of less developed countries. But the 
world payment system is also faced with distor- 
tions and disequilibria that result from the fi- 
nancial problems of advanced nations. A con- 
siderable part of the discussion during the an- 
nual meeting of the Fund is, in fact, related to 
the situation of surplus and deficit countries — 
and particularly to the balance-of-payments 
problems of my own country. 

That deficit, as the whole world knows, is not 
of a classical pattern. It does not arise from an 
adverse merchandise balance, nor from infla- 
tion, but rather from the very great exertions 
that my comitry is making in three directions : 



— first, in providing means for the defense of 
the free world ; 

— second, in providing resources for the less 
developed countries; and, 

— third, in maintaining a highly organized 
and efficient capital market available to the 
whole free world. 

The United States deficit, therefore, is the 
outward and visible manifestation of the vast 
eflFort my country is making throughout the 
world for the benefit of free men everywhere. 

We could solve this problem by cutting back 
the programs that produce its outward symbol. 
But the costs of such action would fall heavily 
on many nations and people. 

The best way to reduce this imbalance in 
exertion is not for the United States to lower 
the level of its own effort but for other econom- 
ically advanced nations to raise the level of 
theirs. If we are to solve this problem without 
restrictionist measures, I think we must 
straightforwardly face the fact that the surplus 
countries should, in principle, increase their 
efforts, not merely in defense and foreign as- 
sistance but also in modernizing their capital 
markets — many of which are still organized 
along 19th-century Imes and available only for 
domestic use. 

Broadening Market for Bank's Securities 

As in other matters, the Bank has shown 
a steady awareness of the problem of the im- 
balance in payments among the developed 
nations — particularly in the manner in which 
it has obtained the capital resources needed for 
its operations. In essence, the Bank serves as 
a mechanism for channeling the funds of ad- 
vanced countries into productive use in the less 
developed countries. It has developed a variety 
of imaginative techniques for mobilizing public 
and private capital for this purpose. It has 
sold bonds and notes to private investors and 
central banks. It has sold early maturities on 
outstanding loans. It has arranged participa- 
tions by private lending institutions in loans 
made by the Bank, and it has linked its lend- 
ing to efforts by borrowing countries to sell 
obligations on foreign capital markets. 

Through the use of these techniques the Bank 
has found sources of funds that would not 

otherwise have been available for the develop- 
ment of its member countries. 

In its early years the Bank relied principally 
on the United States investment market for its 
capital. But, as it has become possible to do 
so, the Bank has developed sources of funds in 
other countries. The broadening of the mar- 
ket for the Bank's securities has enabled it to 
tap the resources of surplus countries. It has 
thus strengthened the position of the Bank 
without adding to the disequilibrium in the 
payments system. During the Bank's last fiscal 
year, for instance, all of its borrowings were 
undertaken outside the United States, and 
today more than half the Bank's bonded in- 
debtedness is held outside the United States. 

In addition, by selling its 2-year dollar bonds 
and notes to central banks in the so-called sur- 
plus countries, it is helping to reduce excess 
exchange reserves and is putting them to work 
m the essential task of development. 

Exploring New Ground 

By confining my remarks today to the con- 
tributions of the Bank's activities to the better 
working of the international payments system, 
I have, of course, touched only limited seg- 
ments of the Bank's affairs. 

In many ways, the most heartening aspect of 
Mr. Woods' speech on Monday was his willing- 
ness — indeed his eagerness — to explore new 
ground. For the Bank, like any healthy or- 
ganism, must learn to live in a world of change 
and to be responsive to the new demands and 
responsibilities that events impose on it. Like 
every organism also the life of the Bank is 
marked by certain cyclical alterations. Its 
early years were preoccupied with the heavy 
tasks of reconstruction. Since the ending of 
this period, the Bank has focused its efforts on 
the great unfinished business of assisting the 
less developed countries to achieve a better level 
of life. 

Throughout its brief but intensely useful 
existence the Bank has been accumulating ex- 
perience and achieving deep insights. It is 
quite ready, in our view, to move forward. 
And I can promise today that my Government 
will cooperate fully in exploring the new ter- 
rain suggested by the Bank's new President. 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


U.S. Policy on Viet-Nam 

White House Statement ' 

Secretary [of Defense Robert S.] McNamara 
and General [Maxwell D.] Taylor reported to 
the President this morning and to the National 
Security Council this afternoon. Their report 
included a number of classified findings and 
recommendations which will be the subject of 
further review and action. Their basic presen- 
tation was endorsed by all members of the Secu- 
rity Council and the following statement of 
United States policy was approved by the Presi- 
dent on the basis of recommendations received 
from them and from Ambassador [Henry Ca- 
bot] Lodge. 

1. The security of South Viet-Nam is a major 
interest of the United States as other free na- 
tions. We will adhere to our policy of working 
with the people and Government of South Viet- 
Nam to deny this country to communism and 
to supjiress the externally stimulated and sup- 
ported insurgency of the Viet Cong as promptly 
as possible. Effective performance in this un- 
dertaking is the central objective of our policy 
in South Viet-Nam. 

2. The military program in South Viet-Nam 
has made and is sound in principle, 
though improvements are being energetically 

3. Major U.S. assistance in support of this 
military effort is needed only until the insur- 
gency has been suppressed or imtil the national 
security forces of the Government of South 
Viet-Nam are capable of suppressing it. 

Secretaiy McNamara and General Taylor re- 
ported their judgment that the major part of 
the U.S. military task can be completed by the 
end of lOOS, although there may be a continu- 
ing requirement for a limited number of U.S. 

' Read to news correspondents on Oct. 2 by Pierre 
Salinger, Press Secretary to the President. 

training personnel. They reported that by the 
end of this year, the U.S. program for training 
Vietnamese should Jiave progressed to the point 
where 1,000 U.S. military personnel assigned to 
South Viet-Nam can be withdrawn. 

4. The political situation in South Viet-Nam 
remains deeply serious. The United States has 
made clear its continuing opposition to any 
repressive actions in South Viet-Nam. "While 
such actions have not yet significantly affected 
the military effort, they could do so in the 

5. It remains the policy of the United States, 
in South Viet-Nam as in other parts of the 
world, to support the efforts of the people of 
that country to defeat aggression and to build a 
peaceful and free society. 

U.S. stops Aid to Dominican 
Republic and Honduras 

Statement hy Secretary Rusk ^ 

We view the recent military coups in the 
Dominican Republic and Honduras with the 
utmost gravity. The establisliment and main- 
tenance of representative and constitutional 
government is an essential element in the Al- 
liance for Progress. Stable and effective gov- 
ernment, responsive to the popular will, is a 
critical factor in the attainment of social and 
economic progress. 

Under existing conditions in the Dominican 
Republic and Honduras there is no opportunity 
for effective collaboration by the United States 
imder the Alliance for Progress or for normali- 
zation of diplomatic relations. Accordingly, 
we have stopped all economic and military aid 
to these countries and have commenced orderly 
reassignment of the personnel involved. 

' Read to news correspondents on Oct 4 by Robert 
J. McCloskey, Department press oflBcer. 



The Next Steps Toward Peace: Some Notes on the Two-Legged Process 

hy McGeorge Bundy 

S fecial Assistant to the President ^ 

We have all heard a great deal in recent 
months about steps toward peace, large and 
small, and in taking them as my topic I do not 
intend to try to say which the next steps may 
be, or even whether we can now look forward to 
rapid progress in the fulfillment of hopes we 
share with other men everywhere. Certainly 
we can agree that there is more reason for hope 
than there was a year ago. Certainly also we 
can agree that much remains to be done. As we 
meet, discussions are proceeding both with our 
allies and with the Soviet Grovernment on a 
wide range of possibilities. So this is not the 
time, and I am not the person, to attempt any 
general prediction. 

"What I want to do instead, and what I think 
may be more useful, is to offer a description of 
one aspect of the reality of international affairs 
which is likely to be characteristic of many of 
the next major events in our affairs. Wliat I 
want to suggest is that, when there is a debate 
on these great issues among us, there is almost 
always both an element of truth and a danger 
of error in each of the opposed positions. And 
I want to suggest further that, precisely because 
we are now entering a period in which tension 
is lower and the sharpness of danger less ap- 
parent, it is important in thinking about these 
issues not to ignore one aspect of the truth in 
concentration on another. 

The most general form of this proposition, of 
course, is that all steps toward peace rest upon 
adequate readiness for defense, at every level of 
force. The prospect for peace now is better 

"Address made before a World Affairs Ck)iiference 
at Albany, N.T., on Sept. 30. 

than it was last September ; the major cause of 
this improvement is the resolution displayed 
by the people and Government of the United 
States in the crisis of October 1962. The in- 
dispensable connection between military 
strength and the maintenance of peace is ob- 
vious — and frequently forgotten. 

It is crucial to the understanding of inter- 
national affairs that we should never separate 
the idea of peace from this requirement of vigi- 
lance in defense. It follows that, when we think 
of steps toward peace, we should not think only 
of disarmament, or international agreement, or 
cooperation among nations. We should think 
also of successful resistance to subversion, of 
proper planning for the defense of the free 
world, and of our own strength and health as a 
free society. The specific cases on wliich I wish 
to conunent are related to these areas too, and 
I hope you will agree that it is right to think 
of all of them as elements in our national pur- 
suit of peace. 

The Limited Test Ban Treaty 

As I say, my central proposition is that in 
nearly all of these great matters, where feel- 
ings become strong and difference of opinion 
becomes evident, there is some truth on every 
side and also some danger of error. One way of 
stating the problem of statesmanship is to see 
it as a matter of the resolution of arguments 
in wliich both sides are partly right and each 
runs a risk of error. Before I apply this propo- 
sition to current issues, it may be helpful to 
begin with the recently concluded debate on 
the test ban treaty. That debate is familiar, I 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


am sure, to most of us, and it happens that it 
ilhistrates my point quite neatly. 

The central arguments for the test ban treaty, 
as the President put them in his first report to 
the comitry,^ are four in number: first, that it 
can be a step toward reduced world tension; 
second, it can be a step toward freeing the world 
from radioactive fallout; third, it can be a step 
toward preventing the spread of nuclear weap- 
ons; and fourth, it can limit the arms race in 
ways which strengthen our security far more 
than the continuing of unrestricted testing. 
These four argiuuents withstood the test of 
national debate, and the vote in the Senate 
records the consensus of the country that, in 
sum, they justify the treaty. 

Yet at the same time, and in the same speech, 
the President took note of the requirement that 
under this treaty the United States should ob- 
serve and maintain a substantial vigilance, in 
defense of its interests and those of all free 
men, against the risk of violation or evasion and 
also against the danger of unwarranted relaxa- 
tion in our defense. As the debate developed, 
the President and his administration were al- 
ways ready to respond to requests for reas- 
surance on this point, and in successive state- 
ments, culminating in the President's letter to 
Senator [Everett McKinley] Dirksen of Sep- 
tember 10,^ it was made plain that with this 
limited treaty the United States will, because it 
must, maintain strong weapons laboratories, an 
energetic program of underground testing, a 
readiness to resume tests in the atmosphere in 
the event of violation of the treaty by others, 
and of course a full constitutional respect for 
the rights and obligations of the Senate if at 
any time this treaty should be amended. 

The limited test ban treaty, then, is an oppor- 
tunity for hope but not a reason for relaxation, 
and tlie national consensus which has emerged 
rests upon both hope and vigilance. It is this 
balanced spirit which has governed both the 
executive branch and the Senate, and it appears 
very plainly in the eloquent statements sup- 
porting the treaty made by such leaders as Sen- 
ators [Mike] Mansfield, Dirksen, and [J. W.] 

' Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 234. 
» For text, see iUd., Sept. 30, 1963. p. 496. 

Fulbright. The best advocates of disarmament, 
like Senator [Hubert H.] Humphrey, have al- 
ways miderstood the requii'ement of vigilance, 
and determined supporters of our nuclear 
strength, like Senator [ Jolm O.] Pastore, have 
miderstood the necessity for hope. 

But not everyone in the comitry observed the 
same balance, and in the national debate there 
were on each side errors of excess. On the one 
hand, in their emphasis on hope, some of those 
supporting the treaty were inattentive to the 
problem of safeguards and appeared to believe 
that it was somehow not in the spirit of the 
treaty that the United States should make clear 
the need for vigilance. And on the other hand, 
some of those most concerned about safeguards 
and vigilance were blind to the real hopes rep- 
resented in the treaty and unwilling to enter- 
tain the possibility that any agreement with the 
Soviet Union could conceivably be in the inter- 
est of both sides. I am not now debating the 
overall merits or demerits of the treaty as such, 
but only pointing out the hazard of a one-sided 
concern for either its dangers or its hopes, taken 

The limited test ban treaty is more a begin- 
ning than an end in itself. It may or may not 
lead onward. But it does indeed offer the four 
kinds of hope of which the President spoke, and 
it does indeed require the safeguards he has 
stated. So when we sift the arguments, we find 
much to keep from both sides; and what it is 
wise to reject, in the main, is the conclusion or 
attitude which rests primarily upon a total re- 
jection of the concerns of others. Those sup- 
porting the treaty uncritically have been wrong 
mainly where they have too much resisted the 
concerns of those more cautious than them- 
selves. Those who have opposed it root and 
branch have erred mainly in neglecting or im- 
derrating the reality of the hope it represents. 
My suggestion is that there has been more truth 
in the affirmative beliefs of both sides than in 
their criticisms of each other. 

And what I wnsh to do next is to suggest that 
this same conclusion has some validity in four 
other fields : our adventure in space, our policy 
toward Europe, our effort for freedom in South 
Viet-Nam, and our hope for improvement in 
relations with the Soviet Union. 



U.S. Position on Cooperation in Space 

I take the problem of spcace first because in a 
measure it is the simplest. Here we have a 
single national policy with two major strands. 
The first is our national effort to develop the 
technical, industrial, and human resources 
which are necessary for the extension of man's 
capacity from the earth toward outer space. 
This wide undertaking is symbolized as it is 
stimulated by the national decision taken 2 
years ago to aim at the landing of a man on the 
moon within this decade. But it is the wider 
program and purpose, and not the single per- 
sonal adventure, which shapes our policy and 
justifies this effort. 

Parallel to this national effort, and steadily 
sustained over a 5-year period, is our purpose of 
cooperation in space. This purpose was dra- 
matically reaffirmed by the President 10 days 
ago in his address to the United Nations ; ■* 
there he urgea that we should explore the pos- 
sibility of joining with the Soviet Union, even 
in sending men to the moon. And again, it is 
the broad purpose of cooperation, and not only 
the possible sharing of a single great personal 
adventure, which is at the center of our policy. 

The question which has been raised in this 
last week is whether there is somehow a contra- 
diction between the national effort and the pur- 
pose of cooperation. The position of your Gov- 
ernment is that these two undertakings are part 
of a single program, each reinforcing the other. 
As the President put it last week in a letter to 
Representative Albert Thomas: 

This great national effort and this steadily stated 
readiness to cooperate with others are not in con- 
flict. . . . We do not make our space effort with the 
narrow purpose of national aggrandizement. We 
make it so that the United States may have a leading 
and honorable role in mankind's peaceful conquest of 
space. It is this great effort which permits us now to 
offer increased cooperation with nc suspicion anywhere 
that we speak from weakness. And in the same way, 
our readiness to cooperate with others enlarges the 
international meaning of our own peaceful American 
program in space. 

It is right then, we believe, to press on with 
the space program of the United States and to 
press on also in the effort to fuid wider paths 
to greater cooperation. In this policy we ac- 

' lUd., Oct. 7, 19G3, p. 530. 

cept great parts from each of two kinds of 
arguments — those urging we must be strong in 
space, and those urging that we must miss no 
opportunity for cooperation with the Soviet 

At the same time, as in the case of the debate 
on the test ban treaty, it is also necessary to re- 
ject some parts of the two different arguments. 
On the one hand, we do not believe that the very 
limited progress which has been made so far in 
real cooperation with the Soviet Union in any 
sense justifies a weakening or slackening in the 
national space effort. To abandon or atteimate 
our clear national commitment to a major ef- 
fort in space, on the strength of hope and good 
will alone, would be as wrong as accepting a 
test ban treaty without proper safeguards. 

On the other hand, we must also reject the 
notion that the national program in space is 
somehow weakened or endangered by a peace- 
ful program of cooperation. We have not en- 
tered space only in fear or in hostility. Our 
strength and our readiness to meet any haz- 
ard — in this and other areas^do not require 
that we turn our back on every prospect of co- 
operative effort. In this instance, then, as in 
that of the test ban treaty, there is truth on 
both sides of the argument, and error comes 
mainly not from support of one's own position 
but from suspicion of the other man's. 

Atlantic Partnership and European Unity 

I turn now to the politics of Europe. This 
problem is more complex, and the subtleties of a 
full-scale argument are impossible here ; I must 
content myself with a sketch. But I think it 
clear that once again the great hazard is in the 
tendency to think of "either-or" instead of 
"both-and." There is a belief that somehow 
there must be either an Atlantic or a European 
focus to the policy of the Western nations. And 
the argmnent rages over the head of reality, be- 
tween men who fear that the greatness of Eu- 
rope may be somehow drowned in the Atlantic 
and men who seem to believe that the Atlantic 
partnership may be endangered by growmg 
strength and imity in Europe. The policy of 
the United States is to reject this false choice— 
to assert, in every field and on all occasions, the 
interlocking and mutually supporting ideas of 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


Atlantic partnership and European unity. The 
clearest and most authoritative statement of this 
position is in tlie President's address at the 
Paulskirclie in Frankfurt on June 25 of this 
year/ and I cannot do better than to quote to 
you these sentences which state the double com- 
mitment of our policy : 

We are partners for peace — not in a narrow bilateral 
context but in a framework of Atlantic partnership. 
The ocean divides us less than the Mediterranean di- 
vided the ancient world of Greece and Rome. Our 
Constitution is old and yours is young, and our culture 
is young and yours is old, but in our commitment we 
can and must speak and act with but one voice. Our 
roles are distinct but complementary — and our goals 
are the same : peace and freedom for all men, for all 
time, in a world of abundance, in a world of 
justice. . . . 

Tlie future of the West lies in Atlantic partnership — - 
a system of cooperation, interdependence, and harmony 
whose peoples can jointly meet their burdens and op- 
portunities throughout the world. 

That was the Atlantic commitment, but the 
President went on to Europe: 

It is not in our interest to try to dominate the Euro- 
pean councils of decision. If that were our objective, 
we would prefer to see Europe divided and weak, en- 
abling the United States to deal with each fragment 
individually. Instead we have and now look forward 
to a Europe united and strong^speaking with a com- 
mon voice, acting with a common will — a world power 
capable of meeting world problems as a full and equal 

This is in the interest of us all. For war in Europe, 
as we learned twice in 40 years, destroys peace in 
America. A threat to the freedom of Europe is a threat 
to the freedom of America. . . . And that is why we 
look forward to a united Europe in an Atlantic partner- 
shii> — an entity of interdependent parts, sharing equal- 
ly both burdens and decisions and linked together in 
the tasks of defense as well as the arts of peace. 

Here again, as in our previous examples, there 
is truth in both concepts, and error comes mainly 
from hostility to one or the other. It is not 
necessary, in tlie construction of the new Eu- 
rope, that the ties of partnership across the At- 
lantic should be cut. Still less is it required, for 
the effectiveness of the Atlantic community, that 
there should be any hostility to the idea of Eu- 
rope. This is what American policy has recog- 
nized ; it is also what the greatest men of Europe 
have understood and preached. 

The Situation in South Viet-Nam 

The difficult situation in the troubled country 
of South Viet-Nam is one which I have even 
less desire to discuss, in substantive terms, than 
the other questions I have taken as examples. 
The important mission of Secretary [of 
Defense Robert S.] McNamara and General 
[Maxwell D.] Taylor is only just ending, and 
it would be wholly inappropriate for me to com- 
ment on the course of action which may be 
chosen in the light of this mission and of the 
continuing consideration which is going for- 
ward in Saigon under the leadersliip of Am- 
bassador [Henry Cabot] Lodge, and also in 

Yet it is not wrong, I think, to suggest that 
in this case again there are two propositions, 
both of them true, and two kinds of error 
which can result from an miwillingness to ac- 
cept them both. And again both propositions 
have been stated clearly by the President.'' The 
first is that the object of American policy in 
this part of the world is to assist in a most 
difficult and important struggle against Com- 
munist subversion — military, paramilitary, and 
political. The commitment of the United 
States to the independence of South Viet-Nam 
goes back many years. This commitment was 
intensified and reinforced 2 years ago, and since 
then a major cooperative effort has been carried 
forward with increasing energy — and at least 
until recently with increasing success — by 
Americans working closely with the people and 
Government of South Viet-Nam. It is the 
policy of the United States to sustain that 

Yet it would be folly for the United States 
to neglect, or to regard with indifference, politi- 
cal developments of recent months which raise 
questions about the ability of the Government 
and people of South Viet-Nam to support each 
other effectively in their contest with commu- 
nism. The President has made it clear that the 
United States is not indifferent to these events 
and regards them with great concern. It is 
and must be the policy of the United States 
Government to make clear its interest in what- 

'Ihid., .Inly 22, 11K5.3, p. 118. 

° See p. 024. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 1, 1962, p. 13, 
and Sept. 30, 1963, p. 498. 



ever improvements it judges to be necessary, 
always of course with a proper regard for 
responsibilities ■which rest in the first instance 
upon the people of South Viet-Nam. 

It is no secret that observers of the scene in 
South Viet-Nam have often differed sharply 
in their interpretation of events. From these 
diilerences there have come divergent recom- 
mendations for policy. There is nothing dis- 
creditable in the existence of such differences. 
In a situation in which easy solutions do not 
exist and in which commitments of purpose 
and hope are high, it is only natural that there 
should be a tendency in each observer to em- 
phasize the part of the truth to which he is 
nearest. If a particular antisubversive effort 
is going well, the man who is working on that 
effort is boimd to see that part of reality as very 
large. If in the cities there is repression and 
alienation of public support, men living in 
those cities, with responsibilities more civil than 
military, will feel a special and intense concern. 
Wliere danger comes is not in these equally 
right perceptions of important phenomena but 
in the human tendency, here as in each of my 
preceding examples, to suppose that one's own 
reality is the only reality, so that the observa- 
tion of the other man is somehow misleading. 

The requirement upon statesmanship, once 
again, is to seek ways of meeting both the 
need for effective prosecution of the struggle 
and the need for a workable relation between 
the people and government of a friendly comi- 
try. No one can say that this task is easy. 
No one can even say it is certainly possible. 
But what can be said, and what the President 
has said already, is that the United States wiU 
not shrink from this responsibility or attempt 
to make it easier than it is by pretending that 
only one part of it is important. 

U.S. Relations With tiie Soviet Union 

Finally, returning to the wider arena, I come 
to the question of our relations with the Soviet 
Union. And again I offer two propositions. 
The first is that we must and will seek for im- 
provement in our relations with the Soviet Gov- 
ernment, for a reliable and extended easing of 
tensions, for the "next steps" — in the direct 
sense — after the first small step of the limited 

test ban treaty. But the second proposition is 
that in this purpose and process the United 
States will give no comfort or support to those 
who believe that it is right or even possible 
to lie down in trust with Communists and their 
supporters in the free societies of the West or 
in places where communism subsists only by 
force and fraud, as most notably today in Cuba. 

The first proposition hardly requires elabora- 
tion, I think, in the light of the President's own 
address at the United Nations. We seek a re- 
liable easing of tensions. We never intend to 
be second in this honorable search, and, while 
we will always insist on the proper riglits and 
interests of our allies, and especially on the 
legitimate purpose of reunification which ani- 
mates the people of Gennany, we believe that 
there can be real progress toward peace and 
security between the West and the Soviet Union 
whenever the Soviet Government is really ready. 

It is the other proposition which needs more 
emphasis. Too often in the past, at moments of 
lower tension or of surface cordiality, free men 
have been tempted to suppose that a change in 
the atmosphere is the same as a reversal of basic 
Connnunist purpose. History since 1920 is 
littered with the wreckage of such illusory 
hopes. The largest wrecks are those left from 
the period of the Popular Front between 1935 
and 1939, but smaller and instructive ship- 
wrecks of hope occurred after the summit meet- 
ing of 1955 and even at the time of the aborted 
summit of 1960. So now it is essential to dis- 
tinguish between the real and serious hope of 
sustaining our progress toward less critically 
dangerous relations with the Soviet Govern- 
ment, and the equally real and serious necessity 
of unrelenting hostility to Commmiist subver- 
sion, whether sustained by force, as in Cuba, or 
by political intrigue and Soviet support, as 
among Connnunist parties throughout the 

In this case, as in the others, the danger of 
error comes from rigid rejection of either half 
of this double reality. There are some, pre- 
occupied with the danger of letting down our 
guard against subversion, who believe that it is 
wrong to seek any improvement at all in the 
relations between the great powers. Tliere are 
others who concentrate their attention so 
sharply on the hope for improvement in our re- 


lations with Moscow tliat tliej' disregard the 
need for respect to our allies and wariness 
against a bogus atmosphere of general recon- 
ciliation which would serve only the implacable 
undenniners of liberty among us. 

Balancing Both Aspects of Reality 

I have finished with my five cases — one just 
settled and four still before us, but all of pres- 
ent importance. I want now to offer one gen- 
eral comment on all five — and to offer it as a 
suggestion only, with no attempt at detailed 
demonstration. I believe that in each of these 
five cases the balanced acceptance of both 
aspects of reality is in fact essential to the pur- 
poses which seem central to those who them- 
selves emphasize only one side. Let me offer 
10 sentences, without proof, in support of this 
suggestion. I think that : 

On the test ban 

1. The test ban treaty helps our security by 
enlisting hope as well as fear. 

2. Safeguards help toward disarmament by 
permitting confidence. 

On space 

3. Our national effort in space is the essential 
underpinning of a plausible and self-respecting 
purpose of cooperation. 

4. Our purpose of cooperation can attract 
support and imderstanding both at home and 
abroad for the national space effort. 

On policy toward Europe 

5. Our loyalty to Atlantic partnership is a 
prerequisite of the growth of self-confidence 
and self-reliance in Europe. 

6. Progress toward the unity of Europe is 
essential to the coherence of the Atlantic com- 

In Viet-Nam 

7. Resolute perseverance in the effort against 
(he Viet Cong is essential to political improve- 
ment in that country. 

8. U.S. concern for political improvement in 
Viet-Nam is a necessary part of our loyalty to 
tlie effort against communism there. 

In our relations with communism 

9. The search for honorable improvement in 

our relations with the Soviet Union is an es- 
sential part of our policy of opposing Com- 
munists and their sympathizers in the West — 
it deprives them of the argument that the re- 
sponsibility for the cold war rests with us. 

10. Alert and determined opposition to Com- 
munist force and fraud among us is an essential 
prerequisite to any sound and lasting settlement 
with the Soviet Government, which will never 
respect a West it can hope to divide or subvert. 

I have come a long way through a number 
of complex issues, and it may be that I have 
pressed my thesis too strongly in one instance 
or another. Moreover, there is always the haz- 
ard that, in weighing conflicting considerations, ' 
one may unfairly tilt the scales in favor of one's 
own notion of the properly balanced position. 
So, in closing, I would urge upon you not the 
specific wisdom of the specific propositions I 
have supported but the general wisdom of the 
general concept that there is usually some truth 
in what is urged by both sides in our great de- 
bates on foreign affairs. And -whatever may be 
our attitudes on specific issues, the acceptance 
of this more general proposition can lead to the 
generosity of spirit and breadth of understand- 
ing which are essential to sustained good will 
and effective action in the dangerous age in 
which, even in these days of growing hope, we 
are required to live. 

Vice President To Visit Belgium, 
Luxembourg, and the Netherlands 

Department Statement 

Press release 496 dated September 30, for release October 1 

At the invitation of the Governments of Bel- 
gium and Luxembourg and at the request of 
Secretary Rusk, Vice President Johnson will 
pay an official visit to these allied countries to- 
ward the end of October and beginning of No- 
vember. He will also pay an official visit to the 
Netherlands in conjunction with his previously 
announced visit to open the U.S. Food and 
Agriculture Exposition in Amsterdam.^ 

He will visit the three capitals, Brussels, 

' Bulletin of Oct. 14, 1963, p. 594. 



Luxembourg, and The Hague, to meet with 
high officials of the resiDective Governments. 
The Vice President will discuss our interest in 
developing actively the close commercial ties 
between Europe and America. He will also 
exchange views with these firm allies on other 
matters of mutual interest. 

Senate Consents to Ratification 
of Limited Test Ban Treaty 

The Senate on September 2Ji, hy a vote of 
80-19, gave its advice and consent to ratification 
of the limited test ian treaty signed at Moscow 
on August 5} Following are texts of state- 
ments released to the press that day by Presi- 
dent Kennedy and Secretary Rusk. 

Statement by President Kennedy 

White House press release (Milford, Pa.) dated September 24 

The action of the United States Senate in giv- 
ing its advice and consent to the nuclear test 
ban treaty is a welcome culmination of this 
effort to lead the world once again to the path 
of peace. The wide support of Senators of both 
parties given to the treaty after an extensive 
and wide-ranging debate is evidence not only 
that the treaty has wide public support but also 
of the collective judgment that this instrument 
is good for the people of the United States and 
people all over the world. I congratulate the 
Senate for its action and wish to particularly 
commend the painstaking work of the leaders 
of both parties in the Senate and Senator J. 
William Fulbright of Arkansas in bringing the 
treaty to this highly satisfactory vote. 

statement by Secretary Rusk 

U.S. /U.N. press release dated September 24 

The Senate's consent to the ratification of the 
limited nuclear test ban treaty is a cause for 
deep satisfaction for the people of the United 
States and for the peoples of the world. The 
Senate's consideration of the treaty was in the 
great tradition of that body and fully developed 
the issues for tlie information and debate of our 
democratic society. 

'■ For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 
234; Aug. 26, 1963, p. 314; and Sept. 2, 1963, p. 350. 

Pioneers for Peace 

Reinarks hy President Kennedy ^ 

I appreciate your welcome, and I am very 
proud to be back in this historic building and 
have an opportunity to say a few words on some 
matters which concern me as President and I 
hope concern you as citizens. The fact is, I 
take strength and hope in seeing this monument, 
hearmg its story retold by Ted Moss [Senator 
Frank E. Moss], and recallmg how this State 
was built and what it started with and what it 
has now. 

Of all the stories of American pioneers and 
settlers, none is more inspiring than the Mormon 
Trail. The qualities of the founders of this 
community are the qualities that we seek in 
America, the qualities which we like to feel 
this country has — courage, patience, faith, self- 
reliance, perseverance, and, above all, an un- 
flagging determination to see the right prevail. 

I came on this trip to see the United States, 
and I can assure you that there is nothing more 
encouraging for any of us who work in Wash- 
ington than to have a chance to fly across this 
United States, and drive through it, and see 
what a great country it is, and come to under- 
stand somewhat better how this country has 
been able for so many years to carry so many 
burdens in so many parts of the world. 

The primary reason for my trip was con- 
servation, and I include in conservation first 
our human resources and then our natural re- 
sources, and I think this State can take perhaps 
its greatest pride and its greatest satisfaction 
for what it has done, not in the field of the con- 
servation and the development of natural re- 
sources but what you have done to educate your 
children. This State has a higher percentage 
per capita of population of its boys and girls 
who finish high school and then go to college. 

Of all the waste in the United States in the 
1960's, none is worse than to have 8 or 9 million 
boys and girls who will drop out, statistics tell 
us, drop out of school before they have finished, 
come into the labor market unprepared at the 
very time when machines are taking the place 

^Made at the Mormon Tabernacle, Salt Lake City, 
Utah, on Sept. 26 (White House press release (Salt 
Lake City, Utah) ; as-delivered text). 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


of men and women — 9 million of tlipm. We 
have a large minority of our population who 
have not even finished the sixth grade, and here 
in this richest of all countries, the country which 
spreads the doctrine of freedom and hope 
around the globe, we permit our most valuable 
resource, our young people — their talents — to 
be wasted by leaving their schools. 

So I think we have to save them. I think we 
have to insist that our children be educated to 
the limit of their talents, not just in your State 
or in Massachusetts but all over the United 
States. Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, 
who developed the Northwest Ordinance, which 
put so much emphasis on education — Thomas 
Jefferson once said that any nation which ex- 
pected to be ignorant and free hopes for what 
never was and never will be. So I hope we can 
conserve this resource. 

The other is the natural resource of our coun- 
try, particularly the land west of the 100th par- 
allel, where the rain comes 15 or 20 inches a year. 
This State knows that the control of water is 
the secret of the development of the West, and 
whether we use it for power or for irrigation 
or for whatever purpose, no drop of water west 
of the 100th parallel should flow to the ocean 
without being used, and to do that requires the 
dedicated commitment of the people of the 
States of the West, working with the people of 
all the United States, who have such an impor- 
tant equity in the richness of this part of the 
country. So that we must do also. 

As Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt and 
Gifford Pinchot did it in years past, we must 
do it in the 1960's and 1970's. We will triple 
the population of this country in the short space 
of 60 or 70 years, and we want those who come 
after us to have the same rich inheritance that 
we find now in the United States. This is the 
reason for the trip, but it is not what I wanted 
to speak about tonight. 

Strength at Home and Strength Abroad 

I want to speak about the responsibility that 
I feel tlie TTnited States has, not in this country 
but abroad, and I see the closest interrelation- 
ship between the strength of the United States 
here at home and the strength of the United 
States around the world. There is one gi-eat 

natural development here in the United State; 
which has had in its own way a greater effeci 
upon the position and influence and prestige 
of the United States, almost, than any othei 
act we have done. Do you know what it is' 
It is the Tennessee Valley. Nearly everj' leadei 
of every new emerging country that comes tc 
the United States wants to go to New York, tf 
Washington, and the Tennessee Valley, bex:an?( 
they want to see what we were able to do witl 
the most poverty-ridden section of the Unitec 
States in the short space of 30 years, by the wise 
management of our resources. 

What happens here in this country affects the 
security of the United States and the cause ot 
freedom around the globe. If this is a strong- 
vital, and vigorous society, the cause of free- 
dom will be strong and vital and vigorous. 

I know that many of you in this State and 
other States sometimes wonder where we are 
going and why the United States should be so 
involved in so many affairs, in so many coun- 
tries all around the globe. If our task on occa- 
sion seems hopeless, if we despair of ever 
working our will on the other 94 percent of the 
world population, then let us remember that 
the Mormons of a century ago were a persecuted 
and prosecuted minority, harried from place to 
place, the victims of violence and occasionally 
murder, while today, in the short space of 100 
years, their faith and works are known and re- 
spected the world around and their voices heard 
in the highest councils of this comitry. 

As the Mormons succeeded, so America can 
succeed, if we will not give up or turn back. I 
realize that the burdens are hea^'y, and I realize 
that there is a great temptation to urge that we 
relinquish them — that we have enough to do 
here in the United States and we should not be 
so busy aroimd the globe. The fact of the 
matter is that we, this generation of Americans, 
are the firet generation of our country ever to be 
involved in affairs around the globe. From 
the beginning of this country, from the days of 
Washington, until the Second World War, this 
country lived an isolated existence. Through 
most of our history we were an unalined coun- 
ti-y, an uncommitted nation, a neutralist nation. 
We were by status as well as by desire. We had 
believed that we could live behind our two 



oceans in safety and prosperity in a comfortable 
distance from the rest of the world. 

The end of isolation consequently meant a 
wrench with the very lifeblood, the very spine, 
of the Nation. Yet, as time passed, we came to 
see that the end of isolation was not such a ter- 
rible error or evil after all. We came to see that 
it was the inevitable result of growth — the eco- 
nomic gi'owth, the military growth, and the 
cultural growth of the United States. No na- 
tion so powerful and so dynamic and as rich as 
our own coidd hope to live in isolation from 
other nations, especially at a time when science 
and technology was making the world so small. 

It took Brigham Young and his followers 108 
days to go from Wiiiter Quarters, Nebraska, to 
the valley of the Great Salt Lake. It takes 30 
minutes for a missile to go from one continent 
to another. We did not seek to become a world 
power. This position was thrust upon us by 
events. But we became one just the same, and 
I am proud that we did. I can well miderstand 
the attraction of those earlier days. Each one 
of us has moments of longing for the past, but 
two world wars have clearly shown us, try as we 
may, that we cannot turn our back on the world 
outside. If we do, we jeopardize our economic 
well-being, we jeopardize our political stability, 
we jeopardize our physical safety. 

To turn away now is to abandon the world to 
those whose ambition it is to destroy a free 
society. To yield these burdens up after having 
carried them for more than 20 years is to sur- 
render the freedom of our country inevitably, 
for without the United States the chances of 
freedom surviving, let alone prevailing, around 
the globe are nonexistent. 

Americans have come a long way in accepting 
in a short time the necessity of world involve- 
ment, but the strain of this involvement remams 
and we find it all over the country. I see it in 
the letters that come to my desk every day. We 
find ourselves entangled with apparently un- 
answerable problems in unpronounceable places. 
We discover that our enemy in one decade is our 
ally the next. We find ourselves committed to 
governments whose actions we cannot often ap- 
prove, assisting societies with principles very 
different from our own. 

The burdens of maintaining an immense 
military establislmient with one million Ameri- 

cans serving outside our frontiers, of financing 
a farfiung program of development assistance, 
of conducting a complex and baffling diplomacy, 
all weigh heavily upon us and cause some to 
counsel retx-eat. The world is full of contradic- 
tion and confusion, and our policy seems to liave 
lost the black and white clarity of simpler times, 
when we remembered the Maine and went to 
war. It is little wonder, then, in this confusion, 
we look back to the old days with nostalgia. It 
is little wonder that there is a desire in the coun- 
try to go back to the time when our nation lived 
alone. It is little wonder that we increasingly 
want an end to entangling alliances, an end to 
all help to foreign countries, a cessation of diplo- 
matic relations with countries or states whose 
principles we dislike — that we get the United 
Nations out of the United States and the United 
States out of the United Nations, and that we 
retreat to our own hemisphere, or even within 
our own boundaries, to take refuge behind a 
wall of force. 

This is an understandable effort to recover an 
old feeling of simplicity, yet in world affairs, 
as in all other aspects of our lives, the days of 
the quiet past are gone forever. Science and 
teclinology are irreversible. AVe cannot return 
to the day of the sailing schooner or the covered 
wagon, even if we wished, and if this nation is 
to survive and succeed in the real world of today. 
We must acknowledge the realities of the world. 
And it is those realities that I mention now. 

The Realities of the World 

We must first of all recognize that we cannot 
remake the world sunply by our own command. 
Wlien we camiot even bring all of our own 
people into full citizensMp without acts of 
violence, we can understand how much harder it 
is to control events beyond our borders. Every 
nation has its own traditions, its own values, its 
own aspirations. Our assistance from time to 
time can help other nations preserve their mde- 
pendence and advance their growth, but we can- 
not remake them in our own image. AVe cannot 
enact their laws, nor can we operate their gov- 
ernments or dictate their policies. 

Second, we must recognize that eveiy nation 
determines its policies in terms of its own inter- 
ests. No nation, George Washington wrote, is 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


to be trusted farther than it is bound by its own 
interest, and no prudent statesman or politician 
will depart from it. National interest is more 
powerful than ideology, and the recent develop- 
ments within the Communist empire show this 
very clearly. Friendship, as Palmerston said, 
may rise or wane, but interests endure. 

The United States has rightly determined in 
the years since 1945 under three different ad- 
ministrations that our interest, our national 
security, the interest of the United States of 
America, is best served by preserving and pro- 
tecting a world of diversity in which no one 
power or no one combination of powers can 
threaten the security of the United States. The 
reason that we moved so far into the world was 
our fear that at the end of the war — and 
particularly when China became Communist — 
Japan and Germany would collapse and these 
two countries, which had so long served as a 
barrier to the Soviet advance and the Russian 
advance before that, would open up a wave of 
conquest of all of Europe and all of Asia, and 
then, the balance of power turning against us, 
we would finally be isolated and ultimately de- 
stroyed. That is what we have been engaged 
in for 18 years, to prevent that happening, to 
prevent any one monolithic power having suf- 
ficient force to destroy the United States. 

For that reason we support the alliances in 
Latin America; for that reason we support 
NATO to protect the security of Western Eu- 
rope; for that reason we joined SEATO to pro- 
tect the security of Asia, so that neither Russia 
nor China could control Europe and Asia and, 
if they could not control Europe and Asia, 
then our security was assured. This is what 
we have been involved in doing, and however 
dangerous and hazardous it may be, and how- 
ever close it may take us to the brink on occa- 
sion — which it has — and however tired we may 
get of our involvements with these governments 
so far away, we have one simple central theme 
of American foreign policy which all of i;s 
must recognize because it is a policy which 
we must continue to follow. And that is 
to support the independence of nations so that 
one bloc cannot gain sufficient power to finally 
overcome us. There is no mistaking the vital 
interest of the United States in what goes on 

around the world. Therefore, accepting what 
George Washington said here, I realize that 
what George Washington said about no en- 
tangling alliances has been ended by science and 
technology and danger. 

And third, we must recognize that foreign 
policy in the modern world does not lend itself 
to easy, simple, black-and-white solution. If 
we were to have diplomatic relations only witli 
those coimtries whose principles we approved 
of, we would have relations with veiy few 
countries in a very short time. If we were to 
withdraw our assistance from all governments 
who are rmi differently from our own, we would 
relinquish half of the world immediately to our 
adversaries. If we were to treat foreign policy 
as merely a mediiun for delivering self- 
righteous sermons to supposedly inferior peo- 
ple, we would give up all thought of world 
influence or world leadership, for the purpose 
of foreign policy is not to provide an outlet 
for our own sentiments of hope or indignation ; 
it is to shape real events in a real world. We 
cannot adopt a policy which says that if some- 
thing does not happen, or others do not do ex- 
actly what we wish, we will return to Fortress 

That is the policy in the changing world of 
retreat, not of strength. 

More important, to adopt a black-and-white, 
all-or-nothing policy subordinates our interest 
to our irritations. Its actual consequences 
would be fatal to our security. If we were to 
resign from the United Nations, break off with, 
all countries of whom we disapprove, end for- 
eign aid and assistance to those countries in an 
attempt to keep them free, call for the resump- 
tion of atmospheric nuclear testing, and turn 
our back on the rest of mankind, we would not 
only be abandoning America's influence in the 
world; we would be inviting a Communist ex- 
pansion which every Communist power would 
so greatly welcome. And all of the effort of 
so many Americans for 18 years would be gone 
with the wind. Our policy under these condi- 
tions in this dangerous world would not have 
much deterrent effect in a world where nations 
determined to be free could no longer coimt on 
the United States. 



w )The Tide of History 

''^ Such a policy of retreat would be folly if we 
' had our backs to the wall. It is surely even 
greater folly at a time when more realistic, 
more responsible, more affirmative policies 
■ have wrought such spectacular results. For 
the most striking thing about our world in 1963 
is the extent to which the tide of history has 
begun to flow in the direction of freedom. To 
renounce the world of freedom now, to abandon 
those who share our conunitment and retire 
into lonely and not so splendid isolation, would 
lie to give commmiism the one hope which in 
this twilight of disajjpointment for them might 
repair their divisions and rekindle their hope. 
For after some gains in the fifties the Commu- 
nist offensive which claimed to be i-iding the 
tide of historic inevitability has been thwarted 
and turned back in recent months. Indeed, the 
whole theory of historical inevitability, the be- 

■ lief that all roads must lead to communism 
I sooner or later, has been shattered by the deter- 
mination of those who believe that men and 
nations will pursue a variety of roads, that 
each nation will evolve according to its own 
traditions and its own aspirations, and that 
the world of the future will have room for a 

■ diversity of economic systems, political creeds, 
religious faiths, miited by the respect for 
others and loyalty to a world order. Those 
forces of divereity wliich served Mr. Washing- 
ton's national interest — those forces of diversity 
are in the ascendancy today, even within the 
Communist empire itself. And our policy at 
this point should be to give the forces of diver- 
sity — as opposed to the forces of uniformity, 
which our adversaries espouse — every chance, 
eveiy possible support. That is why our as- 
sistance program, so much maligned, of assist- 
ing countries to main tarn their freedom I believe 
is unportant. 

This country has seen all of the hardship and 
tlie grief that has come to us by the loss of one 
country in this hemisphere, Cuba. How many 
other coimtries must be lost if the United 
States decides to end the programs that are 
helping these people, who are getting poorer 
every year, who have none of the resources of 
this great country, who look to us for help? 

But on the other hand cases look to the Com- 
munists for example. 

That is why I think this program is impor- 
tant. It is a means of assisting those who want 
to be free, and in the final analysis it serves the 
United States in a very real sense. That is why 
the United Nations is important, not because it 
can solve all these problems in this imperfect 
world, but it does give us a means in those great 
moments of crisis — and m the last 214 years we 
have had at least three — when the Soviet Union 
and the United States were almost face to face 
on a collision course — it does give us a means of 
providing, as it has in the Congo, as it now is 
on the border of the Yemen, as it most recently 
was in a report of the United Nations on Ma- 
laysia — it does give a means to mobilize the 
opinion of tlie world to prevent an atomic dis- 
aster which would destroy us all wherever we 
might live. 

That is why the test ban treaty is important 
as a first step, perhaps to be disappointed, per- 
haps to find ourselves ultimately set back, but 
at least in 1963 the United States committed it- 
self, and the Senate of the United States, by 
an overwhelming vote,^ to one chance to end the 
radiation and the possibilities of burning. 

It may be, as I said, that we may fail, but 
anyone who bothers to look at the true destruc- 
tive power of the atom today and what we and 
the Soviet Union could do to each other and 
the world in an hour and in a day, and to West- 
ern Europe — I passed over yesterday the Little 
Big Horn, where General Custer was slain, a 
massacre which lias lived in history, 400 or 500 
men. We are talking about 300 million men 
and women in 24 hours. 

I think it is wise to take a first step and les- 
sen the possibility of that happening. And that 
is why our diplomacy is important, for the 
forces making for diversity are to be found 
everywhere where people are, even within the 
Communist empire. And it is our obligation 
to encourage those forces wherever they may 
be found. Hard and discouraging questions re- 
main in Viet-Nam, in Cuba, in Laos, the Congo, 
all around the globe. The ordeal of tlie emerg- 
ing nations has just begim. The control of nu- 

' See p. 631. 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


clear weapons is still incomplete. The areas of 
potential friction, the chances of collision, still 

But in every one of these areas the position 
of the United States, I believe, is happier and 
safer when history is going for us rather than 
when it is going against us. And we have 
histoi-y going for us today. But history is what 
men make it ; the future is what men make it. 

"We cannot fulfill our vision and our commit- 
ment and our interest in a free and diverse fu- 
ture without unceasing vigilance, devotion, and, 
most of all, perseverance — a willingness to 
stay with it, a willingness to do with fatigue, 
a willingness not to accept easy answers, but, 
instead, to maintain the burden, as the people 
of this State have done for 100 years and as 
the United States must do the rest of this cen- 
tury until finally we live in a peaceful world. 

Therefore I think this country will continue 
its commitments to support the world in free- 
dom, for as we discharge that commitment we 
are heeding the conunand which Brigham 
Young heard from the Lord more than a cen- 
tury ago, the command conveyed to his follow- 
ers, "Go as pioneers to a land of peace." 

Foreign Minister of Italy 
Holds Talks in Washington 

AttUio Plccioni, the Foreign Minister of 
Italy, was in Washington on September 20 for 
talks with Secretary Rusk and on Septerriber 23 
for a ineeting with President Kennedy. Fol- 
lowing is the text of a joint communique re- 
leased by the White House on September 23. 

White House press release dated September 23 

The President of the United States today 
received Vice Chairman of the Council of Min- 
isters and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy, 
Att ilio Piccioni. In the course of the meeting, 
they further examined those issues raised dur- 
ing the visit of President Kennedy to Italy last 
July ^ and in the talks between Secretary of 

State Rusk and Foreign Minister Piccioni ia 
Washington on September 20. 

The President and Foreign Minister Piccioni 
reaffirmed the close friendship uniting the two 
Atlantic allies and the identity of views of their 
two governments on major international prob- 
lems. They reviewed the international situ- 
ation since the signing of the limited Test Ban 
Treaty and questions that have arisen regarding 
the evolution of Europe and the development of 
Atlantic cooperation in the political, economic 
and defense fields. 

The President and the Foreign Minister also 
reaffirmed their mutual strong commitment to 
the related goals of a united and democratic 
Europe and Atlantic solidarity. They believe 
that a constant and patient exploration of the 
means for easing international tensions and 
achieving world peace should be pursued in 
close consultation and agreement with their 

Women in the New Africa 

by G. Mennen Williams 

Assistant Secretary for African A fairs ^ 

In the Aeneid, Virgil wrote: Varium et 
mutabile semper femina — a free translation of 
which is, "A woman's will is changeful and un- 
certain still." This adage succinctly describes 
the status of women in the new Africa. 

In the wake of the flood of freedom and inde- 
pendence that has swept across Africa in recent 
years women are exerting their wills with in- 
creasing vigor. They are seeking and obtaining 
a higher status in the newly independent nations 
of that continent. Women are winning this 
larger role partly because of their contributions 
to independence and political struggles and 
partly because of their active leadership in ef- 
forts to raise living standards in Africa's de- 
veloping nations. 

The role of women in African life is not well 
understood in the United States. For the most 

' For text of an address made by President Kennedy 
on July 2 at the NATO headquarters at Naples, see 
Bulletin of July 22, 1963, p. 134. 

' Address made before the Women Lawyers' Associa- 
tion of Michigan at Detroit, Mich., on Sept. 24 (press 
release 487). 



part, they are represented in popular writing as 
having a status little better than that of slaves 
or, at best, servants. Such interpretations re- 
flect the difficulty Westerners have in imder- 
standing and communicating the mores and 
traditions of peoples raised in Islamic or trop- 
ical African cultures. This difficulty is com- 
pounded by the fact that cultural patterns are 
changing at varying rates in different parts of 
Africa, and it is hard even to make broad gen- 
eralizations about the status of -women. 

In the Islamic areas, for example, the insti- 
tution of purdah — the seclusion of women in 
the home and the wearing of veils in public — is 
principally an urban phenomenon. This insti- 
tution is not part of the Moslem religion, inci- 
dentally, but is social in its origin. It is rare 
to find women of the desert or Moslem women in 
sub-Saharan Africa veiled. But even in areas 
where the veil is worn, the strength of ancient 
customs is weakening in the new Africa. I can 
recall visiting Marrakech, Morocco, 2 years ago 
and wondering whether I should intrude and 
shake hands with the veiled women who stood 
about. But when I shook hands with their chil- 
dren, it was quite clear that they didn't want 
to be excluded from the greetings, for they 
smiled gently as they shyly extended their 

Although purdah is dying because of new 
laws and the determination of educated women 
to break with the past, it is not yet dead. I can 
recall a story told me by a prominent young 
North African woman. Her father had been 
very progressive in his attitude toward women, 
but she had man-ied a man of the old school. 
She said that one day a friend of her husband's 
had come to the house in her husband's absence. 
After he had knocked she went to the door and 
without opening it told him that her husband 
was not at home. Wlien her husband learned 
of this, he was furious with her because, in his 
view, she had been so open and brazen. 

On the other hand, such a law as Tunisia's 
law of August 2, 1956, which gives women 
equality with men, has opened new horizons to 
women. Wlrere marriages were arranged sight 
unseen in the past, a woman's consent is now 
required for marriage. Formerly, a husband 
could repudiate his wife and in effect divorce 

her, but legal divorce on specific gi-ounds is 
now required. Under this law, a woman can for 
the fii-st time institute divorce proceedings 
against her husband and, if granted, can be 
awarded alimony and custody of the children. 
And polygamy, once a common institution, is 
now prohibited by law in Tunisia. 

In Algeria the emancipation of women has 
been greatly expedited by the wonderful brav- 
ery that women displayed during the war of 
liberation. As a result, many Algerians have 
recognized that women should have greater 
rights, and today several women sit in the Al- 
gerian National Assembly. On several occa- 
sions President Ahmed Ben Bella has expressed 
his determination to assure increased rights 
for women in that country. 

In tropical Africa the status of women often 
appears to be very low in the eyes of Westerners. 
Brides are purchased by their husbands and are 
regarded as property by their families. Women 
are assigned all the family and agricultural 
tasks and appear to be the bond servants of their 

Yet in many places women have rights to 
property which are more advanced than those 
of American women and which cannot be in- 
fringed upon by their husbands. In many West 
African cities women control all the retail trade 
in the area and, indeed, have the most important 
voice in some countries' economies. I have been 
told by a vigorous governmental leader that 
theirs is the only voice he disregards at his peril. 

In tropical Africa, as in Islamic Africa, law 
and education are bringing about great changes 
in the status of women. In both areas, while it 
is true that African women do not have what we 
would consider full civil rights, they do exert a 
powerful influence and are treated with great 
respect. An African man, no matter how far 
he rises above his condition of birth, never out- 
grows his respect for and his love for his mother. 

This also is true to a considerable extent with 
regard to wives. Some African men, by virtue 
of their higher educations and responsible gov- 
ernment positions, have advanced socially 
faster than their wives, who have not had equal 
advantages. These men are most anxious to 
make their wives part of their new world of 
public affairs, and on several occasions, I have 

OCTOBEU 21, 1963 


been told by our enibassj' officials, they have 
chosen dinners given for Mrs. Williams and me 
as tlie occasion for their wives to make their 
social debuts. My wife and I have been ex- 
tremely pleased and honored on these occasions 
because we found the women charming. 

As a general rule, most of Africa's woman 
leaders come from social and economic back- 
grounds that have provided them with oppor- 
tunities for higher education. Although there 
are relatively few such leaders at present, the 
number of women who are obtaining higher ed- 
ucation is increasing slowly, as Africa's educa- 
tional systems expand. 

Women's clubs and organizations have made 
an important contribution to the awakening of 
African women. Most of these organizations 
are formed to satisfy desires to know more 
about hygiene and sanitation, child care, food 
preparation, and similar fundamental skills. 
These desires are reflected in nationwide wom- 
en's conferences, such as the First Kenya 
Women's Seminar, which Mrs. Williams at- 
tended last year. The agenda for that meeting 
was typical of the subjects in which African 
women are interested : education, health, eco- 
nomic growth, public service, and community 

In the professions — law, education, nursing, 
social welfare, and government service — the 
impact of women is beginning to be felt. The 
fact that African women are included in many 
African delegations to this fall's United Na- 
tions General Assembly is a good index to this 

Nevertheless, the rate at which women are 
moving into career employment in many 
less developed countries is still slow and 
constitutes a great waste in human resources. 
It is ironic that among those countries which 
have the greatest development needs are nations 
which have not yet efl'ectively mobilized their 
own manpower and womanpower to solve many 
of their problems and look to outside help and 

One solution to this enigma is to win cultural 
acceptance in these countries for the participa- 
tion of women in vocations presently closed to 
them. Over the years, cultures of certain less 
developed areas have been molded into set pat- 

terns which do not adjust readily to change. It 
is my observation tliat, when a country sincerely 
believes its women can aid its progress, dynamic 
male leadership is needed to assure their larger 
participation in the tasks of nation building. 

Such male leadersliip is forthcoming in some 
quarters. President William V. S. Tubman of 
Liberia has said : "It is with a deep pride tliat 
I can say that this Administration, backed by 
stalwart men and women in every branch of 
government, has unrelentingly exerted every 
effort to raise the economic, social and political 
status of the women of our country." 

And President Ahmed Sekou Toure of 
Guinea recently declared : ". . . African prog- 
ress will be impossible and unattainable so long 
as the African woman is not emancipated. The 
emancipation of the woman is imperative, an 
essential condition and the decisive basis for the 
transformation of the living conditions of a 

In countries where women are given freedom 
to develop their capabilities progress comes 
more rapidly than in lands where there ai'e re- 
strictions. However, encouragement and finan- 
cial assistance must come from government 
leaders who are anxious to see their countries 
become economically strong and independent. 

A good first step would be to extend basic 
education to all women, thus increasing their 
possibilities for later training. Too often girls 
are the last to be considered for schooling, 
partly because of expense and partly because of 
their traditional role in the manual work of the 
home and the field. 

Beyond the first stage of basic education for 
women the challenge facing most less developed 
countries is that of providing specialized train- 
ing. Nurses, women doctors, teachers, and 
scientists are most economically trained in their 
home countries, as prolonged overseas study is 
too expensive for tlie large numbers of individ- 
uals rapidly needed by developing nations. 

In some countries an increase in women's 
earning power has had a marked effect upon 
the economy as a whole. As more women be- 
come wage earners, they develop new markets, 
wliich in turn provide broader employment for 
their countries. For example, increased earn- 
ing power among women leads to home modern- 



ization, better food-buying facilities, and addi- 
tional clothing purchases. 

Organizations of women comprise another 
important factor in encouraging women's en- 
trance into the labor force. In some countries 
women do all of the buying and selling 
of marlvet goods. Organizations of marliet 
women have and will continue to become politi- 
cally forceful in promoting the betterment of 
women. These groups sometimes support 
centers where women can learn the basic skills 
needed for careers and where they can keep 
abreast of the rapid pace of the world today. 
These organizations can do much to promote 
better health and provide basic teaching which 
can encourage women to be active in nurseries, 
clinics, hospitals, and training centers for mid- 
wifery and nursing. 

Also, international organizations such as the 

United Nations can continue to help women to 
acquire the skills needed to become ellectivo 
members of tJie labor force. Such international 
bodies as WHO, UNESCO, and UNICEF can 
be sources of much experienced advice and help 
in guiding women toward their rightful 

In conclusion it is clear that the role of 
women in many countries is in a process 
of change. It is also clear that their growing 
ability to contribute to nation building com- 
prises a formidable resource for these develop- 
ing nations. 

The most encouraging fact about the current 
status of African women is that women want 
to make progress and have the force and deter- 
mination to change present patterns. And I 
am happy to note that many male leaders are 
joining them in their far-reaching efforts. 

Policy and People 

iy Robert J. Manning 

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^ 

Two elements are needed for the conduct of a 
nation's foreign relations: policy and people. 
Today I would like to talk briefly about both 
of those elements. 

"Policy" is one of those all-inclusive words 
that lends itself to many definitions and is sub- 
ject to many intellectual convolutions. Wlien, 
in the 1956 presidential election campaign, 
Adlai Stevenson suggested a treaty with Russia 
banning nuclear testing, that was not a policy — 
it was a campaign proposal or, in the words 
of his opponents, a campaign "trick," and one 
for which he was roundly ridiculed. "Wlien, a 
few years later. President Eisenhower's admin- 

' Address made at Texas Southern University, 
Houston, Tex., on Sept. 26 (press release 490, as- 
delivered text). 

istration proposed the same idea, it became a 

For several years that policy, accepted and 
carried on by the Kennedy administration, rep- 
resented little more than a position held, and 
promoted, in the international arena by the 
United States and some of its allies. It was 
little more than a desirable goal, lacking as it 
did the means of realization ; the agreement that 
would make it a fact instead of a desire was not 
forthcoming from the Soviet Union. Now that 
agreement has come, and this week, with rati- 
fication of the limited nuclear test ban treaty 
by the United States Senate ^ and its acceptance 
by 99 other governments, an idea of many 

" See p. 631. 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


years' standing takes on the force of a policy 

Not all policy is as subject to precise defini- 
tion as the policy reflected in the treaty prohibit- 
ing nucle;ir test explosions under water, in the 
atmosphere, and in outer space. Indeed, some 
policies can become so broad and diffuse in their 
intent that, unless care is taken, they cease to be 
policies and become only unheeded cliches. 

A rather pleasant example of this sometimes 
unpleasant phenomenon was contributed by 
Justices of the Supreme Court many years ago. 
Under Chief Justice John Marshall, according 
to Gerald Carson, who has been doing research 
on the history of drink in the United States, the 
Court developed a rule that its members would 
take a drink only in rainy weather. "That was 
interpreted to mean whenever it rained within 
the Court's jurisdiction," Mr. Carson reports. 
"And it was further assumed that there was al- 
ways rain falling somewhere in the continental 
United States." 

To have any meaning and to have any effect, 
a nation's policies of course must elude such 
broad dilution. Yet not all of our major poli- 
cies can be precisely defined, with their goals 
and their boundaries neatly delineated. Some 
American policies represent very specific Amer- 
ican desires rooted in very specific American 
interests. Others represent broad, unfulfilled 
ideals or unrealized ambitions. Some are laid 
down specifically in law, such as the McMahon 
Act, with its strict prohibitions on the transfer 
of American nuclear knowledge and material to 
foreign powers. Some are based on a broad 
central impulse, with the specific details of exe- 
cution varying according to vai-ying needs or 

An outstanding example of such a policy 
would be our foreign aid program. It was con- 
ceived at the war's end as the Marshall Plan 
and was directed chiefly at the relief and recon- 
struction of the countries of "Western Europe. 
The impulse behind tlie Marshall Plan remains 
today a basic part of American foreign policy, 
but foreign aid in the 1060's barely touches on 
Western Europe and instead is directed at the 
weak and underdeveloped nations of Latin 
America, Africa, and Asia. 

Some policies grow simply and naturally out 
of our own political traditions and instincts, 

such as the American assumption that the right 
of self-determination and the right to life, lib- 
erty, and the pursuit of happiness are the funda- 
mental rights not of some peoples but of all 
peoples. Yet the ways in which that funda- 
mental American belief is pressed as an Amer- 
ican policy are diversely determined by the 
many and diverse ways in which these funda- 
mentals are accepted or opposed in other world 
societies. To be "for" these fundamentals is 
of course not enough. Policy must additionally 
conceive of ways of protecting self-determina- 
tion and freedom where it exists and of helping 
to bring it about where it does not. 

Since the comparatively unambitious pre- 
war days of isolation, American foreign policy 
has become fantastically complex and im- 
mensely ambitious. It is, overall, not a foreign 
policy based on a simple protection of and ex- 
tension of narrow American interests. Instead 
it is a policy based on the deep assumption — 
and, I think, a proven assumption — that the 
basic interests and security of the United States 
depend fundamentally on how freedom fares in 
the rest of the world. For that reason this coun- 
try today is engaged not only in protecting its 
own institutions but in reaching around the 
world in an effort to help some protect their own 
institutions, to help some alter institutions that 
are hostile to freedom, and to help still others 
who are just beginning to experience independ- 
ence to build the economic and social institu- 
tions that can make their independence true and 
meaningful. All this may soimd like so many 
words, but it is a policy Avhich each day involves 
us in tough, hard facts, in new and often risky 
adventures, and which brings foreign policy di- 
rectly into the homo of every American. 

The "New Diplomacy" 

The importance of policy is obvious. But a 
foreign policy drafted without reference to the 
people who carry it out — the ambassadors, coun- 
selors, advisers, secretaries, couriers, and other 
Foreign Service personnel — is sterile. It is 
unlikely to work and may actually backfire. 

For that reason we in the State Department 
consider it essential that our Foreign Service 
corps reflect our countrj' not just in policy and 



ideals but also in people. There may have been 
a time when all that was needed for a Foreign 
Service career was a pair of striped pants, a 
smattering of French, and a good backhand at 
tennis — frankly, I doubt it — but that is cer- 
tainly not the case today. 

The Foreign Service officer of the 1960's must 
be prepared to help oversee such programs as 

— helping farmers adopt new techniques of 
modern agriculture developed originally in U.S. 
land-grant colleges, 

— advising businessmen in the newer nations 
of Africa, Latin America, and Asia on how to 
modernize their plant and equipment, 

— aiding governments of less developed coun- 
tries as they seek to build the hospitals, schools, 
roads, and dams which are the building blocks 
of economic progress. 

These are examples of what has been called 
the "new diplomacy." The new diplomacy is 
the modern expression of a native American 
concern about the welfare of others. It dates 
back to the spirit of the pioneers, who were 
always ready to come to the aid of a neighbor 
who was having hard times. In the close-knit 
communities of the frontier all would cooperate 
to ward off trouble and cope with disaster. 

This tradition of community service has be- 
come an important part of the American way of 
life. It has taken the form of our foreign aid 
programs, under which we are committed to 
helping the less developed nations, in President 
Kennedy's words,^ "not because the Communists 
may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, 
but because it is right." More recently this 
great American ideal has been expressed 
through the Peace Corps, an exciting venture 
in international cooperation and imderstanding 
that has given thousands of young Americans 
a chance to serve their country — and their con- 
science — by helping the people of other lands. 

I have just come from the United Nations, 
where I was struck by the fact that over half 
the nations now sitting in the General Assembly 
were dependent territories when the United Na- 
tions was founded in 1945. These are the 
"new" nations, with which the new diplomacy 
is most concerned. Wliat we say — and more 

important, what we do — occupies a special place 
in their horizons. As they strive to build the 
structures of stable, democratic government, 
they often look at the United States as a model. 
No higher compliment can be paid to a nation 
than the flattery of imitation. But it imposes 
especially challenging responsibilities. 

These nations look to us not just for the glow- 
ing phrases taken from our Declaration of In- 
dependence and Constitution but for the reality 
behind these phrases. They regard the United 
States as the cradle of democracy and as a leader 
in the worldwide struggle for freedom, for hu- 
man rights, for independence and dignity. 
Any failure on our part as a nation to live up 
to our stated ideals is consequently noted, and 
frequently magnified. 

"Wlien we fail to fulfill our pledges of free- 
dom and equality to all Americans, this fact is 
noted abroad. Eacial discrimination in all its 
forms, overt and subtle, has important impli- 
cations for our foreign relations. It disturbs 
our friends, and it fuels the propaganda of our 
enemies. This is not because such discrimina- 
tion is unique to the United States. There is 
discrimination on the basis of race, religion, or 
culture in many countries in all parts of the 
world. But because our country is considered 
a model for other democracies, and because of 
our preeminent role as a leader of the free 
world, our shortcomings are given special at- 

As you know, the present administration is 
proposing a broad new civil rights program, 
which includes a special section on equal ac- 
commodations. The State Department is fully 
in support of that legislation— though it 
should be emphasized that, as citizens and 
Americans, we know that the foreign policy im- 
plications of civil rights are secondary. As 
Secretary Kusk said testifying in support of the 
civil rights bill : * 

The primary reason why we must attack the prob- 
lems of discrimination is rooted in our basic commit- 
ments as a nation and a people. We must try to elimi- 
nate discrimination due to race, color, religion, not to 
make others think better of us but because it is in- 
compatible with the great ideals to which our demo- 
cratic society is dedicated. If the realities at home 

' BiTi,LETlN of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 175. 

'/ftirf., July29, 1963, p. 154. 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


are all they should be, we shan't have to worry about 
our image abroad. 

Opportunities for Negroes in Foreign Service 

For the new diplomacy to be successful, it 
must be carried out by a skilled, trained Foreign 
Service corps qualified by reason of back- 
ground, culture, geof^raphical and social com- 
position to speak and act on behalf of all Amer- 
icans. Our Foreign Service should be — and is — 
to a large extent representative of our country, 
geograpiiically, socially, culturally, education- 
ally, and economically. And we are taking 
steps to make it more so. 

However, at the present time there are fewer 
than 50 Negroes in the Foreign Service out of 
an ofTicer corps of more than 3,800. This is a 
disturbing statistic, because it shows that, in 
this important respect at least, our Foreign 
Service does not reflect the composition of 
American society. 

There are a number of reasons for the rela- 
tively small number of Negro Foreign Service 
officers. We in the State Department recognize 
that, over the years, we have not aggressively 
sought to encourage and attract Negroes for 
careers in the Foreign Service. The opportu- 
nity may have been there, but few concrete steps 
•were taken to bring them to the attention of 
qualified Negro applicants. As a result, the bet- 
ter students were often drawn to other fields of 
■work. Once such a pattern becomes established, 
it is to some extent self-reinforcing. Because 
there are relatively few Negro Foreign Service 
officers, few young Negroes actively consider ap- 
plying for a Foreign Service career. 

Recognizing this chain of circumstances, the 
State Department has embarked on a vigorous 
campaign to interest qualified Negroes in the 
Foreign Service. The Department is not alone 
in this effort, for it lias the solid encouragement 
of the President. Some 25 other Federal agen- 
cies with responsibilities in tlie foreign affairs 
field are also taking part. The agencies range 
from the Department of Agriculture, which has 
an extensive Foreign Agricultural Service, to 
the Labor Department, which has labor attaches 
at most major embassies, to the Department of 
Defense, and the Army, Navy, and Air Force, 
which today have vast responsibilities in the 

conduct of foreign affairs. The number of 
agencies and departments taking part in foreign 
affairs shows the wide range of opportunities 
available in this field. 

The opportunities are real, but they are chal- 
lenging. They call for the best efforts of the 
best people. The U.S. Foreign Service de- 
mands high standards of ability and training, 
and rightly so, because each Foreign Service 
officer must be qualified to handle a wide range 
of problems, many of them unexpected. The 
Foreign Service officer not only represents the 
United States; in many parts of the world he 
is the United States. He is the only American 
that many foreign people ever see. His abili- 
ties and his deportment greatly influence tlie 
American image abroad. 

Entrance to the Foreign Service begins with 
a stiff written examination. This is followed 
by an oral examination, in which candidates 
meet with a panel of career Foreign Service 
officers. Though the examination is open to all 
students, without respect to geography, back- 
ground, or racial origin, only small numbers of 
Negro college students have taken it. Out of 
the 3,815 candidates who took the exam in 1961, 
only 119 were Negroes. In 1962, 110 Negroes 
took the exam, out of almost 3,000 candidates. 
We don't know yet how many Negro candidates 
took the examination this year, but we know 
the totals are not as high as we want. 

Wliy this shortage of applicants? Part of 
the answer was expressed by writer Louis E. 
Lomax in a recent article in the Saturday Eve- 
ning Post entitled "Young Negroes Aren't 
Ready." Author of The Kegro Revolt and The 
Reluctant African, Mr. Lomax put it this way : 

The generation of young Negroes that is doing so 
much to win new opportunities for itself is ill-enuipped 
to use these opportunities. With splendid courage 
these youngsters are breaking down barriers of preju- 
dice. Yet they are not qualified for the new jobs in 
industry and government now open to them. 

Lomax, I think, overstates the case. Many 
young Negroes are qualified for a Foreign Serv- 
ice career, but they are not pointing themselves 
in that direction. In our free society the choice 
of career is a personal choice. It is one of the 
freedoms of the American way of life. The 
Government has no special claim on the talents 
of qualified young people. Rather than a career 



in the Government or Foreign Service, many 
young Negroes have gone into other professions, 
such as teaching and the practice of hxw, to 
name just two. 

It concerns me, though, that there are many 
able and talented young Negroes, with the po- 
tential for outstanding Foreign Service careers, 
who would like to serve their country abroad 
but who do not apply or, if they do apply, do 
not pass the Foreign Service examination as a 
result of poor preparation and background. 

It concerns me because it is a problem for 
which there is a remedy. Ignorance is a dis- 
ease — a disease for which there is a cure. The 
cure is education. In this case that means care- 
ful, dedicated preparation for the Foreign 
Service entrance exam. The State Department 
for its part is determined to do everything pos- 
sible, as Secretary Eusk has said, to "open up 
the channels of opportunity to all of our Amer- 
ican citizens regardless of racial, religious, or 
other background." I challenge you to do 

In the convocation address at Howard Uni- 
versity in our nation's Capital, President James 
M. Nabrit, Jr., the brother of your own presi- 
dent, urged his student body to aim for a career 
in the Foreign Service. He pledged his faculty 
to assist qualified students in preparing for the 
Foreign Service examination. I hope that your 
own college will make a similar effort so that 
students who do want to serve their country 
and their Government in a Foreign Service 
career will be qualified and trained to the upper 
limit of their abilities. 

Problems Facing the U.N. General Assembly 

On returning to the United Nations this week 
as an ex-newspaperman now working in govern- 
ment, I experienced at first a "This is where I 
came in" feeling, because I covered the first 
General Assembly 18 years ago as a reporter 
for the United Press. 

But that feeling was superficial. Much has 
happened in those 18 years. They have been 
hard times — testing times — for the United Na- 
tions. Though the organization may not have 
fulfilled the unrealistically high hopes of some 
of its founding enthusiasts, it has chalked up 
a remarkable record of acliievement. In a 

world fissioned into two blocs (and now per- 
haps three) coldly staring at each other across 
a curtain of mistrust and hostility, the mere 
survival of an international body dedicated to 
the peaceful settlement of disputes would call 
for congratulatory toasts. But the U.N. has 
done much more than just survive. Sometimes 
quietly, as in the resolute work of the Food and 
Agriculture Organization, which is seeking 
ways to eliminate the dread desert locusts 
that have plagued the Middle East since Bibli- 
cal times — sometimes spectacularly, as in the 
Congo, where a U.N. Force was instrumental 
in bringing the promise of peace and nationhood 
to the heart of Africa, the U.N. has served the 
interests of mankind as a whole. 

As I have already mentioned, over half the 
nations now sitting in the General Assembly 
have gained their independence since the U.N. 
was founded. What this shows is that the doc- 
trine of self-determination has triumphed over 
many of the isms that looked like fast starters 
in the form books of the 19th century. Nation- 
alism as the political expression of nationhood 
has shown itself to have extraordinary vitality ; 
it is the banner under which nearly all the new 
nations have marched to independence. So 
much so that the not necessarily identical goals 
of human freedom and national independence 
have become intertwined in many of the less 
developed countries. 

To the faint of heart, the U.N. Assembly's 
agenda = is a discouraging list. Virtually every 
item on it is by definition insoluble. But the 
organization plugs on, chipping away at the 
edges of solution, seeking to hold the lid on vio- 
lence and danger, and trying to live up to the 
lofty ideals of its charter. What nourishes the 
U.N. is the belief that all nations have common 
interests which can be served by mutual agree- 
ment, however deep their differences. 

This point is critical to man's hope for peace, 
and it was the basic theme of President Ken- 
nedy's widely hailed address to the General 
Assembly.^ The prospect for enduring peace 
in the 1960's and beyond lies in man's ability 
to search out and identify areas of common 
interest where agreements can be reached, then 

' For text, see iTiid., Oct 7, 1963, p. 556. 
'Ibid., p. 530. 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


to enlarge the areas of common interest, moving 
carefully — but doggedly — from the more lim- 
ited and specific to the broader and more gen- 
eral, from the partial toward the larger settle- 

Guiding Peaceful Change 

Peace means a workable system for settling 
disputes and guiding peaceful change, solving 
the problems that crop up between nations by 
institutions created for that purpose. It means 
a trend toward world order and world law, so 
that men may live in freedom and security. 
Tlie problems of peace aren't interesting or 
worth our earnest attention until they engage 
the world as it is, and until they deal with men 
as they are : diverse, contentious, fallible, stub- 
born, embodying vices and virtues alike. 

This requires a patient search for areas of 
common interest — often in the midst of discord. 
And not just by the so-called Great Powers. 
There are dangerous quarrels in many parts 
of the world which do not involve the nations 
that own nuclear weapons. In Africa, for ex- 
ample, there are dangerous disputes, disputes 
stemming directly from the continent-wide 
striving for independence and freedom and out 
of stubborn efforts to prevent the realization of 
that goal. 

The riglit to national self-determination has 
been established in recent years with such spec- 
tacular speed that future historians may well 
marvel at its sweep. But it has not yet swept 
entirely clean, for independence, and with it 
freedom, is still denied to millions of people in 
the last redoubts of the status quo. 

This is the dilemma of Africa today. How 
to solve it is one of the chief problems facing 
the U.N. in this current meeting. It is the task 
of that body, and our task with them, to see 
to it that change, no matter how just, is carried 
forward peacefully. In Africa, as elsewhere, 
it is a profound truth tiiat the violator of peace 
is no less the enemy of peace though his cause 
be just and that he who blocks justice in the 
name of peace is no less a culprit. The U.S. — 
and the U.N. — are dedicated to the cause of 
peaceful change in Africa. This means freedom 
and independence and peace — the true promise 
of self-determination. 

In many other parts of the world there are 
issues just as crucial and obstacles just as 
ominous. In fact this seemingly modem, 
seemingly ingenious world is truly a world 
of unfinished business, of injustices unsettled, 
of ambitions unrealized or needs unserved. 
Wherever these conditions exist, tlie need for 
foreign policy and the need for people to carry 
it out prevails. Most of you young men and 
women here today will move on to other careers 
and other vocations, but for many of you — and 
I would hope for a large number of you — this 
challenge to help carry on tlie world's un- 
finished business will be the challenge that you 
choose to answer. As the opportunity is 
broadening for careers in international affairs, 
the need for qualified, dedicated people is 
broadening even faster. For some of you 
who are willing to make the effort, here is your 

Foreign Policy Conference Held 
for Editors and Broadcasters 

The Department of State announced on 
October 2 (press release 501) that it would 
hold a national foreign policy conference for 
editors and broadcasters on October 7 and 8 at 
Washington. Invitations have been extended 
by Secretary Rusk to editors and commentators 
of the daily and periodical press and the broad- 
casting industry in all 50 States and Puerto 

Secretary Rusk will be the opening speaker at 
the conference. Other participants will in- 
clude : 

Christian A. Herter, Special Representative for Trade 

George W. Ball, Under Secretary of State 
W. Averell Harriman, Under Secretary of State for 

Political Affairs 
David E. Bell, Administrator, Agency for International 

Roswell L. Gilpatrie, Deputy Secretary of Defense 
Donald M. Wilson, Deputy Director, U.S. Information 

William C. Foster, Director, U.S. Arms Control and 

Disarmament Agency 
Edwin M. Martin, Assistant Secretary of State for 

Inter- American Affairs 



ILirlan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary of State for 

International Organization Affairs 
Robert J. Manning, Assistant Secretary of State for 

Public Affairs 
Roger Hilsnian, Assistant Secretary of State for Far 

Eastern Affairs 
Eugene JI. Braderman, Deputy Assistant Secretary of 

Commerce for International Commerce 

The conference will be held under the "back- 
ground only" rule, with the exception of the 
morning session on October 8, which will be on 
the record. The sessions will be held in the 
West Auditorium of the Department of State. 

This will be the seventh in a series of national 
foreign policy conferences for editors and 
broadcasters. The conference program, begun 
in April 1961, is intended to assist the informa- 
tion media in making available to the American 
public the maximum possible information in 
depth on current foreign policy issues.^ 

Cotton Textile Arrangement 
^ Concluded With Jamaica 

Press release 503 dated October 2 

The Governments of the United States and 
Jamaica announced on October 2 the conclusion 
of a bilateral arrangement covering trade in 
cotton textiles between Jamaica and the United 
States for a 4-year period extending from Oc- 
tober 1, 1963, to September 30, 1967. 

For the first year of the arrangement, an 
overall ceiling for Jamaican exports of cotton 
textiles to the United States is set at 18.5 million 
square yards, with planned increases of 5 per- 
cent per annum, beginning with the second 12- 
month period of the arrangement, except for 
categories 46 (men's and boys' sport shirts, not 
knit) and 61 (brassieres and other body-sup- 
porting garments), the increase of which is 
limited to 3 percent during the second year. 

The arrangement provides for specific ceil- 
ings in six categories as follows : 

^ . „ . . Ceilint 

Catrgory Detcriplion (do;en) 

46 Men's and Boys' Sport Shirts, not 

knit 384, 000 

48 Raincoats, % length or over ... 8, 000 

50 Men's and Boys' Trousers .... 48^000 

51 Women's, Misses' and Children's 

trousers 110,000 

52 Blouses, whether or not in sets . . 80, 000 
61 Brassieres and other body-support- 
ing garments 381, 000 

The arrangement also provides that ship- 
ments in any category not subject to a specific 
export ceiling will not exceed S.'iOjOOO square 
yards equivalent in the first 12-month period. 
This limit also will increase at the annual rate 
of 5 percent. 

The two Governments agi-eed on the spacing 
of shipments as well as on consultation in case 
of concentration in items made from any fabric 
or fabrics within certain categories, which 
causes or threatens to cause disruption of the 
United States market. 

The two Governments will exchange such 
statistical data on cotton textiles as are re- 
quired for the effective implementation of the 


Akeakgement Between the Government of Jamaica 
AND THE Government of the United States of 
America Concerning Trade in Cotton Textiles Bb> 
TWEEN Jamaica and the United States 

1. The Government of Jamaica shall limit its exports 
in all categories of cotton textiles to the United States 
for the twelve month period beginning October 1, 1963, 
to an aggregate limit of 1S.5 million square yards 

2. Within this aggregate limit, the following specific 
ceilings shall apply : 

a. Category 46 

b. Category 48 

c. Category .50 

d. Category 51 

e. Category 52 

f. Category 61 

884, 000 dozen 
8, 000 dozen 

48, 000 dozen 
110, 000 dozen 

80, 000 dozen 
381, 000 dozen 

' The Department announced on Oct. 3 that President 
Kennedy would be the concluding speaker at the 

3. The square yard equivalent of any shortfalls oc- 
curring in exports in the categories with specific ceil- 
ings may be used in any category not having a specific 
ceiling. Annual exports in categories not having a 
specific ceiling shall not exceed 350,000 square yards 
equivalent except by mutual agreement of the two 

4. With the exception of seasonal items, the Govern- 
ment of Jamaica shall space its annual exports within 
each category to the United States on a cumulative, 
quarterly percentage basis of 30-55-80-100. 

5. In the event concentration in exports from Ja- 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


maica to the United States In any fabric or fabrics 
within certain categories causes or threatens to cause 
marlcet disruption in the United States, the Govern- 
ment of the United States may call for consultations 
with the Government of Jamaica in order to reach a 
mutually satisfactory solution to the problem. The 
Government of Jamaica shall agree to enter into such 
consultations and during the course of the consulta- 
tions, the Government of Jamaica shall limit its ex- 
ports of the items in question at an annual level of 
10.")% of its exports during the twelve month period 
immediately preceding the month in which consulta- 
tions are requested. 

6. Each Government agrees to supply promptly any 
available statistical data requested by the other Gov- 
ernment. In the implementation of this Agreement the 
system of categories annexed to the Arrangements Re- 
garding International Trade in Cotton Textiles done at 
Geneva on July 21, 19G1,' shall apply. In categories 
where units other than square yards are used, the 
conversion into square yard equivalents shall be made 
on the basis of the factors listed in the Annex attached 
to this Agreement. 

7. During the life of this Agreement the United 
States Government shall not invoke the procedures of 
Articles 6(c) and 3 of the Long-Term Arrangements 
Regarding International Trade in Cotton Textiles done 
at Geneva on February 9, 1962," to limit imports of 
cotton textiles from Jamaica into the United States. 

8. The limitations on exports established in para- 
graphs 1, 2 and 3 of this Agreement shall be increased 
by 5% for the twelve month period beginning October 1, 
1964 and by 5% for each subsequent twelve month 
period during the life of this Agreement ; provided that 
the increase applicable to categories 46 and 61 shall be 
3% for the twelve month period beginning October 1, 
1964 and 5% for each subsequent twelve month period. 

9. The life of this Agreement shall continue until 
and including September 30, 1967 ; provided that either 
Government may propose revisions in the terms of the 
Agreement no later than ninety days prior to the begin- 
ning of a new twelve month period ; and provided fur- 
ther that either Government may terminate this Agree- 
ment, effective at the beginning of a new twelve month 
period, by written notice to the other Government given 
at least ninety days prior to the beginning of such new 
twelve month period. 

10. In order that the effective dates of the restraints 
presently in effect may be modified to coincide with 
annual ixriods applicable in this Agreement, the follow- 
ing modifications shall be made in the restraint levels : 

a. Category 46 : from 360,000 to 330.000 dozen 

b. Category 48 : from 8,000 to 4,070 dozen 

c. Category .50 : from 48,000 to 44,000 dozen 

d. Category ,''>1 : from IIO.OOO to 64.170 dozen 

e. Category 61 : from 360,000 to 330,000 dozen 

These modified levels shall be effective for the periods 
beginning with the applicable dates of restraint until 

and including September 30, 1963. Exports during 
these periods in excess of the modified levels shall be 
counted against the appropriate ceilings for the twelve 
month period beginning October 1, 1963. 


Conversion Factors 

Conversion Factor 

Caitgory Number 


(Square Yards) 



4. 6 









4. 6 



1. 084 



1. 084 









1. 66 



3. 17 




































22. 186 






22. 186 






32. 5 



17. 797 



17. 797 






45. 3 
























4 75 










' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1961, p. 337. 
' For text, see ibid., Mar. 12, 1962, p. 431. 

President Decides Not To Modify 
Duty on Clinical Thermometers 

White House press release dated September 23 

The Wliite House announced on September 
23 that the President has received the Tariff 
Commission's report concerning the escape- 
clause restrictions which currently apply to im- 
ports of clinical thermometers and has deter- 
mined not to modify the duties presently in 

The Tariff Commission's report was sub- 
mitted to the President under two provisions 
of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962. First, it 



was issued under the requirement that, as long 
las any tariff increase or other import restriction 
is in effect pursuant to an escape-clause deter- 
mination under the Trade Expansion Act or 
under the predecessor Trade Agreements Ex- 
tension Act of 1951, the Tariff Commission shall 
keep under review developments with respect 
to the industry concerned and sliall make an- 
nual reports to the President concerning such 
developments. Secondly, it was based on the 
authority of the Tariff Commission to advise 
the President of its judgment as to the probable 
economic effect on the industry concerned of 
the termination of, or other modification in, an 
existing escape-clause measure. 

The Commission's report, issued in May, was 
submitted to the President through Christian 

A. Herter, the President's Special Eepresent- 
ative for Trade Negotiations, after having 
been examined in interagency committees 
operating under that office. 

The current import duty became effective as 
the result of action by the President on April 
21, 1958, under section 7 (the escape clause) of 
the Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1951. 
At that time the President withdrew the con- 
cession in the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade on clinical thermometers, finished or 
unfinished, wholly or in chief value of glass, 
provided for in paragraph 218(a) of the Tariff 
Act of 1930, to be effective 30 days thereafter. 
This action resulted in an increase in the duty 
on such tliermometers from 421^ percent ad 
valorem to 85 percent ad valorem. 


Current Actions 


'i Atomic Energy 

Amendment to article VI.A.3 of the Statute of the In- 
ternational Atomic Energy Agency. Done at Vienna 
October 4, 1961. Entered into force January 31, 1963. 
TIAS 5284. 

Accc/jtaiices deposited: Afghanistan, August 8, 1963; 
Argentina, October 3, 1962. 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
Agency to the bilateral agreement between the 
United States and Japan of June 16, 19,58, as amended 
(TIAS 4133, 4172), concerning civil uses of atomic 
energy. Signed at Vienna September 23, 1963. En- 
ters into force November 1, 1963. 
Signatures: International Atomic Energy Agency, 
Japan, United States. 


International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes. 

Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters, 

New York, September 28 through November 30, 1962. 

Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963. 

Ratification deposited: Mexico, August 1, 1963. 

Notifications received of undertaking to seek ratifi- 
cation or acceptance: Bolivia, July 29, 1963; Hon- 
duras, July 30, 1963. 


Articles of agreement of the International Monetary 
Fund. Opened for signature at Washington Decem- 
ber 27, 1945. Entered into force December 27, 1945. 
TIAS 1501. 

Signatures and acceptances: Burundi, September 28, 

19G3; Malagasy Republic, September 25, 1963; 

Rwanda, September 30, 1063. 
Articles of agreement of the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development. Opened for sig- 
nature at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered 
into force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502. 
Signatures and acceptances: Burundi, September 28, 

1063; Malagasy Republic, September 25, 1963; 

Rwanda, September 30, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning weapon tests in the atmosphere, in 
outer space and under water. Done at Moscow Au- 
gust 5, 1963.' 

Signatures affixed at Washington: Burundi, October 
4, 1963 ; Viet-Nam, October 1, 1963. 


Agreement between the United States, Denmark, Nor- 
way and Sweden on cooperation in intercontinental 
testing in connection with experimental communica- 
tions satellites. Effected by exchanges of notes at 
Copenhagen, July 2 and September 14 ; Oslo, July 8 
and September 11 ; and Stockholm, July 5 and 25, 
1963. Entered into force September 14, 1963. 


Spain accepted on July SO. 1983, the following instrvr 
ments by accepting protocol of accession to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs ayid Trade: -wsr 

Protocol amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX 

of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 

Done at Geneva March 10, 19.i5.' 

' Not in force. 

OCTOBER 21, 1963 


Protocol amending preamble and parts II and III of 
the General Agreement on Tariffs anrt Trade. Done 
at Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 7, 1!)57. TIAS 3930. 

Protocol of terms of accession of Japan to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
June 7. 1955. Entered into force September 10, 1955. 
TIAS 3438. 

Protocol of rectification to French text of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
June 15. 19.">5. Entered into force October 24, 1956. 
TIAS .3677. 

P^oc^s-ve^l)al of rectification concerning protocol 
amending part I and article.^ XXIX and XXX, pro- 
tocol amending the preamble and parts II and III, 
and protocol of organizational amendments to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva December 3, 1955. Section B entered into 
force October 7, 1957. 

Protocol relating to negotiations for establi.shment of 
new schedule III — Brazil — to the General Agreement 
on T.iriffs and Trade. Done at Geneva December 
31, 195S.' 

Protocol for accession of Israel to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 
C. 1962. Entered into force July 5, 1962. TIAS 

Protocol for accession of Portugal to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 
6, 1962. Entered into force May 6, 1962; for the 
United States July 1, 1962. TIAS 5248. 

Protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade embodying results of 1960-61 Tariff Confer- 
ence. Done at (Jeneva July 16, 19fi2. Entered into 
force for the United States December 31, 1962. TIAS 

Tenth protocol of supplementary concessions to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Japan and 
New Zealand). Done at Geneva January 28, 1963. 
Entered into force August 15, 1963. TIAS 5404. 


Geneva convention relative to treatment of prisoners of 

Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 

wounded and sick in armed forces in the field ; 
Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 
wounded, sick, and shipwrecked members of armed 
forces at sea ; 
Geneva convention relative to protection of civilian 
persons in time of war ; 

Dated at Geneva August 12, 1949. Entered into 
force October 21, 1950 ; for the United States Feb- 
ruary 2, 1956. TIAS 3364, 3362, 3363, 3365, 
Adherence tlepoxitcd: Somali Republic, .July 12, 1962. 
Notificalion given that it considers itself bound: 
Malagasy Republic, July 1.3, 1963. 


treaty of friendship, establishment and naviga- 
tion, supra) . 
Convention concerning trade-marks. Signed at Wash- 
ington April 7, 1884. Entered into force July 9, 1884. 
23 Stat. 766. 

Terminated: October 3, 1963 (by entry into force of 
treaty of friendship, establishment and navigation, 
fsuiira) . 


Agreement concerning financial arrangements for fur- 
nishing of certain supplies and services to naval 
vessels. Effected by exchange of notes at Ottawa 
July 21, 1955. Entered into force October 19, 1955. 
TIAS 3.3.51. 

Notification of termination by Canada: September 
25, 1963, effective December 24, 1963. 


Joint declaration concerning the renewal of the defense 
agreement of September 26, 1953 (TIAS 2850), with 
related exchanges of notes. Signed at New York 
September 26, 1963. Entered into force September 
26, 1903. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement amending and extending the agreement of 
April 6, 1961 (TIAS 4718), for the establishment 
and operation of a space vehicle tracking and com- 
munications station on Canton Island. Effected by 
exchange of notes at London September 23, 1903. 
Entered into force September 23, 1963. 

Agreement amending and extending the agreement of 
March 15, 1961 (TIAS 4701), for the establishment 
and operation of a space vehicle tracking and com- 
munication station in Bermuda. Effected by ex- 
change of notes at London September 23, 1963. En- 
tered into force September 23, 1963. 



The Senate on September 26 confiniied the nomina- 
tion of Dwight J. Porter to be an Assistant Secretary 
of State. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 502 dated October 2.) 

The Senate on October 2 confirmed the nomination of 
AV. True Davis, Jr., to be Ambassador to Switzerland. 
(For biographic details, see Department of Stale press 
release 512 dated October 8. ) 


Treaty of friendship, establishment and navigation, 
and protocol. Signed at Brussels February 21, 1961. 
Entered into force October 3. 1963. 
Proclaimed by the President: September 26, 1963. 

Treaty of commerce and navigation. Signed at Wash- 
ington March 8, 1875. Entered into force June 11, 
1«75. 19 Stat. 62«. 
Terminated: October 3, 1963 (by entry into force of 

' Not in force. 


Sverre Pettersson as scientific attach^ at Stockholm, 
Sweden, effective September 24. (For biographic de- 
tails, see Department of State press release 505, revised, 
dated October 3. ) 

William H. JIartin as education adviser, Bureati of 
African Affairs, effective September 30. (For bio- 
graphic details, see Department of State press release 
507 dated October 3.) 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^ 

Adjourned During September 1963 

ICAO International Conference on Air Law Tokyo Aug. 20-Sept. 16 

U.N. Conference on Travel and Tourism Rome Aug. 24-Sept. 5 

Committee of E.xperts of the U.N. Ad Hoc Tungsten Committee: New York Sept. 2 (1 day) 

Technical Working Group. 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 2d Paris Sept. 2-6 

Meeting of the Working Party on Communications. 

U.N. Group of E.xperts on E.xplosives and Committee of Experts Geneva Sept. 2-13 

for Further Work on Transport of Dangerous Goods. 

WHO Regional Committee for the Western Pacific: 14th Session . Port Moresby, Papua. . Sept. 5-10 

GATT Action Committee Geneva Sept. 9-13 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 30th Session (and ad hoc working Geneva Sept. 9-13 


U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space New York Sept. 9-13 

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 5th Session . . Rome Sept. 9-18 

U.N. Working Group of Experts on the Prevention of Crime and Caracas Sept. 9-18 

Treatment of Offenders. 

U.N. ECE ^rf //oc Group on Obstacles to Development of Trade Geneva Sept. 9-20 

Between ECE Countries. 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 7th Session London Sept. 10-13 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Expert Group on Methods Paris Sept. 12-13 

of Short-Term Forecasting. 

IMCO Council: 9th Session London Sept. 16-17 

5th FAO Conference on Wood Technology Madison, Wis Sept. 16-27 

PAHO Directing Council: 14th Meeting Washington Sept. 16-27 

WHO Regional Committee for the Americas: 15th Meeting . . Washington Sept. 16-27 

OECD Special Committee for Iron and Steel Paris Sept. 17-19 

Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences: Special Com- San Jos6 Sept. 17-27 


IAEA Board of Governors Vienna Sept. 18-20 

UNESCO Ad Hoc Committee on the Functions and Responsibili- Paris Sept. 18-24 

ties of the Organization. 

Caribbean Organization Council: 4th Meeting San Juan Sept. 23-27 

U.N. ECE Coal Committee: 58th Session (and Subcommittees on Geneva Sept. 23-27 

Solid Fuel Utilization and Coal Trade). 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party III (Balance Washington Sept. 27-28 

of Payments). 

In' Session as of September 30, 1963 

Meeting of the Parties to the Convention for High Seas Fisheries Tokyo Sept. 16- 

of the North Pacific Ocean. 

ICAO Limited Southeast Asia Rules-of-the-Air and Communica- Bangkok Sept. 17- 

tions Meeting. 

U.N. General Assembly: 18th Session New York Sept. 17- 

ITU CCITT Special Study Group A (Data Transmission) .... Geneva Sept. 23- 

lAEA General Conference: 7th Regular Session Vienna Sept. 24- 

U.N. Cocoa Conference Geneva Sept. 25- 

UNESCO Executive Board: 66th Session Paris Sept. 2.5- 

OECD Committee for Agriculture: Working Party 1 (Agricul- Paris Sept. 30- 

tural PoHcies). 

U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee: 22d Session (and Working Geneva Sept. 30- 

Party on Rural Electrification). 

1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Oct. 4, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCITT, 
Comit6 consultatif international t616graphique et t^l^phonique; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the 
Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; G.\TT, General 
-\greement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; ICAO, International Civil Aviation 
Organization; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Orgatii- 
zation; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and De- 
velopment; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Edu- 
cational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; WHO, World Health Organization. 

OCTOBER 21, 196 3 "^^ 

Executive Committee of the U.N. High Commissioner for Geneva Sept. 30- 

Refugees: lOth Session. 

U.N. ECAFE Subcommittee on Electric Power: 9th Session . . Bangkok Sept. 30- 

Interniitional Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 51st Statu- Madrid Sept. 30- 

torv Mooting. 

ILO Technical Conference on Employment Policy Geneva Sept. 30- 

Intcrnational Bank for llecon.«truction and Development, Washington Sept. 30- 

International Monetary Fund, International Finance Corpora- 
tion, International Development Association: Annual Meetings 
of Boards of Governors. 

In Recess as of September 30, 1963 

Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament Geneva Mar. 14, 1962- 

(rcccsscd August 29, 1963). 
GATT Negotiations on U.S. Tariff Reclassification (scheduled to Geneva Sept. 24, 1962- 

reconvene October 15). 


Recent Releases 

For Bale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printiny Office, Washini/lon, D.C. 201,02. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, except iti the case of free ptthlicntions, which 
may he obtained from the Office of Media Services, 
Department of State. 

Agricultural Commodities— Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with liolivia, amending the agreement of 
February 4, 1903. Exohange of notes — Signed at La 
Paz March 29. 19G3. Entered into force March 29, 
l'JU3. TIAS 5323. 3 pp. 5(!. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Turkey, 
anicniling the agreement of Fel)ruary 21, 1963. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Ankara April 4, 1903. En- 
tered into force April 4, 1903. TIAS 5324. 2 pp. 5(>. 

Cultural Relations. Arrangement with Rumania. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Bucharest April 2, 1903. 
Entered into force April 2, 1903. TIAS 5325. 8 pp. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Venezuela. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Caracas November 26 
and 29, 1902. Entered into force November 29, 1962. 
TIAS 5326. 3 pp. 5«;. 

Weather Stations — Cooperative Meteorological Pro- 
gram. Agreement with Mexico, extending the agree- 
ment of Augiist 23 and 29, 1957, as amended and ex- 
tended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Mexico March 
15, 1963. Entered into force March 15, 1903. TIAS 
5327. 3 pp. 50. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Gabon. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Libreville April 10, 1963. 
Entered into force April 10, 11)63. TIAS 532S. 5 pp. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Tunisia, re- 
lating to the agreement of March 17 and 18. 19."i9. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Tunis January 22 and 
JIan-h ('). 1903. Entered into force March" 0, 1903. 
TIAS 5329. 3 pp. .50. 

Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Civil Uses. Agree- 
ment with ("olombia. Signed at Washington April 9, 
1962. Entered into force March 29, 1963. TIAS 5330. 
» pp. 10^. 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: September 30-October 6 


ss releases may be obtained from the Office 

of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. | 



ssued prior to September 30 which 


r in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 

487 of September 24 and 490 of September 26. 






U.S. participation in international 



Vice President to visit Belgium, 
Luxembourg, and Netherlands. 



Louchheini : World Affairs Confer- 
ence, Albany, N.Y. 



Rostow : "How To Make a National 



Itinerary for visit of Emperor 
Haile Selassie. 



Ball : annual meeting of IMF and 



Foreign policy conference for edi- 
tors and broadcasters. 



Porter sworn in as Assistant Sec- 
retary for Administration (bio- 
graphic details). 



U.S.-Jamaica cotton textile ar- 



Cultural exchange (U.S.S.R.). 



Petterssen sworn in as scientific 
attach^, Stockholm (biographic 



Chayes: "United States Trade Pol- 
icies and Programs : Tools for 



Martin ai>|)ointed education advis- 
or. Bureau of African Affairs 
(biographic details). 



Visit of Prime Minister Lemass of 



Machrowitz. Szyniczak. and Mar- 
row appointed consultants to 
Bureau of Educational and 
Cultural Affairs (rewrite). 



Forcii/n Helalians of the United 
States, I'J'i.i, Vol. I, General. 


♦ Not pri 

t Held for a later issue of the Buu.etin. 



INDEX October 21, 1963 Vol. XLIZ, No. 1269 


Slartin appointed education adviser, Bureau of 

African Affairs 648 

Wtimen in the New Africa (Williams) .... 636 

Atomic Energy 

The Next Steps Toward Peace: Some Notes on 

the Two- Legged Process (Bundy) .... 625 
Senate Consents to Ratification of Limited Test 

Ban Treaty (Kennedy, Rusk) ,,.... 631 

Belgium. Vice President To Visit Belgium, 
Luxembourg, and the Netherlands .... 630 


Ccintirmations (Davis, Porter) 648 

Senate Consents to Ratification of Limited Test 
Ban Treaty (Kennedy, Rusk) 631 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Martin, Petterssen) 648 

Confirmations (Davis, Porter) 648 

Policy and People (Manning) 639 

Dominican Republic. U.S. Stops Aid to Domin- 
ican Republic and Honduras (Rusk) . . . 624 

Economic Affairs 

Cotton Textile Arrangement Concluded with 
Jamaica (text) 645 

IMF "Group of 10" Agrees To Undertake Study 
of International Monetary System .... 615 

President Decides Not To Modify Duty on 

Clinical Thermometers 646 

Strengthening the International Monetary Sys- 
tem (Ball, Dillon, Kennedy) 610 

Europe. The Next Steps Toward Peace: Some 

Notes on the Two-Legged Process (Bundy) . 625 

Foreign Aid. U.S. Stops Aid to Dominican 
Republic and Honduras (Rusk) 624 

Honduras. U.S. Stops Aid to Dominican Re- 
public and Honduras (Rusk) 624 

Human Rights 

IN ilicy and People (Manning) ....... 639 

Women in the New Africa (Williams) . . . 636 
International Organizations and Meetings 
Calendar of International Conferences and 

Meetings , 649 

IMF "Group of 10" Agrees To Undertake Study 

of International Monetary System .... 615 
Strengthening the International Monetary Sys- 
tem (Ball, Dillon, Kennedy) 610 

Italy. Foreign Minister of Italy Holds Talks in 

Washington (text of joint communique) . . 636 

Jamaica. Cotton Textile Arrangement Con- 
cluded With Jamaica (text) 645 

Luxembourg. Vice President To Visit Belgium, 
Luxembourg, and the Netherlands .... 630 

Military Affairs. U.S. Policy on Viet-Nam 

(White House statement) 624 

Netherlands. Vice President To Visit Belgium, 

Luxembourg, and the Netherlands .... 630 

Presidential Documents 

Foreign Minister of Italy Holds Talks in 
Washington 636 

Pioneers for Peace 631 

Senate Consents to Ratification of Limited Test 
Ban Treaty 631 

Strengthening the International Monetary 

System 610 

Public Affairs. Foreign Policy Conference Held 
for Editors and Broadcasters 644 

Publications. Recent Releases 650 


The Next Steps Toward Peace : Some Notes on 

the Two-Legged Process (Bundy) .... 625 
Petterssen appointed scientific attach^, Stock- 
holm 648 

Sweden. Petterssen appointed scientific at- 

tach(5 648 

Switzerland. Davis confirmed as Ambassador . 648 

Treaty Information 

Cotton Textile Arrangement Concluded With 

Jamaica (text) 645 

Current Actions . 647 

Senate Consents to Ratification of Limited Test 
Ban Treaty (Kennedy, Rusk) 631 

U.S.S.R. The Next Steps Toward Peace : Some 

Notes on the Two-Legged Process (Bundy) . 625 

United Nations. Policy and People (Man- 
ning) 639 


The Next Steps Toward Peace : Some Notes on 

the Two-Legged Process (Bundy) .... 625 

U.S. Policy on Viet-Nam (White House state- 
ment) 624 

Name Index 

Ball, George W 619 

Bundy, McGeorge 625 

Davis, W. True, Jr 648 

Dillon, Douglas 613 

Kennedy, President 610, 631, 036 

Manning, Robert J 6.39 

Martin, William H 648 

Petterssen, Sverre 6-48 

Piccioni, Attilio 6.30 

Porter, Dwight J 648 

Rusk, Secretary 624,631 

Williams, G. Mennen 636 

Superintendent of Documents 
u.s. government printing office 






New Opportunities in tlie Searcli for Peace 

An address made by President Kennedy before the 18th session of the United Nations General 
Assembly at New York, N.Y., on September 20, 1963, is contained in this 20-page booklet. 


Human Rights— Some Next Steps 

This 22-page pamphlet contains an address made by Richard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Secretary 
for International Organization Affairs, before the Rotary Club of Ypsilanti, Michigan, on August 5, 1963. 

Also included are texts of the United Nations conventions on abolition of slavery, abolition of forced 
labor, and political rights of women, and President Kennedy's letter of July 22, 1963, transmitting these 
three conventions to the Senate "with a view to receiving advice and consent to ratification." 





nclosed find $ 

L'ash, check, or money order pay- 
}le to Supt. of DocumenU) 

Please send me copies of : 

New Oppoilunitica in the Search for Peace 

PUBLICATION 7595 15 cents 

Human Rights — Some Next Steps 

PUBLICATION 7507 15 cents 









Vol. XLIX, No. 1270 

October 28, 1963 

THE AGE OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN ^ ^'*^''"' ^"^"^ ^''"'^ 

bupenntendeut of Documenf.! 
Address hy Secretary Rusk 65j^ 


hy W. W. Rostow, Counselor 667 


hy Assistant Secretary Cleveland 676 

NOV 4 1363 


For index see inside hack cover 

The Age of the Rights of Man 

Address hy Secretary Rusk ^ 

I am most grateful for the honor you have 
conferred on me.- I am proud to be associated 
■with this gi-eat center of Jewish learning and 
ideas — a center where Christian scholars also 
are welcome and many have come to study under 
your Graduate Inter faith Fellowship Program. 
It is important for us as individuals — made 
pygmies by the problems of the modern world — 
to determine what we can hold on to. In the 
tempestuous complexities and dangei"s of today, 
we would be lost without a firm grip on fmida- 

"\Aliat are tlie basic guidelines by which we 
chart our course? I would suggest that some 
of the most reliable and worthwhile are the sim- 
ple but profound ideas lying at the root of the 
American political tradition : that men are born 
equal and have certain "unalienable" rights; 
that law can free rather than enslave ; that the 

' Made at the Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 
Ohio, on Oct. 12 (press release .524 dated Oct. 11). 

' Secretary Rusli received the honorary degree of 
Doctor of Humane Letters. 

individual — his dignity, his freedom — is the 
beghming of political arrangements; that gov- 
ernments derive their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed. 

These ideas are both political and moral. 
They descend from the Jewish and Christian 
religions and the ancient Greek philosophers. 
They may be found also, at least in rudimentary 
form, in other great religions and philosophies. 

From the dawn of history, government at the 
village level in much of the world has given 
some recognition to the consent of the governed. 
Comicils of elders, selected or emerging from 
family units, or sometimes elected, were com- 
mon in much of Asia and Africa. The power 
of tribal chieftains was often circumscribed by 
local custom and religious rules. 

The ancient sacred books of the Hindus con- 
tain coronation oaths which show tliat in Vedic 
times tlie king usually was elected and bound by 
compact with the people. By the time of Bud- 
dha, two and one-half millennia ago, there were 
many little republics in Aryan India. The 


The Department of State BuUetin, a 
weekly publication isisiied by the Office 
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government with infor- 
mation on developments In the field of 
foreign relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy. Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 

ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of international affairs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
Ihc United States is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
nationnl interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial in the field of international relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for sale by the Super- 
Intendt-nt of Documents. U.S. Govern- 

ment Printing Office. Washington, D.C., 
20402. Price : 52 issues, domestic $S.50, 
foreign $12.2!) ; single copy, 25 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
is indexed In the Readers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



)iii:inal rules for the government of the Bud- 
Ihist monastic order are said to have been 
ulopted from the practices of these republics. 
The lirst rule required full and frequent assem- 

In ancient China, likewise, the notions of 
•quality of rights and of consent of the gov- 
irned were set forth by philosophers and, in 
•udimentary form, recognized in practice. In 
lis book on political thought in old China, Chou 
Hsiang-Khan notes that : "In China, except for 
he Emperor, everyone in the state is equal in 
.he sight of law with equal personal and public 
■ights. Even the authority of the Emperor is 
lot a divine right, but is conditioned by the 
vish and consent of the people . . . ." 

Mencius, the great discii^le of Confucius, said 
!,250 years ago: "The people are the most im- 
portant element in a state. . . ." He advanced 
ihe view that both the ministers and the people 
aad a right to depose a wicked king. 

Another ancient Chinese philosopher, Han 
Fei Tzu, wrote : "A state under an enlightened 
•overeign . . . promulgates a code of laws for 
-he guidance of the people."' 

And Lao Tzu, some 2,500 years ago, empha- 
iized a theme which might well be pondered 
oday, especially by the rulers of the Commmiist 
;tates. He wrote: "The more restrictions and 
prohibitions there are in the world, the poorer 
he people will become." 

tasic Ideas of Human Rights 

i 0\er the centuries, those simple ideas about 
uiman rights and consent of the governed have 
■11(1 n red and developed. They have long since 
(M^i'd to be distant dreams. Increasingly, they 
ia\(' won acceptance as attainable goals and 
ia\(' set the pattern for political institutions 
md behavior. One thinks of an observation by 
.he great English mathematician and philoso- 
Dher, Professor Alfred North Whitehead : 

The history of ideas is a history of mistakes. But 
:hrough all mistakes it is also the history of the grad- 
lal purification of conduct. 

These ideas took a great leap forward in the 
Vge of the Enlightenment. They found elo- 
juent expression in our own Declaration of 
[ndependence and in the French Declaration of 
he Rights of INIan and the Citizen. The great 

principles set forth in these declarations were 
presented not as novel doctrine nor as the spe- 
cial rights of Frenchmen or of the inhabitants 
of British North America ; they were presented 
as universal truths valid for all time and all 

These great ideas impelled the development 
of the democracies of Western Europe and of 
the British Commonwealth and inspired the lib- 
erators of Latin America. They have led to the 
creation of nearly 50 new nations since the Sec- 
ond World War. 

They are proclaimed in the Charter of the 
United Nations. Among the purposes set forth 
in its preamble, are : "to reaffirm faith in funda- 
mental human rights, in the dignity and worth 
of the human person, in the equal rights of men 
and women and of nations large and small. . . ." 
And article 55 speaks of "self-detennination of 
peoples" and requires the members to promote, 
among other objectives, "universal respect for, 
and observance of, human rights ancl funda- 
mental freedoms for all witliout distinction as 
to race, sex, language, or religion." 

These basic ideas have been articulated by 
many others and in many languages. 

We in the United States have fought to de- 
fend them in the past. We are devoting great 
effort to defending them today. They are the 
central issues in the world struggle, as we see it. 
They are ideas in which the American people 
genuinely believe. They guide our relations 
with the rest of the world. They are why we 
react instinctively to a colonial situation, why 
we are deeply concerned about the future of 
Eastern Europe, why we are much more com- 
fortable in dealing with democracies tJian with 
dictatorships, and why we are disturbed by our 
failures here at home to fulfill our own commit- 
ments to each other. 

Principle of Self-Determination 

We as a nation are instinctively anticolonial. 
We won self-determination for ourselves and 
have favored it for others. 

Nearly 50 years ago. President Wilson pro- 
claimed the principle of self-determination of 
peoples for the fashioning of the World War I 
peace settlements. At that time, his idea 
achieved only partial fulfillment. But under 

JCTOBEK 28, 1963 


the mandates system, colonial territories of the 
defeated Central Powers were to be held as a 
"sacred trust" and to be developed in the inter- 
est of their inhabitants. The mandates system 
set irrevocably the direction to be taken by the 
dependent territories of Asia and Africa after 
World War II. 

In 1945 the United Nations had 51 members. 
Today it has 111. More than three-fourths of 
the new members are former dependent terri- 

The peoples of South and East Asia, of the 
Southwest Pacific, of the Middle East, and of 
most of the continent of Africa have attained 
national independence. Eelatively few de- 
pendent territories remain, and in most of those 
self-government is being developed and self- 
determination is assured. 

We in America have understood and sup- 
ported the drive to national independence. We 
put ourselves in the vanguard of the independ- 
ence movement by proclaiming the independ- 
ence of the Philippines and by providing for 
self-determination by Puerto Rico. And we 
have rejoiced in the rise of former colonial peo- 
ples to "the separate and equal station to which 
the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God en- 
title them . . . ." 

However, the attainment of national inde- 
pendence does not guarantee the liberty of the 
individual. There may be no more arrests by 
the colonial police for subversive nationalist 
activity. But this does not necessarily mean 
political freedom for the citizenry to express 
their views, organize their political parties, and 
vote for their chosen candidates in free and fair 
elections. It does not necessarily mean freedom 
from arbitrary punishment. In many of the 
new nations, the early national government has 
tolerated no opposition, suppressed groups and 
views other than its own, and conducted a one- 
party rule of virtual dictatorship. 

Nor does the attainment of national inde- 
pendence automatically improve the economic 
well-being of a people. 

It took the older nations of the Atlantic com- 
munity centuries of experience and struggle to 
build the instit\itions and create the fabric which 
make possible a free society. The older nations 

have much to contribute to the newer ones — in 
education, and in economic and political or- 
ganizations. That is the central purpose of 
our programs of technical and development as- 
sistance. With systematic help from the de- 
veloped countries, botli directly and through the 
United Nations family of organizations and 
other international agencies, it should be pos- 
sible for the new nations to advance — economi- 
cally, socially, and politically — with relative 
rapidity. But they will not advance without 
wise leadership. 

Trends in Eastern Europe 

While former colonial areas were on the road 
to independence, countries in Eastern Europe 
with long national histories were being sub- 
jugated to foreign rule and ideology. That 
was the unhappy experience of Poland, oi 
Czechoslovakia, of Hmigary, and of other East- 
ern European peoples. 

The darkest night of Stalinist terror and op- 
pression is past. Historic forces of nationalism 
are visibly at work. Gradually the smaller 
Communist nations of Eastern Europe seem tc 
be finding for themselves a little more autonomj', 
They are taking steps to increase their trade and 
other contacts with the West — first, with coun- 
tries of Western Europe, but also with the 
United States. And persistent pressures foi 
more individual freedom are also evident, not 
only in the smaller Soviet bloc countries but 
within the Soviet Union itself. 

We would like to do what we can to encourage 
these trends within the Communist world. We 
favor freer movements of information and oi 
people between the bloc countries and the Unitec 
States. On the whole, we think the trends 
toward nationalism and individual freedom an 
more likely to be furthered by a somewhat re- 
laxed atmosphere than by an atmosphere oi 
crisis or severe cold war. 

But there can be no genuine detente without 
settlement of some of the critical political is 
sues between the Soviet Union and the fre< 
world. One of the most important and danger 
ous of these arises from the division of Ger- 
many and Berlin. We do not believe that thai 
part of the world can achieve a reliable peac< 



until the German people are permitted to exer- 
cise the right of self-determination. 

Likewise, the other countries of Eastern Eu- 
rope have an unalienable right to national inde- 
pendence under governments freely chosen by 
the people. We look forward to the day when 
they will have recovered this right. And we 
shall try, by peaceful means, to help them move 
toward that goal. The world cannot rest while 
the wartime promises of the Allies and the goals 
of the United Nations remain unfulfilled in this 
great region of Europe. 

Opposition to All Dictatorships 

We are opposed not only to Communist dic- 
tatorships but, in principle, to all dictatorships. 
We have been saddened by the breakdown of 
democracy in some of the new countries and by 
the failure of some others even to give demo- 
cratic institutions a chance. We are confident 
that these setbacks and misfires are temporary 
because we believe that peoples everywhere as- 
pire to govern themselves. 

We recognize also that there are many pos- 
sible forms of democratic institutions and that 
those that are best for a particular country 
may differ considerably from our own and from 
the various parliamentary forms of Western 
Europe. But we feel deeply about the differ- 
ence between democracy and dictatorship, be- 
tween constitutional government and rule by 
raw force. 

In recent days our attention has been required 
by two reverses for the cause of freedom in the 
Caribbean area. There have been, of course, 
many military coups in Latin American his- 
tory. But in the last few years, a number of 
military dictatorships have been thrown out or 
have yielded to constitutional regimes. 

The setliacks in the Dominican Republic and 
in Honduras ^ demand that we and other democ- 
racies in the hemisphere use all appropriate 
measures to preserve, restore, and enhance free- 
dom in the Americas. Because the United 
States has provided other American Republics 
with material and resources, it has a special 
responsibility to see that its participation in 

' For background, see Buixbtin of Oct. 21, 1063, p. 

the afl'airs of the hemisphere works toward the 
ends of freedom. 

U.S. Goal of Full Equality 

I come now to a fourth area of the struggle 
for the rights of man. Even in a country 
where national independence is secure and free 
institutions have become firmly established, it 
does not necessarily follow that full freedom 
is enjoyed by all citizens. 

Despite having a Constitution and Bill of 
Rights for 175 years, despite the Emancipation 
Proclamation, and despite the adoption of the 
13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Con- 
stitution, we are still struggling to insure rights 
for all, regardless of race or color. 

This is a struggle in which the national gov- 
ernment is now heavily committed. Wliat is at 
stake is the right to vote, freely and without 
fear; the right to equal treatment, without dis- 
crimination ; in short, the right of every human 
being to dignity. 

The rest of the world is watching this strug- 
gle and judging us by our progress, or lack of 
it, toward the goal of full equality. Our fail- 
ures to live up to the pledges of the Declaration 
of Independence and our Constitution embar- 
rass our friends and hearten our enemies. 
They are actively exploited and usually exag- 
gerated by Communist propaganda. 

These are matters of concern to the Secretary 
of State. But they are not the primary reasons 
why we must put things right. The main 
reasons we must put them right lie in our com- 
mitments to ourselves, in the character of our 
society, in the goals we set for ourselves — and 
all humanity — long ago. We cannot fulfill our 
historic role unless we fulfill our pledges to our 
own people. 

The Power of Ideas 

We are the most powerful nation the world 
has ever seen. Our military strength staggers 
the mind of man. Our economic productivity 
would have been considered, a generation or 
two ago, beyond human reach. But our great- 
est strength lies in these ideas about the consent 
of the governed and the rights of man. They 
are the most potent force in the world today. 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


They are the heart of tlie humane creed which 
we share with many other peoples. They are 
the notions which jrive lis allies, declared and 
undeclared, throuirhout the world, including 
behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains. If we 
don't quit this world strusple, if we persevere 
in our efforts, history could come to know the 
20th century as the A<je of the Rif^hts of Man. 

Limited Test Ban Treaty Ratified, 
Enters Into Force 


White House Announcement, October 4 

WhUe Bouse press release dated October 4 

At a ceremony in the White House on Mon- 
day, October 7, 1963, the President will ratify 
the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in 
the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under 
Water signed at Moscow August 5, 1963.^ The 
Senate gave its advice and consent to ratification 
of the treaty on September 24.^ The treaty has 
been signed in Washington by 99 countries, mak- 
ing a total of 102 signatures on the original of 
the treaty for which the United States is de- 

Arrangements are being made for the simul- 
taneous deposit of instnunents of ratification of 
the treaty by the United States, the United 
Kingdom, and the Soviet Union in Washington, 
London, and Moscow. 

The treaty will enter into force upon the de- 
posit of ratifications by the United States, the 
TTnited Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. 

Remarks by President Kennedy, October 7 

Wliitp IIoiiso pross release dated October 7 

Ladies and gentlemen : In its first two decades 
the Age of Nuclear Energy has been full of fear, 
yet never empty of hope. Today the fear is a 
little less and the hope a little greater. For 
the first time we have been able to reach an 
agreement which can limit the dangers of this 

^ For background nnrt text, see Rm.r.E'nN of .\iig. 12, 
196."?, p. 239, and Aiifj. 20, 196.3, p. 314. 
' Ibid., Oct. 21, 19G3, p. 631. 

The agreement itself is limited, but its mes- 
sage of liope has been heard and understood not . 
only by the peoples of the three originating 
nations but by the peoples and governments of 
the hundred other countries that have signed. 
This treaty is the first fruit of labors in wliich 
multitudes have shared : citizens, legislators, 
statesmen, diplomats, and soldiers, too. 

Soberly and unremittingly this nation — but 
never this nation alone — has sought the door- 
way to effective disarmament into a world 
where peace is secure. Today we have a begin- 
ning, and it is right for us to acknowledge all 
whose work across the years has helped make 
this beginning possible. 

What the future will bring, no one of us can 
know. This first fruit of hope may or may not 
be followed by larger harvests. Even this lim- 
ited treaty, great as it is with promise, can sur- 
vive only if it has from others the determined 
support in letter and in spirit which I hereby 
pledge in behalf of the United States. 

If this treaty fails, it will not be our doing; 
and even if it fails, we shall not regret that we 
have made this clear and honorable national 
commitment to the cause of man's survival. 
For, under this treaty, we can and must still 
keep our vigil in defense of freedom. 

But this treaty need not fail. This small 
step toward safety can be followed by others 
longer and less limited, if also harder in the 
taking. With our courage and understanding 
enlarged by this achievement, let us press on- 
ward in quest of man's essential desire for 

As President of the United States and with 
the advice and consent of the Senate, I now sign 
the instruments of ratification of this treaty. 


Joint Communique, October 10 

Tress release .ll!) dated October 10 

On October 10, 19G.3, in accordance with para- 
graph 3 of Article III of the Treaty Banning 
Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, Out- 
er Space and Under Water, the Original Parties 
to the Treaty — the Governments of the United 
States of America, the United Kingdom of 
Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics — deposited 



their instruments of ratification of this Treaty 
with the Depositary Governments, with the 
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics in Moscow, the Government of the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and North- 
em Ireland in London, and the Government of 
the United States of America in Washington, 

In accordance with its terms, the Treaty en- 
tered into force on the day of deposit of instru- 
ments of ratification by the Original Parties, 
that is on October 10, 1963. 

Under the Treaty, instruments of ratification 
and accession shall be deposited with the De- 
positary Governments. 

The Treaty provides that any State M'hich 
did not sign the Treaty before its enti-y into 
force may accede to it at any time. 

The Treaty also provides that for States 
whose instruments of ratification or accession 
are deposited subsequent to the entry into force 
of the Treaty, it shall enter into force on the 
date of siich deposit. 

Text of Proclamation, October 10 

White House press release dated October 10 

Whereas the Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests 
in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water was 
signed at Moscow on August 5, 1963 by the respective 
plenipotentiaries of the United States of America, the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ire- 
land, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and 
was thereafter opened to other States for signature at 
Washington, London, and Moscow ; 

Whereas the text of the Treaty, in the English and 
Russian languages, as certified by the Department of 
State of the United States of America, is word for word 
as follows : 

[Here followed the text of the treaty in the English 
(for text, see Buixetin of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 239) and 
Russian languages.] 

Whereas the Senate of the United States of America 
by their resolution of September 24. 1963, two-thirds 
of the Senators present concurring therein, did advise 
and consent to the ratification of the Treaty ; 

Whereas the Treaty was duly ratified by the Presi- 
dent of the United States of America on October 7, 
1963, in pursuance of the advice and consent of the 
Senate ; 

Whereas on October 10, 1963, the Governments of 
the United States of America, the United Kingdom of 
Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics duly deposited instru- 
ments of ratification with the aforesaid Governments, 

designated by Article III, paragraph 2, of the Treaty 
as the Depositary Governments ; 

And whereas, pursuant to the provisions of Article 
III, paragraph 3, of the Treaty, the Treaty entered 
into force on October 10, 1963 ; 

Now, therefore, be it known that I, John F. Ken- 
nedy, President of the United States of America, do 
hereby proclaim and make public the Treaty banning 
nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space 
and under water, to the end that the same and every 
article and clause thereof shall be observed and ful- 
filled with good faith, on and after October 10, 1963, 
by the United States of America and by the citizens 
of the United States of America and all other persons 
subject to the jurisdiction thereof. 

In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of 
the United States of America to be hereunto affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington this tenth day of 
October in the year of our Lord one thousand 
[seal] nine hundred sixty-three and of the Independ- 
ence of the United States of America the one 
hundred eighty-eighth. 


By the President : 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 

Three Added to U.S. Delegation 
to Cultural Conference With Japan 

The Department of State announced on Oc- 
tober 10 (press release 521) that Frank Stanton, 
president of the Columbia Broadcasting Sys- 
tem, and Peter Mennin, composer and president 
of the Juilliard School of Music, have accepted 
appointments to the American delegation to the 
Second U.S.-Japan Conference on Cultural 
and Educational Interchange, to be held at 
Washington October 16-22.^ 

The Department also announced that W. 
Kenneth Bunce, Assistant Director for Far 
Eastern Affairs of the U.S. Information Agen- 
cy, would represent the Agency on the Ameri- 
can delegation, replacing Director Edward R. 
Murrow. The keynote address on educational 
television, originally scheduled to be given by 
Mr. Murrow, will be delivered by Mr. Stanton. 

^For the names of the members of the U.S. and 
Japanese delegations, see Bulletin of Oct. 14, 1963, p. 

OCTOBER 28. 1963 


U.S. Grain Dealers To Be Allowed To Sell Wheat 
to Soviet Union and Eastern Europe 


The Soviet Union and various Eastern Euro- 
pean countries have expressed a willingness to 
buy from our private grain dealers at the regu- 
lar world price several million tons of surplus 
American wheat or wheat flour for shipment 
during the next several months. They may also 
wish to purchase from us surplus feed grains 
and other agi"icultural commodities. 

After consultation with the National Security 
Council and informing the appropriate lead- 
ers of the Congress, I have concluded that such 
sales by private dealers for American dollars or 
gold, either cash on delivery or normal com- 
mercial terms, should not be prohibited by the 
Government. The Commodity Credit Corpora- 
tion in the Department of Agriculture will sell 
to our private grain traders the amount neces- 
sary to replace the grain used to fulfill these 
requirements, and the Department of Commerce 
will grant export licenses for their sale with the 
commitment that these commodities are for de- 
livery to and use in the Soviet Union and East- 
ern Europe only. 

An added feature is the provision that the 
wheat we sell to the Soviet Union will be car- 
ried in available American ships, supplemented 
by ships of other countries as required. Ar- 
rangements will also be made by the Depart- 
ment of Commerce to prevent any single Amer- 
ican dealer from receiving an excessive share of 
these sales. 

No action by the Congress is required, but a 

' Made at the beginning of the President's re?\ilar 
news conference on Oct. 9. 

' H. Doc. 163, 88th Cong., 1st sess. 

special report ^ on the matter will be sent to 
both Houses tomorrow. 

Basically, the Soviet Union will be treated 
like any other cash customer in the world market 
who is willing and able to strike a bargain with 
private American merchants, "\\niile this wheat, 
like all wheat sold abroad, will be sold at the 
world price, which is the only way it can be sold, 
there is in such transactions no subsidy to the 
foreign pui'chaser ; only a savings to the Ameri- 
can taxpayer on wheat the Government has al- 
ready purchased and stored at the higher do- 
mestic price which is maintained to assist our 

This transaction has obvious benefit for the 
United States. The sale of 4 million metric tons 
of wheat, for example, for an estimated $250 
million, and additional sums from the use of 
American shipping, will benefit our balance of 
payments and gold reserves by that amount and 
substantially strengthen the economic outlook 
for those employed in producing, transporting, 
handling, and loading farm products. 

Wlieat, moreover, is our number-one farm 
surplus today, to the extent of about 1 billion 
unsold bushels. The sale of around 150 million 
bushels of wheat would be worth over $200 
million to the American taxpayer in reduced 
budget expenditures. 

Our country has always responded to requests 
for food from governments of people who 
needed it, so long as we were certain that the 
people would actually get it and know where 
it came from. The Russian people will know 
they are receiving American wheat. 

The United States has never had a policy 
against selling consumer goods, including agri- 
cultural commodities, to the Soviet Union and 



Eastern Europe. On the contrary, we have 
been doing exactly that for a number of years ; 
and to the extent that their limited supplies of 
gold, dollars, and foreign exchange must be used 
for food, they cannot be used to purchase mili- 
tary or other equipment. 

Our allies have long been engaged in exten- 
sive sales of wheat and other farm products to 
the Communist bloc, and, in fact, it would be 
foolish to halt the sales of our wheat when 
other countries can buy wheat from us today 
and then sell this flour to the Communists. In 
recent weeks Australia and NATO allies have 
agreed to sell 10 million to 15 million tons of 
wheat and wheat flour to the Communist bloc. 

This transaction advertises to the world as 
nothing else could the success of free American 
agriculture. It demonstrates our willingness 
to relieve food shortages, to reduce tensions, 
and to improve relations with all countries, 
and it shows that peaceful agreements with 
the United States which serve the interests of 
both sides are a far more worthwhile course 
than a course of isolation and hostility. 

For this Government to tell our grain traders 
that they cannot accept these offers, on the 
otlier hand, would accomplish little or nothing. 
The Soviets would continue to buy wheat and 
flour elsewhere, including wheat flour, from 
those nations which buy our wheat. Moreover, 
having for many years sold them farm products 
which are not in surplus, it would make no 
sense to refuse to sell those products on which 
we must otherwise pay the cost of storage. In 
short, this particular decision with respect to 
sales to the Soviet Union, which is not incon- 
sistent with many smaller transactions over a 
long period of time, does not represent a new 
Soviet-American trade policy. That must 
await the settlement of many matters. But it 
does represent one more hopeful sign that a 
more peaceful world is both possible and bene- 
ficial to us all. 

' Not printed here. 

*18 U.S.C. 955 provides: 

"Whoever, within the United States, purchases or 
sells the bonds, securities, or other obligations of any 
foreign government or political subdivision thereof or 
any organization or association acting for or on behalf 
of a foreign government or political subdivision 
thereof, issued after April 13, 1934, or makes any loan 
to such foreign government, political subdivision, or- 


Press release 520 dated October 10 

Following is the text of a letter from the 
Attorney General to the Secretary of State con- 
cerning legal questions raised by the proposed 
wheat sales to the Soviet Union and Eastern Evr 
ropean countries. 

October 9, 1963. 
The Honorable, 
The Secretary of State. 

Mt dear Mr. Secretary : This is in response 
to Under Secretary Ball's letter of Septem- 
ber 23, 1963,^ requesting my opinion concerning 
the application of certain federal statutes to 
sales of United States wheat and other agricul- 
tural products to the Soviet Union and Eastern 
European bloc countries. I imderstand that the 
precise form which these sales might take has 
not been determined but that in any case they 
would be made for U.S. dollars, gold, or con- 
vertible currencies at not less than world market 
prices, and would not involve extensions of 
credit except within the range of those com- 
monly encountered in connection with other 
commercial sales for export of the commodities 
involved. I have reviewed the relevant statutes 
and have concluded that they present no legal 
obstacle to such sales. 

The Johnson Act 
The Johnson Act, 18 U.S.C. 955, prohibits 
certain financial transactions by private per- 
sons in the United States involving foreign 
governments which are in default in the pay- 
ment of their obligations to the United States. 
The prohibited transactions include the making 
of "loans" to, and the purchase or sale of 
"bonds, securities, or other obligations" of, a 
foreign government which is within the statu- 
tory category.* The Under Secretary's letter 

ganization or association, except a renewal or adjust- 
ment of existing indebtedness, while such government, 
political subdivision, organization or association, is 
in default in the payment of its obligations, or any 
part thereof, to the United States, shall be fined not 
more than $10,000 or imprisoned for not more than five 
years, or both. 

"This section is applicable to individuals, partner- 
ships, corporations, or associations other than public 
(Continued on p. 662.) 

OCTOBER 28, 19G3 


states that the So\net Union is a government 
in default for tlie purposes of the Act. 

It is, of course, apparent that if the proposed 
sales of agricultural products to the Soviet 
Union should be made, entirely for cash, no 
question under the .Johnson Act would be pre- 
sented. Moreover, since the Act is expressly 
made inapplicable to federal corporations, it 
■would not apply to sales that might be made by 
the Commodity Credit Corporation. The lat- 
ter is a corporation created by act of Congress 
(62 Stat. 1070, as amended, 15 U.S.C. 7U), 
empowered to procure agricultural commodities 
for sale to foreign governments and to export 
or cause such commodities to be exported (62 
Stat. 1072, 15 U.S.C. 7l4c). It should also be 
noted that, as provided by section 11 of the 
Export-Import Bank Act of 1945 (59 Stat. 529, 
as amended, 12 U.S.C. 635h), the Johnson Act 
does not apply to persons acting for or par- 
ticipating with the Export-Import Bank in any 
transaction engaged in by the Bank. The Bank 
itself, as a corporation created by act of Con- 
gress (12 U.S.C. 635), is exempted from the 
operation of the Johnson Act. Accordingly, 
the Act would not interfere with export sales 
in which the Bank participated by issuing a 
guarantee of payment of the purchase price or Nor would it apply to private in- 
surance companies, acting through the Foreign 
Credit In.surance Association, which might par- 
ticipate with the Bank in the issuance of such 
guarantees. The Under Secretary informs me 
that such guarantees are a common feature of 
similar export transactions with other foreign 
governments and their agencies. 

Tliere remains for consideration the propri- 

(Continued from p. 661.) 

corporations created by or pursuant to special author- 
izations of ConRress, or corporations in which the 
United States has or exercises a controllins: interest 
through stuck ownership or otherwise. While any 
foreign eoverninent is a member both of the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund and of the International Bnnk 
for Reconstruction and Development, this section shall 
not apply to the sale or purchase of bonds, securities, 
or other obligations of such Knvernment or any political 
subdivision thereof or of any orsjanization or associa- 
tion actinfT for or on l)ehalf of such government or 
political subdivision, or to makiiiE of any loan to such 
government, political sul)division, organization, or 
association." [Footnote in orlRinal.] 

cty under the Johnson Act of possible sales by 
private American firms on a deferred-paj-ment 
basis. It is my opinion that such sales would 
not involve tlie making of "loans" within the 
meaning of the Act. This view is consistent 
with the position taken by this Department un- 
der Attorney General Cummings (37 Ops. Atty. 
Gen. 505 (19.34)), and more recently in As- 
sistant Attorney General Katzenbach's letter 
of January 19, 1962, to the General Counsel of 
the Department of Agriculture. The term 
"loan" in ordinary commercial usage denotes a 
contract by which one delivers a simi of money 
to another, and the latter agrees to return at a 
future time a sum equal to that borrowed, with 
or without interest. See, e.g.. In re Grand 
Union Co., 219 Fed. 353 (C.A. 2, 1915) ; Nation- 
al Bank of Paulding v. Fidelity c6 Casualty Co., 
131 F. Supp. 121 (S.D. Ohio 19,54). The right 
to defer payment for goods sold is not a loan but 
credit. See, e.g., Dunn v. Midland Loan Fi^- 
iian.ce Corp., 206 Minn. 550, 289 N.W. 411 
(1939) ; Bernhardt v. Atlantic Finance Co., 311 
Mass. 183, 40 N.E. 2d 713 (1942); Whitney, 
Modem Commercial Practices §12 (1958). 
And the payment of consideration by a tliird 
party for an assignment of the buyer's obliga- 
tion does not constitute a loan to either the 
buyer or the seller. See Oil City Motor Co. v. 
C.I.T. Corp.. 76 F. 2d 589 (C.A. 10, 1935) : 
G.M.A.C. v. Mid-West Chevrolet Co., 66 F. 2d 
1 (C.A. 10, 1933) ; Dunn v. Midland Loan Fi- 
nance Corp., supra; 6A Corbin, Co7itracts 
§1500 (Rev. ed. 1962). Accordingly, neither 
sales transactions by American exporters on a 
deferred-payment basis, nor payments made to 
such exporters by third parties in return for an 
assignment of the right to payment in connec- 
tion with such sales, are "loans" to the pur- 
chaser of the exported goods in the ordinary 
sense of that term in legal and commercial 

Nor would the forms of credit transactions in 
which private exporters commonly engage in 
connection with export sales on credit, involv- 
ing the assignment or negotiation of contract 
rights or commercial paper, violate the Johnson 
Act's prohibition against the purchase or sale of 
the "bonds, securities, or other obligations" of 
the governments to which the Act refers. Since 



tlie right to receive payment in connection with 
export sales is not normally received by the 
seller in the form of bonds or securities, the 
issue presented by such transactions is whether 
they would involve the purchase or sale of "oth- 
er obligations" within the meaning of the 

Although the assignment or negotiation of a 
contract right or commercial document result- 
ing from the sale of goods on credit can be 
broadly termed a "sale" of the buyer's "obliga- 
tion," it is not, in my opinion, proscribed by the 
Johnson Act. The Act is a criminal statute, and 
therefore must be construed strictly, "lest those 
be brought within its reach who are not clearly 
included," Ignited Sfafe.t ex reJ. Marcus v. Hess, 
317 U.S. 537, 542 (1943) ; United States y. Res- 
nkh. 299 U.S. 207 (1936) ; Kraus & Bros. v. 
United States, 327 U.S. 614, 621-622 (1946). 
For that reason and the reasons indicated here- 
after, it is my view that the Act must be inter- 
preted in accordance with the rule of ejusdem 
generis, to relate only to sales of bonds and se- 
curities and "other obligations" of like nature. 
The distinction here made is essentially that 
made in connection with both Federal and State 
enactments in the field of securities regulation: 
between obligations which are covered because 
they are, or are likely to be, widely distributed 
among members of the public, and obligations 
which are not covered because they are issued in 
the ordinary course of trade and normally move 
exclusively within the relatively restricted 
channels of banking and commercial credit. 
See, e.g.. Securities Act of 1933, §§3(a)(3), 
4(1), discussed in H.E. Eep. No. 85, 73d Cong., 
1st Sess. (1933) 14 (exemption for "short-term 
paper ... of a type which rarely is bought by 
private investors"), and 1 Loss, Securities Reg- 
ulation (2d ed.) 566 et seq., 653 et seq. (exemp- 
tions for short-term paper and non-public 
offerings) ; Cal. Corp. Code § 25102(b) (c) (ex- 
emptions for "Bills of exchange, trade accept- 
ances, promissory notes and any guarantee 
thereof, and other commercial paper issued, 
given, or acquired in a bona fide way in the 
ordinary course of legitimate business, trade, or 
commerce," and for promissory notes "not of- 
fered to the public or . . . sold to an under- 
writer for the purpose of resale") . 

The foregoing interpretation of the Johnson 
Act is the necessary result of application of the 
reasoning employed by Attorney General Oum- 
mings in construing the Act shortly after it be- 
came law in 1934. 37 Ops. Atty. Gen. 505, 
supra. That opinion, rendered at tlie request of 
the Secretary of State, reads in part as follows 
(/fZ. at512) : 

The Committee Reports ( S. Rept. 20 and Rept. 
974, 73d Cong.) recite tliat tlie bill was introdu<-e<l 
following an investigation by the Senate Committee 
on Finance and the revelation therein that "billions 
of dollars of securities . . . offered for sale to the 
American people" were overdue and unpaid; that 
some of these "foreign bonds and obligations . . . 
were sold by the American tinanciers to make out- 
rageously high profits" ; and stated a purpose "to pre- 
vent a recurrence of the practices which were shown 
by the investigation to be little less than a fraud 
upon the American people ... to curb the rapacity 
(►f those engaged in the sale of foreign obliga- 
tions . . . ." 

This, I think, is indicative of a purpose to deal with 
such "bonds" and "securities" and with "other obliga- 
tions" of like nature, observing the rule of ejundem 
generis — that is, obligations such as those which had 
been sold to the American public to raise money for 
the use of the foreign governments issuing them — not 
contemplating foreign currency, postal money orders, 
drafts, checks and other ordinary aids to banking 
and commercial transactions, which are "obligations" 
in a broad sense but not in the sense intended. It 
was obviously not the purpose of the Congress to dis- 
continue all commercial relations with the default- 
ing countries. 

Direct recourse to the legislative history of the 
Act confirms that both distinctions here made^ 
that between loans and commercial credit, and 
between securities and commercial paper — re- 
flect accurately the intention of Congress and 
the policy it sought to implement. As noted by 
Attorney General Cummings, it was obviously 
not the purpose of the Congress to interfere with 
the ordinary incidents of trade relations with 
the defaulting nations as distinguislied from 
participation by them in the capital markets of 
the United States. Moreover, the debates pro- 
vide numerous indications of Congress' fa- 
miliarity with the distinction between traffic in 
"bonds [and] securities" and commercial deal- 
ings. A parallel was drawn with the recently- 
enacted Securities Acts in terms of the need 
to protect unsophisticated investors. 78 Cong. 
Rec. 6048, 6052. Reference was also made to 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


Section 5 of the Keconstruction Finance Cor- 
poration Act, 47 Stat. 7 (1932), which expressly 
prohibited the making by the RFC of "ad- 
vances . . . upon foreign securities or for- 
eign acceptances,'' or drafts and bills of ex- 
change secured by goods in transit to Europe. 
See 78 Cong. Rec. 6051. The contrast in the 
language of the two Acts, together with the 
context in which the Johnson Act was passed, 
makes it clear that the Jolinson Act does not 
apply to the assignment or negotiation by an 
American seller, in the ordinary course of busi- 
ness, of contract rights or commercial paper 
resulting from sales of goods on normal com- 
mercial terms. 

It should be understood that the types of 
transactions discussed above would violate the 
Act, regardless of their purely formal character- 
istics, if used as a subterfuge to evade it. Thus, 
for example, extensions of credit for an inordi- 
nately long period might be used as a device to 
circumvent the prohibition against loans. This 
question need not be considered in detail here 
since you inform me that any extensions of 
credit that may be involved will be within the 
range of those commonly encountered in com- 
mercial sales of a comparable character. Sub- 
ject to that qualification I conclude that none of 
the transactions outlined in your letter would 
be prohibited by the Johnson Act. 


Section 2(c) of the Agricultural Act of 1961 
Section 2 of the Agricultural Act of 1961 (75 

Stat. 294, 7 U.S.C. (Supp. IV) 1282 note), 

declares it to be — 

. . . the policy of Congress to — 

(c) expand foreipm trade in agricultural commodities 
with friendly nations, as defined in section 107 of 
Public Law 480, 83rd Congress, as amended (7 U.S.C. 
1707), and in no manner either subsidize the export, 
sell, or make available any subsidized agricultural com- 
modity to any nations other than such friendly na- 
tions and thus make full use of our agricultural 
abundance. . . . 

The adoption of this declaration of policy 
followed the announcement by tlie Department 
of Commerce in June 19G1 of a cliange in exist- 
mg export licensing policy to permit the sale of 
subsidized surplus agricultural commodities to 
tlu' Eastern European Soviet bloc. The an- 

nouncement indicated that consideration would 
be given to approval of export licenses for ship- 
ment of such commodities, including commod- 
ities acquired directly or indirectly from Com- 
modity Credit Corporation stocks, to the Soviet 
Union and other Eastern European countries, 
provided the commodities were sold for con- 
vertible currencies. Hearings before the House 
Select Committee to Investigate and Study the 
Administration, Operation, and Enforcement 
of the Export Control Act of 194S, and Related 
Acts (87th Cong., 1st Sess.), p. 109. 

Section 107 of P.L. 480 (Agricultural Trade 
Development and Assistance Act of 1954, 68 
Stat. 457, 7 U.S.C. 1707), referred to in the 
declaration of policy, defines the term "friendly 
nation" to mean "any country other than (1) the 
U.S.S.R., or (2) any nation or area dominated 
or controlled by the foreign government or for- 
eign nation controlling the world Communist 
movement.*' Public Law 480 authorized, inter 
alia, export sales for soft currencies and for 
long-term credits. See 7 U.S.C. 1701, 1731. 
Sales of this character are authorized only with 
respect to "friendly nations," as defined in the 
Act, but no restriction is imposed on commer- 
cial sales for cash or short-term credits. 

During consideration by the House of the 
bill which became the Agricultural Act of 1961, 
Representative Latta, referring to the change of 
policy announced by the Department of Com- 
merce, proposed adding to the declaration of 
policy already contained in section 2(c) the 
language: "and in no manner either subsidize 
the export, sell, or make available any subsidized 
agricultural commodity to any nations other 
than such friendly nations." He objected to 
selling subsidized agricultural commodities to 
the Soviet bloc — even sales not involving any 
element of assistance under P.L. 480 — because 
sales at the world market price would, in his 
view, give bloc countries the benefit of subsi- 
dies paid by the Commodity Credit Corporation 
to American producers and exporters.' He 

"Under section 407 of the Agricultural Act of 1949 
(63 Stat. 10,"), as amended, 7 U.S.C. 1427), the Com- 
modity Credit Corporation is authorized to sell subsi- 
dized agricultural commodities owned or controlled by 
it for export at less than the domestic price. Repre- 
sentative Latta stated that under the Department of 
Commerce proposal "the American taxpayer will now 



urged that this was objectionable "in view of the 
world situation." After some debate as to the 
meaning and desirability of the amendment, it 
was adopted. 107 Cong. Rec. 13746-13748. The 
Conference Committee accepted the amendment. 
H.R. Rep. No. 839, 87th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 28. 

It is clear that the policy declaration con- 
tained in section 2(c) does not have the legal 
effect of prohibiting commercial sales of sub- 
sidized agricultural commodities to bloc coun- 
tries at world market prices for U.S. dollars, 
gold, or convertible currencies. Declarations 
of policy in legislation, like preambles and 
other introductory material, do not alter spe- 
cific operative provisions of law. Sinclair Re- 
fining Co. V. Atkinson, 370 U.S. 195, 202 
(1962) ; Lauf v. E. G. Shinner & Co., 303 U.S. 
323, 330 (1938) ; Price v. Forrest, 173 U.S. 410, 
427 (1899) ; Yazoo R. Co. v. Thomas, 132 U.S. 
174, 178 (1889); Sutherland, Statutory Con- 
struction (3d ed.) § 4820. This rule is particu- 
larly relevant where, as here, the declaration 
of policy was not contemporaneous with the 
enactment or amendment of any of the basic 
pertinent statutes : the Export Control Act, the 
Agricultural Act of 1949, and the Commodity 
Credit Corporation Charter Act.® 

I have examined the history of the declara- 
tion with care and find no indication that Con- 
gress itself viewed the amendment as more 
than an expression of its policy, to be given 
consideration by the Executive in making de- 
cisions within the framework of authorizations 
and prohibitions established by prior law. 
Representative Latta, who sponsored the dec- 
laration, himself stated that its purpose was to 

[be] picking up the difference between the world price 
and the domestic price. . . . The exporter would 
charge this difference to the taxpayer." 107 Cong. Rec. 
13746-13748. In fact, as noted by Chairman Cooley of 
the House Agricultural Committee in debate on the 
floor of the House, since the commodities in question 
are surplus, the American taxpayer in each case has 
already "picked up" not merely the difference between 
the world price and the domestic price, but the entire 
amount of the domestic price. Export transactions can 
be said to involve a "subsidy" only because the losses 
incurred in maintaining the domestic price support 
program are not deemed realized until a sale occurs. 
The net result of export transactions therefore is to 
reduce the loss to the taxpayer by the amount of the 
world market price. Id. at 13747. [Footnote in 

have the Department of Commerce know "what 
the sense of this Congress is" with respect to 
the transactions in question. 107 Cong. Rec. 
13746. And Representative Hoeven, one of its 
supporters, pointed out that the amendment 
"pertains only to the policy section of this bill." 
Id. at 13747. At no point in the legislative 
consideration of the declaration was any ef- 
fort made to revise or to repeal the statutes 
that would have to be deemed amended if the 
policy were to be given binding legal effect. 

The Congress could, of course, have embodied 
its policy in a provision of positive law to which 
the Executive Branch would have been bound to 
adhere. That it did not choose to do so is 
significant, not only in establishing that section 
2(c) is without legal effect but in determining 
its proper interpretation and application as 
policy. Congress evidently contemplated that 
situations might thereafter arise in which the 
considerations of policy to which it was direct- 
ing attention should not be decisive; that it 
would be necessary for the Executive to con- 
sider and appraise the policy thus declared and 
to determine whether its application would 
serve the national interest in particular situa- 
tions. Both Congress and the courts have 
traditionally sought to avoid restricting the 
Executive unduly in matters affecting foreign 
relations because of the need for flexibility in 
this area and the fact that the Constitution en- 
trusts the external affairs of the Nation pri- 
marily to the Executive. United States v. 
Curtiss-W right Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 
319-321 (1936); Chicago & S. Air Lines v. 
Waterman S. S. Corp., 333 U.S. 103, 111-114 
(1948). If, therefore, the Executive Branch 
should determine that permitting the sales in 
question would serve the national interest at 

• Export Control Act of 1949, 63 Stat. 7, as amended, 
50 U.S.C. App. 2021 et seq. (authorizing the President 
to regulate exports, including their financing, trans- 
portation, and other servicing) ; Agricultural Act of 
1949, section 407, supra (CCC authorized to sell agri- 
cultural commodities for export at less than support 
prices) ; Commodity Credit Corporation Charter Act, 
section 5, supra (CCC empowered to procure agricul- 
tural commodities for sale to foreign governments, 
and to export such commodities, or cause them to 
be exported, and to aid in the development of for- 
eign markets for these commodities). [Footnote in 

OCTOBER 2 8, 1963 


this time, its action would not only be lawful 
but consistent with the intention of Congress 
as to the nninner in which section 2(c) was to 
be interpreted and applied. 


The Battle Act 
I agree with the Under Secretary that the 
Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951 
(65 Stat. 6i4, as amended, 22 U.S.C. 1611 et 
seq.) (the Battle Act) jirc'^cnts no lcg:il obstacle 
to sales of agricultural commodities to East- 
em European bloc coimtries. The Battle Act 
was designed to supplement the Export Con- 
trol Act of 1949 (63 Stat. 7, as amended, 50 
U.S.C. App. 2022-32), which authorizes the 
President to "prohibit or curtail the exporta- 
tion from the United States ... of any arti- 
cles, materials or supplies . . . except under 
such rules and regulations as he shall prescribe." 
Pursuant to the Export Control Act, a compre- 
hensive system of export licensing was set up 
to control the shipment of commodities from 
the United States to foreign countries. See 
H.R. Rep. 318, 82d Cong., 1st Sess. (1951). 
The Battle Act added to this system of regula- 
tion a mechanism for inducing other countries 
to embargo the shipment to the Soviet bloc of 
"arms, ammunition, and implements of war, 
atomic energy materials, petroleum, transporta- 
tion materials of strategic value, and items of 
primary strategic significance used in [their] 
production." See S. Rep. No. 698, S2d Cong., 
1st Sess. (1951). The Act provides (section 
103, 22 U.S.C. 1611b(b)) for the termination 
of all military, economic, or financial assistance 
to any nation upon the reconmiendation of the 
Administrator of the program, subject to review 
by the President in certain instances, if it 
"knowingly permits the sliipiiient to any nation 
or combination of nations threatening the se- 
curity of the I'nited States, including the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics and all coun- 
tries under its domination,"' of any of the em- 
bargoed materials. The Act contains a further 
declaration of policy regarding the export, by 
countries receiving assistance, of other com- 
modities "which in the judgment of the Admin- 
istrator should be controlled." Section 201, 22 
U.S.C. 1612. If a country receiving assistance 

from the United States does not elTectively 
cooperate in controlling exports of such com- 
modities, all militar}-, economic, or financial 
assistance is to be terminated upon a determina- 
tion by the President of non-cooperation. Sec- 
tion 203, 22 U.S.C. 1612b. 

As indicated by the above summai-y of its pro- 
visions, the Battle Act did not purport to regu- 
late private United States shipments to Soviet 
bloc countries, M'hich were already subject to 
regulation under the Export Control AcL The 
Battle Act relates, rather, to trade with the 
Soviet bloc by coimtries receiving aid or assist- 
ance from the United States. Moi-eover, the 
transactions to which this opinion relates would 
be purely commercial in nature from the stand- 
point of the purchasing countries, and would 
therefore not involve "economic or financial as- 
sistance" within the meaning of the Battle Act. 
The Commodity Credit Corporation assists ex- 
ports of agricultural i>roducts through the pay- 
ment to United States exporters of subsidies 
designed to eliminate the impact on such ex- 
porters of the domestic price support program 
and thereby enable them to compete on an equal 
basis with foreign exporters. However, as the 
Under Secretary's letter states, the only "assist- 
ance" involved in the payment of such subsidies 
redounds to the benefit exclusively of United 
States producers and exporters.' 

As to both points, the following colloquy be- 
tween Senator Sparkman, the floor manager of 
the Battle Act in the Senate, and Senator Kem, 

' This view is supported by my recent opiniou to the 
Secretary of Agriciilture of AuRust 29, 19G3, reg-arding 
the applicability of the Cargo Trefereuce Act to export 
sales on long-term eretlit negotiated by the Secretary 
of Agriculture with domestic exiKtrters under Title IV 
of Public Law 480. While the opiniou concludes that 
the Cargo Preference Act applied because the puriKise 
of the Title IV long-term credit program was in sub- 
stantial part "to assist" the foreign economy, it was 
stated that if the Department of Agriculture should 
sell suriJlus agricultural comnuKlities to a domestic 
exi)orter for exiwrt pun)oses under a program de- 
signed to dispose of the goods on the best possible 
terms and conditions, "the resulting export is a pure- 
ly commercial transaction . . . and. hence, not subject 
to the Cargo Preference Act even if the United States 
adviinces credit to the exporter and the ultimate pur- 
chaser is a foreign government." [Footnote in orig- 



who advocated a more stringent bill, is instruc- 
tive (97 Cong. Eec. 10675) : 

Mr. Spakkman : I should like to say that it does not 
make any difference what the United States is receiv- 
ing [from the U.S.S.R.]. That is not the question. 
The question relates to trade between Soviet countries 
and countries to which the United States intends to 
extend help. 

Mr. Kem : Exactly. 

Mr. Sparkman : Either economic or military. It has 
nothing to do with trade between the United States and 
Russia or any other country. 

Mr. Kem : I did not intend to imply anything else. 

Accordingly, it is clear that the Act has no 
application to the contemplated transactions. 


The Export Control Act 
The Under Secretary's letter properly states 

that in any event the export of agricultural 
products to the Soviet Union and to bloc coun- 
tries would require the issuance of licenses in 
accordance with the export control regulations 
promulgated pursuant to the Export Control 
Act of 19-49, supra. 

I am not aware of any other federal statutes 
relevant to the problems involved. Accord- 
ingly, it is my opinion that the transactions 
described in your letter could be accomplished 
in conformity with the laws of the United 


Robert F. Ivennedy 
Attorney General 

How To Make a National Market 

hy W. W. Rostow 

Counselor of the Department and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council ^ 

Some months ago, when I agreed to join you 
on this occasion, I suggested that tlie title of 
my talk should be: "Our Major Tasks on the 
World Scene." Between then and now I have 
been working on a particular problem, among 
others, which, I suspect, may prove the critical 
problem of the decade in many of the develop- 
ing nations of Latin America, Africa, Asia, 
and the Middle East. Since that problem 
touches your professional interests — it is deeply 
interwoven with the future of agriculture — I 
decided to devote the whole of my talk to it. 

My subject tonight is : "How To Make a Na- 
tional Market." 

As you will see, behind this title is a judg- 
ment tliat the central task faced in a great 

'Address made before the Farm Equipment Insti- 
tute at New Orleans, La., on Oct. 1 (press release 498). 

many of the developing countries is to move 
from their present position, where modern life 
is mainly confined to a few cities, to make their 
rural areas simultaneously a more efficient 
source of agricultural produce and an enlarged 
market for their industrial output. That, in 
any case, is my theme; and, before I am 
through, I shall try to talk about it m a prac- 
tical way. 

Process of Industrialization 

But first I shall try to place these developing 
nations in an liistorical perspective. 

If you look back you can see that individual 
nations of the contemporary world entered the 
process of industrialization at different points 
in time. 

Wliat I would call the takeoff into sustained 
gro^vth occurred first, of course, in Great 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


Britain, beginning at the close of the 18th 
century with the revolution in cotton textile 
manufacture, backed by "Watt's efScient steam 
engine. Then, between 1830 and 1850, the 
United States and AVestem Europe entered the 
new industrial game in a serious and sustained 
way. After a pause, Sweden, Japan, Kussia, 
and Canada were seized with the industrializa- 
tion process in the period, roughly, between 
1870 and 1914. 

At the beginning of the First "World "War, 
then, the whole northern half of the planet — 
from Great Britain around through Japan to 
North America — had begun systematically to 
absorb and apply the fruits of then modern 
science and technology, with the exception of 
parts of Eastern Europe and China. 

Starting in the late 1930's and proceeding 
through the Second "World "War and beyond, 
those who were left out in the first century or 
so of industrialization are now moving into the 
same process. And one way to describe the 
•world in which we live — certainly not the only 
way, but one way — is to say that the whole 
southern half of the planet, plus China and 
Eastern Europe, is now moving into industriali- 
zation. They are bringing to bear on their 
societies a different range of technology than 
that which was available to the pre-1914: early 
comers of the north ; but many of the problems 
they confront are wholly recognizable from the 
earlier experience. 

Now, of course, these developing nations are 
at quite different points in the application of 
modem science and teclinology to their lives. 
There are parts of Africa, Asia, and even some 
places in Latin America which are still quite 
primitive. Before they can begin a systematic 
industrialization, they must pass through a 
period where the primary tasks are education, 
the building of administrative skills, the laying 
out of transport, the exploitation of sources of 
power, and so on. But countries containing 
perhaps 70 percent of the population of the 
developing nations in the southern half of the 
world have already had a considerable pre- 
liminary experience of economic development. 
They have laid out their transport systems, ac- 
quired substantial administrative experience, 
built educational institutions, and learned many 

of the most fundamental techniques of indus- 
trial manufacture. As you travel from their 
jet airports to their ultramodern hotels, they 
present, at first glance, a picture of advanced 

But in this first phase of industrialization 
they have proceeded in a somewhat unbalanced 
way; and I should like to describe the typical 
distortions from which they now suffer. Before 
doing so, however, I should like to observe that 
the growth of nations, like the development of 
our children, is rarely well balanced. It is 
wholly natural, given the nature of economic 
development and the historical experience of 
others, that they should find themselves now 
facing a series of structural distortions. 

Characteristics of Developing Countries 

"Wliat, then, does a typical nation among the 
more advanced of these developing societies 
now look like? 

First, there is some industrial capacity, usu- 
ally developed to substitute for the import of 
certain kinds of consumers' goods. The easiest 
way to begin industrialization is to set high 
tariffs or otherwise to prevent the import of 
automobiles, radios, and other luxury goods, 
which the upper middle class in these countries 
can afford to buy, and begin to produce them 
at home. This both saves foreign exchange 
and permits industrialization to begin, and it 
is no great trick to market for a rich urban mid- 
dle class. In addition, most of them begin to 
manufacture textiles — often, again, with pro- 
tection for the home market. 

The second characteristic of these countries 
is that, leaving the textiles aside, the market 
for these manufactured goods is small ; and 
there is a tendency for industrialization to slow 
down, once the substitution for imports has 
mainly taken place. If the initial market for 
TV sets is, say, 100,000, and a steep tariff is laid 
down, T'V output in the protected market can 
expand rapidly up to 100,000. But then it will 
only expand at the rate that those rich enough 
to buy a TV set increase — a much slower rate. 
Under these circumstances, some industrial 
plant is usually idle or inefficientlj' used and 
industrial profits are not plowed back into in- 



diistrial expansion. Profits move off into com- 
merce, real estate, office buildings, and some- 
times, despite the tremendous requirement of 
capital, they leak abroad. 

A third characteristic of such countries is 
that, although some agricultural development 
is taking place, the gap between rural and 
urban life is widening. In their first phase they 
have concentrated on the development of a few 
major cities which have within them many of 
the trappings of modern urban life. But nei- 
ther sufficient capital nor sufficient human and 
technical talent has been invested in the country- 
side. As a result of this imbalance, a number of 
these developing nations have become dependent 
on the import of food for their cities ; they have 
not developed the possibilities of agriculture for 
the supply of industrial raw materials or ex- 
ports; and the agricultural iJojDulation is not 
an effective market for industrial products. 

Finally, as a result of this imbalance, men 
and women flock from the countryside to the 
bright lights of the cities. And, because there 
is not sufficient industrial momentum, they do 
not find full employment, but, nevertheless, 
they lay a heavy claim on government budgets 
for housing, education, and so on, even though 
they live in urban slums. 

Looked at in this way, the central problem 
of development on the world scene is not the 
gap between rich nations and poor nations: It 
is the gap between the rich and poor parts of 
the developing nations themselves. The devel- 
oping nations are pressing upon the more devel- 
oped parts of the free world the proposition 
that they have suffered because industrial 
prices have tended to rise in recent years while 
the prices of their raw materials and foodstuffs 
have tended to fall. This is a real enough phe- 
nomenon, and there are things we ought to do 
about it; but their critical problem may lie not 
in the terms of trade in world commerce but in 
the terms of trade between their own industrial 
and rural areas. The i^rices paid in the coun- 
tryside for manufactured goods in these devel- 
oping nations are too high, while the prices 
paid by the cities for the output of rural areas 
and the total resources allocated from the cities 
for rural development are too low. 

Breaking Down Structural Distortions 

My central proposition tonight is, then, that 
the operational task of development in many 
parts of the world over the next decade or so 
may be to break down these structural distor- 
tions, to produce a self-reinforcing agricultural 
and industrial expansion, and to create truly 
national markets within these countries. 

In concrete terms, the problem I am talking 
about can be visualized from a recent survey 
made in one such developing nation. It was 
found that 90 i^ercent of the durable and non- 
durable goods sold to consumers were sold to the 
39 percent of the population living in towns of 
over 10,000 people, whereas the 61 percent of 
the population living in rural areas bought only 
10 percent of such goods. 

Before turning to prescription for this prob- 
lem, I might add that we have seen it before in 
other countries. For example, within the mem- 
ory of all of us here we have seen this kind of 
problem in substantial parts of the American 
South. It is only since the 1930's that the TVA 
area has been brought fully into the national 
economy of the United States, by exactly the 
kind of self-reinforcing industrial and agricul- 
tural process that I shall try later to describe. 
In Canada it is only in this generation that 
Quebec has moved into what I would call the 
takeoff into self -sustained growth; and the same 
is true for southern Italy and perhaps even for 
large parts of southern France. It is, as I say, 
quite natural to have distortions within a na- 
tional development process, with an initial con- 
centration on urban development and urban 
markets, with the rural areas brought fully 
into modernization only with the passage of 

Four Major Jobs To Be Done 

Now, how do you do it ? How do you make 
a national market, starting from the kind of 
distorted situation that can be observed in the 
world around us ? 

I suggest that there are four major jobs that 
must be done, and they should be done simul- 
taneously as part of a conscious national strat- 
egy, shared by the public and private author- 
ities. The four elements are these: a buildup 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 

709-026 — 63 3 


of agricultural productivity, a revolution in the 
marketing of agricultural products in the cities, 
a shift of industry to the production of simple 
agricultural equipment and consumers' goods 
for the mass market, and a revolution in market- 
hig methods for such cheap manufactured 
goods, especially in rural areas. 

If I am correct, what is involved are two dis- 
tinct revolutions in marketing and distribu- 
tion — one urban, the other rural— plus a shift in 
public and private resources to agriculture, plus 
a shift in the direction of industrial output. 
Let me say a word about each, in turn. 

Buildup of Agricultural Productivity 

First, the matter of agricultural productivity. 
If one looks at agriculture in most of these de- 
veloping nations, the first thing that strikes you 
is how uneven that development has been. In 
most countries there are a few bright spots, at 
least. Near the cities one can see the beginnings 
of modern market gardening or even some dairy 
farming or modern chicken raising. One can 
see in a few areas, at least, the relatively efficient 
production of industrial crops, such as cotton, 
or export crops, such as tea and rubber. There 
are, however, vast areas of mainly subsistence 
agriculture, usually carried on by traditional 
methods of low productivity. Little sui-plus is 
produced from such areas for the cities, and 
little is bought of the cities' products, except 
perhaps the inevitable soft drinks and coarse 
but often quite expensive manufactured textiles. 

A good deal of assistance to agriculture takes 
the form of building of roads and communica- 
tions into the countryside and perhaps the be- 
ginnings of basic rural education. Koads and 
schools are, of course, a necessary condition for 
the modernization of the countrj'side, but they 
are not a sufficient condition. Roads and 
schools in themselves do not automatically bring 
about a productivity revolution. What the 
countryside in developing nations generally 
needs, in addition, are three things: more tech- 
nical advice, including advice about markets 
and marketing, more credit resources so that 
they can act on that technical advice, and an 
increased incentive to shift over to new methods 
of agricultural production or to new crops. 

In the United States our great and continu- 

ing agricultural revolution has been based on 
the county agent, the mail-order catalog, and 
reasonable prices for agricultural output, as 
well as on cheap agricultural credit. 

How exactly agriculture in a particular devel- 
oping country should be transformed requires 
that one decide in each region what sort of new 
crops can be efficiently produced and are likely 
to luid markets. Here general prescriptions are 
to be avoided, although in many parts of Latin 
America it is clear that there is a potential 
market in the cities not merely for basic grains 
but also for higher grade protein foods — dairy 
products, meat, poultry, et cetera. Just as agri- 
culture in the American South has moved in 
this direction in the past generation, I suspect 
we shall see this trend also in many of the more 
advanced developing areas. 

Revolution in Marketing 

But this kind of agricultural revolution can 
only be effective if there is a parallel revolution 
in marketing; and this brings me to the second 
required element m the making of a national 

Recent studies of the food distribution system 
in some Latin American cities indicate that, 
with the application of modern marketing meth- 
ods, food prices could be lowered by at least 10 
percent. To understand the meaning of this in 
a developing country, it must be recalled that 
more than half of the income is spent on food 
by most of the population. In bringing about 
a revolution in food distribution, we are talking 
about big and immediate margins of increase in 
human welfare. 

But, even more than that, one cannot begin to 
organize with conviction modern dairy and 
chicken farms, for example, unless one is confi- 
dent that the products can be efficiently handled 
and distributed in tlie cities. The higher grade 
foods have traditionally been sold by inefficient 
methods to a very small segment of the urban 

It is, therefore, a requirement of a successful 
agricultural revolution that not only the pro- 
ducers of food but the distributors begin to 
think in terms of a mass market with small unit 
profits, compensated for by a larger turnover 
and, therefore, a satisfactory return on capital. 



If one looks closely at the cities in the devel- 
oping areas, one can begin to see the foundations 
on which to build. Experiments in super- 
markets, for example, are takiiag place in a num- 
ber of countries, as is the development of 
consumers' cooperatives. But, in most cases, 
they now supply a very small part of the market. 
Most marketing involves too many middlemen, 
with excessive markups, ending up in small 
shops with low turnover and excessive unit 
profits. Building on the initiatives whicli have 
already been taken and the practical experiences 
which have been gained, it is necessary that all 
of us concerned with the development business 
give much greater attention and resources to the 
cheap and efficient marketing of the products of 
agriculture in urban areas. 

Expaiislon of Production for Rural Areas 

The third requirement in making a national 
market is that manufacturers expand their 
production to embrace not merely the goods 
which the small, wealthy middle class can buy 
but things which have real potentials for mass 
marketing. I have in mind simple agricultural 
equipment, cheap textiles, canvas shoes, flash- 
lights, household equipment, transistor radios, 
and the classic first-phase durable consumers' 
goods — bicycles and sewing machines. 

Having seen villages in developing nations, I 
am convinced that, even at present levels of in- 
come, there is more cash in those callages than 
we often think. Those who have taken the 
trouble to produce and sell in the villages have 
usually done well. Wliat is required now is a 
purposeful effort to bring the industrial capac- 
ity of the developing nations into the service of 
a much wider range of the population than has 
been true in the past. They must begin to look 
at the, say, 60 percent of the population now out 
of the game as a potential market. One cannot 
develop industrial efficiency if plants are under- 
employed. And the owner of an underemployed 
plant is not likely to plow his profits back into 
industrial expansion. The manufacturer must, 
therefore, take rural marketing and agi'icultural 
development very seriously indeed. 

In this connection I would call your attention 
to a recent speech — of September 12 — made by 
Senor Raul Salinas Lozano, Secretaiy of In- 

dustry and Commerce in the Government of 
Mexico, speaking to a group of Mexican indus- 
trial leaders. He urged them to take new capi- 
tal to the countrj-side where they can obtain 
promising results, because only by means of the 
just distribution of riches will Mexico be able to 
resolve its longstanding social, cultural, and eco- 
nomic problems. It is better to create a better 
understanding of the national benefits whicli re- 
sult from a proper orientation of new industrial 
investments. He pointed out two fields of in- 
vestment that merit attention and vigor: the 
production of products for the countryside and 
the production of consumers' goods for the great 
mass of the underprivileged population. At the 
same time, and in the name of the Government, 
he urged the business community that it fulfill 
its social duty so that Mexicans in the low- 
income brackets receive the products of industiy 
at the lowest possible price. 

Improvemevt of Marketing Techniques 

But, as you all are aware as practical men of 
business, there is no point in producing goods of 
this kind unless there are also developed new 
and efficient ways of getting them out to the 
rural markets. It is possible in some areas that 
the technique of the mail-order catalog, which 
was so powerful an instrument in the develop- 
ment of jiVmerican rural areas, could be applied. 
But in many countries the rate of literacy is not 
sufficiently high and the postal service not suf- 
ficiently reliable to use this method. In the first 
instance what may be required are mobile trucks 
which would go at regular intervals into the 
villages with a stock of consumers' goods and 
agricultural equipment — as did the old-fash- 
ioned rural peddler with a pack on his back. 
Some interesting and promising experiments of 
this sort have already been imdertaken. 

Wliat is required is a purposeful organiza- 
tion of this kind of production and marketing, 
with financing which would permit a protracted 
period in which the rural population begins to 
react, in terms of its own efforts to increase in- 
comes, in order to acquire an increased volume 
of these goods. I am told by an American firm 
which had experience in the early days of the 
development of the Tennessee Valley area that 
it took alwut 3 years before big profits were 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


earned in this kind of operation. But, from the 
very beguining, the avaihxbility of such goods 
at reasonable prices would yield for the devel- 
oping nation a higher amount of industrial em- 
ployment for the expenditui-e of a given amount 
of income in the villages. 

Let me emphasize again a point which I made 
earlier in this talk. It has been the experience 
of the United States, confirmed by the experi- 
ence in certain areas within the modern develop- 
mg nations, that the availability of such cheap 
but attractive consumers' goods has been a major 
factor leading the farmer to change his methods 
in such a way as to increase his productivity 
and his income. 

Industrial development requires higher pro- 
ductivity methods and higher incomes in the 
countryside ; but the availability of cheap man- 
ufactured goods an.d farm equipment can be a 
powerful stimulus to higher agricultural pro- 
ductivitj'. Efforts to achieve both results should 
proceed simultaneously. 

This, then, is a four-point program for mak- 
ing a national market and thus solving the typi- 
cal structural distortions of many contemporaiy 
developing nations. If successful, this program 
would expand industrial production, increase 
industrial efficiency, and make the plowback of 
profits into industrial expansion economically 
attractive. It would increase productivity in 
agriculture and raise the level of income in the 
cities by providing cheap, higher grade food- 
stuffs. By making agricultural life more at- 
tractive and bringing to it some of the fruits 
that modern industrial methods can offer, it 
would damp down the abnormal flow from the 
countryside to the urban slums. 

Challenge to Private Business Sector 

This kind of program also offers a way in 
which the private sector within a developing 
counti-y can make a massive contribution to the 
economic development process as a whole. It is 
one thing for private enterprise to assemble or 
produce automobiles, television sets, and other 
durable consumers' goods for a small, rich, iso- 
lated middle class. It is quite a different mat- 
ter for it to put its skills of manufacturing and 
marketing at the service of the urban and rural 
populations as a whole. I can think of no better 

way for pi'ivate enterprise to demonstrate its 
legitimacy and to insure its status in a develop- 
ing society than by playing its part in some 
such program for breaking down the barriers 
between the city and the countryside and mak- 
ing a national market. 

And it is within such a strategy that private 
enterprise from abroad could find a major con- 
structive mission in the developing nations. 
The genius of our own private capitalism in 
the United States — and this is also true of Can- 
ada and increasingly true of Western Europe 
and Japan— has been that it served all of the 
people, urban and rural, bringing to them 
cheaply and efficiently the best fruits of modern 
science and teclmology. "Working with the pri- 
vate enterprise .sectors within developing na- 
tions and in collaboration with governments 
which, in the first instance, must accept this 
strategy and play an important role within it, 
I believe that foreign private enterprise could 
fulfill a constructive mission in the economic de- 
velopment process. 

Applied, for example, to the Alliance for 
Progress, this strategy could give the whole 
enterprise a new cast, a new dynamism. It 
would not alter the need for improved methods 
of tax collection, for land reform in certain 
areas, for increased investment in education, 
housing, and health. But it would supply an 
operational objective in which private enter- 
prise would have scope for real initiative and 
creativeness, a real basis for collaboration with 
governments, and a way of demonstrating to 
all the people its inherent virtues. 

"\'\niat greater reality could the Alliance for 
Progress have than if it began to yield a sharp 
drop in food costs to the urban consumer, a 
shift in rural production to new, higher quality 
and higher productivity agricultural products, 
full utilization and rapid expansion in indus- 
trial plant, and a flow of cheap farm equipment 
and cheap industrial products in the villages? 
Other things matter in economic development : 
above all, health, education, and housing. But 
it is in the four elements embraced within this 
market strategy that an economy pays off or 
fails to pay off; and it is out of the interaction 
between industrial momentum and rising agri- 
cultural producti^aty that a nation develops the 
resources necessary for ample welfare programs. 



If this is the right strategy, how does one 
begin ? I would suggest that the phxce to begin 
is within the private business sector of the de- 
veloping nation. Business leaders might coun- 
sel together and take stock of the untapped 
market possibilities, get the necessary market 
surveys made, examine the possibilities and 
costs of improved marketing arrangements for 
agricultural products in the cities, for manu- 
factured products in the countryside. On 
certain projects they could begin on their own; 
for others, they might require the miderstanding 
of the government or its active collaboration — 
for example, in building rural roads in a key 
area or granting agricultural credit to expand 
output of newly marketable crops. It is possi- 
ble that private and public authorities might 
decide to work together intensively, on an ex- 
perimental basis, in a particular region. The 
aid resources available to the Alliance for Prog- 
ress might be woven into the scheme where such 
special financing was required. 

But there are two basic points about setting 
this kind of show on the road : The first initia- 
tive must come from within the country itself — 
the local private and public authorities must, 
out of their own insights and responsibilities, 
recognize their problem in some such terms as 
I have described it tonight and decide to do 
something about it ; second, there must be some 
minimum concerting of thought and enterprise 
by leaders in the private business community 
and between them and the governmental author- 
ities. I am not talking about rigid planning, 
but of the minimum programing of the effort 
required to make the four elements in the strat- 
egy mutually reinforcing. 

Once under way, I am confident that the aid 
authorities in the United States Government 
and elsewhere would be prepared to see how, 
in particular circumstances, they might be 

After examining this problem with some care, 
in many parts of the world over the past 2 years, 
I am convinced that the basic raw materials 
exist for a great surge forward over the next 
decade in Latin America and elsewhere in the 
more advanced developing nations. The in- 
dustrial skills and organization are there; a 
considerable initial experience in rural develop- 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 

ment programs has been acquired; the first suc- 
cessful small experiments in supermarkets and 
cooperatives in the cities and in efficient rural 
marketing have taken place. The challenge now 
is to marry these up and get going; and the 
challenge falls svibstantially on the private en- 
terprise sector — the business leaders within 
these countries and the foreign firms that oper- 
ate there. 

For those like ourselves who believe in private 
enterprise, I can think of no more satisfying 
task than to help pioneer in these new settings 
the application of the lessons we have learned 
in our own nations in creating national markets 
which have, at the same time, made available 
the fruits of an industrial society to all our peo- 
ple and provided the foundation for regular 
economic growth. 

Four Named To Be Consultants 
on Cultural Affairs 

The Department of State announced on Oc- 
tober 4 (press release 509) that Thaddeus M. 
Maclirowicz, U.S. District Judge of the Eastern 
District of Michigan; Matt S. Szymczak, a con- 
sultant and lecturer in business administration 
and banking at Georgetown University and a 
former member of the Board of Governors of 
the Federal Reserve System; and Alfred J. 
Marrow, a management specialist and chainnan 
of the board of the Harwood Manufacturing 
Corp., New York, N.Y., have been appointed 
to be consultants to the Bureau of Educational 
and Cultural Affairs. Their appointments 
were effective October 4, and they will serve 
the Department of State without compensation. 

The Department announced on October 11 
(press release 525) that Mrs. H. Alwyn Inness- 
Brown was sworn in as a special consultant on 
that day by Lucius D. Battle, Assistant Secre- 
tary of State for Educational and Cultural 

The founder and president of the Greater 
New York Chapter of the American National 
Theatre and Academy (ANTA), Mrs. Iimess- 
Brown will advise the Department in the field 
of cultural affairs, primarily the performing 


Emperor of Ethiopia 
Visits United States 

Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia made 
a state visit to the United States September 30- 
Octoher 7. His hnperial Majesty arrived at 
Philadelphia on September 30 and was in Wash- 
i7igfon October 1-3, cohere he met toith President 
Kennedy, Secretary Rusk, and other Govern- 
ment officidls. The Emperor and h is party were 
in New York October 3-7 and left from there 
for Ottawa, Canada. Folloioing are texts of 
an exchange of toa'its between President Ken- 
nedy and the Emperor at a state dinner at the 
White House on October 1 and a joint com- 
munique released on October 2 at the conclusion 
of discussions held by the President and His Im- 
perial Majesty October 1 and £. 


White House press release dated October 1 

President Kennedy 

Ladies and gentlemen, I know I speak on be- 
half of all of us in expressing our great satisfac- 
tion and our appreciation of the honor which 
has been done to us by the visit of our distin- 
guished guest. There is really no comparable 
figure in the world today who held high respon- 
sibilities in the thirties, who occupied and held 
the attention and the imagination of really al- 
most all free countries in the midthirties, and 
still could in the siunmer of 1963 m his own Cap- 
ital dominate the affairs of his continent. This 
is an unprecedented experience in the 20th cen- 
tury, and I know of only a few experiences in 
recent history which are in any way similar. 

So I think that the welcome today in Wash- 
ington, which is really, I think, almost unprece- 
dented — the number of people who came, the 
warmth of their greeting to His Imperial Maj- 
esty, even though Ethiopia is a long way from 
the United States — shows that the country and 
its leader have occupied a position of importance 
in the life of our own country. 

Fate and geography and time and necessity 
have made the United States and Ethiopia very 
closely associated in the years since the end of 
the Second World War. We value tliat associa- 


tion. We value the position of responsibility 
and leadership which His Majesty occupies. 

I hope he comes here on this occasion, 10 years 
after his first visit, and realizes how warm are 
the sentiments and how genuine is the feelin. 

Speaking personally. Your Majesty, having 
grown up in a sense, as a good many others here, 
in your shadow, having seen the photographs 
when you spoke to the League, having read 
your speech some years ago, and now having 
you hero tonight is an historic occasion for us 

So, in asking my fellow Americans to join in 
toasting to the prosperity of the people of 
Ethiopia, I know in a very real sense all of the 
American people join in toasting to the health 
of His Imperial Majesty. 

Emperor HaiEe Selassie I ■ 

Mr. President, I came to the United States in 
full confidence that the traditional friendship 
which has always marked the relations between 
our two nations would be further reinforced and 
strengthened, and that American and Ethiopian 
people would as a result of my stay here come 
even closer to one another in understanding and 
spirit. My confidence has not been misplaced. 
The warm words which have been addressed to 
me and to the Ethiopian Government and peo- 
ple, the letters of friendship and comprehension 
which have been addressed to me from every 
corner of the land have only served to reinforce 
me in my firm conviction that the spirit of 
amity and cooperation which have characterized 
the relations between Ethiopia and the United 
States in the past decades will continue to shape 
and direct the course of our dealings in the 

As I stand here tonight, I recall with most 
poignant emotion the moral support which Ethi- 
opia received from the United States in the 
dark hour when my country was ravished by 
fascism 27 years ago and the steadfast refusal 
of the American Government to recognize the 
occupation of Ethiopia. 

It is surely to be regretted not merely by 
Ethiopia but by the entire world that the 
United States of America was not represented 

' As translated from the Amharlc language. 


in the League of Nations to which I addressed 
Tiy futile appeal in 1936. 

I remembei' also my meetings with past great 
leaders of this nation, with President Franklin 
D. Roosevelt at the Suez Conference in 1945, 
md with President Dwight D. Eisenliower here 
tn Washington in 1954. Having now met and 
exchanged views with you, Mr. President, I can 
ionight express my calm certainty that the 
United States will continue to fulfill the destiny 
which has fallen to its lot in the modern world. 

My country is old in history. Our culture ex- 
pends far back into most ancient times, but we 
are yomig in modernity. If Ethiopia does not 
yet enjoy all the blessings of the modern world, 
if we have further to go to achieve the level of 
iconomic and social development which this 
country has achieved, it is because we have been 
1 landlocked country, and, although never col- 
onized, we ha\'e been engaged in a never-ending 
struggle to maintain our freedom and inde- 
pendence against foreign encroachments. But 
this is the goal that we have set for ourselves, 
and in our efforts to obtain it, we liave bene- 
fited greatly from the assistance which the 
United States of America has made available 
to us. 

It is only fitting that I express my nation's and 
my gratitude for this generosity. 

Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to 
propose a toast to the friendship which has for 
so long endured between our two nations, to 
the twin ideals of peace and liberty to which we 
are both equally dedicated, to the prosperity and 
happiness of the great American people and 
to your personal health and well-being. 


White House press release dated October 2 

During the course of the State Visit of His 
Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of 
Ethiopia, October 1 and 2, 1963, the Emperor 
and President John F. Kennedy discussed im- 
portant aspects of world peace and economic 
progress, as well as African problems and 
aspirations in these vital areas. The two lead- 
ers expressed their satisfaction at the friendship 

which has for so long existed between Ethiopia 
and the United States, and reaffirmed their 
desire to continue closer cooperation and col- 
laboration in fields of mutual interest. 

Against the backdrop of the emergence of 28 
new nations in Afi'ica since the visit of the Em- 
peror to the United States in 1954, the two 
leaders discussed current problems of the Con- 
tinent. They reiterated their belief in the right 
of the still dependent territories to freedom and 
independence, and expressed the fervent hope 
tliat the final steps in the transition to freedom 
in Africa can be taken and implemented within 
the framework provided by the United Nations 
and the Organization of African Unity. 

Noting the historical dedication of the Em- 
peror to the principle of collective security, the 
President expressed particular appreciation of 
the significant contribution of Ethiopia to the 
establishment of unity and peace in the Congo. 
The Emperor and the President reaffirmed their 
faith in the United Nations, and deplored any 
action which would tend to weaken the Or- 
ganization or the principles embodied in the 
Charter. The Emperor and the President also 
endorsed the principle of the Charter of the 
Organization of African Unity which called for 
"respect for the sovereignty and territorial 
integrity of each state and for its inalienable 
right to independent existence." 

The President assured the Emperor of the 
continuance of the interest of the United States 
in Ethiopia's economic development and secu- 
rity. In separate discussions, officials of the 
two governments discussed various aspects of 
Ethiopia's Five Year Plan and considered pos- 
sible methods of fuiancing the accomplishments 
of its programs. The United States agreed to 
examine Ethiopian requests for United States 
assistance for economic development projects 
and to give careful consideration to assistance 
in the financing of agreed projects by means 
of long-term loans. 

The Emperor extended an invitation to the 
President to visit Ethiopia. The President 
indicated his appreciation and expressed his 
desire to arrange such a visit as soon as his 
schedule permitted. 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


Health for Peace and Vice Versa 

&y Harlan Cleveland 

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs'^ 

I suppose that, like other people attending 
conferences on matters in which they are gen- 
uinely interested, you, who are the Who's Wlio 
for WHO, have devoted the last 3 days to work- 
ing too hard, staying up too late, indulging too 
heavily, and otherwise violating the standards 
of good health which you crave for the rest of 
mankind. Perhaps it is just as well that this 
meeting is coming to a close; otherwise, to sup- 
plement our National Citizens Committee for 
the AVorld Health Organization, we might have 
to set up a local health organization for the Na- 
tional Citizens Committee. 

I speak to you today as a professional ad- 
ministrator, bringing with me a certain sense 
of guilt about the state of my art. 

We administrators simply have just not kept 
up with the scientists and engineers and techni- 
cians who insist on creating new problems for 
us. Every time science chalks up another suc- 
cess, a new demand is created — and I stress the 
word "demand" — for an institutional response. 
Some new piece of organizational machinery 
is needed to tame or exploit the new accom- 
plislunent, to prepare or adapt society to cope 
with it. 

The example in the front of our minds is, 
of course, the weaponry of fission and fusion. 

The United States, the Soviet Union, and the 
United Kingdom — joined now by nearly a hun- 
dred other nations — liave now confii'med by 
formal agreement tliat they liave a common in- 

terest in not polluting the common atmosphere 
with radioactive waste, and a common interest 
in putting a brake on the nuclear arms race.- 
They have agreed that this common interest 
required agreement despite irreconcilable ide- 
ologies, incompatible values, and antithetical 
ways of organizing political power. 

So what is new and hopeful is the dawning 
realization that national rivals can remain 
rivals and still agree on wliat is in the interest 
of both. Mutual suspicion and mistrust are 
certainly not dispelled, but they can be bypassed 
sometimes by the mutual perception of common 
advantage. The only agreements not threat- 
ened by bad faith are those that are built on 
mutual interest in keeping to the agreed rules. 

Hopefully, we are learning that national 
rivals do not have to kiss and make up before 
they agree not to annihilate each other. Inter- 
national politics is not what the war gamers call 
a "zero-sum game" : A foot gained bj' one does 
not necessarily mean a foot lost by the other. 

Hopefully, the world is beginning to fumble 
its way toward a pragmatic approach to the 
dream of peace, toward a manageable, work- 
able system of order based, as President Ken- 
nedy said at American University,^ "not on a 
sudden revolution in human nature but on a 
gradual evolution in human institutions — on 
a series of concrete actions and effective agree- 
ments which are in the interest of all con- 

' Address made before the Third National Conference 
on World Health at Washington, D.C., on Sept. 27 
(press release 495). 

' See p. 658. 

" Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 2. 



A "gradual evolution in human institutions" 
means, of course, improving and expanding and 
strengthening and using tlie international ma- 
chinery of peace, whicli is the only substitute 
for the institutions of war. 

Down through tlie ages the institution of 
war has been nourished by the talents of re- 
searchers, scientists, engineers, planners, ad- 
ministrators, and others from outside the ranlis 
of professional soldiers — not to mention the 
vast sums of money that have been lavished on 
creating the most efficient possible instruments 
of war. If now, as President Eisenliower once 
said, there is no alternative to peace, then 
the institutions of peace need more professional 
attention at the practical level, more social 
engineers designing and tinl^ering with ma- 
chinery for peacemaking, more sophisticated 
teclmiques for managing peaceful change. 
Tliose who care about an attainable peace wiU 
study the record and learn the lessons of U.N. 
peacekeeping; they will become expert in the 
techniques of peaceful change; they will work 
at the coldly practical tasks of devising ma- 
chinery for factfinding, mediation, arbitration, 
adjudication, and conciliation. 

Tliose of us who work at this trade are all 
too conscious of the paucity of our knowledge, 
the poverty of our experience, the crudeness of 
our present peacekeeping machinery. We have 
not devised adequate institutional responses to 
tlie proud and fearful triumph of a physical 
science which has given us the capacity to go 
on accumulating destructive power even be- 
yond the point where further accretions of ex- 
plosive power have any military value at all. 
But at long last it has been agreed that there 
is, in fact, a common interest in putting a gov- 
ernor on the thermonuclear arms race; that 
there is, in fact, a common interest in not pol- 
luting the atmosphere ; that there is, in fact, a 
common interest in having at hand a "hot 
line"^ between Moscow and Washington as a 
measure against miscalculation of the inten- 
tions of men controlling the use of atomic 

So there is reason for cautious hope that the 
next area of common interest — and then the 

* Ibid., July 8, 1963, p. 50. 

next — will be identified; that the next agree- 
ment — and the next — can be reached; that the 
next step — and the next — can be taken toward 
arms control, disarmament, and a system of 
world order secured by international institu- 

Mastering the Human Environment 

But it is not only newborn weapons that must 
be quickly wrapped in the swaddling clothes of 
social constraint and political responsibility. 
Wienever the scientists achieve a breakthrough 
in what can be done by man for man, it sud- 
denly seems outrageous not to be channeling 
the new power that new knowledge confers on 

Before we knew that mosquitoes carried ma- 
laria, before we knew how to commit mass 
murder among the mosquitoes, nobody thought 
about eradicating malaria from the face of the 
earth, because it couldn't be done. Now that we 
know it can be done, we are well on our way 
toward the doing of it^ — even if the task is 
somewhat longer, and the mosquitoes somewhat 
more resistant to our attempts to poison them, 
than the scientists thought wlien they proudly 
swept every anopheles mosquito from the island 
of Sardinia just after the Second World War. 

Before there was radio, we did not need to 
have large international conferences to divide 
up the frequency spectrum; but the Interna- 
tional Telecommunication Union now exists to 
do just that. And starting next week, a large 
crowd of technicians and administrators will 
gather in Geneva to do the job over again, to 
make sure that there is room in the spectrum 
for the restless scientists to experiment with 
communication in outer space. 

Before there were airplanes flying across 
frontiers and oceans, we did not need an Inter- 
national Civil Aviation Organization. Today 
we have international agreements on aerial 
navigation because the alternative would be 
mayhem compounded. 

The examples could be multiplied, but the 
point is clear: To extend the mastery of our 
environment — as well as mastery of our weap- 
onry — is in the common interest. 

It is not exactly a new thought. 

We know that all ideologies are equally op- 

OCTOBEK 28, 1963 


posed to such coninion enemies as rinderpest, 
the tsetse fly, and winter wlieat rust. 

"We liave noted before tliat men of science can 
often communicate meaningfully, even if they 
need interpreters. Their vocabulary of science 
has its own peculiarities, its own myopias, its 
own oversimplilications. But when scientists 
talk across national frontiei-s, their conversation 
is mercifully free of the semantic distortions 
imposed by political ideology, economic dogma, 
and the conventional wisdom of crusty cultures. 

It has long l)een clear that everybody gains 
and nobody loses if enough nations agree to stop 
polluting the seas witli oil, if they investigate 
together the tropic mysteries of the Indian 
Ocean and the icebound conundrums of Antarc- 
tica, or if they pool their purses and their per- 
sonnel to stamp out malaria and smallpox and 
typhus and yellow fever and the yaws. 

But it is not yet a platitude to insist that 
common intei-est in mastering the hmnan envi- 
ronment is a fact of great potential importance 
from a political point of view. 

If we are, as the President has put it, to ''make 
the world safe for diversity" ^- — if science and 
technology force us and beckon us to cooperate 
in mastery of the environment — is it too opti- 
mistic to project an Alliance for Man beyond 
ideology, beyond the poor quarrels of sovereign 
states? Is this not the challenge laid down to 
the administrators, the builders of human in- 
stitutions, by what Robert Oppenheimer calls 
the "thundering imi)act of discovery upon 

We are nnich farther down this road already 
than most people realize — in our own interna- 
tional aid progi-ams and in the United Nations 
Decade of Development. But clearly our insti- 
tutional arrangements are much too primitive to 
cope with the inventions of scientists and the 
innovations of engineers — to cope with what we 
already know about medical care and health 
administration, about the production and mar- 
keting of food, about the baleful effects of 
industrial civilization, or about other things, in- 
cluding the investigation of outer space. Our 
problem, starting today and every day, is to 
identify the next steps, to negotiate the next 
agreement based on common interest, to build 

the next institution to go with the latest 

U.S.-U.S.S.R. Cooperative Projects in Space 

In fact we spend quite a lot of our time 
doing just that — and not entirely without result. 

It was less than 2 years ago that President 
Kennedy and Chairman Khrushchev first 
broached the potentially exciting subject of co- 
operation in outer space.** There was receptiv- 
ity on both sides. Technical negotiators were 
appointed. Practical, limited suggestions for 
cooperation were put on the table. A tentative 
agreement was reached and tlien made fonnal. 
Details were added by working parties. In 
August some cooperative projects with the 
Soviet Union were announced.' 

We will coordinate lamiches of weather satel- 
lites and open a new full-time "hot line" to ex- 
change meteorological data which will be avail- 
able to all the weather services of the world. 
We will exchange data to develop the first map 
of the earth's magnetic field. We will conduct 
a joint experiment with a passive U.S. com- 
munication satellite. 

You have to start somewhere ; maybe it does 
not matter so much where you start. The nego- 
tiations so far have left the road open for next 
steps. Now President Kennedy has held out 
to the Soviet Union the prospect of sending the 
first visitor from our planet to the moon, not as 
ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary 
of the "socialist camp" or the "capitalist camp" 
but as the first envoy of the human race.^ 

Sometimes, in my unscientific dreams, I 
wonder what the envoy of humanity would say 
if he met a being from another planet. Sup- 
pose the Martian or Venusian said, "Tell me, in 
a few words, what is the essence of what you on 
Earth have learned from your brief half-million 
years of living experience." Would our man 
try to explain to Mars and Venus the issues in 
the cold war? Or would he talk about how we 

' Ihiil., .July 1, 1963, p. 2. 

° For an exchange of messages of Feb. 21, 1902, see 
ihid.. Mar. 12. 1962. p. 411. 

' For background and text of a memorandum of 
understanding, see ihid.. Sept. 9. 19(5.'?. p. 404. 

' For an address by President Kennedy before the 
ISth General As.semb)y on Sept. 20, 1963, see ihid., Oct. 
7. 19G3, p. 530. 



have learned somehow to cooperate with each 
ot her in our diversity ? 

The main drama in the agreements which al- 
ready liave been reached is that they are agree- 
iiients between tlie U.S. and the U.S.S.E. But 
our joint experiment in collecting weather data 
hts into the World Weather AVatch pi'ojected 
Ijy the World Meteorological Organization and 
will conform to standards established by agree- 
ment there. Our joint venture in satellite com- 
munications will, we hope, help make the case 
for the single global satellite telecommunica- 
tions system wisely projected as American 
policy by Act of Congress last year. Our co- 
operation in mapping the magnetic field is part 
and parcel of an internationally sponsored 
World ISIagnetic Survey. 

We cannot be sure what the next steps will be 
in outer space or whether they will be strides or 
half-steps. The essential thing is to maintain 
the momentum — and to opt always for the 
wider, not the narrower, forms of cooperation. 

World Food Program 

Meanwhile, people have to eat here on earth. 
We have, as you know, taken quite a lot of steps 
to do something about that. The first big ones 
were the establishment of the Food and Agri- 
culture Organization 20 years ago and the 
1 aunching of the Point 4 idea 6 years later. The 
latest step is a 3-year experiment by the FAO 
tuid the United Nations called the World Food 
Program, through which we are trying to learn 
how to use surplus food as an asset in the de- 
\elopment process.'' We think it will work; if 
it does, we may be able to expand it. 

But this is an area of immense paradox. 

Worldwide food production has increased 
.substantially over the past decade, but the 
average diet is worse because population has 
increased faster. 

In most of the world, population seems to be 
pressing hard upon land resources, yet the most 
densely po])ulated land in the world is a net 
exporter of food. 

Wliile the agricultural revolution, which per- 
mitted this nation to be the first to worry about 
over]3roduction, spreads through Europe, one- 

"For background, see iMd., Jan. 22, 1962, p. 150; 
Oct. 8, 1962, p. 534 ; and July 8, 1963, p. 58. 

third of hmnanity remains midernourished. 

And if we peer ahead for a decade or so we 
can perceive a nightmarish vision : half the 
world wondering what to do with food it can- 
not eat and the other half wondering how to get 
enough to do a day's work. We can see the 
present paradox of want in the midst of plenty 
becoming an intolerable absurdity. 

But it does not help to complain about the 
irony of supply and demand. Our task is to 
probe for next steps. Can we do more about 
the nutritional gap for children between infancy 
and the school age? Can we do more to raise 
the world's catch of fish — which could be 
quadrupled or quintupled by full application 
of known teclmiques? Can't we do more about 
other food from the seas? Can we somehow 
speed up the adaptation of modern farm tech- 
nology to other climates, other cultures? The 
search goes on for practical next steps. 

Conserving Our Resources 

To master the environment we need to do 
more than extract resources from it ; we need 
to conserve them as well. What can the world's 
newly developing areas — those that are just 
discovering the merits and demerits of indus- 
trial growth — leani from the experience of 
yesterday's industrial revolutions? I suppose 
we Americans have been the most efficient 
plunderers of our planet. With a whole con- 
tinent to work on, and an underpopulated one 
at that, we must have done a gi-eat many things 
right, but in the process there is surely nothing 
we have not done wrong — starved and eroded 
and cutover land in every part of the country 
bears witness. We have great experience with 
the more soi-did byproducts of industrializa- 
tion, not only slums and transport snarls and 
delinquency of all ages but the pollution of our 
air and the contamination of our water. And 
we have concocted in our laboratories lethal 
doses of poison which we still sell and spread 
and spray with the abandon of abundance. 

Because we have so much experience in vio- 
lating the principles of conservation, we ought 
to know more about what not to do than any- 
body else on earth. We are at least beginning 
to study these problems as matters of social 
science and not just questions of engineering. 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


We have managed, in a fe^r fruitful areas of 
research, to find applications beyond epidemics 
for the analytical skills and administrative 
techniques of epidemiology. 

Now that we have agreed not to blast radio- 
active dust into the atmosphere that belongs to 
us all, maybe we can also tackle the problems 
of pollution and contamination that are no far- 
ther away than the nearest stream, the blackest 
smokestack, and the exhaust pipe on your auto- 
mobile and mine. 

Since pollution is a problem that knows no 
national frontiers, perhaps we should develop 
in the United Nations system a comprehensive 
review of man's capacity to contaminate the 
only planet he has to live on. Building on the 
scattered work in evei-y specialized agency, per- 
haps we can then develop an international pro- 
gram wide enough and large enough to contain 
the destructive potential of that two-edged 
sword called modern industry. 

Opening Channels for Health Communications 

Some of the greatest opportunities to be 
grasped — by those who would fashion practical 
institutions to use for man the wisdom of the 
sciences— lie in your own field. Medical men 
and health administrators have long been the 
earliest to translate scientific discovery into 
curative drugs and medical practice. In in- 
ternational health it is all too clear that we 
already possess far more knowledge than we 
are applying. Once again, the institution 
builders and the administrators had better 
hurry up. 

I am aware that there is considerable discus- 
sion and debate among experts these days about 
how best to organize medical research. The no 
doubt efficient jargon of the medical sciences 
twists my tongue and dizzies my mind to the 
point where I would not dare to pass comment 
on the details of this debate. But what does 
come through to the layman's mind sounds aw- 
fully exciting — and suggests that international 
cooperation is going to be more and more neces- 

Take this matter of health communications 
■which the President referred to in his U.N. ad- 
dress last week. I can understand the urgent 
need to get research knowledge out of the lab- 

oratories and off the library shelves into the 
hands and minds and habits of those who need 
and can use it. I am sure we are going to have 
some things to say on this subject at the next 
World Health Assembly, especially from the 
angle of putting research to work in the less 
developed parts of the world. 

And I can understand the need to build on 
who's present system of epidemic alerts and 
to build up an "early warning system" to let 
the world know when doctors in one country 
or laboratory find that a drug cripples more 
than it cures. I am sure we will be working 
to improve WHO's international reporting and 
information programs — already great adven- 
tures in international cooperation. 

But what of health communications beyond 
these programs of the here and now? Reading 
the WHO literature on the subject, even the 
layman senses excitement, even if he falls short 
of understanding. It is clear that in medical 
science, as in other branches, the translation of 
problems into the language of mathematics — 
which is indeed an exercise in communications — 
promises to yield even more discoveries of im- 
portance in the future. The computer is an in- 
dispensable research tool into problems of popu- 
lation genetics and human reproduction — 
who's most recent research subject — mental 
health, environmental health, mutagens, and 
toxic agents. The layman comes to realize that 
"epidemiology" now means the mathematical 
study of problems which are much more than 
simply medical, which are indeed basic social 
problems of our times. Already we speak — at 
least in New York State — of an "epidemiolog- 
ical study of traffic accidents." Heaven knows 
we have them in epidemic proportions. 

Only specialists can chart the best and most 
promising chamiels of international coopera- 
tion in this new and exciting frontier of health 
communications. But we can be sure that there 
will be new channels opened up, and of course 
we will look to WHO to lead the way. 

Wiere the experts do agree is on the fact 
that medical science grew up very largely in 
the temperate zones and its development and 
application in the tropical and frigid zones has 
lagged behind. There is an institutional fall- 
out from this agreement in the form of regional 



research institutes like the Nutritional Insti- 
tute of Central America and Panama in Guate- 
mala City ; the Pan American Af tosa Center in 
Kio de Janeiro; the Zoonoses Center in Buenos 
Aires ; and the Cholera Research Laboratory in 
Dacca. Next year we will be talking with 
WHO about the need for additional institu- 
tions to work on other regional problems — like 
malaria in Central America, onchocerciasis 
(river blindness) in West Africa, and bilhar- 
ziasis in the Middle East. These regional cen- 
ters, in addition to research, could train re- 
searchers, physicians, and public-health work- 
ers, provide technical assistance, and conduct 
operational programs. 

This is the day-to-day business of U.S. for- 
eign policy these days : searching for next steps 
toward agreements based on common interest, 

moving from the tentative to the firm engage- 
ment, widening the areas of agreement step by 
step, working at the gradual evolution of hu- 
man institutions the better to manage the peace, 
the better to master the environment. This is 
why we who must come up with institutional 
responses to the technological imperatives of 
modern science are concerned about the state 
of our art — and why we are thorouglily fas- 
cinated with what it promises. 

The growth of international institutions is 
one of the great phenomena of postwar history. 
But I suspect that we are just on the threshold 
of international agreement. I do not want to 
arouse the Daughters of Runnymede, but I 
have a sneaking suspicion that we are in grave 
danger of learning the habit of international 

The Citizen and Foreign Policy 

hy Mrs. Katie Louchheim 

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs'^ 

It is good to escape from Washington. It is 
also good to discover how many of you are in- 
terested in foreign affairs. 

We who operate on the "leading edge of 
events," as Secretary Rusk describes our pre- 
dicament, must leave to the historians the writ- 
ing of the answers. Meanwhile, we are writing 
the history from which the answers will be 
drawn, and with your help today, in your ex- 
changes with our speakers, we should be able to 
develop the questions upon which these histori- 
cal answers will have to be written. 

We are enormously grateful to the World 
Affairs Council of Albany for their interest and 
for this gratifying turnout. 

' Address made at a World Affairs Conference at 
Albany, N.Y., on Sept. 30 (press release 497). 

Working in Washington, where nearly every- 
one considers himself a Government VIP, ex- 
cept the media, who consider themselves VIP- 
makers, one develops a real hankering for an 
opportunity to talk to citizen VIP's like your- 
selves — "very informed persons." We know or 
are told what Washington is saying and think- 
ing, and we are even plugged in on what the 
"grass roots" thinks and feels about the top 
issues of our time. But, with all due respect to 
the science of pulse-taking and prognostication, 
we have found there is no substitute for the 
direct personal confrontation. 

We are here today as part of a public dialog 
that is underway between the American people 
and the American Government. This dialog 
has deep roots. The American Constitution 
provides that government derives its authority 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


from "We tlie People." And in the 20th cen- 
tury we liave learned, as a basic fact of political 
life, that the liealth of a democracy depends on 
the informed participation of its citizens. 

We are very proud of the saying that goes, 
"A sound foreign policy depends upon an in- 
formed citizenry." We produce this maxim 
with appropriate cliauvinistic gestures for the 
visitor from abroad. "This saying," we avow, 
"is not a cliche but a fact, a truth we live by." 

Perhaps here the semanticist might interrupt 
to argue that this is more of a truth than a 
fact — a truth being what we believe in and 
preach, and a fact, what we practice. If I may, 
I should like to e.Kamine with you the case for 
and against the verisimilitude of this proposi- 
tion tliat a sound foreign policy rests upon an 
informed citizenry, weighing this truth against 
the facts of the informed and the uninformed. 

Let us examine the facts as they relate to the 
informed electorate and decide whether or not 
we are, each of us — we, the Government, and 
you, the informed citizen — doing all we can to 
bring about tlie desired objective; namely, a 
well-informed public. 

Though sharply limited by availability of 
funds, we in the Department of State, for our 
part, do make an enthusiastic effort to expand 
its contacts with all citizens. 

Last year our News Office put the Department 
on record in 282 daily news conferences and in 
answering an average 110 telephoned or per- 
sonal inquiries a day from United States and 
foreign correspondents. Secretary Rusk and 
his principal associates took time to participate 
in 160 radio and (elevision programs about our 
foreign affairs. Our Public Correspondence Di- 
vision answered some 200,000 letters and tele- 
grams from the general public. Thousands of 
community leaders, organization heads, editors 
and broadcasters, and other media representa- 
tives attended our three national foreign policy 
conferences in Washington and four regional 
conferences in different parts of the country. 
And these were only a few of our efforts to 
maintain contact with o>ir fellow citizens out- 
side the Federal Government. 

Concurrently, a staggering volume of words, 
sounds, and pictures makes its way daily to- 
ward the American people. Some 1,700 news- 

papers are published each day, another 8,000 
each week. In siddition, another 8,000 maga- 
zines and periodicals appear regularly. The 
number of radio stations on the air now stands 
at over 4,500. Over 600 television channels are 
currently broadcasting — and there are some 60 
million television sets in the United States, sub- 
stantially more than the number of bathtubs. 
To be immune to the effects of this vast out- 
pouring an individual M-ould have to be not oidy 
blind and deaf but determinedly antisocial. 

The penetration by the several means of mass 
communication into what can be loosely de- 
scribed as the "public consciousness" is unprece- 
dented. With public opinion survey techniques, 
it provides the technological underpinning for 
a modern rebirth of the ideal government de- 
scribed by Aristotle and Rousseau some 2,000 
years apart. The best state, according to these 
two great thinkers, is that in which every citizen 
is both participant and spectator. On the basis 
of their own experiences, the one of the fireelc 
poTtK. the other of the 18th-century Swiss city- 
state, both philosophers believed that this ideal 
could only be achieved in quite small commimi- 
ties. It is the challenge of the mass media and 
mass communications that they can vastly ex- 
tend the community in which individuals can 
observe and participate. 

This is particularly true where foreign af- 
fairs and foreign policy are concerned, because 
in these areas it is the media rather than our 
own experience and hearsay which provide most 
of us with most or all of our information. In 
this connection, our problem is quite different 
from the one that challenged the Hollywood 
moguls conferring on the publicity buildup for 
a new movie of painfully little merit. One of 
them said: "I've placed full-page ads in all the 
dailies." Another chimed in : "We've got radio 
and TV spots lined up in every major market." 
A third said : "Billboards and movie theaters 
are all covered."' He paused, looked around at 
his associates, and said : "Xow all we have to do 
is stop the word-of-mouth reaction." 

At the Department of State, we are very 
much interested in encouraging word-of-mouth 
reaction — or, in other words, informed public 
discussion of our international problems. For 
when the people speak, the Government listens. 
Writing in 1922, the sagacious Walter Lipp- 



mann referred to the "mystical force called 
'public opinion' that takes up the slack in public 
institutions."' In recent years "the mystical 
force of public opinion" has become less mysti- 
cal and ever more forceful. When events occur 
thousands of miles away, when the policies that 
state our positions toward those events are as 
complex as they are remote, then the process 
of keeping the "informed electorate" informed 
becomes so stupendous and staggering that we 
must count on you, our interested and well- 
organized and well-informed friends, to share 
with us some of the responsibility for carrying 
this message. 

Edward R. Murrow, Director of the United 
States Information Agency, observed not long 
ago that by far the greater proportion of in- 
formation about America flowing to overseas 
audiences goes through private channels, of 
which one of the most important is the Ameri- 
can tourist abroad. The USIA, Voice of 
America, Department of State, AID program, 
Defense Department, and other Government 
agencies together have a considerably smaller 
impact than the sum total of private actions. 

We have seen this with special clarity in the 
case of civil rights. At our recent meeting in 
Boston, a representative of the NAACP in- 
quired of a State Department speaker what the 
Government was going to do to change the 
image of the American Negro overseas. His 
answer was, "The image of the American Negro 
overseas can only be changed by the actions of 
the American people." Wliat was perhaps not 
asked, but implied, was, how can we demon- 
strate that we are moving in the right direction 
despite the bombings in Birmingham ? We can 
talk about the dignity of the great peaceful 
march on Washington, and we can know that 
this unforgettable event also made headlines 
roimd the world, especially in those new coun- 
tries of Africa where the African Negro identi- 
fies with the American Negro. 

We don't have to go to meetings to know 
that discrimination in the United States works 
against us abroad. When we talk with our 
ambassadors and their wives on home leave, we 
hear the NAACP question put somewhat dif- 
ferently : "How would you like to have to ex- 
plain the disdain for law and order of those in 

authority in some American communities to a 
West African- — or an East African — or an 
Asian resisting the sophistry of his Communist 
neighbor?" In one instance recently we pro- 
duced an answer of our own: A headline in an 
African paper had proclaimed that Soutli Afri- 
can a-partheid and American segregation were 
synonymous. Our ambassador started out to 
I^rotest this libel when one of his senior officers, 
a Negro, insisted that he be the one to go to the 
newspaper to set the record straight. 

"Wliat I am saying does not mean that dis- 
crimination is primarily a foreign policy prob- 
lem ; far from it. It is perhaps the number-one 
domestic problem facing us as a nation today. 
It would confront us with urgent decisions and 
calls to action even if our society were enclosed 
in a tight box impregnable to probing eye or 
eavesdrop. As the Secretai-y of State said in 
his testimony on the administration's ci^'il 
rights bill : - 

We must try to eliminate discrimination due to race, 
color, religion, not to malse others think better of us but 
because it is incompatible with the great ideals to 
which our democratic society is dedicated. If the 
realities at home are all they should be, we shan't have 
to worry about our image abroad. 

In short, we are committed to seeking equal 
opportunity for all Americans because — in the 
President's words — "it is right." ^ As it hap- 
pens, what is "right"' is also right as far as the 
great majority of the world's peoples are 

It is perhaps commonplace to suggest that 
the voice of the "aginer" is often the voice heard 
loudest in the land, just as it is bad news which 
makes headlines in our newspapers. Around 
the country the radical extremists are good 
copy, and yet I suspect their numbers are statis- 
tically insignificant. Our experience at the 
State Department is no different from that of 
any other public body in this respect : Most of 
the letters we receive are against something. 

We would not silence the "aginer." Indeed, 
we point him out to our foreign visitors as a 
sign of our freedom to disagree. It is our goal 
instead to contribute all we can to the store of 

' For text, see BuLLfmN of July 29, 19C.3, p. 154. 

'Message from the President to the Congress rela- 
tive to civil rights, Feb. 28, 1963, H. Doc. 75, 88th 
Cong., 1st sess. 

OCTOBEn 2 8, 1963 


public knowledge and understanding of our 
foreign affairs. For the better we Americans 
all understand our purposes as a nation, the less 
difficult our great tasks of building peace and 
progress will be. 

Howard University To Conduct 
Foreign Affairs ScFiolars Program 

The Ford Foundation annffwaced on October 
9 a grant of $600,000 to Howard University in 
support of a program to prepare minority- 
group candidates for a career in foreign affairs. 
Following is the text of a statement by Secre- 
tary Rusk released by the Department of State 
on October 9 {press release 517). 

I welcome the Ford Foundation's decision to 
support a new scholarship program designed to 
prepare minority-group students, especially 
those in Negro colleges, for careers in foreign 

In the past 2 years the Department of State 
has made a determined effort to encourage 
Negroes and other minority-group citizens to 
apply for entry into the Foreign Service. We 
have done this because we consider it essential 
that opportunity be open to all Americans to 
participate in shaping and administering for- 
eign policy. In addition, tliis largely untapped 
source of talent will help us to broaden the base 
of our representation. 

Because of our concern about the smnll num- 
ber of minority candidates entering the Foreign 
Service, officials of the Department have con- 
ducted a series of meetings over the past year 
with a group of leading Negro educators. The 
members of the group are: Professor Kenneth 
Clark, City College of New York; Presidents 
Ruf us E. Clement, Atlanta University ; Albert 
W. Dent, Dillard University; Jerome Holland, 
Hampton Institute; Martin Jenkins, Morgan 
State College; Benjamin Mays, Alorehouse 
College; James M. Nabrit, Jr., Howard Uni- 
versity ; S. Milton Nabrit, Texas Southern Uni- 
versity; Marvin Wachman, Lincoln Univer- 
sity; Charles Wesley, Central State College 
[Ohio] ; Stephen Wright, Fisk University ; and 
Luther Foster, Tuskegee Institute. 

Out of these discussions came the proposal 
for which the Ford Foundation has now 
granted funds. We are delighted at this de- 
cision, for which we thanlv President Heald and 
the trustees of the Foundation. We look for- 
ward to working with Howard University, 
which has been selected to administer this 
Foreign Affairs Scholars Program. 

In the years to come we hope that many 
young men and women who will benefit from 
this program will embark on careers in the 
State Department, USIA, AID, and other for- 
eign affairs agencies. They will be welcome. 

Advisory Commission To Survey 
Hawaii's East-West Center 

The Depai'tment of State announced on Oc- 
tober 9 (press release 515) that the U.S. Ad- 
visory Commission on International Educa- 
tional and Cultural Affairs has agreed to 
undertake a survey of the East-West Center, 
established at the University of Hawaii in 1960 
to strengthen mutual understanding among the 
peoples of Asia, the Pacific area, and the United 

The nine-member Commission,^ appointed by 
the President to evaluate and advise on the Gov- 
ernment's educational and cultural programs, is 
headed by John W. Gardner, president of the 
Carnegie Corporation of New York. The study 
will be conducted for the Commission by its vice 
chairman, Roy E. Larsen, chairman of the ex- 
ecutive committee of Time, Inc., and chairman 
of the board of tlie Fund for the Advancement 
of Education of the Ford Foundation, assisted 
by James M. Davis, director of the International 
Center of the University of Michigan. 

The East- West Center was established by 
Congress and receives Federal funds adminis- 
tered by the Department of State. Known for- 
mally as tlie Center for Cultural and Technical 
Interchange Between East and West, it is now 
in its third year of operation. Its three princi- 
pal activities, engaging more than 500 students 
and scholars from the United States and 22 

* For background, see Buuletin of Apr. 22, 1963, p. 



jtlier countries, are: a student scholarship pro- 
gram, providing 2 years of study and travel, 
mainly for graduate students; a program of 
liiiih-level research and writing for advanced 
scholars; and a progam of on-the-job technical 
courses lasting from 1 week to 2 years. 

Tariff Schedule on Importation 
of Butter Oil Amended 


Whereas Proclamation No. 317S of April 15, 1957," 
issued pursuant to Section 22 of the Agricultural Ad- 
iustment Act, as amended (7 U.S.C. 624), established 
i quota for imports of butter substitutes, including but- 
:er oil, containing 45 per centum or more of butterfat 
md classifiable under paragraph 709 of the Tariff Act 
Df 1930, as amended ; 

Whereas at the time of the issuance of that proc- 
lamation butter oil was in fact being classified for 
purposes of tariff duty by the Bureau of Customs under 
paragraph 709 ; 

Whereas, subsequent to the issuance of that proc- 
lamation, the United States Customs Court, in litiga- 
tion involving the rate of duty applicable to butter oil 
and not involving the construction of that proclama- 
tion, held that butter oil was not properly classifiable 
for purposes of customs duty under paragraph 709 
(Faehndrich et al. v. United States, decided July 3, 
1962, CD. 2351, 97 Treas. Decs. (No. 28) 8) ; 

Whereas the decision in that case has the effect of 
barring the importation of butter oil under the quota 
established by Proclamation No. 3178, and is contrary 
to the intent and purpose of that proclamation and 
Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act; and 

Whereas the quota prescribed by Proclamation No. 
317S has been superseded by the quota prescribed in 
Item No. 950.06, Part 3, Appendix to the Tariff Sched- 
ules of the United States : 

Now, therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of 
the United States of America, acting under and by 
virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitu- 
tion and Statutes of the United States, particularly 
Sec (ion 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as 

;i luled, do hereby proclaim that the article descrij)- 

tidii for Item No. 950.06, Part 3, Appendix to the Tariff 
Sclicdules of the United States (published in Part II 
of the Federal Register of August 17, 1963, and pro- 
claimed by paragraph numbered 3 of Proclamation No. 
3548 of August 21, 1963') is hereby amended to read 
' as follows : 

"Butter substitutes containing over 45 percent of 
butterfat provided for in item 116.30, part 4B, schedule 
1, and butter oil however provided for elsewhere in 
these schedules." 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America 
to be aflSxed. 
Done at the City of Washington this fifth day of 
October in the year of our Lord nineteen hun- 
[seal] dred and sixty-three, and of the Independence 
of the United States of America the one hun- 
dred and eighty-eighth. 

/(LJ L^ 

By the President : 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 

Supplementary Items Added 
to Agenda of General Assembly 

The General Assembly, on the recommenda- 
tion of the General Committee, has included 
the following items in the agenda of its 18th 
session : ^ 

83. Measures in connexion with the earthquake at 
Skoplje, Yugoslavia." 

84. Actions on the regional level with a view to improv- 
ing good neighbourly relations among European 
States having different social and political systems.' 



Arthur W. Hummel, Jr., as Deputy Assistant Secre- 
tary for Educational and Cultural Affairs, effective 
September 29. (For biographic details, see Depart- 
ment of State press release 486 dated September 23.) 

' No. 3558 ; 28 Fed. Reff. 108.53. 

" For text, see Bulletin of May 20, 1957, p. 817. 

" For text, see ibid., Sept. 23, 1963, p. 478. 

' For the agenda adopted on Sept. 20, see Bulletin of 
Oct. 7, 1963, p. 556. 
"Adopted on Sept. 24 (U.N. doc A/5.5.50/Add. 1). 
'Adopted on Oct. 2 (U.N. doc. A/5550/Add. 2). 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


United States and Spain Renew Defense Agreement 

Press release 492 (revised) dated September 26 

The Spanish Government and the United 
States Government have recently agreed to re- 
view relations between the two (lovernments 
and to reaffirm the spirit of friendship and co- 
operation that has characterized their relations 
over the past decade. 

The Foreign Mmister of Spain, P^ernando 
Maria Castiella y Maiz, and the Secretary of 
State, Dean Rnsk, on behalf of their respective 
Governments, have agreed that the occasion of 
the i-enewal of the Defense Agreement ^ between 
the two Governments is a suitable time to issue 
a joint declaration regarding cooperation be- 
tween Spain and the United States. 

The Foreign Minister and the Secretary of 
State luave also agreed to an exchange of notes 
establishing a bilateral Consultative Commit- 
tee on Defense Matters, and have exchanged let- 
ters regarding future United States military as- 
sistance to Spain. The Secretary of State has 
separately indicated the intentions of the United 
States Government regarding loans to Spain 
through the Export-Import Bank. 

The texts of the above documents, all signed 
and dated today [September 26], follow : 


Joint Declaration 

The Governments of Spain and of the ITnited 
States of America have engaged in discussions 
regarding their mutual security interests and 
their future relations in i)olitical, military and 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. r,. 10.").3. p. 4.36. 

economic matters of conmion concern. In 
affirming the importance of their bilateral De- 
fense Agreement, which will be applied in the 
new five year period of its validity in the spirit 
of this Declaration, they consider it to be neces- 
sary and appropriate that the Agreement form 
a part of the security arrangements for the At- 
lantic and Mediteri-anean areas. 

The United States Government reaffirms its 
recognition of the importance of Spain to the 
security, well-being and development of the 
Atlantic and INIediterranean areas. The two 
govenunents recognize that the security and in- 
tegrity of both Spain and the United States are 
necessary for the common security. A threat to 
either countrj', and to the joint facilities that 
each provides for the common defense, would 
be a matter of common concern to botli coun- 
tries, and each country would take such action 
as it may consider appropriate within the frame- 
work of its constitutional processes. 

The two governments, on behalf of the peoples 
of Spain and of the United States, have re- 
affirmed their friendship and mutual trust and 
their determination to establish a close coop- 
eration in order to strengthen the common de- 
fense, and to continue regular consultations on 
all political, military and economic matters of 
common interest. The two governments have 
similarly affirmed their desire to encourage eco- 
nomic growth and the expansion of trade and 
other economic relations among nations. They 
have reaffirmed their recognition of the com- 
mon dangers, and their determination to main- 
tain a close working relationshiji on all matters 
affectinjr their common interests and security. 

In order to assure continuing joint consulta- 
tions on certain special matters of interest to 



them, the two governments have agreed upon 
the arrangements set forth in an exchange of 
notes of this date. 
Dean Kusk 

Secretary of State 

of the United States 

of America 

Fernando Maria Castiella 

Minister for Foreign Affairs 

of Spain 

exchange of Notes on Consultative Committee 

Secretary Busk to Foreign Minister Castiella 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to discussions 
■which have recently talien place concerning the mutual 
■desire of the Government of Spain and the Govern- 
ment of the United States of America to develop 
arrangements, within the limits of their respective 
constitutional processes, which would enable the two 
■Governments, through liaison and consultation on de- 
fense matters of mutual concern and in accordance 
with the spirit of the Joint Declaration of this date to 
carry out more effectively tie specified purposes and 
objectives of the Defense Agreement of September 26, 
1953, and its attendant technical and procedural agree- 
ments, and thereby improve and enhance their common 
defense ; and to confirm the understandings reached 
as a result of these discussions, as follows : 

1. There is hereby established a joint Spanish- 
United States Consultative Committee on Defense 
Matters with headquarters in Madrid. 

2. The Committee for the sessions cited in numbered 
paragraph 4 shall be composed of : 

(a) For Spain : 

(1) Co-chairman of the Committee: (the des- 
ignee of the Spanish Government) 

(2) Members: (the designees of the Spanish 
Government ) 

(b) For the United States: 

(1) Co-chairman of the Committee : the Chief of 

the Joint U.S. Military Group. 

(2) Members: The Commanding General 16th 
Air Force, the Commander U.S. Naval Activ- 
ities in Spain, the Commander 65th Air 
Division, and the Deputy Chief, United 
States Military Assistance Advisory Group. 

3. The Committee and members thereof shall be 
assisted by such staff, military or civilian, as they 
consider appropriate. 

4. The Committee shall in principle meet at monthly 
intervals, to consider military matters of mutual con- 
cern, so as to develop and improve through continuing 
military cooperation the security and effectiveness of 
jointly utilized facilities in Spain. The United States 

Ambassador to Spain, or his designee, may participate 
in its deliberations. 

5. At the request of either Government special meet- 
ings of the Committee may be held from time to time 
in Madrid or in Washington which may be attended 
by Foreign or other Ministers, or other high officials, 
of either Government. 

6. The Committee by agreement between the Co- 
chairmen shall decide on matters within its competence 
as defined in paragraph 4 above and, when necessary, 
will recommend to the respective Governments how 
best to resolve in the mutual Interest of the two coun- 
tries such problems as may arise in connection with 
the operation of the facilities in Spain provided under 
the terms of agreements between the two Governments, 
matters arising from the operation of the Mutual 
Defense Assistance Agreement, and such other matters 
as either Government may direct the Committee to 

7. All Committee deliberations shall be held in 
closed session and release of any public information 
shall be as mutually agreed by the Co-chairmen. 

8. The Spanish Government shall provide suitable 
offices for the Committee. The Co-chairmen shall de- 
cide upon the necessary clerical and administrative 
support, the keeping of permanent records of the Com- 
mittee, and the functioning of a joint military secre- 

If the foregoing is acceptable to Tour Excellency's 
Government, I have the honor to propose that this 
note and Tour Excellency's reply indicating concur- 
rence shall constitute an agreement between our two 
Governments on this matter. 

Foreign Minister Castiella to Secretary Rusk 

Dear Mr. Secretary: I have the honor to acknowl- 
edge receipt of your note of today's date which states : 

[Text of preceding note from Secretary Rusk on a joint Span- 
ish-United States Consultative Committee on Defense Matters.] 

I have the honor to inform Tour Excellency of the 
agreement of the Spanish Government with the above 

I seize this opportunit.v, Mr. Secretary, to reiterate 
to Tour Excellency the assurances of my highest con- 
sideration and personal friendship. 

Exchange of Letters on Military Assistance 

Foreign Minister Castiella to Secretary Rusk 

Dear Mr. Secretary : The importance of the renewal 
for five years of the Defense Agreement of Septem- 
ber 26, 1953 between the Governments of the United 
States and Spain has been reaffirmed by the Joint Dec- 
laration of today's date. The Government of Spain 
wishes to express its satisfaction for the spirit of 
friendship and cooperation that has prevailed during 
the past ten years in the relationship between the 
armed forces of Spain and those of the United States 

OCTOBER 2 8, 1963 


and trusts this same spirit will continue throughout 
the new ijeriod of validity of the Agreement. 

The Spanish Government understands that the 
United States Government, suhject to Congressional 
action, will provide support to Spanish defense efforts, 
at an appropriate level, by malsing available military 
assistance to the Spanish armed forces. 

The Spanish Government trusts that the continua- 
tion of a close technical and scientific relationship be- 
tween both countries would contribute to the achieve- 
ment of a rapid and efficient modernization of the 
Spanish armed forces and military industries, all 
within the framework of Spain's economic and finan- 
cial capabilities. 

Secretary Rush to Foreign Minister Castiella 

Dear Mr. Minister : The United States Government 
is pleased lo acknowledge receipt of your letter of this 
date concerning the spirit of friendship and coopera- 
tion that has prevailed during the past ten years In 
the relationship between the armed forces of Spain and 
the United States. The United States Government 
appreciates the sentiments set forth in your letter and 
wishes to report, on its part, its complete satisfaction 
with the relationship. 

In connection with the renewal for five years of the 
Defense Agreement of September 26, 1953, the United 
States Government confirms the understanding of the 
Spanish Government that, subject to Congressional 
action, the United States Government will provide sup- 
port to the Spanish defense efforts, at an appropriate 
level, by making available military assistance to the 
Spanish armed forces. The United States Govern- 
ment looks forward to the continuation, within 
the framework of this military assistance program, of a 
close technical and scientific relationship between both 
countries which would contribute to the achievement 
of a rapid and efficient modernization of the Spanish 
armed forces and military industries. 

Letter Regarding Eximbank Loans 

Secretary Rusk to Foreign Minister Castiella 

Dear Mr. Minister: I am informed by Mr. [Harold 
r.] Linder, the President of the Export-Import Bank, 
that he and his associates have from time to time held 
discussions with repre.sentatives of the Spanish Gov- 
ernment regarding the economic development of Spain 
and its requirements for external capital resources in 
connection with its further development. As you 
know, over the past ten years more than .?200 million 
of loans have been authorized by the Bank to finance 
capital equipment, goods, and services which have con- 
tributed to Spanish economic growth. 

In the course of these discussions the Bank indicated 
to Spanish representatives that its facilities will con- 
tinue to be open to Spain, and that in addition to loan 
applications currently under active consideration it 
would be willing to receive new requests for loans to 

finance equipment and services for projects in Spain. 
The Bank estimates that, based upon present applica- 
tions before it and the new requests it would anticipate 
in due course, financing related to Spain will exceed 
$100 million during the period of the next several 
years. Approval of all such loans would, of course, be 
subject to the normal procedures and requirements of 
the Bank. 

Protocol Amending North Pacific 
Fur Seals Convention Signed 

Press release 514 dated October 8 

A protocol amending the 1957 Interim Con- 
vention on Conservation of North Pacific Fur 
Seals ^ was signed on October 8 at Washington 
by representatives of the four governments that 
are parties to the convention. Signing for the 
Government of the United States of America 
was U. Alexis Johnson, Deputy Under Secre- 
tary of State for Political Affairs. Signing for 
the Governments of Canada, Japan, and the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics were their 
ambassadors in Washington, Ambassadors 
Charles S. A. Eitchie, Eyuji Takeuchi, and 
Anatoliy F. Dobrynin, respectively. By its 
terms the protocol will enter into force upon 
deposit of instruments of ratification by the 
four signatory governments. 

The interim convention has been in force since 
October 14, 1957. Like the convention the pro- 
tocol is designed to insure the maximum sustain- 
able productivity of the fur seal resources of the 
North Pacific Ocean. The provisions of the 
protocol reflect the recommendations adopted 
by the North Pacific Fur Seal Commission on 
November 30, 1962. 

Current Actions 



Convention on offenses and certain other acts com- 
mitted nn board aircraft. Adopted at an air law 
conference convened by the International Civil Avia- 
tion Organization in Tokyo August 20 to Septem- 
ber 16, l'.»6.S. Enters into force when 12 signatory 
states deposit their instruments of ratification. 
Siynatures: China, Congo (Brazzaville), Federal 
Republic of Germany, Guatemala, Holy See, Indo- 
nesia, Italy, .Tapan, Liberia, Panama, Philippines, 
Sweden, United Kingdom, United States. Upper 
Volta, and Yugoslavia, September 14, 1963. 

'Treaties and Other International Acts Series 3{H8. 




International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes. 
Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters, 
\ew York, September 28 througii November 30, 1962. 
Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963. 
Ratifications deposited: Cuba, August 21, 1963; Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany, August 13, 1963. 


Articles of agreement of the International Develop- 
ment Association. Done at Washington January 26, 
1960. Entered into force September 24, 1960. 
TIAS 4607. 

Signatures and acceptances: Algeria, September 26, 
1963; Burundi and Congo (Leopoldville), Septem- 
ber 28, 1963; Malagasy Republic, September 25, 
1963 ; Mali, September 27, 1903 : Rwanda, Septem- 
ber 30, 1963 ; Uganda, September 27, 1963. 
Articles of agreement of the International Finance 
Corporation. Done at Washington May 25, 1955. 
Entered into force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620. 
Signatures and acceptances: Malagasy Republic and 
Uganda, September 27, 1963. 

Fur Seals 

Protocol amending the interim convention of February 
9, 1957 (TIAS 3948), on conservation of North Pa- 
cific fur seals. Done at Washington October 8, 
1963. Enters into force on October 14, 1963, if the 
fourth instrument of ratification is deposited on or 
before that date ; if the fourth instrument of ratifi- 
cation is deposited after October 14, 1963, on the 
date of its deposit. 

Signatures: Canada, Japan, Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics, United States, October 8, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning weapon tests in the atmosphere, in 

outer space and under water. Done at Moscow 

August 5, 1963. 

Ratified hy the President: October 7, 1963. 

Signatures affixed at Washington: Haiti and Portu- 
gal, October 9, 1963. 

Ratifications of original parties deposited: United 
States, United Kingdom, Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics, October 10, 1963, at Washington, Lon- 
don, and Moscow. 

Entered into force: October 10, 1963. 

Proclaimed by the President: October 10, 1963. 

Ratification deposited: New Zealand, October 10, 

Accession deposited: South Africa, October 10, 1963. 


International sugar agreement, 1958. Done at London 
December 1, 1958. Entered into force January 1, 
1959 ; for the United States October 9, 1959. TIAS 

Accessions deposited: Jamaica, August 20, 1963; 
Trinidad and Tobago, February 21, 1963. 


General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annexes 
and schedules and protocol of provisional applica- 
tion. Concluded at Geneva October 30, 1947. TIAS 

Admitted as contracting parties (with rights and 
obligations dating from independence) : Malagasy 
Republic, September 27, 1963 ; Mauritania, Septem- 
ber 26, 1963 ; Senegal, September 24, 1963. 
Declaration on provisional accession of Swiss Confed- 
eration to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva November 22, 1958. Entered 
into force January 1, 1960; for the United States 
April 29, 1960. TIAS 4461. 

Signature: Spain, August 29, 1963. 
Proces-verbal extending and amending declaration on 
provisional accession of Swiss Confederation to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, supra. 
Done at Geneva December 8, 1961. Entered into 
force December 31, 1961 ; for the United States Janu- 
ary 9, 1962. TIAS 4957. 

Signatures: Cyprus, August 6, 1963; Kuwait, Septem- 
l)er 9, 1963 ; Spain, August 20, 1903. 
Proc&s-verbal extending declaration of November 12, 
19.59 (TIAS 4498), on provisional accession of 
Tunisia to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva December 9, 1961. Entered 
into force for the United States January 9, 1962. 
TIAS 4958. 

Signatures: Chile, August 21, 1963; Cyprus, August 
6, 1963 ; Tanganyika, July 30, 1903. 
Proc&s-verbal extending period of validity of declara- 
tion on provisional accession of Argentina to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of November 
18, 1900 (TIAS 5184). Done at Geneva November 
7, 1962. Entered into force January 1, 1963. TIAS 

Signatures: Cyprus, August 6, 1963; Israel, August 
23, 1963 ; Japan, September 3, 1963 ; New Zealand, 
September 4, 1963; Peru, September 16, 1963; 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, September 9, 1963 ; Tan- 
ganyika, July 30, 1963. 
Declaration on provisional accession of the United Arab 
Republic to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva November 13, 1962. Entered 
into force Jauiiary 9, 1963 ; for the United States 
May 3, 1963. TIAS 5309. 

Signatures: Chile, August 21, 19(i3 ; Cyprus, August 
6, 1963 ; Greece, August 29, 1963 ; Haiti, September 
11, 1963 ; Kuwait, September 9, 1963 ; Sweden and 
Tanganyika, September 2, 1963. 
Protocol for accession of Spain to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 
30, 1963. 

Signatures: Belgium, September 9, 1963; France, 
September 4, 1963; India, September 13, 1963 
Netherlands (ad referendum), September 4, 1963 
South Africa and Uruguay, August 30, 1963. 


Agreement amending agreement relating to the estab- 
lishment of a joint U.S.-Canadian committee on trade 
and economic affairs of November 12, 19.53 (TIAS 
2922), as amended, to include the Minister of In- 
dustry in the Canadian membership. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Washington September 17, 1963. 
Entered into force September 17, 1963. 


Agreement replacing Schedule II annexed to the recip- 
rocal trade agreement of August 27, 1943 (57 Stat. 
1075), with a Schedule II reflecting the nomenclature 
of the revi-sed tariff schedules of the United States. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Reykjavik July 12 
and 15, 1963. Entered into force July 15, 1963. 


Agreement covering trade in cotton textiles. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Kingston October 1, 1963. 
Entered into force October 1, 1963. 

United Arab Republic 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of October 8, 1902, as amended (TIAS 
5179). Effected by exchange of notes at Washing- 
ton October 7, 1963. Entered into force October 7, 

OCTOBER 28, 1963 


Department Publishes Foreign Relations 
Volume for 1943 

Press release 510 dated October 4, for release October 12 

The Department of State released on October 12 
Foreign Rclatiuns of the United States, 1943, Volume 
I, (Icneral. This is the first volume to be issued in 
the regtilar Foycign Relations series for 1943, but a 
special volume has been published on the conferences 
at Cairo and Tehran ' and another on relations with 
China in 1943. ' Five other regular Foreign Relations 
volumes for 1943 are in preparation, as well as special 
volumes giving documentation on the conferences in 
1943 between President Roosevelt and Prime Minister 
Churchill, with their advisers, at Casablanca, Wash- 
ington, and Quebec. 

In the present volume there is documentation on a 
considerable number of multilateral subjects relating 
to the war. The longest and perhaps the most im- 
portant chapter is that dealing with the tripartite con- 
ference of foreign minLsters in Moscow, October 18- 
November 1, 1943, pp. .513-781. Among other topics 
treated are questions relating to trade, prisoners of 
war, refugees, war crimes, relief and rehabilitation, 
and planning for postwar organization and economic 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 
19I,S, Volume I, General (vi, 1,189 pp.: Department of 
State publication 758.5) may be obtained from the 
Superintendent of Documents. U.S. Government Print- 
ing Office. Washington, D.C., 20402, for $4. 

Recent Releases 

For sale hg the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Gorrrnment Printing Office, Washington. D.C, 20 ',02. 
Addrr.'<s requests direct to the Supcriiitrn'icnt of Docu- 
ments, except in the ease of free pulilieations, which 
mag he obtained from the Department of State. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Greece, re- 
lating to the ugrcomonts of July 2, 1948. as amended, 
and April 21 and 23, r.l.">2. Exchange of notes — Signed 
at Athens Ai)ril l!l. i;«!3. Entered into force April 19. 
19i;.{. TIAS .5331. 3 pp. o<^. 

Technical Cooperation. Agreements witi the Somali 
Republic, extending the agreement of January 28 and 
February 4. 19G1. Effected by exchange of letters — 
Signed at Mogadiscio December 28 and 31. 1962. En- 
tered into force December 31. 19(!2. Exchange of let- 
ters — Signed at Mogadiscio June 1:5 and 17, 19<>2. En- 
tered into force June 17, 1962. Exchange of letters — 

Signed at Mogadiscio March 22 and 20, 19<!2. Entered 
into force March 20, 19<;2. TIAS 5332. 5 pp. 5c. 
Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Brazil^ 
amending the agreement of March 15. 1902. Exchange 
of notes — Signed at Rio de Janeiro October 4, 1902. 
Entered into force October 4, 1!H>2. Witli minutes — 
Signed at Rio de Janeiro October 4. 19C2. And minutes 
to the agreement of March 15, l!)f)2 — Signed at Brasilib 
March 15, 1902. TIAS 5333. 9 pp. 10c. 

Defense — Communications Facilities. Agreement witli 
Belgium. Signed at Brussel.s April 19. 11103. Entered 
into force .\pril 19. 1903. TIAS 5.334. 4 pp. 50. 
Agricultural Trade. Agreement with El Salvador. 
Signed at Washington May 7. 1903. Entered into force 
May 7, 1903. TIAS 5335. 4 pp. St*. 

* Department of State publication 7187. 
'Department of State publication 64.59. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 7-13 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of Xews, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

Releases Issued prior to October 7 which ap- 
I)ear in this is.sue of the Bulletin are Nos. 492 
of September 26 ; 495 of September 27 ; 497 of 
September 30 ; 498 of October 1 ; and 509 and 510 
of October 4. 
No. Date Subject 

*511 10/7 U.S. participation in international 

*.512 10/8 Davis s^vorn in as Amba.s.sador to 
Switzerland (biographic de- 

t513 10/8 Duke: Publicity Club of Chicago 
(as-delivered text). 
514 10/8 Signing of protocol amending 
North Pacific fur seals conven- 
513 10/9 Survey of Hawaii East- West Cen- 
ter (rewrite). 

*516 10/9 Death of Andrew B. Foster. 
517 10/9 Rusk : Ford Foundation grant for 
Foreign Affairs Scholars Pro- 
gram at Howard University. 

•518 10/9 Itinerary for visit of Irish Prime 

519 10/10 Entry into force of limited test ban 


520 10/10 Attorney General's letter to Sees 

retary Rusk on wheat sales to 
■521 10/10 Amendment to delegation to U.S.- 
Japau cultural conference (re- 

*522 10/11 Cieplinski: Polish American Con- 

*523 10/11 Itinerary for visit of Yugoslav 

524 10/11 Rusk : Hebrew Union College. 

525 10/11 Mrs. Inncss-Brown swcirn in as 

special consultant. Bureau of 
Educational and Cultural Af- 
fairs (rewrite). 
t52(> 10/12 Mrs. Louchheim : "The Citizen in 
a Changing World." 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin-. 



INDEX October 28, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1270 


Health for Peace and Vice Versa (Cleveland) . 676 

How To Make a National Market (Rostow) . . 667 

U.S. Grain Dealers To Be Allowed To Sell Wheat 
to Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (state- 
ment by President, letter of Attorney Gen- 
eral) 660 

Asia. Advisory Commission To Survey Hawaii's 

East-VPest Center 6S4 

Atomic Energy. Limited Test Ban Treaty liati- 
fied. Enters Into Force (Kennedy, texts of 
joint communique and proclamation) . . . 658 

Canada. Protocol Amending North Pacific Fur 

Seals Convention Signed 688 

Department and Foreign Service 

Designations (Hummel) 685 

Howard University To Conduct Foreign Atfairs 

Scholars Program (Rusk) 684 

Economic Aflfairs 

How To Make a National Market (Rostow) . . 667 

Protocol Amending North Pacific Fur Seals Con- 
vention Signed 688 

Tariff Schedule on Importation of Butter Oil 
Amended (text of proclamation) .... 685 

U.S. Grain Dealers To Be Allowed To Sell Wheat 
(to Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (state- 
ment by President, letter of Attorney Gen- 
eral) 660 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Advisory Commission To Survey Hawaii's East- 
West Center 684 

Four Named To Be Consultants on Cultural 
Affairs 673 

Hummel designated Deputy Assistant Secretary 
for Educational and Cultural Affairs . . . 685 

Three Added to U.S. Delegation to Cultural Con- 
ference With Japan 659 

Ethiopia. Emperor of Ethiopia Visits United 
States (Emijeror Haile Selassie I, Kennedy, 
text of joint communique) 674 

Health, Education, and Welfare. Health for 
Peace and Vice Versa (Cleveland) .... 676 

Human Rights 

The Age of the Rights of Man (Rusk) ... 654 

The Citizen and Foreign Policy (Louchheim) . 681 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
Health for Peace and Vice Versa (Cleve- 
land) 676 


Protocol Amending North Pacific Fur Seals 

Convention Signed 688 

Three Added to U.S. Delegation to Cultural Con- 
ference With .Japan 6.'9 

Military Affairs. United States and Spain Re- 
new Defense Agreement (CastieUa, Rusk) . 686 

Presidential Documents 

Emperor of Ethiopia Visits United States . . 674 

Limited Test Ban Treaty Ratified, Enters Into 
Force e.'iS 

Tariff Schedule on Importation of Butter Oil 

Amended 685 

U.S. Grain Dealers To Be Allowed To Sell 
Wheat to Soviet Union and Eastern Euroiie . 660 

Public Affairs. The Citizen and Foreign Policy 

(Louchheim) 681 


Department Publishes Foreign Relations Volume 
for 1943 690 

Recent Releases 690 

Science. Health for Peace and Vice Versa 

(Cleveland) 676 

Spain. Unite<l States and Spain Renew Defense 
Agreement (CastieUa, Rusk) 686 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 688 

Limited Test Ban Treaty Ratified, Enters Into 
Force (Kennedy, texts of joint communique 
and proclamation) 658 

Protocol Amending North Pacific Fur Seals Con- 
vention Signed 688 

United States and Spain Renew Defense Agree- 
ment (CastieUa, Rusk) 686 


Limited Test Ban Treaty Ratified, Enters Into 
Force (Kennedy, texts of joint communique 
and proclamation) . . . . , 658 

Protocol Amending North Pacific Fur Seals Con- 
vention Signed 688 

U.S. Grain Dealers To Be Allowed To Sell WTieat 
to Soviet Union and Eastern Euroi)e (state- 
ment by President, letter of Attorney Gen- 
eral) 660 

United Kingdom. Limited Test Ban Treaty 
Ratified. Enters Into Force (Kennedy, tests 
of joint communique and proclamation) . . 6.58 

United Nations. Supplementary Items Added to 
Agenda of General Assembly 685 

Name Index 

CastieUa. Fernando Maria 6S6 

Cleveland, Harlan 676 

Emperor Haile Selassie I 674 

Hummel, Arthur W., Jr dsr, 

Inness-Brown, Mrs H. Alwyn 675 

Kennedy, President 658, 660, 674, 685 

Kennedy, Robert F f"*"! 

Louchheim, Mrs. Katie "''1 

Machrowicz, Thaddeus M 675 

Marrow, Alfred J 67.) 

Rostow, W. W 667 

Rusk, Secretary 6.".4, 684, OSG 

Szymczak, Matt S ^75 

Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

washington. d.c. 20402 



New Opportunities in the Search for Peace 

An address made by President Kennedy before the 18th session of the United Nations Genen 
Assembly at New York, N.Y., on September 20, 1963, is contained in this 20-page booklet. 


Human Rights— Some Next Steps 

This 22-page pamphlet contains an address made by Richard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Secretai 
for International Organization Affairs, before the Rotary Club of Ypsilanti, Michigan, on August 5, 196 

Also included are texts of the United Nations conventions on abolition of slaverj', abolition of force 
labor, and political rights of women, and President Kennedy's letter of July 22, 1963, transmitting thes 
three conventions to the Senate "with a view to receiving advice and consent to ratification." 





Enclosed find $ 

(cash, check, or money order pay- 
able to Supt of DocumenU) 

Please send me copies of : 

New Opportunities in the Search for Peace 

PUBLICATION 7595 15 eel 

Human Rights — Some Next Steps 

PUBLICATION 7597 15 cen 








Vol. XLIX, No. 1271 

November 4, 1963 


Address iy President Kennedy 694- 


Statement by Assistant Secretary Martin 698 


by Angier Biddle Duke 700 


by Mrs. Katie Louchheim 704- 

For index see inside bach cover 

strength for Peace and Strength for War 

Address hy President Kennedy ' 

In the year 1715 King George I of England 
donated a very valuable library to Cambridge 
University and, at very nearly the same time, 
had occasion to dispatch a regiment to Oxford. 
The King, remarked one famous wit, had judi- 
ciously observed the condition of both universi- 
ties — one was a learned body in need of loyalty 
and the other was a loyal body in need of learn- 

Today some observers may feel that very little 
has changed in two centuries. We are asking 
the Congress for funds to assist our college li- 
braries including those in Cambridge, Massa- 
chusetts, and it was regrettably necessary on one 
occasion to send troops to Oxford, Mississippi, 
and more generally speaking, critiques of our 
modem universities have often accused them of 
producing either too little loyalty or too little 
learning. But I cannot agree with either 

' Made at the University of Maine, Orono, Maine, on 
Oct. 19 (White House press release; as-delivered 
text). President Kennedy was awarded an honorary 
degree of Doctor of Laws. 

charge. I am convinced that our universities 
are an invaluable national asset which must be 
observed, conserved, and expanded. 

I am deeply honored by the degree which you 
award me today — and I think it is appropriate 
to speak at this university, noted for both loy- 
alty and learning, on the need for a more exact 
understanding of the true correlation of forces 
in the conduct of foreign affairs. 

One year ago tliis coming week the United 
States and the world were gripped with the som- 
ber prospect of a military confrontation between 
the two great nuclear powers. The American 
people have good reason to recall witli pride 
their conduct throughout that harrowing week. 
For they neither dissolved in panic nor rushed 
headlong into reckless belligerence. "Well 
aware of the risks of resistance, they neverthe- 
less refused to tolerate the Soviets' attempt to 
place nuclear weapons in this hemisphere but 
recognized at the same time that our prepara- 
tions for the use of force necessarily require 
a simultaneous search for fair and peaceful 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the OflJee 
of Media .Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government with Infor- 
mation on developments In the field of 
forclfin relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin includes selected 
press releases on foreljrn policy, Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 

ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of International affairs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and International agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial In tlie field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 

ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 
20402. Price : 52 Issties. domestic $8.50, 
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and Items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
Is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



Different Interpretations of History 

The extraordinary events of that week and 
the weeks that followed are now history — a 
history which is differently interpreted, dif- 
ferently recounted, and differently labeled 
among various observers and nations. Some 
hail it as the West's greatest victory, others as 
a bitter defeat. Some mark it as a turning point 
in the cold war, others as proof of its perma- 
nence. Some attribute the Soviet withdrawal 
of missiles to our military actions alone, while 
some credit solely our use of negotiations. 
Some view the entire episode as an example of 
Communist duplicity, while some others abroad 
have accepted the assertion that it indicated the 
Soviets' peaceful intentions. 

Wliile only the passage of time and events 
can reveal in full the true perspective of last 
October's drama, it is already clear that no 
single, simple view of this kind can be wholly 
accurate in this case. While both caution and 
common sense proscribe our boasting of it in the 
traditional terms of unconditional military vic- 
tory, only the most zealous partisan can attempt 
to call it a defeat. Wliile it is too late to say 
that nothing has changed in Soviet- American 
relations, it is too early to assume that the 
change is permanent. There are new rays of 
hope on the horizon, but we still live in the 
shadows of war. 

Let us examine the events of 12 montlis ago, 
therefore — and the events of the past 12 
months — and the events of the next 12 months — 
in the context of calm and caution. It is clear 
here will be further disagreement between 
ourselves and the Soviets as well as further 
agreements. There will be setbacks in our 
nation's endeavors on behalf of freedom as 
well as successes. For a pause in the cold war is 
not a lasting peace, and a detente does not equal 
disarmament. The United States must con- 
inue to seek a relaxation of tensions, but we 
;iave no cause to relax our vigilance. 

A year ago it would have been easy to assume 
hat all-out war was inevitable, that any agree- 
nent with the Soviets was impossible, and that 
,in unlimited arms race was unavoidable. To- 
lay it is equally easy for some to assmne that 
he cold war is over, that all outstanding issues 
letween the Soviets and ourselves can be quickly 
md satisfactorily settled, and that we shall now 

have, in the words of the psalmist, an "abun- 
dance of peace so long as the moon endureth." 

Slight Progress on a Long Journey 

The fact of the matter is, of course, that 
neitlier view is correct. We have, it is true, 
made some progress on a long journey. We 
have achieved new opportimities which we can- 
not afford to waste. We have concluded with 
the Soviets a few limited, enforcible agreements 
or arrangements of mutual benefit to both sides 
and to the world. 

But a change in the atmosphere and in em- 
phasis is not a reversal of purpose. Mr. 
Khrushchev himself has said that there can be 
no coexistence in the field of ideology. In addi- 
tion, there are still major areas of tension and 
conflict, from Berlin to Cuba to Southeast Asia. 
The United States and the Soviet Union still 
have wholly different concepts of the world, its 
freedom, its future. We still have wholly dif- 
ferent views on the so-called wars of liberation 
and the use of subversion. And so long as these 
basic differences continue, they cannot and 
should not be concealed ; they set limits to the 
possibilities of agreement; and they will give 
rise to further crises, large and small, in the 
months and years ahead, both in the areas of 
direct confrontation — Germany and the Carib- 
bean — and in areas where events beyond our 
control could involve us both — areas such as 
Africa and Asia and the Middle East. 

In times such as these, therefore, there is 
nothing inconsistent with signing an atmos- 
pheric nuclear test ban, on the one hand, and 
testing underground on the other; about being 
willing to sell to the Soviets our surplus wheat 
while refusing to sell strategic items; about 
probing their interest in a joint limar landing 
while making a major effort to master this new 
environment ; or about exploring the possibili- 
ties of disarmament while maintaining our 
stockpile of arms. For all of these moves, and 
all of these elements of American policy and 
Allied policy toward the Soviet Union, are di- 
rected at a single, comprehensive goal — namely, 
convincing the Soviet leaders that it is danger- 
ous for them to engage in direct or indirect 
aggression, futile for them to attempt to impose 
their will and their system on other unwilling 

rOVEMBEE 4, 1963 


people, and beneficial to them, as well as to the 
■world, to join in the achievement of a genuine 
and enforcible peace. 

Every Responsible Effort To Improve Relations 

While the road to that peace is long and hard 
BJid full of traps and pitfalls, that is no reason 
not to take each step that we can safely take. It 
is in our national self-interest to ban nuclear 
testing in the atmosphere so that all of our cit- 
izens can breathe more easily. It is in our 
national interest to sell surplus wheat in storage 
to feed Russians and Eastern Europeans who 
are willing to divert large portions of their lim- 
ited foreign exchange reserves away from the 
implements of war. It is in our national self- 
interest to keep weapons of mass destruction 
out of outer space, to maintain an emergency 
communications link with Moscow, and to sub- 
stitute joint and peaceful exploration in the 
Antarctic and outer space for cold- war exploita- 

No one of these small advances, nor all of 
them taken together, can be interpreted as 
meaning that the Soviets are abandoning their 
basic aims and ambitions. Nor should any 
future, less friendly Soviet action — whether it 
is a stoppage on the autobahn, or a veto in the 
U.N., or a spy in our midst, or new trouble else- 
where — cause us to regret the steps we have 
taken. Even if those steps themselves should 
be undone— by the violation or renunciation of 
the test ban treaty, for example, or by a deci- 
sion to decline American wheat — there would 
still be no reason to regret the fact that this 
nation has made every responsible effort to im- 
prove relations. 

For without our making such an effort, we 
could not maintain the leadership and respect 
of the free world. Without our making such 
an effort, we could not convince our adversaries 
that war was not in their interest. And with- 
out our making such an effort, we could never, 
in case of war, satisfy our own hearts and minds 
that we had done all that could be done to avoid 
the holocaust of endless death and destruction. 
Historians report, that in 1914, with most 
of the world already plunged in war, Prince 
Billow, the former German Chancellor, said to 
the then Chancellor Bethmann-IIollweg: "How 
did it all happen?" And Bethmann-Hollweg 

replied: "Ah, if only one knew." My fellow 
Americans, if this planet is ever ravaged by 
nuclear war, if 300 million Americans, Rus- 
sians, and Europeans are wiped out by a 60-min- 
ute nuclear exchange, if the pitiable survivors 
of that devastation can then endure the ensuing 
fire, poison, chaos, and catastrophe, I do not 
want one of those survivors to ask another, 
"How did it all happen ?" and to receive the in- 
credible reply, "Ah, if only one knew." 

Readiness for Peace as Well as War 

Therefore, while maintaining our readiness 
for war, let us exhaust every avenue for peace. 
Let us always make clear both our willingness 
to talk, if talk will help, and our readiness to 
fight, if fight we must. Let us resolve to be 
the masters, not the victims, of our history, con- 
trolling our own destiny without giving way to 
blind suspicion and emotion. Let us distin- 
guish between our hopes and our illusions, al- 
ways hoping for steady progress toward less 
critically dangerous relations with the Soviets 
but never laboring under any illusions about 
Communist methods or Commxmist goals. 

Let us recognize both the gains we have made 
down the road to peace and the great distance 
yet to be covered. Let us not waste the present 
pause by either a needless renewal of tensions 
or a needless relaxation of vigilance. And let 
us recognize that we have made these gains and 
achieved this pause by the firmness we dis- 
played a year ago as well as our restraint — by 
3ur efforts for defense as well as our efforts for 

In short, when we think of peace in this 
country, let us think of both our capacity to 
deter aggression and our goal of true disarma- 
ment. Let us think of both the strength of our 
Western alliances and the areas of East-West 

For the American eagle on the Presidential 
seal holds in his talons both the olive branch of 
peace and the arrows of military might. On 
the ceiling in the Presidential office, constructed 
many years ago, that eagle is facing the arrows 
of war on its left. But on the newer carpet on 
the floor, reflecting a change initiated by Presi- 
dent Roosevelt and implemented by President 
Truman immediately after the war, that eagle 



is now facing tlie olive branch of peace. And it 
is in that spirit — the spirit of botlr preparedness 
and peace — that this nation is stronger than ever 
before — strengtliened by both the increased 
power of our defenses and our increased efforts 
for peace, strengthened by both our resolve to 
resist coercion and our constant search for solu- 
tions. And it is in this spirit that I assure you 
that the American eagle still faces toward the 
olive branch of peace. In the months and years 
ahead, we intend to build both kinds of 
strength — during times of detente as well as 
tension, during periods of conflict as well as 
cooperation — until the world we pass on to our 
children is truly safe for diversity and freedom 
and the rule of law covers all. 

President and Secretary Rusk Pay 
Tribute to Ciiancelior Adenauer 

Following are the texts of letters from Presi- 
dent Kennedy and Secretary Eusk to Konrad 
Adenauer, Chancellor of the Federal Republic 
of Germany. 


White House press release dated October 14 

October 10, 1963. 

Dear Mr. Chancellor: On the occasion of 
your retirement from the Chancellorship after 
many years of extraordinary service, I want to 
take this opportunity to salute once again your 
contribution to Germany and the cause of 

You assumed the burdens of office at a most 
difficult and painful moment in the history of 
the German people — after long, hard years of 
dictatorship and devastating war. And to your 
people you have given, by your wise and re- 
sponsible leadership, a sense of national iden- 
tity, purpose and pride. 

Western Europe, prior to your service as 
Chancellor, was still obsessed by bitter and 
traditional rivalries, hatreds and fears. Today 
the movement toward Western European unity 
and Atlantic Partnership, to which you have 

been a prime contributor, has replaced disorder 
and dissension with cooperation and reconcilia- 
tion, and has banished for the firet time in liis- 
tory tlie threat of another war between any of 
the Atlantic allies. The relations between my 
country and yours have never been closer — and 
the bonds wlaich you have so greatly helped to 
forge will endure. 

Germany today is respected by all free na- 
tions as a champion of peace and freedom — 
for you have created in your own land a stable, 
free and democratic society which stands in 
sharp contrast to the repression still enforced 
on so many of your countrymen. To them you 
have given both help and hope, rightly refus- 
ing to accept as permanent the unnatural di- 
vision of your nation, capital and people. 

For tliese reasons and many more, Mr. Chan- 
cellor, your place in history is assured and your 
mark on history is indelible. The peaceful and 
democratic transfer of power over which you 
now preside is symbolic of the changes you 
have inspired; and I know I speak on behalf 
of all Americans in paying tribute to your mag- 
nificent record of achievements in the past and 
in wishing you every happiness and success in 
the future. 


John F. Kennedy 


Press release 533 dated October 16 

October 15, 1963. 

Dear Chancellor Adenauer : My colleagues 
in the Department of State join me in sending 
you our best wishes on your retirement. Your 
courage, integrity and leadersliip have placed 
you among the great leaders of the free world. 
You have led your nation to new and higher 
paths. Having come to your great responsibili- 
ties at a unique time in histoiy, you have met 
the great test which confronted you. 

Whenever the honored name of the Federal 
Republic of Germany is seen with those of the 
partners of the Atlantic alliance and the world's 
leading free and democratic nations, we will 
also think of Konrad Adenauer. 

Dean Rusk 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 


U.S. Policy Regarding Military Governments in Latin America 

by Edwin M. Marian 

Assistant Secretary for Inter- American Affairs ^ 

By tradition and conviction as well as a mat- 
ter of policy, the United States opposes the over- 
throw of constitutional and popular democratic 
governments anywhere. 

This is especially true in Latin America, with 
whose jjeople we have such close liistorical ties 
and whose aspirations for political and economic 
freedom we support wholeheartedly. More- 
over, under the Charter of Punta del Este the 
people of the Western Hemisphere have bound 
themselves in a joint effort for political and 
socio-economic development — the Alliance for 
Progress — witliin a framework of free and 
democratic institutions. 

The deviations from these principles which 
we have observed in the two years since Punta 
del Este have caused some to question the valid- 
ity of the principles of the charter and some 
impatient cynics to ignore the progress which 
has been made. 

Both the impatient idealists and the defeatist 
cynics ignore the realities of rising nationalism ; 
the anxieties caused by social revolution; the 
challenge posed by the Alliance for Progress to 
old value systems; the threat to the established 
order brought on by the new; and finally the 
strain which rapid social and economic change 
places on fragile political institutions. 

In short, there is a temptation to measure 
current events not against historical reality and 
substantive progress, but against somewhat 
theoretical notions of the manner in which men 
should and do operate in a complex world. 

' statement written by Mr. Martjn espet-ially for the 
New York Herald Tribune and published in the Herald 
Tribune of Oct. 6. 

We all have respect for motherhood and abhor 
sin. We may observe, however, that while 
motherhood has prospered, so has sin. In an 
increasingly nationalistic world of sovereign 
states, a U.S. frown doesn't deter others from 
committing what we consider to be political sins. 
And as we are pretty nationalistic ourselves and 
rightfully proud of our great successes, we some- 
times find this fact f rustratmg. 

Our task has only begun when we have stated 
our position. The real issue is how, under the 
conditions of the present-day world, we can as- 
sist the peoples of other sovereign nations to 
develop stable political institutions and help 
them strengthen their beliefs in these institu- 
tions so as to make them effective against brute 

In Latin America there are very few who 
would argue as a matter of principle for violent 
overthrow of constitutional regimes. Most of 
those who support or accept coups d'etat would 
simply maintain that their particular case was 
surrounded by unique circumstances. This is 
the "yes, but" argument. 

Genuine concern with an overturn of the es- 
tablished order, fear of left-wing extremism, 
frustration with incompetence in an era of great 
and rising expectations, and a sheer desire for 
power are all formidable obstacles to stable, con- 
stitutional government — especially in countries 
where the traditional method of transferring po- 
litical power has been by revolution or coup 
d'etat. In most of Latin America there is so 
little experience with the benefits of political 
legitimacy that there is an insufficient body of 
opinion, ci\nl or military, which has any reason 
to know its value and hence defend it. 



No two countries are alike, but in general we 
feel that in order to enlarge their experience of 
legitimacj', and thus their respect for it, we must 
strengthen in each society the power of the 
educated middle class with a stake in the covm- 
try, and hence in peace and order and democracy 
for all the people. This is in fact what the 
Alliance for Progress is all about — it is as much 
a socio-political revolution as it is an economic 

The Role of the Military and the Civilian 

As societies come to have more respect for 
constitutional civilian governments with wide 
popular support, these governments will no 
longer be easy targets for military coups. But 
to tip the balance even more in favor of estab- 
lished civilian governments, we also must assist 
the military to assume the more constructive 
peacetime role of maintaining internal security 
and working on civic action programs. The 
latter are especially valuable in identifying 
them with the problems and goals of the civilian 

Even in the United States we argue about 
the areas of national policy in which the mili- 
tary have a rightful voice. In Latin America 
we cannot aim to reduce them to impotence in 
the national life — rather it is a problem of ac- 
ceptance of a mission in support of legitimate 
governments against subversion from extrem- 
ists of both right and left, whose threat of force 
must be met by force. There must be military 
participation in the formulation of some na- 
tional policies; they cannot be excluded alto- 

I should not wish this emphasis on the need 
for the military to acquire a new and somewhat 
more limited role in political life to be read 
as a downgrading of the real contribution they 
have made to political freedom and stability in 
many countries. Peron in Argentina, Perez 
Jimenez in Venezuela, and Kojas Pinilla in Co- 
lombia were all military dictators who were 
thrown out with the help of their own military 
in the 1950's. And the two worst dictators to- 
day in Latin America, it should be noted, are 
not military men and were able to consolidate 
their power only by reducing the regular mili- 
tary forces to impotence. 

Nor are the military universal supporters of 
those who oppose change as represented by the 
programs of the Alliance. Governments con- 
trolled by the military have overseen the elec- 
tion to power this year in Argentina and Peru 
of two of the most progressive regimes either 
country has ever had. This year in Ecuador 
and Guatemala military regimes have an- 
noimced reform programs of substantial im- 

Nevertheless, the fundamental facts remain- 
military coups thwart the will of the people, 
destroy political stability and the growth of the 
tradition of respect for democratic constitu- 
tions, and nurture Communist opposition to 
their tyranny. Moreover, the military often 
show little capacity for eifective government, 
which is a political rather than military job. 

What the United States Can Do 

Apart from our and the Alliance's vigorous 
long-term efforts to eliminate the political vac- 
uums on the civilian side which invite military 
action, as well as our efforts to train the mili- 
tary in their most valuable role, what can the 
United States do in the case of specific threats 
or coups which nevertheless come ? 

Unless there is intervention from outside the 
hemisphere by the international Communist 
conspiracy, the use of military force involving 
the probability of U.S. soldiers killing the citi- 
zens of another country is not to be ordered 

Nor can we, as a practical matter, create effec- 
tive democracy by keeping a man in office 
through use of economic pressure or even mili- 
tary force when his own people are not willing 
to fight to defend him. A democracy depend- 
ent on outside physical support of this kind is 
a hollow shell which has no future. The people 
had better start over again. Moreover, once 
outside military support is used it may prove 
hard to withdraw. We have seen in this cen- 
tury—in Haiti, the Dominican Eepublic, and 
Nicaragua — how politically unproductive mili- 
tary occupations are, even when carried out with 
the best of intentions. 

We must use our leverage to keep these new 
regimes as liberal and considerate of the wel- 
fare of the people as possible. In addition, we 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 


must support and strengthen the civilian com- 
ponents against military influences and press 
for new elections as soon as possible so that these 
countries once again may experience the bene- 
fits of democratic legitimacy. Depending upon 
the circumstances, our leverage is sometimes 
great, sometimes small. 

One should not underestimate what has been 
accomplished by the U.S. and Alliance policies 
I have described. They are accomplishments 
that have truly enhanced the long-term pros- 
pects of the Alliance. 

In Argentina the military walked up the hill 
a number of times to look at the green pastures 
of full military control and the power and per- 
quisites that would go with it. Each time a 
combination of wiser heads in the military, 
along with more and more confident civilian 
leaders who were strongly buttressed by U.S. 
diplomatic support and aid programs, turned 
them back. The elections were held on sched- 

In Peru tJie 1-year rule of the junta was 
about the most respectful of civil liberties, most 
progressive in its policies, and quickest to give 
up its power peacefully in the history of Latin 
American military regimes. Here again the 
strong stand taken by the United States prior 
to recognition helped to secure public commit- 
ments, and followthrough, from the junta to 
pursue liberal policies— liberal, of course, only 
for a military dictatorship. 

A similar story can be told of the Ecuadoran 
junta, which is governing through an able and 
representative civilian cabinet and generally 
without repression of civil liberties. 

In every case mentioned there has been a 
novel and notable absence of reprisals against 
the leaders of the ousted regimes. The firing 
squads or prison guards, so characteristic of 
earlier political upheavals in Latin America, 
have been eschewed. This restraint can be 
credited to the progress Latin America has been 
making under the Alliance and to U.S. influ- 
ences, brought to bear through all the means 
open to us, to produce moderation and a prompt 
return to constitutional and democratic regimes. 
I fear there are some who will accuse me of 
having written an apologia for coups. I have 
not. They are to be fought with all the means 

we have available. Rather I would protest 
that I am urging the rejection of the thesis of 
the French philosophers that democracy can be 
legislated — established by constitutional fiat. 

I am insisting on the Anglo-Saxon notion 
that democracy is a living thing which must 
have time and soil and sunlight in which to 
grow. We must do all we can to create these 
favorable conditions, and we can do and have 
done much. 

But we cannot simply create the plant and 
give it to them; it must spring from seeds 
l^lanted in indigenous soil. 

Protocol and the Conduct 
of Foreign Affairs 

by Angler Blddle Duke 
Chief of Protocol ' 

For the past 33 months I have been planning, 
programing, and managing the meetings be- 
tween the President of the United States and 
nearly 80 world leaders: emperors, presidents, 
kings, and prime ministers. Sitting in on these 
meetings and the association with the partici- 
pants has probably been the most illimiinating 
experience of my life. It has given me an un- 
equaled vista on the conduct of foreign affairs 
at the highest level. 

As my office thinks through the objectives of 
each such visit months in advance, as we guide 
chiefs of state through their press relations, as 
we arrange every facet of their movements in 
this country, as we coordinate the silent but 
remarkable problems of security, what a blow it 
is to find in the papers here and around the 
country that the Chief of Protocol is the State 
Department's version of Emily Post ! 

By way of underlining just how unique these 
experiences can be, let me point out that on 
several occasions in the past 3 years the only 
other person present during the talks between 

' Address made before the Publicity Club of Chicago, 
Chicago, 111., on Oct. 9 (press release 513 dated Oct. 8; 
as-delivered text). 



the President and the visiting decisionmaker 
has been tlie protocol chief. Relationships 
with the President's guest are also often unique. 
They are always rewarding or at least reveal- 
ing in one way or another, and they are, by the 
nature of the assignment, close. 

Let me illustrate. Last week I had the re- 
sjjonsibility of picking up the Emperor of 
Ethiopia in Addis Ababa and bringing him and 
his delegation to Washington.^ On the way, he 
asked me to land our Air Force plane in 
Khartoum so that he could meet briefly with 
the President of the Sudan. Emperor Haile 
Selassie descended the steps at the airport 
where he was met by President Abboud, who 
turned on seeing me and exclaimed : ""Wliy, it's 
Ambassador Duke. If I had known you were 
coming I would have brought you a present!" 
My sole relationship with the Sudanese Chief 
of State had been during his official visit to 
Washington over 2 full years ago. I must add 
that he sent on board the plane as we left two 
small elephants carved in wood. That little 
episode did not hurt my standing with Haile 
Selassie at the outset of his visit, I can assure 

But let me go back to my point concerning 
the value, the benefits, to the American people 
of these visits to our shores of official guests. 
As a "traffic manager" for this kind of diplo- 
macy, I have been able to observe suspicions dis- 
solve, fears dispelled, friends reassured, op- 
ponents disarmed or even persuaded. This pol- 
icy of top-level confrontation is a success. I 
wish it could be a specifically demonstrable one, 
but I know that liistory will so record it. All 
of us know the value, the worth, of personal 
communication in our own lives. You who 
deal with the communication of ideas under- 
stand that at least as important as the idea is 
the man expressing it. 

In this world of many revolutions the revolu- 
tion of rising mobility, as Secretary [of Com- 
merce Luther H.] Hodges calls it, has enabled 
key men to confer with one another at key 
moments. The prestige of the United States 
and its Government has had the effect of polar- 

' Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1963, p. 674. 

izing the leadership of well over half the na- 
tions of the world in the form of visits to Wash- 
ington in less than 3 years. In fact it has been 
half seriously observed that to prove true sov- 
ereignty a now nation's leader must run up the 
new flag, take the oath of office, and visit with 
President Kemiedy. 

Conversely, let's look at the opposition. 
Chairman Khrushchev obviously understands 
the usefulness of making as well as receiving 
visits, as evidenced by the many visits he has 
made and the many chiefs of state he has in- 
vited to Moscow. Apropos of his Russian trip, 
the King of Afghanistan told me of one curious 
aftereffect of a visit to his own country. He 
was out shooting with Khrushchev in the 
Crimea and successfully felled a deer at very 
long range. Tlie Communist leader admiringly 
asked to see the King's gun, and there on the 
wooden stock was emblazoned the gold Presi- 
dential seal and a dated plaque marking the gift 
as a memento of the visit to Afghanistan of 
President Eisenhower. 

Traditional Form of State Visits 

I have studied the form of state visits to the 
Soviet Union, and I know the care, the courtesy, 
and the thought devoted to them. The Rus- 
sians have one important variation which may 
be worth noting. The state guest is met in 
Moscow, where he remains a day or two for the 
negotiating sessions, and then usually takes a 
tour of a week or so around the U.S.S.R. Be- 
fore departure he returns to the capital for a 
final session, and he returns home with the 
words of Khrushchev's farewell as his last mem- 
ory of the Soviet Union. 

Here the Washington portion of the visit and 
the meetings with the President come first, and 
the swing around the country is climaxed by a 
stay in New York and an address to the General 
Assembly of the United Nations when in ses- 

We have given some thought to reversing that 
order, but it takes a long time to make changes. 
Part of the difficulty is that each head of state, 
as represented by his ambassador here, virtually 
insists on the same level and type of treatment 
as his predecessors. I will give you an exam- 

NOVEMBER 4, 196 3 


pie. For over a year my ollice had been work- 
ing on the elimination of the need for airport 
arrival ceremonies. The air traffic noises and 
the wasteful time consumed going back and 
forth impelled us to the idea of a helicopter 
arrival on the "White House lawn. Such a cere- 
mony would be more beautiful and impressive 
and most convenient for the President. 

We worked out the details, received final ap- 
proval, but no guest was willing to accept the 
new plan. I thought I had a customer in the 
President of one small but most friendly land, 
and I carefully outlined to his ambassador the 
advantages of having the visit long remembered 
for inaugurating a new tradition. "No, my 
friend," he replied, "I must refuse to permit my 
country to go down in history as the first to be 
downgraded in not having your President come 
to the airport." 

No amount of explaining that the airport was 
in Maryland and that this would be the initial 
point of arrival in Washington could move 
him, and I never succeeded in changing until a 
curious event occurred. A new nation suddenly 
became independent, and its head was invited 
to Washington for a 1-day visit. There had 
not yet been time to appoint an ambassador 
here; therefore, I made the arrangements uni- 
laterally. It was a beautiful fall day on the 
south lawn; the magnificent honor guard of 
troops in dreas uniform, the flags of the 50 
States, the red carpet stretching across the grass 
to a raised platform, all fused in a setting fit to 
shake the resolve of the most hardened tradi- 
tionalist. The watchful diplomatic corps ob- 
served for the first time a successful, splendid 
ceremony. From that moment on we have 
never looked back, and President Kennedy 
never returned to the airport. 

Not everything has been so successful. After 
a year or so in office a widely circulated weekly 
magazine did a cover story on my views of the 
10 most recommended places in the United 
States for Presidential guests. I had co- 
operated most enthusiastically, naming, as I re- 
call, Williamsburg, Los Angeles, TVA, Seattle, 
Colorado Springs, Boston, Charleston, West 
Point, Washington, and Detroit. It was a dis- 
aster. Tlie magazine claimed a circulation of 
26 million, and it seemed to me that virtually 

a million angry letters, telegrams, and messages 
poured in on the State Department for months. 
I had to explain to the Mayor of Cliicago that 
his great city needed no recommendation from 
me ; guests insisted on coming here at their own 
request. I was threatened by Congressmen ; at 
least one Governor complained directly to the 
White House, and I don't think enough water 
has flowed under the bridge to make it safe for 
me to go back to New Orleans. 

Governors' Advisory Committees 

But out of this calamity came the idea of es- 
tablishing a nationwide network of Governors' 
advisory conamittees, which would be in a posi- 
tion to aduse traveling diplomats and states- 
men through the office of tlie Chief of Protocol 
of the assets available in each of their States. 
The plan had the additional virtue of putting 
us in direct contact with almost every Gover- 
nor's office, and this has been most useful in 
many cases involving distinguished guests in 
unpleasant but veiy real incidents of racial 

Traditionally protocol has been the apology- 
making agency of the State Department in such 
matters, but since 1961 we have made it a policy 
to plan trips around the country so as to avoid 
incidents if at all possible. The Governors' 
offices have cooperated to such an extent that, 
with proper preparation, a diplomat can now 
travel without fear in all but a few States. 
The day may someday come when leaders from 
any part of the world can travel in safety any- 
where in this country. Just about half of our 
Washington diplomatic corps, from 110 nations, 
come from Africa and Asia, and you can well 
understand the effect on them and their policies 
toward us of living under the menace of in- 
sulting incidents. Even in our nation's Capital 
today it is not safe for some diplomats to go 
out and look for an apartment without first re- 
questing the assistance of my office. 

I should point out as well that the face of the 
State Department is so often the one presented 
by the Protocol Office, and that face must be 
representative. Consequently we have among 
our top officers members of many racial and re- 
ligious groups from all over the country. Simi- 



larly, on White House and State Department 
guest lists for which we are responsible, every 
element of the American community is con- 
sistently and methodically sought out. 

The President's Guest House 

We are responsible as well for the adminis- 
tration and maintenance of Blair House, the 
President's guest house. My wife has taken a 
working interest in this historic home, which is 
undergoing a physical underpinning and a 
gradual restoration. 

Located on Pennsylvania Avenue, diagonally 
across from the "Wliite House, this distinguished 
residence dates back to 1824. It was built for 
the Surgeon General of the Army and subse- 
quently sold to Dr. Blair, who was a journalist. 
It was here that Robert E. Lee was offered com- 
mand of the Union forces at the outbreak of the 
Civil War. President Truman lived and 
worked in Blair House for over 4 years during 
the reconstruction of the "White House, and 
from an upstairs window he looked down on the 
shooting of White House guard Leslie Coffelt, 
who died protecting his chief from Puerto 
Rican nationalists bent on entering the house to 
assassinate him. The residence was closed 
down this summer to install air conditioning, 
a fireproof wiring system, new kitchen, addi- 
tional bathrooms, and structural strengthening. 

From that point on a newly formed Blair 
House Fine Arts Committee under the honor- 
ary chairmanship of Mrs. Kennedy takes over 
to supervise the furnishing of the interior in a 
manner worthy of its past. Their mission is to 
elicit contributions of specific objects such as 
ft Georgian paneled dining room donated by 
Congressman [Peter] Frelinghuysen of New 
Jersey and his family. Cabinet wives have be- 
come interested, and each one has a project in 
the house. One of the most interesting to me is 
Mrs. [Stewart L.] Udall's work in the library. 
She is collecting works of United States authors 
in multiple copies, with the idea of encouraging 
visiting world leaders to take the books back 
home with them — spreading the word, so to 

Another way of telling the American story is 
through films. The Protocol Office cooperates 

with USIA [U.S. Information Agency] in its 
task of making films for overseas in such spe- 
cific ways as including program suggestions 
which would provide important visual back- 
ground. Durmg President Tito's visit, at Ed 
Murrow's suggestion, we plan to include a 
housing development on his itinerary so that 
Yugoslavs will later be able to see the American 
style in such things through the eyes of the 
-visitor. A film, usually in color, is made on 
every state visit, and they have a guaranteed 
distribution in the guest's country. In Khar- 
toum I was told that the Arabic version of 
President Abboud's visit 2 years ago was still 
being shown from time to time in the Sudan. 

I won't bore you with all our other activities, 
but just let me mention that we are responsible 
for the accreditation of all ambassadors and 
consuls in the United States, for the exercise of 
their privileges and immunities, particularly 
regarding such legal matters as entry through 
customs, tax exemptions, and the like. We are 
also deeply interested and concerned with the 
negotiation of bilateral and multilateral con- 
sular conventions, some of which are presently 
before the Senate for ratification. Wlien inter- 
national conventions are held on any of the 
above-mentioned matters, such as the 1961 
Conference on Diplomatic Relations and the 
1963 Congress on Consular Relations, both held 
in Vienna, we are there at work. 

It might interest you to know that for the 
first time I have a permanent public affaire offi- 
cer attached to my staff. David Waters' pri- 
mary job is to work with the foreign and 
American correspondents traveling with the 
President's guests to assure them of adequate 
coverage and facilities. Next week, here in 
Chicago, Dave and I will be back again with 
the Prime Minister of Ireland [Sean F. Le- 
mass], who is repaying the Irish visit of Presi- 
dent Kennedy last June. 

I don't know whether all this is the kind of 
thing State Department protocol is associatexl 
with in your mind. I hope it is, but I doubt it. 
"Wlien I first reported for indoctrination after 
Christmas in 1960, my predecessor told me that 
the two least valued posts in Government were 
his and the Vice Presidency, and I would be in- 
clined to consider his observation still valid. 

NOVEMBER 4, 196 3 


But in my mind the worst thing about the post 
is its name. Can it ever convey a sense of use- 
fulness, of efficiency, of a purposeful, demo- 
cratic attitude ? We have tried to think up new 
titles for the job, but I can report resignation 
on that front as well. This post will probably 
just have to speak for itself in the future as it 
does today. If the compensations do not lie in 
public estimation, tlien I can assure you that 
they do in the content of the assignment and 
the day-to-day work in and around the very 
core of this country's power structure. 

It has often been said of late that we .are 
changing protocol faster than at any other 
previous time. That is in many ways a grati- 

fying comment and essentially true, but at the 
same time we are pledged to retaining the en- 
during values of the great traditions of this 
democratic society. 

It might interest you in this respect to hear of 
a letter written to President George Washing- 
ton on January 24, 1790, by Gouverneur Morris 
of New York. The passage reads : "I think it 
of very great importance to fix the taste of our 
country properly, and I think your example will 
go far in that respect. It is therefore my wish 
that everything about you should be substan- 
tially good and majestically plain ; made to en- 
dure." In this spirit and on these foundations 
we make our changes. 

The Citizen in a Changing World 

hy Mrs. Katie Louchheim 

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs ^ 

My subject, which is the changing world in 
which we live, seems especially appropriate to- 
day. On this day 471 years ago, I need hardly 
remind you, an Italian navigator, with Spanish 
ships and a Spanish crew, landed on an island 
in the Western Hemisphere. If it had not been 
for Colimibus' persistence and daring, we might 
not be here. And I like to remember that if it 
had not been for the faith and support of a 
woman — Spain's Queen Isabella — Columbus 
might never have left Spain. 

Columbus' voyage changed the world of his 
day. It began the great era of discovery. It 
opened islands and continents previously un- 
known, or hardly known, to colonization by 
Europeans. Now we are witnessing the dawn 
of a new age of national independence for the 
former colonial peoples. 

There are few colonies left today, and those 

' Address made before the Catholic Daughters of 
America at Washington, D.C., on Oct. 12 (press release 


few will inevitably achieve their independence 
in a matter of years. Since 1943, fifty new na- 
tions have come into being. The United 
Nations at its birth in 1945 had 51 members. 
Now there are 111. Before the end of 1963 
a 112th, Kenya in East Africa, will join their 
ranks. The map of our world has been chang- 
ing so fast that last month's atlas is out of date. 
But changes are taking place which are even 
more fundamental. Side by side with this po- 
litical revolution, an economic and social revo- 
lution is under way — what is often called the 
"revolution of rising expectations." Along 
with freedom from foreign control, the impov- 
erished masses of Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America, too, are beginning to demand freedom 
from want, hunger, and disease — those freedoms 
for which we fought the great war of the 1940's. 
People long landless, ill-housed, ill-clothed, and 
uneducated are demanding a share in the better 
life which a new technology makes possible. 
People silent for centuries are making them- 


selves heard. The immediate effect of their 
awakening is upheaval — sometimes violent up- 
heaval, as the old social and economic order 
resists the new. 

Change is not confined to the newly develop- 
ing nations. It is global. In the 18 years since 
the end of World War II we have seen the 
world's population increase by 50 percent and 
our own country's population by more than a 
third. We are living through a scientific and 
technological revolution with staggering impli- 
cations. We have built machines that can out- 
calculate mathematicians and machines that can 
run a factory without liuman hands. With no 
regions left to explore on this planet, we are 
exploring the great empty spaces around it and 
expect soon to explore the moon. 

If we have trouble adjusting to the accelerated 
pace of the past few years, think how diflBcult it 
must be for a pastoral society like the ancient 
empire of Ethiopia, whose gallant 72-year-old 
monarch visited Washington last week.^ Em- 
peror Haile Selassie presides over a proud, re- 
mote, mountainous realm which, outside of its 
capital city, has scarcely changed since the days 
of the fabled Prester John. To catch up with 
the modem world, it will have to leap over five 
or six centuries. This may be an extreme ex- 
ample, for fiercely independent Ethiopia was 
practically cut off from the tides of Western 
history until Mussolini conquered it in 1936. 
But other nations of Africa and Asia will have 
to make changes nearly as radical if their peo- 
ple are to share in the fruits of development, 
and their leaders are determined to make the 
giant leap. Their determination was illus- 
trated last week by Emperor Haile Selassie's 
lovely and serious-minded granddaughter. 
Princess Ruth, who spent her time in Washing- 
ton exploring adult education and literacy- 
teaching methods to apply in the mass pro- 
gram she directs at home. 

Princesses may be a diminishing breed, but 
those who are left are adapting themselves to 
the demands of a new world. Another exam- 
ple is Princess Ashraf, sister of the Shah of 
Iran, an ardent supporter of women's rights 
and an untiring worker for their emancipation. 

A striking change, among those taking place 

' Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1963, p. 674. 

in our time, is thus the changing status of 
women. This century has been called by many 
names — for example, "the century of the com- 
mon man" — but it could as well be called the 
century of the woman, common or uncommon. 
The emergence of women to play an important 
part in professional, public, and political life 
has occurred within the past 60 years. 

It is true that there have been outstanding 
women in every century and in many lands. 
But in most countries they were exceptions to 
the general rule, even in nations which claimed 
to be socially advanced. It is also true that in 
many countries women exercised a powerful in- 
fluence behind the scenes, or even behind the 
thi'one, and that in parts of Asia and Africa 
they liave long controlled important sectors of 
the economy. Nonetheless, the emergence of 
women into the public light of day in the past 
two or three generations has been impressive. 

Sometimes we in the West have to remind 
ourselves how recent this change is. In the 
United States, for instance, we now take for 
granted higher education for all our girls who 
want it and are qualified; but our grand- 
mothers, and especially our grandfathers, did 
not take it for granted. As recently as 1880, 
American men were protesting that higher 
education would have an adverse effect on the 
health of the frail sex. The first undertaking 
of the American Association of University 
Women was a survey which proved that women 
were not invalided by exposure to the germs 
of higher learning. 

There are few countries now where new, or 
larger, educational opportunities are not open- 
ing to women. With the relaxation of tradi- 
tional bans against work outside the home, 
many women have taken employment and have 
acquired economic rights and a degree of per- 
sonal independence previously denied them. 
They are making a place for themselves in the 
professions— in law, education, nursing, social 
welfare, and government service. 

In the field of political rights, the changed 
status of women has been phenomenal. Of the 
111 members of the United Nations, only 9 do 
not yet allow women to vote — and 2 of them 
do not allow men to vote either. New Zealand 
gave women the A'ote 70 years ago; American 
women won it just over 40 years ago. But in 

KOVEMBER 4, 1963 


most countries tins advance lias been achieved 
since 1945. In many cases it came as due recog- 
nition of women's part in national struggles for 

The most recent nation to give women the 
vote is Iran, where they first voted in March 
of this year, in a local election, by last-minute 
imperial fiat. The whole idea was so new to 
most of them that sound trucks were used to 
urge the unaccustomed feminine voters to the 
polls, and police were on hand to explain the 
complexities of marking ballots. Last month 
Iranian women not only voted in a national 
election; they elected six women deputies to the 
parliament. The implications of this granting 
of the franchise are tremendous, and full of 
hope for the future. 

Changes in the status of women are taking 
place over a vast area, in many continents and 
countries. The rate of change varies from one 
countiy to another, and within countries, de- 
pending on history, religion, tradition, local 
attitudes; on whether the area is urban or rural ; 
isolated or open and susceptible to influences 
from outside. But even in the most conserva- 
tive Moslem nations, perhaps the most closed 
of societies, the winds of change are blowing. 

There was an interesting illustration of this 
in Yemen a short while back, before the Ee- 
public was established. Wlien the United 
States opened a legation in Yemen about 5 
years ago, the only scliools were Koranic schools, 
open only to boys. The wife of our charge 
d'all'aires organized a few classes in her house 
for her own children and other children of the 
diplomatic corps. Within 3 months a Yemeni 
Government official came to her and begged her 
to take his three daughters into her school. 
These three were followed by more Yemeni 
children, both boys and girls. The first Yemeni 
father's explanation for entering his daughters 
was illuminating. He said: "Unless our chil- 
dren, especially our girls, can be assured a 
modern education, our country has no future. 
We know that the Middle Eastern countries 
which have progressed in the last 50 yeare are 
those where schools have been established and 
where eventually women have been allowed to 
learn as well as men." 

The reasons for the changing status of women 
are many and complex. One is the reason given 

by the Yemeni official. The leaders of many of 
the developing countries realize that a modern 
nation cannot exist with a backward female 
population. If they are to develop their re- 
sources, they need all their man- and woman- 
power, and they need it trained. Recently the 
President of one of the African nations made 
the point in forceful terms: ". . . African 
progress will be impossible and unattainable so 
long as the African woman is not emancipated," 
he declared. "The emancipation of the woman 
is imperative, an essential condition and the 
decisive basis for the transformation of the liv- 
ing conditions of a people." 

There is also an element of national pride. 
Officials from the newly independent nations 
of Africa, for example, who have visited more 
developed countries are impressed with the ca- 
pability of the women. They are quick to grasp 
that a capable, "evolved" female population is a 
characteristic of development; therefore they 
want it at home. There is, too, a more personal 
and private source of pressure for the emergence 
of women — or at least for their education — that 
is the boredom of the younger educated men 
with uneducated wives. 

The major pressures for the emergence of 
women come from the women themselves — from 
their own awareness that a better life is possible 
for them, from their own need to fulfill their 
own potential. Women are part of the "revolu- 
tion of rising expectations." They are coming 
to realize that they don't have to starve, or lose 
their babies, or be illiterate. They have dis- 
covered that other women — in Europe, or the 
United States— have more education, more 
status and independence, more voice in the com- 
munity and in the nation. They are tired, as an 
East African woman put it, "of being led like 
mules by our men." 

They are beginning to cast off their social in- 
difference and to take part in civic and social 
activity. They are forming organizations for 
self-improvement and self-education. Recently 
we received a newspaper report on one of these 
organizations, the Council of Women of 
Uganda. The reporter summed up its signifi- 
cance in these sentences : 

A quiet revolution is being fought in Uganda. And 
without firing a shot, the revolutionaries are winning 



the battle hands down. For they are the women of 
Uganda, and their battle is being fought against hun- 
dreds of years of male dominance. 

They are determined to have their say in the govern- 
ing of independent Uganda, and they are equipping 
themselves by learning all they can. They know that 
citizenship takes time, energy, and knowledge. 

One measure of tlieir success is the inclusion 
of women in 13 of the 32 African delegations 
to this fall's U.N. General Assembly. The 
women of Africa are beginning to make them- 
selves heard. 

Many of the newly independent countries 
have nationwide women's organizations. Pak- 
istan, for example, has its All-Pakistan 
Women's Association, which was founded in 
1947 to cope with the staggering problems of 
8 million refugees and drew many previously 
sheltered upper class women out of purdah to 
help. Tunisia has its National Union of Tmii- 
sian AVomen, responsible for many of the coun- 
try's social services. Kenya, due for independ- 
ence in December, already has a federation 
of clubs, appropriately called "Progress of 

These emerging women have discovered that 
the women's club is a force for progress, an in- 
strument of adult education, a training ground 
for leadership. When the daughters of Crown 
Prince Faisal of Saudi Arabia quietly organized 
a women's club in Riyadh early this year, with 
their father's approval, one of the last bastions 
of total male autocracy began to crumble — as 
the Crown Prmce and the princesses were un- 
doubtedly aware. 

I suspect it may be an open secret that the 
wife of an American businessman lent a friend- 
ly hand in organizing that club, sharing with 
her Saudi Arabian friends her exjjerience in 
clubs back home. Americans, these days, are 
living and working all over the world. And 
an American woman who is transplanted from 
Boston to Bogota or Detroit to Dar-es-Salaam 
puts the skills she acquired at home at the serv- 
ice of her new community. Whether she is a 
businessman's wife or a diplomat's wife, like 
a good guest, she helps unobtrusively with the 
host country's housework. She may assist in a 
clinic or hospital. She may teach English in 
a local school. She may show a group of volun- 
teers how to work together more effectively, 
simply by doing these tilings herself. 

She learned these vohmteer skills, of course, 
by belonging to an Americtm women's organi- 
zation — like yours. You are part of a great 
American institution. In my long years of 
working with organized women in the United 
States, I have acquired a solid respect and ad- 
miration for them. What tliey can accomplish, 
and have accomplished, makes me wonder how 
civilization could have gotten beyond the Stone 
Age without a band of leopard-skin-clad ladies 
marching the populace out of the caves to a 
Cave Dwellers' Community Cleanup Coimcil. 

It is a fact that American women through 
their organizations have changed the faces of 
their commmiities. They have seen needs and 
they have done something about the needs. 
They have wangled money for hospitals and 
schools out of hornyhanded businessmen, and 
they have paid part of the price out of their 
own pocketbooks. They have given themselves 
in volunteer service to those hospitals, to homes 
for the aged, to institutions for the mentally ill. 
You know this because you do all these things, 
and more, yourselves. The services which 
American women give voluntarily would cost 
millions of dollars if they had to be paid for, 
or might not be available at all. 

This kind of citizen effort is an old American 
tradition. You may realize that it has not been 
a tradition in many other countries. Our 
American zeal for joining a multiplicity of 
organizations, especially women's organiza- 
tions, has long astounded foreigners and even 
amused them. But this is a new era. Just as 
leaders of developing countries have noticed 
a relationship between national development 
and capable women, so they see a connection, at 
least in the United States, between capable 
women and women's organizations. 

The result is that the American women's vol- 
untary organization has become as much an ob- 
ject of earnest study by visitors from abroad 
as a Detroit assembly line, the National Insti- 
tutes of Health, supermarkets, or the public 
school system. A meeting with a major Amer- 
ican women's gi'oup is an indispensable part of 
a well-balanced program for a visiting leader 
from a new nation, along with Niagara Falls, 
the Grand Canyon, or Disneyland. Some wom- 
en leaders from Asia, Africa, and Latin Amer- 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 


ica come to the United States expressly to find 
out how our women deal with school problems 
through the PTA, or float a bond issue, or raise 
money for a clinic, or help get out the vote. 
They want to see how we recruit, train, and 
organize volunteers for community service. 

The American women's groups have re- 
sponded warmly to the visitor's quest for in- 
formation. They have opened their doore and 
their meetings; they have explained and dem- 
onstrated their tecliniques. A number of 
American women's organizations liave added 
to their domestic progi'ams the raising of money 
to bring women leaders from the developing 
countries to the United States for study and 
training in organizational tecliniques. 

For many of our women's groups, foreign 
aid is a new frontier. They have realized that 
they have exportable talents. The League of 
Women Voters is helping to develop civic edu- 
cation in some countries of Latin America. The 
General Federation of Women's Clubs has do- 
nated scholarships to prepare Latin American 
girls for teaching. Two new organizations, the 
Women's Africa Committee and the Committee 
of Correspondence, conduct leaderehip-training 
seminars for African and Middle Eastern wom- 
en. The National Council of Catholic "Women 
is now taking a special interest in Latin Amer- 
ica, and young women of The Grail are working 
in community development programs in Africa. 

These are only a few of the ways in which 
American women's organizations are reaching 
out to their sisters on other continents. Tliey 
are some of the ways by which the citizen can 
contribute to our changing world. 

Since this District of Columbia Couit of the 
Catholic Daughters of America was founded 
50 years ago, not only has the world changed, 
and the United States itself, but the role of the 
United States in the world has greatly changed. 
In those 50 years we have grown from a young 
nation, absorbed in its own concerns and hold- 
ing itself aloof, to a mature power deeply in- 
volved in the rest of the world. The responsi- 
bilities we have assumed are vast and infinitely 
complex, and some are far beyond the scope of 
the individual citizen. 

Yet the individual citizen can play a part, 

and an important one. Women, in particular, 
can play an important part. They have already 
proved it. The power of women who cooperate 
is limitless. But women as individuals can also 
create a climate in which progress can take 

A contemporary philosopher, Scott Bu- 
chanan, has eloquently stated my point : "The 
human individual is responsible for injustice 
anywhere in the universe." To set the universe 
as the limits of our personal responsibility may 
seem unreasonable. But if we were to ask each 
individual to assume responsibility for dealing 
with injustice in his own community, there 
would surely be acceptance of our proposition. 

Here in the United States we are going 
through our own social revolution. It is a rev- 
olution which aims to carry out at last the 14th 
and 15th Amendments to our Constitution. It 
is a revolution based on that ringing declara- 
tion of 1776, that "all men are created equal 
. . . [and] endowed by their Creator with cer- 
tain unalienable Rights . . . ." As mothers, as 
neighbors, as educators, business women, po- 
litical leaders, or citizens, we can be responsible 
for insuring justice at our own doorstep. 

We cannot alter, perhaps, what is going on 
at the other side of the globe. But in our world 
today, events in our own commimity affect not 
only all of us but all of humanity, even those 
at the far ends of the earth. 

President Kenned}', speaking last Jime in 
Frankfurt, Germany,' of a better life for our- 
selves and our cliildren, said : 

To realize this vision, we mast seek, above all, a 
world of peace — a world in which peoples dwell to- 
gether In mutual respect . . . not a mere interlude be- 
tween wars but an incentive to the creative energies 
of humanity. 

Surely women possess the creative human re- 
sources of which President Kennedy spoke. 
We are the mothers and teachers, the hearth- 
tenders, and the heart-healers. We are the 
guardians of our democratic heritage. For the 
responsible, involved, participating citizen, the 
community is not only her village or her city ; 
the communitv is her world — her universe. 

" For text, see it>id., July 22, 1963, p. 118. 



North Pacific Fisliery Conference 
Adjourns at Toltyo 


We have just concluded 3 weeks of intensive 
discussions witli delegations of Canada and 
Japan on the future of fisheries treaty arrange- 
ments in the North Pacific. The three nations 
did not reach complete agreement in these talks. 
In view of the wide differences which remained 
at the end of the first round of discussions at 
Washington in June/ it would perhaps have 
been unrealistic to have expected complete 
agreement at this time. 

Nevertlieless, considerable progress has been 
made in narrowing the differences of view. The 
delegations are recommending to their respec- 
tive Govermnents that a further conference be 
held next spring, probably at Ottawa. I per- 
sonally look forward with considerable hope 
to a resumption of these talks and to the pros- 
pect of an eventual reconciliation of views 
among the three nations. 

As President Kennedy stated on September 
10,^ shortly before my departure for Japan, the 
United States believes that the abstention prin- 
ciple is sound and reasonable and that without 
restraints of this nature the nations of the world 
would run serious risks of depleting fisheries. 
This was our position at the meeting in Tokyo. 
At the same time we recognized that certain dif- 
ficulties had arisen with respect to the present 
formulation of the principle and to the lan- 
guage of the present treaty.* For example, the 
Japanese people have come to interpret the 
treaty as an unfair arrangement imposed upon 
them during the period of military occupation. 

With this in mind, we submitted at the Tokyo 
conference a new draft treaty. This new draft 
involves no compromise of the principles on 
which we stand but does, in my view, constitute 
a major effort toward enabling the Japanese to 
accept our position. 

' Released at Anchorage, Alaska, on Oct 7. 

" Btjixetin of June 10, 1963, p. 914. 

' For text, see ibid., Sept. 30, 1963, p. 519. 

'Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2786. 

The United States proposal was not com- 
pletely acceptable to Japan. However, Japan 
was willing to recognize the special interest of 
the United States in the salmon and halibut 
stocks of the eastern North Pacific and on the 
basis of this recognition was prepared to con- 
tinue to accept substantial restrictions on its 
fishing in this area. This constituted a major 
departure from the rigid position which Japan 
took at the Washington talks. 

I believe that the discussions have lessened 
the prospects of a break in the existing relation- 
ships in the field of fisheries and that, with fur- 
ther patient consideration of the requirements 
of each country, the three nations will ulti- 
mately reach agreement. 


The second Meeting of the Parties to the In- 
ternational Convention for the High Seas Fish- 
eries of the North Pacific Ocean which began 
on September 16, 1963, came to a close today 

The delegations from Canada, Japan and the 
United States, giving due consideration to each 
other's position and problems clarified at the 
first Meeting held at Washington, D.C. last 
June, continued their deliberations in a very 
frank and friendly manner with a view to work- 
ing out a mutually satisfactory solution. 

During the course of the Meeting the U.S. 
delegation submitted a new draft Convention 
incorporating various modifications to the Jap- 
anese draft Convention presented at the Wash- 
ington Meeting. The U.S. draft Convention 
offered a new stimulus to discussions at the 

The Japanese delegation proposed modifica- 
tions to the U.S. draft, pointing out that the 
draft amotmts in effect to the maintenance of 
the situation prevailing under the pi-esent Con- 
vention. The Canadian delegation also sub- 
mitted some modifications to the U.S. draft with 
special reference to certain salmon and herring 
stocks and the need for cooperation in the 
broad field of fisheries research. 

All three delegations fully discussed and ex- 
amined these proposals and views, and exerted 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 


constructive and conciliatory efforts through- countries in the light of the work of the present 

out the Meeting to find mutually acceptable Meeting. 

means of resolving the problems. The present The three delegations, being encouraged with 

Meeting thus served a gi-eat deal to reduce the the results of this Meeting and the hopeful 

differences which existed between the views of prospects for the future, decided to adjourn and 

the three delegations at the conclusion of the recommend to their respective Governments 

Washington Meeting. that a third IMeeting be convened some time next 

However, tlie three delegations deemed it dif- spring when further efforts would be made to 

ficult at this Meeting to come to complete agree- reach agreement. In this connection the Meet- 

ment and concluded that it would be desirable ing took note of the hope expressed by the Ca- 

to give further study to means of resolving the nadian delegation that the next Meeting would 

remainin<r differences in the views of the three beheld in Ottawa. 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings ' 

Scheduled November Through January 1964 

U.N. ECE Senior Economic Advisers Geneva Nov. 2- 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 7th Session Geneva Nov. 4- 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II (Economic Paris Nov. 4- 


U.N./FAO Intergovernmental Committee on the World Food Program: Rome Nov. 4- 

4th Session. 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on the Trans- Geneva Nov. 4- 

port of Dangerous Goods. 

GATT Trade Negotiations Committee: Subcommittee on Nontariff Geneva Nov. 4- 


ILO Governing Body: 157th Session (and its committees) Geneva Nov. 4- 

UNESCO E.xecutive Committee for the Preservation of the Nubian Cairo Nov. 5- 


OECD Economic Pohcv Committee Paris Nov. 6- 

ITU CCITT Working Party of Study Groups V and XV Geneva Nov. 6- 

OECD Energy Comiiiittee Paris Nov. 7- 

FAO Council: 41st Session Rome Nov. 11- 

GATT Cereals Group Geneva Nov. 11- 

ITU CCITT Study Group V (Protection) Geneva Nov. 11- 

lA-ECOSOC: 2d Regular Annual Meeting at the Ministerial Level . . Sao Paulo Nov. 11- 

' Prepared in the OfRce of International Conferences, Oct. 17, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations: 
BIRPI, United International Bureaus for the Protection of Industrial and Intellectual Property; CCIR, Comit6 
consultatif international des radio communications; CCITT, Comit6 consultatif international t^li5graphique ct 
t616phonique; EC.\, Economic Commi.ssion for Africa; ECAFE, Economic Commission for .\sia and the Far East; 
ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; E(;OSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture 
Organization; GATT, General .\gronmcnt on Tariffs and Trade; I.^ICA, International Atomic Energy .Agency; 
lA-ECOSOC, Inter-American Economic and Social Council; IC.\0, International Civil Aviation Organization; 
ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, 
International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development; U.N., United Niitions; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific 
and Cultural Organization; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO 
World .Meteorological Organization. 


GATT Committee on Agriculture Geneva Nov ii_ 

ITU CCITT Working Party of Study Group XV (Transmission Sys- Geneva! '.'.'..''' Nov li- 

NATO Senior Civil Emergency Planning Committee Paris Nov 12- 

OECD Committee for Scientific and Technical Personnel '. Paris! ...... Nov 12- 

U.N. ECE Inland Water Transport Subcommittee Geneva! ! ! Nov' 13- 

NATO Petroleum Planning Committee ! ! Paris .!!!!!!!! Nov 14- 

FAO Conference: 12th Session Rome !!!!!!!! Nov 16- 

GATT Subcommittee on Tariff Negotiating Plan Geneva! !!!!!!! Nov 18- 

IMCO Working Group on Tonnage Measurement London! !!!!!!! Nov 18- 

BIRPI Committee of Experts on Copyright Matters Geneva.' ." .' .' .' .' .' .' Nov' 18- 

ICAO Panel of Teletypewriter Specialists: 5th Meeting Montreal ! ! Nov' 18- 

WHO/FAO/IAEA Seminar on the Protection of the Pubbc in the Event Geneva ! ! ! Nov 18- 

of Radiation Accidents. 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 10th Meeting . . . Vancouver Nov 18- 

U.N. ECAFE Conference on Development of Fertilizer Industry . . . Bombay ...!.!! Nov! 18- 

NATO Medical Committee Paris ! ! Nov 19- 

OECD Ministerial Meeting Paris ■ • • • ^^^. 

ITU CCITT Working Parties of Study Groups V and VI Geneva ! Nov! 20- 

U.N. EGA Standing Committee on Trade: 2d Session Niamey, Niger .... Nov! 20- 

GATT Committee on Legal and Institutional Framework Geneva Nov! 25- 

GATT Working Group on Preferences Geneva Nov 25- 

GATT Meat Group Geneva ! Nov! 25- 

ILO Meeting of Experts on Conditions of Work of Public Servants . . Geneva Nov 25- 

ITU CCIR/CCITT Plan Committee for the Development of the Inter- Rome Nov! 25- 

national Network. 

NATO Civil Communications Planning Committee Paris Nov. 26- 

U.N. ECE Gas Committee: 10th Session Geneva Nov. 27- 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Inland Transport and Communications: Bangkok Nov. 27- 

12th Session. 

ECAFE/WMO Regional Seminar on Hydrology Bangkok Nov. 27- 

GATT Trade Negotiations Committee Geneva Nov. 28- 

U.N. ECOSOC Technical Assistance Committee New York November 

12th Pan American Child Congress Buenos Aires Dec. 1- 

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions Geneva Dec. 2- 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Copyright Committee: 7th Session . . . New Delhi Dec. 2- 

Permanent Committee of the International Union for the Protection of New Delhi Dec. 2- 

Literary and Artistic Works (Berne Union): 11th Session. 

Western European Fisheries Conference London Dec. 3- 

FAG Council: 42d Session Rome Dec. 6- 

ILO Tripartite Technical Meeting for the Food Products and Drink Geneva Dec. 9- 


GATT Action Committee Geneva Dec. 10- 

U.N. ECAFE Asian Population Conference Manila Dec. 10- 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Combined Transport Equipment .... Geneva Dec. 11- 

GATT Contracting Parties: 21st Session Geneva Dec. 16- 

OECD Maritime Transport Committee London Dec. 16- 

NATO Ministerial Council Paris Dec. 16- 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 36th Session (resumed) New York December 

U.N. Special Fund: 11th Session of Governing Council New York Jan. 13- 

UNICEF Executive Board Bangkok Jan. 13- 

U.N. Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of New York Jan. 13- 


WHO Executive Board: 33d Session Geneva Jan. 14- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: 23d Session Geneva Jan. 20- 

International Agricultural Film Competition 1964 Berlin Jan. 20- 

ITU African LF/MF Broadcasting Cfonference: Preparatory Meeting of Geneva Jan. 20- 


ICAO Meteorology/Operation Division Paris Jan. 21- 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Housing, Building, and Planning 
IMCO Working Group on Tonnage Measurement: 5th Session 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 7th Session 

NATO Planning Board for European Inland Surface Transport 

FAO Desert Locust Control Technical Advisory Committee: 12th Ses- Rome January 

NATO Civil Aviation Planning Committee Paris January 

New York Jan. 22- 

London Jan. 27- 

Bangkok Jan. 27- 

Paris Ian. 29- 

KOVEMBER 4, 1963 


Problems of Economic Development 

Statement hy Jonathan B. Bingham 

U.S. Representative to the General'. Assembly ^ 

I deem it a privilege and an honor to join 
the raniis of the Second Committee for this 
18th session of the General Assembly. It is 
much on my mind that a number of distin- 
guished Americans have occupied this chair be- 
fore me, including such men as Mr. Paul Hoff- 
man, Senator Mike Mansfield, Mr. George 
Meany, and Mr. Henry Ford II. As for the 
outstanding statesmen from other nations who 
have rendered signal contributions to the work 
of the Second Committee over the years, it 
would take too long even to begin to list their 

Perhaps some day a great scholar will write 
a book about the work of the Second Commit- 
tee since the organization of the United Na- 
tions. Among the most important trends that 
such a scholar would surely note would be the 
committee's steadily increasing preoccupation 
over the first 18 years of its existence with our 
common aim of speeding the development of 
the less developed areas of the world. 

As the report of the Economic and Social 
Council * which is before us shows, the same 
trend has prevailed at ECOSOC. So far as 
the economic portions of the ECOSOC report 
are concerned, they are almost exclusively con- 
centrated on the problems of economic develop- 
ment. There is thus a considerable overlap 
between several of the items on our agenda, 
such as item 12 and item 33, and it was for that 
reason that we welcomed your proposal, Mr. 
Chairman, that we engage in one general de- 
bate covering all the items on our agenda. 

'Made In Committee II (Economic and Financial) 
on Oct. 3 (U.S. delegation press release 4250). 
• U.N. doc. A/6503. 

ECOSOC Report 

First of all, I should like to make some com- 
ments on the work of the Economic and Social 
Council, as reflected in the report before us. 
In our view the Council's 36th session, held in 
Geneva during the month of July,' was a most 
fruitful session, conducted in an atmosphere 
singularly free from political polemics and pro- 
ductive of a number of useful decisions and 

One of the most important decisions of the 
Council was to recommend that this General 
Assembly take steps looking toward an appro- 
priate increase in the size of the Council itself 
in order that it might "remain the effective and 
representative organ envisaged in Chapters 9 
and 10 of the Charter." Such a step, which 
was supported by a vote of 15 to 2 in the Coun- 
cil, is long overdue, and we hope that this As- 
sembly will take action based on the Council's 
resolution. Since this is not, however, a matter 
before the Second Committee, I will say no 
more on that subject. 

Another important step taken by the Council 
was to provide for an effective means of fol- 
lowing up on the work so impressively com- 
menced by the United Nations Conference on 
the Application of Science and Technology for 
the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas, of 
which I had the honor to be a vice president. 
The Council's decision, which reflected the 
overwhelming sentiment in the meeting with 
the officers of the conference called in April 
by the Secretai-y-General and which essentially 

' For a statement made before the Council on July 10 
by Ambassador A dial E. Stevenson, see Bulletin of 
Aug. 12, 1963, p. 2C5. 



followed the recommendations of the Secretary- 
General himself, was to establish a committee 
of 15 experts to be appointed by the Coimcil on 
the nomination of the Secretary-General after 
consultation with governments. The appoint- 
ments were to be made on the basis of "personal 
qualifications, knowledge or experience in the 
field, with due regard to equitable geographical 
representation." We are confident that out- 
standing individuals will be appointed to this 
committee and that they will be of great as- 
sistance to the Economic and Social Council 
and to the U.N. family of agencies generally 
in indicating ways in which the overall and 
highly complex task of improving the applica- 
tion of science and teclinology for the benefit 
of the less developed areas can be pursued more 

We would hope that this advisory committee 
would work closely with the Subcommittee on 
Science and Technology set up by the Admin- 
istrative Committee on Coordination and that, 
as a result of the work of both of these com- 
mittees, far more will be done in these areas by 
all the agencies in the United Nations family 
and by their member governments than in the 

The problem, of course, is not simply one of 
transferring scientific and technical informa- 
tion to the savants of a developing coimtry. 
Even more important is the dissemination of 
this information through the country to those 
who need it and can use it, in adaptation to 
local conditions. This is a job which essentially 
must be done by the developing countries them- 
selves, although many governments and pri- 
vate institutions, including tliose of my own 
coimtry, stand prepared to help. 

Another and quite separate aspect of the 
problem is the pursuit of scientific advances 
that may be of particular importance for the 
developing countries, such as an economical 
method of desalinization of water, more effi- 
cient small atomic power reactore, and im- 
proved methods of drawing food from the sea. 
Many institutions and enterprises in our own 
country and elsewhere are at work on such 
problems, and they should be encouraged 
wherever possible. 

Scientists from developing countries have re- 
peatedly stressed the need for national and re- 

gional research and training institutions in 
the field of science and teclmology. This is an 
endeavor which my Government has sxipported 
wholeheartedly, and we continue to do so. The 
Special Fund is, of course, peculiarly well 
adapted to assisting governments with tliis type 
of project, and we hope that it will undertake 
an increasingly important role in this area in 
the future. 

Several of the important decisions taken by 
the Economic and Social Council in July were 
made without dissent. This was the case with 
the adoption of a resolution on the economic 
and social consequences of disarmament, which, 
following extensive talks, was sponsored by 
Colombia, Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, 
and the United States. Noting a number of 
previous resolutions on the subject, and par- 
ticularly Resolution 1837 of the I7th session, 
and recognizing "the importance which general 
and complete disarmament would have for the 
expansion and acceleration of economic and so- 
cial progress in the world," the resolution ex- 
pressed the hope that governments would inten- 
sify their efforts to achieve an agreement on 
general and complete disarmament under effec- 
tive international control and also expressed the 
hope that member states, particularly those with 
significant defense expenditures, would con- 
tinue to pursue studies and activities relating 
to the economic and social consequences of dis- 
armament. In response to a report submitted 
by the Secretary-General, the Coimcil in this 
resolution also took account of the problems 
that might arise from disarmament in relation 
to the demand for primary commodities ex- 
ported by developing countries and asked the 
Secretary-General to consider the possibilities 
of undertaking an international study in this 

Last week the distinguished representative of 
the Soviet Union suggested that the General 
Assembly might well endorse the resolution 
adopted by ECOSOC, and we fully agree with 
his suggestions. 

There is no need for me here to reiterate the 
intensity of the desire of the Government and 
people of the United States to achieve effec- 
tive disarmament. I will only say that we are 
encouraged to intensify our efforts in this re- 
spect by the recent historic test ban agreement. 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 


As so many dele<T;ates liave stated, liere and in 
tlie plenary, we meet this year in an atmosphere 
of liope and optimism which is in happy con- 
trast to the tension and gloom of the past two 

Yet another constructive action of ECOSOC 
was its decision to approve the plan proposed by 
the Secretary-General for the establishment of 
a United Nations Traininjr and Research Insti- 
tute. Delegates will recall that last year the 
Assembly, upon the recommendation of this 
committee, requested the Secret ai-y-General to 
study the desirability and feasibility of estab- 
lishing such an institute to carry on research 
into ways of making our international organiza- 
tions more effective, and to provide special 
training of personnel, particularly from the 
developing states, for administrative and opera- 
tional assignments with the United Nations and 
specialized agencies, as well as for national serv- 
ice. Tiie Council endorsed the broad lines of 
the Secretary-General's plan and asked him to 
explore possible sources, both governmental and 
nongovernmental, of financial assistance to the 
institute, a task upon which the Secretary-Gen- 
eral is currently engaged. It is our hope that 
such organizations as foundations and trade 
unions, both here and in other countries, will see 
in the proposed institute an opportunity greatly 
to contribute to the strengthening of the inter- 
national organizations, upon which the world's 
future so greatly depends. 

The Council also recommended a resolution 
for consideration by the General Assembly re- 
questing the Secretary-General to proceed with 
his plans for the institute, and we hope that 
this resolution will be adopted imanimously. 

In the field of trade, tlie Council, acting on 
the recommendations of the second meeting of 
the Preparatory Committee for the United Na- 
tions Conference on Trade and Development,* 
took several decisions making final arrange- 
ments for the time and place of the conference. 
These decisions were not controversial and were 
adopted without dissent. The overriding im- 
portance of tlie subject of trade and develop- 
ment was recognized by all, and no subject was 
touched upon more frequently in the course of 

* For a statement by Isaiah Frank, see ibid., July 29, 
1963, p. 173. 

the Council's debates dealing with economic 

As various delegations have already pointed 
out, it is not up to tliis General Assembly to 
make any changes in the arrangements for the 
19G4 conference or to take decisions with re- 
spect to it. Nevertheless, in view of the im- 
portance of the subject, I should like to outline 
our views on some of the questions involved and 
to tiy to clear up some misconceptions which 
are prevalent. 

Trade and Development 

In recent years there has been an increasing 
realization of the vital importance of increas- 
ing export earnings for the developing coim- 
tries, if these countries are to succeed in their 
development efforts. 1964 promises to be a 
year of unprecedented activity in the search 
for ways to increase these export earnings. We 
are confident that the two major meetings to 
take place next year — the trade negotiations 
under the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade and the U.N. Conference on Trade and 
Development — will give an important impetus 
to this search. The GATT negotiations, sclied- 
uled to start in May 1964, can result in a sub- 
stantial widening of the markets in the devel- 
oped countries for the foodstuffs, raw materials, 
and manufactures of the developing nations. 
These negotiations are being planned to provide 
for across-the-board reductions in tariffs, with 
only minimum exceptions, and the developing 
countries will, of course, benefit from those con- 
cessions. Because these negotiations offer the 
prospect of substantial benefits to all countries, 
my Government believes that the developing 
countries will want to follow closely and partici- 
pate, as appropriate, in the planning for the 
trade negotiations and in the negotiations them- 

At the same time, as U.N. members we are all 
looking forward to the Conference on Trade and 
Development, which will focus on the full range 
of problems of the developing countries in the 
trade field. Much useful work looking toward 
a highly constructive conference has already 
been done by the Preparatoiy Committee of 32 
nations, thanks in considerable part to the ex- 
tensive and generally excellent doctnnentation 



prepared by the secretariat imder the leader- 
ship of the distinguished and liighly respected 
Secretary General of the conference, Dr. Raul 
Prebisch. In its resolution on the trade con- 
ference, the Economic and Social Coimcil in- 
vited those states which would participate in 
the conference "to give earnest consideration, 
before the beginning of the conference, to pro- 
posals for concrete and practical international 
action and to explore all practical means for 
their implementation" — in other words, and in 
a phrase, to do their homework in advance. 
My Government is actively engaged in doing 
just that and is reviewing its positions on the 
important substantive issues on the agenda. 
We assume that other governments are engaged 
in a similar review, and we hope that they will 
study the issues critically, imaginatively, and 
yet realistically, in the light of their own par- 
ticular problems. 

My Government is approaching the confer- 
ence with an earnest desire to move forward 
toward the solution of the various trade prob- 
lems which hamper the progress of the develop- 
ing countries. We fully support the desires of 
the developing countries for assurance of grow- 
ing markets and improved and stable prices for 
their exports of primary products. We are pre- 
pared to review existing programs for dealing 
with these problems and to explore suggestions 
for strengthening work in this field. We recog- 
nize also the need of the developing countries 
to expand their exports of manufactured goods 
and are prepared to consider most carefully 
proposals for constructive approaches to this 
problem. We believe that the conference should 
also consider ways and means of promoting 
greater regional integration among developing 
coimtries, so as to foster the development of 
industiies capable of utilizing economies of 
scale and hence better able to compete effectively 
in export markets. 

We hold great hope that substantial progress 
will be made at the U.N. conference in reaching 
an understanding of the problems faced by the 
developing coimtries and the methods of deal- 
ing with them. We are looking forward to 
constructive results from the conference and 
hope it will lead to a continuing role for the 
United Nations in the productive consideration 
of these problems. 

At this point, Mr. Chairman, I should like 
to mention certain illusions which are current 
in some quarters m respect to the attitude of 
our Government and the governments of other 
developed countries toward the forthcoming 
Trade and Development Conference, and to 
dispel these illusions if I can. 

First, there is an illusion that we, the devel- 
oped countries, want the developing coimtries 
to remain, as the saying goes, "liewers of wood 
and drawers of water" — that wliile we are will- 
ing to assist the developing countries with cer- 
tain aspects of their economic development, we 
are not interested in helping them to increase 
their production and export of manufactured 
goods. Nothing could be further from the 
truth. Our interest is to encourage the growth 
of vigorous and prosperous economies, and we 
know that industrial development must be a 
part of this process, both for the purpose of 
well-balanced internal development and for the 
purpose of increasing the exports that are need- 
ed if the imports essential for development are 
to be paid for. We not only regard such vigor- 
ous and prosperous countries as an assurance 
of continued peace in the world, but also as 
potential customers for ourselves. We know 
from experience that trade grows fastest among 
countries with diversified and growing econo- 
mies, and by far the largest proportion of our 
exports today go to highly industrialized coun- 

A second illusion is that the developing coun- 
tries must fight for a new principle by which 
they would not have to grant full reciprocity 
in trade negotiations with developed countries. 
In practice full reciprocity, as a principle, has 
not been applied for more than a decade. Any 
lingering doubts should have been finally dis- 
pelled at the ministerial meetings of GATT in 
1961 = and 1963." At the latter, for example, 
the ministers included in the negotiating prin- 
ciples for the 1964 tariff negotiations a specific 
directive to reduce barriers to exports of the 
developing countries without reciprocity from 

A third illusion is that GATT is not con- 
cerned with the trade problems of the develop- 

^ Ibid., Jan. 1, 19C2. p. 3. 
' lUd., June 24, 1963, p. 990. 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 


ing countries. In fact, the last two ministerial 
meetings of GxVTT have given very particular 
attention to tliese problems and have resulted in 
declarations which have mucli in common with 
the ideas expressed in the important joint state- 
ment of developing countries submitted to the 
second session of the Preparatory Committee 
on the U.N. Conference on Trade and Develop- 

GATT is now engaged in an action program 
worked out at its last niinisterial meeting in 
May. Its Action Committee of 32 members in- 
cludes many of the developing countries, in- 
cluding Brazil, Ceylon, Ghana, India, Indone- 
sia, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru, the United Arab 
Republic, Upper Volta, Uruguay, and Yugo- 
slavia. 'Wliile I do not wish to take the time to 
describe the work of this action program in 
detail, it might be useful to simply list its ele- 
ments: (1) removal of quantitative restrictions; 
(2) no new tariff or nontariff barriers on items 
of interest to tlie developing countries; (3) 
duty-free entry for tropical products; (4) elim- 
ination of tariffs on primary products; (5) 
reduction and elimination of tariff barriers to 
exports of semiprocessed and processed prod- 
ucts from less developed countries; (6) pro- 
gressive reduction of internal fiscal charges and 
revenue duties; (7) other positive measures to 
assist the development and expansion of trade 
of less developed countries. It is further sig- 
nificant that GATT is not concerned merely 
with the enunciation of principles but with con- 
crete actions by governments on which they 
report to periodic meetings. 

In connection with some of the above pomts 
in the GATT action program, I should like 
briefly to refer to my Government's position, 
particularly with respect to tropical products. 
We have, of course, ratified the International 
Coffee Agreement and are active participants 
in the cocoa agreement negotiations now going 
on in Geneva. The United States levies no 
duties or nontariff barriers on raw cocoa and 
would be prepared to implement provisions of 
an agreement wliicli would call for the removal 
or reduction of duties on semiprocessed cocoa. 
In addition to participation in such formal 
agreements, we are also members of virtually 
every consultative or study group concerned 

with improving markets for primary commod- 

The United States already admits most other 
tropical products duty-free or at low rates of 
duty. Currently we are preparing to utilize to 
the fullest possible extent the provisions of the 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962 to negotiate with 
other menibei"s of GATT agreements whereby 
increasing numbers of tropical commodities 
will be granted duty-free entry. We ourselves 
do not levy internal taxes on tropical products, 
and we support measures to reduce these as 
rapidly as feasible. We also would welcome 
steps by state-trading countries to increase their 
imports of tropical products. 

To sum up, it is our view that these parallel 
efforts in 1964— in the GATT and the U.N. con- 
ference — offer promise of a real breakthrough 
in increasing the resources available to the de- 
veloping comitries through trade. The prog- 
ress which is made in this direction will, in 
turn, give a substantial boost to the efforts of us 
all to make the Decade of Development a re- 
sounding and historic achievement. 

Special Fund and Other Assistance Programs 

As I turn to a consideration of the opera- 
tional programs under agenda items 36 and 37, 
I should like to pass on to the committee some 
personal impressions. During the past 6 
months I have been fortunate enough to be able 
to talk, in the countries in whicli they serve, 
with a number of United Nations resident rep- 
resentatives, who also serve as Special Fund 
program directors, and with various United 
Nations system experts, and also to visit proj- 
ects under both the Special Fund and Ex- 
panded Technical Assistance Programs. Not 
only was I impressed with the projects them- 
selves, but I was struck by the extremely high 
quality of the persons working in the United 
Nations family of programs — quality in terms 
of ability, technical competence, dedication, 
and sensitiveness to the customs and culture of 
the peoples with whom they were working. 
Having had some firsthand contact with U.N. 
system operational programs a decade ago, I 
can fairly say that there has been a notable im- 
provement in the quality, scope, and vigor of 



the programs and, therefore, in the degi-ee to 
which they are furtliering the developing pro- 
grams of the host countries. 

So far as the Special Fimd is concerned, it is 
gratifying to note the degree to which opera- 
tions have accelerated. A considerable num- 
ber of projects have been completed, and the 
Managing Director has predicted that 70 more 
will be completed next year and about 140 in 
1965. Perhaps most impressive of all is the 
Managing Director's estimate that 5 of the proj- 
ects completed so far, at a total cost of under $3 
million, have resulted in $400 million of capital 
investment. This is the measure of the impor- 
tance of the Special Fund's preLnvestment ac- 
tivity, and we hope that this encouraging fol- 
lowup to Special Fund activity will continue in 
the future. 

A further source of satisfaction is the fact 
that the most recent program trends indicate 
a marked increase in the industrial activities of 
the Fund. In the program approved at the last 
session, the volume of industrial projects ex- 
ceeded for the first time those approved in the 
agricultural field. Tliirteen industrial projects 
were approved amounting to $11,727,700, com- 
pared to 7 projects for agriculture, forestry, 
veterinary, and fisheries activities with ear- 
markings of $4,370,800. 

We hope that this favorable trend will con- 
tinue and that there will no longer be any 
shortage of project requests in the industrial 
development field, such as Mr. Paul Hoffman 
has had occasion to complain of in the past. 
To this end we believe it would be helpful, as 
initially suggested at the third session of the 
Committee on Industrial Development by the 
delegation of the Philippines, and subsequently 
discussed at the Governing Council, that, where 
the recipient government so requests, the cost 
of feasibility studies and surveys be shared with 
private entrepreneurs, with the Special Fund 
to be fully reimbursed if the enterprise pro- 
ceeds. We also would like to see more active 
use of preparatory allocations so as to provide 
needed assistance to governments in preparing 
proposals in the industrial field. 

In general we fully concur with the state- 
ments of the Secretary-General in the introduc- 
tion to his Annual Report, in which he com- 

mented favorably on the work of the Special 
Fund and of the United Nations and the 
specialized agencies which serve as its executing 
agencies. We also agree with the Secretary- 
General's expression of keen disappointment at 
the shortfall in governmental pledges for the 
support of the Special Fund's activities. Not- 
withstanding the General Assembly's special 
plea last year that such contributions should 
reach $100 million as soon as possible, con- 
tributions fell short of that target bj' approxi- 
mately 30 percent as of August 31 of this year. 
It is our most earnest hope that the appeals of 
the Secretary-General, Mr. Hoffman, and the 
General Assembly will be heeded and that the 
target of $100 million will be reached at the 
pledging conference to be held on the 15th of 
this month.^ 

We also hope that the General Assembly will 
unanimously adopt the recommendation of the 
Economic and Social Council, which we were 
pleased to support, for an increase of 6 members 
in the size of the Governing Council of the 
Special Fund. 

Along with the Special Fund and the regular 
technical assistance activities of the U.N. and 
the specialized agencies, the Expanded Pro- 
gram of Technical Assistance plays an im- 
portant part in the U.N. Development Decade. 
As the Secretary-General recently noted (A/ 
5501/Add. 1), the improved financial situation 
of the Expanded Program has been an en- 
couraging sign. The resources for the current 
biennium for the first time exceed $100 million. 
Also as pointed out by the Secretary-General, 
the efficiency of the program has been steadily 
improving. This is due to the work of the 
headquarters and field staff of the Technical 
Assistance Board, the participating organiza- 
tions, and, of great importance, the more care- 
ful selection by governments of projects, more 
and more related to national economic develop- 
ment plans. 

An important change in EPTA regulations 
was recommended last June by the Teclinical 
Assistance Committee and subsequently by 

' At the pledging conference on Oct. 15 pledges in the 
amount of $80.5 million were made for the Special 
Fund. Five countries stated their intention to an- 
nounce their pledges at a later date. 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 


ECOSOC: to wit, the use of Expanded Pro- 
gram funds for the provision of operational 
personnel if — but of course only if — the govern- 
ments concerned so request. Some governments 
among the developing countries are not in favor 
of, and make no use of, these OPEX programs, 
but other governments find that such, programs 
meet an acute need and are enthusiastically in 
favor of their expansion. In our view, if these 
governments believe that programs of this type 
can measurably advance their own develop- 
ment efforts and if the programs are set up so as 
to provide training for those who will even- 
tually take over the jobs, we believe the EPTA 
program can properly provide some of the 
resources needed. We, therefore, hope that 
the General Assembly will approve the recom- 
mendations of the Technical Assistance Com- 
mittee and the Economic and Social Council 
in this regard. 

We hope, too, that the recommendations 
of the Technical Assistance Committee and of 
ECOSOC with regard to the continuation of 
the United Nations regular technical assistance 
program at a level of $0.4 million, as proposed 
by the Secretary-General for the year 1964, Avill 
be apj)roved. In our view, these programs are 
among the most vital of the activities of the 
U.N. and are worthy of our full support. The 
flexibility for transfers of funds M'ithin the reg- 
ular program, as provided in the recommended 
resolution, will make the program even more 
responsive to the needs of the developing 

With respect to the character of the contri- 
butions that are made to the various operational 
programs, my delegation would like to call the 
attention of member states to the importance of 
having contributions to these programs made in 
convertible currencies. All net donor countries 
should be able to make their contributions on 
this basis, and we have so urged, before the 
Technical Assistance Committee, the Governing 
Council, and the Economic and Social Council. 
Not only are convertible currencies needed to 
pay administrative and various operational 
services costs, but, perhaps even more impor- 
tant, they are needed to pay for experts, equip- 
ment, and supplies from the developing coun- 
tries and in order to place fellows and hold 

seminars in developing countries. All delega- 
tions are in agreement as to the importance of 
increasing the active share of the developing 
countries in the programs in these ways, yet this 
cannot be done from contributions in noncon- 
vertible currencies. In a statement before the 
Teclmical Assistance Committee, Mr. David 
Owen, executive chairman of the Technical 
Assistance Board, already explained the var- 
ious needs for convertible currencies, and the 
Teclmical Assistance Committee agreed to call 
his appeal to the attention of governments 
when considering their contributions for 1964. 

It is our earnest hope that all net donor coun- 
tries will at least make sufficient of their con- 
tributions to the voluntary programs in 
convertible currencies so as to carry their share 
of the administrative costs and to make possible 
the increased use of experts and equipment from 
developing coimtries. We also hope that the 
Soviet Union will reconsider its recent decision 
to contribute to the regular United Nations 
technical assistance program only in noncon- 
vertible currency, a decision which represented 
a complete departure from past practice and 
long-established regulations with regard to the 
United Nations regular budget. 

Before concluding on this topic, I should like 
t« commend Mr. Victor Hoo [Commissioner 
for Technical Assistance], Mr. Owen, and Mr. 
Hoffman for the informative and encouraging 
statements they made to us on Tuesday after- 
noon. While we must all seek ways to improve 
and strengthen the various international organs 
on which they reported to us, I am sure it is the 
consensus of this committee that these three 
gentlemen and their staffs are to be congratu- 
lated for the fine work they are doing. 

Development of Underdeveloped Countries 

I should like now to make a few comments 
under item 33 on our agenda, although the title 
of this item is so broad that it covers practically 
all the work done in this committee. 

First, a general observation. Two years ago 
under this item the Assembly adopted Resolu- 
tion 1710 proclaiming the United Nations De- 
velopment Decade. Since that time notable 
steps, including some that I have already men- 
tioned, have been taken witliin the international 



community and by individual countries in pur- 
suit of the objectives of the Development 
Decade, and a number of covmtries, including 
some of the largest among the developing coun- 
tries, have already demonstrated a growth rat« 
in excess of the 5 percent Development Decade 
target. Nevertheless, I must frankly stat« that 
the United States is far from satisfied vfith the 
results to date, and our task here at this session 
is to consider further constructive action to 
make this decade a memorable one in man's 
struggle for a better life. It is in that spirit 
that I comment on some of the questions before 
us under item 33. 

Let us consider first the matter of accelerated 
flow of capital and technical assistance to the 
developing countries. The fact that we are not 
satisfied with what has been done should not, in 
our view, lead us to conclude, as some delega- 
tions appear to suggest, that little or nothing 
has so far been accomplished. Having been 
involved myself in what was then generally 
called Point 4 in the early 1950's, I can testify 
of my own experience that there has been tre- 
mendous progress, both in t«rms of the flow of 
capital and technical assistance to the develop- 
ing countries and in terms of the initiation of a 
whole series of new approaches to the problems 
of development, including an increased empha- 
sis on the use of international institutions. 

As the Secretary-General's last report on this 
subject (Document A/5195) pointed out, the 
flow of public and private capital to the develop- 
ing countries has more than doubled in the past 
decade, reaching a total of over $7 billion in 
1961. It is a matter of pride of my delegation 
that, with respect to the capital flowing into 
the 35 developing countries for which data were 
available to the Secretary-General, the United 
States accounted for nearly two-thirds of the 
total. This massive assistance was extended 
despite balance-of-payments problems which 
have been giving us serious concern for some 

International institutions have been playing 
an increasingly important part in the process of 
aid to the developing areas. In 1951 loans from 
the World Bank to the less developed countries 
were relatively minor. A decade later, the 
World Bank and its affiliate, the International 
Development Association, were lending almost 

$1 billion a year to the developing countries. 
We are confident that the Board of Governors 
of the IDA will this week approve the addition 
of $750 million to IDA's resources, so that IDA 
can continue to provide credits on the most 
liberal terms and at a more rapid rate than dur- 
ing the last 5 years. 

It is also worthy of note that the membership 
of the World Bank has been constantly grow- 
ing. Twenty new members joined during the 
past year, bringing the total to 97. 

Another development of importance in the 
last few years has been the gi-owth of regional 
cooperation. ECAFE [Economic Commission 
for Asia and the Far East] and ECLA [Eco- 
nomic Commission for Latin America], and 
more recently the Economic Commission for 
Africa, have been playing an increasingly use- 
ful role in their respective areas, and, with 
Special Fund assistance, institutes for develop- 
ment have been established or are in process of 
establislunent m these three areas. On Au- 
gust 4 representatives of 22 African countries 
signed an agreement establishing an African 
Development Bank, its capital of $250 million 
to be provided by the African countries which 
will make up its membership. My Government 
welcomes tliis event and is prepared to consider 
upon request the provision of technical assist- 
ance to help in the establishment and operation 
of the bank, and also to consider tlie extension 
of loans, preferably in the form of participa- 
tion in specific projects, when the bank is estab- 
lished and operating. 

In the region closest to us, Latin America, we 
are involved in a major cooperative effort. The 
program of the Alliance for Progress is note- 
worthy not only because of tlie resources being 
devoted to it — which are substantial — but even 
more for the fundamental economic and social 
change which is its goal. What is souglit by 
the nations of the Americas is nothing less than 
a revolution by peaceful means. According to 
one of the individuals most concerned, more 
progress has been made in the enactment of 
basic reforms in the 2 years since the Charter 
of Punta del Este * was signed than in the pre- 
ceding half century. One of the types of re- 
form which was considered by the parties at 

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 463. 



Punta del Este to be basic was with respect to 
the ownership of hind. The participating coun- 
tries in the AUanza recog^nize that land reform 
is a complex and difBcult problem, involving 
far more than simple land redistribution if it is 
to be effective. 

One of the most noteworthy aspects of the 
Alliance for Progress program is its essentially 
international character. A notable contribu- 
tion is being made to its success by the Inter- 
American Development Bank established in 
1960, both through its regular capital of almost 
$1 billion and a social progress trust fund of 
almost $400 million which was provided by the 
United States Government for administration 
by the bank. In order to assist participating 
governments in the preparation of sound devel- 
opment plans within the scope of the program, 
a committee of "nine wise men" from different 
countries has been established, and in addi- 
tion, tripartite teams, representing the Inter- 
American Development Bank, the Organization 
of American States, and ECLA, have been hard 
at work in a number of countries. One measure 
of the success of the AUanza has been that, al- 
though growth rates are uneven among the par- 
ticipating countries, the national income in the 
Latin American countries increased last year 
by more than 5 percent, the figure which was 
established as the goal for the U.N. Develop- 
ment Decade. 

Continuing with the general subject of eco- 
nomic development, I should like to mention 
two new forms of assistance which have 
emerged in the last decade. One has been the 
use of food as a weapon not only in the battle 
against hunger bat in the battle against pov- 
erty, disease, and economic stagnation. For 
example, under our own Food for Peace pro- 
gram during the year ending last June 30, 
some $11/^ billion worth of American farm com- 
modities were shipped overseas. These food 
reserves were used not only to feed the hungry 
but also to contribute in a very substantial way 
to economic development by providing sources 
of badly needed local currency. As members 
know, in most developmental programs the cap- 
ital needed in terms of local currency is far 
larger than the capital needed in terms of for- 
eign exclxange. 

"We are pleased that a similar program has 

been launched on an international basis at tlie 
instance of the General Assembly, and we are 
glad to have been one of the initiators of this 
World Food Program experiment. As you will 
note from the report of ECOSOC, the first 
year of the World Food Program was reviewed 
by the Council in July and considerable satis- 
faction was expressed with the progress made, 
although it was noted with regret that the pro- 
gram had not j'et reached its target in contri- 
butions, particularly the necessary supple- 
mentary contributions in terms of cash. The 
Council recommended that the General As- 
sembly defer a general review of the program 
until the 20th session, when it would have more 
definitive information before it. 

Without dwelling on the subject, I should 
like also to mention another new form of activ- 
ity in the work of economic and social develop- 
ment, namely the Peace Corps. I imagine that 
most members of the committee are familiar 
with the types of work which these dedicated 
young men and women volunteers are doing in 
some 47 countries. That their activities have 
been welcome is indicated by the heartening 
flow of requests for further volunteers. 

Industrial Development 

At several points in these remarks I have 
mentioned the importance which we attach 
to industrial development. I had originally 
planned at this stage to outline in some detail 
our views as to the components of a well- 
balanced industrial development program and 
to analyze the degree to which the United 
Nations system of agencies is contributing in a 
practical, common, down-to-earth way toward 
progress in the various aspects, such as plan- 
ning and programing, project preparation, 
vocational education, managerial training, cost 
and market analysis, productivity improve- 
ments, financing, et cetera. However, I have 
imposed upon the patience of this committee 
long enough, and I shall defer these remarks 
until a later stage in the session when we 
shall be discussing industrial development 

At this time I should merely like to call the 
attention of the delegates to the very significant 
address made on Monday [September 30] by 



Mr. George D. Woods, the Pi-esident of the 
World Bank and its affiliated agencies, before 
the meeting of the Bank's Board of Governors. 

Mr. Woods' remarks on industrial develop- 
ment were of particular interest. He stressed 
that the Bank should make its assistance to 
industry more versatile and suggested the pos- 
sibility of financing for industries new to a 
particular country and also the possibility of 
Bank loans to finance imiDoits of individual 
pieces of equipment, components, and spare 

Of course, other aspects of economic develop- 
ment are important to industrial development. 
A lagging agriculture or shortages of trained 
manpower may choke industrial growth, as 
some countries have found to their cost. Recog- 
nizing these relationships, Mr. Woods suggested 
that the Bank should use some of its resources 
to provide new kinds of assistance in the areas 
of agriculture and education. In a felicitous 
way he indicated his belief that these ventures 
would provide "new opportunities for collabo- 
rating witli other members of the U.N. family." 

Hand in hand with industrialization must 
also go an awareness of the need to conserve 
mankind's common heritage of resources in the 
land, sea, and air. We hope that the developing 
countries in their drive for rapid industrial 
growth will learn from the past mistakes of 
others and build sound conservation practices 
into their own development programs. 

Mr. Chairman, I apologize for having taken 
so much of the committee's time. My only 
excuse is that the questions we are attempting 
to cover in one general debate are of such vital 
importance, not only to the developing coun- 
tries but to the world as a whole. 

The noted historian Arnold Toynbee has said 
that this age will be remembered most of all be- 
cause mankind dared to believe for the first 
time that the benefits of civilization could be 
extended to all human beings everywhere. It 
is to the realization of this inspiring and revolu- 
tionary goal that we are committed. In this 
vast and complex task the organizations of our 
international community have an essential and 
increasingly important role to play. The past 
dozen years have seen much progress, but the 
road remains long, difficult, and hazardous. It 

is our fervent hope that the nations assembled 
here will effectively combine together their ef- 
forts, their resources, and their intelligence in 
an intensified endeavor to make the months and 
years ahead ever more fruitful. 

Current Actions 


Automotive Traffic 

Convention on road traffic with annexes. Done at 
Geneva September 19, 1949. Entered into force 
March 26, 1952. TIAS 2487. 
Notification reneived that it considers itself bound: 

Jamaica (with reservation and declarations), 

August 9, 1963. 
Convention concerning customs facilities for touring. 
Done at New York June 4, 1954. ISntered into force 
September 11, 1957. TIAS 3879. 
Ratification deposited: Costa Rica, September 4, 



International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes. 

Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters, 

New York, September 28 through November 30, 1962. 

Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963. 

Accessions deposited: Congo (Brazzaville), Da- 
homey, August 6, 1963. 

Notifications received of undertaking to seek ratifica- 
tion or acceptance: Chile, August 15, 1963; Ethi- 
opia, August 17, 1963 ; Togo, August 6, 1963. 


Protocol for limiting and regulating the cultivation of 
the poppy plant, the production of, international and 
wholesale trade in, and use of opium. Done at New 
Y'ork June 23, 1953. Entered into force March 8, 
1963. TIAS 52T3. 

Notification received that it considers itself bout%4: 
Madagascar, July 31, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos- 
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at 
Moscow August 5, 19G3. Entered into force October 
10, 1963. TIAS 5433. 
Ratifications deposited: Czechoslovakia, October 17, 

1963 ; India, October 18, 1963 ; Poland, October 14, 


Oil Poiiution 

International convention for the prevention of pollu- 
tion of the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at London 
May 12, 1954. Entered into force July 26, 1958: for 
the United States December 8, 1961. TIAS 4900. 
Acceptance deposited: Panama, September 25, 1963. 

NOVEMBER 4, 1963 



International sugar agreement, 1908. Done at London 
December 1, 1958. Entered into force January 1, 
1959 ; for the United States October 9, 1959. TIAS 
Accession deposited: Argentina, September 30, 1963. 


Protocol for accession of Cambodia to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
April C, 1962.' 
Ratification deposited: Austria, September 9, 1963. 

Protocol for acces.sion of Israel to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 6, 
19G2. Entered into force July 5, 19G2. TIAS 5249. 
Ratification deposited: Austria, September 9, 1963. 

Protocol for accession of Portugal to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
April 6, 1962. Entered into force May 6, 1962 ; for 
the United States July 1, 1962. TIAS 5248. 
Ratification deposited: Austria, October 1, 1963. 

Acknowiedped applicable rights and ohligations of 
United Kingdom: Uganda, August 19, 1963, with re- 
spect to the following: 

Fourth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
annexes and texts of schedules to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva March 
7, 1955. Entered into force January 23, 1959. TIAS 

Agreement on the Organization for Trade Cooperation. 
Opened for acceptance at Geneva March 10, 1955.' 

Protocol of organizational amendments to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
March 10, 1955.' 

Protocol amending preamble and parts II and III of 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done 
at Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force Oc- 
tober 7, 1957. TIAS 3930. 

Protocol amending part I and articles XXEX and XXX 
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 
Done at Geneva March 10, 1955.' 

Protocol of rectification to French text of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
June 15. 1955. Entered into force October 24, 1956. 
TIAS 3677. 

Proc^s-verhal of rectification concerning protocol 
amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX, pro- 
tocol amending preamble and parts II and III, and 
protocol of organizational amendments to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva December 3, 1955. Section B entered Into 
force October 7, 1957. 

Fifth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of .schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva December 3, 

Sixth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on Tar- 
iffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 11, 1957.' 

Seventh protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva November 30, 

Eighth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva February 18, 

Ninth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
texts of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva August 17, 

Women — Political Rights 

Convention on political rights of women. Done at 
New York March 31, 1953. Entered into force July 
7, 1954.' 



Agreement providing for cooperation in the construc- 
tion of the Inter-American Highway in Guatemala. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Guatemala Septem- 
ber 25 and October 3, 1963. Entered into force Oc- 
tober 3, 1963. 

United Arab Republic 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodltie8 
agreement of October 8, 1962 (TIAS 5179). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Cairo June 15, 1963. 
Entered into force June 15, 1963. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement for the establishment in the Bahama Islands 
of an Atlantic undersea test and evaluation center, 
with agreed minutes. Signed at Washington October 
11, 1963. Entered into force October 11, 1963. 


Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace 
Corps program in Uruguay. Effected by exchange 
of notes at Montevideo March 19 and July 31, 1963. 
Entered into force July 31, 1963. 


' Not in force. 

' Not in force for the United States. 

Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Oovemment Printing Office, Washington, B.C., 20402. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, except in the ease of free publications, which 
may be obtained from the Department of State. 

Agricultural Trade. Agreement with India. Signed 
at Washington May 9, 1963. Entered into force May 
9, 1963. TIAS 5336. 2 pp. 5^. 

Atomic Energy — Equipment for Use by the Institute 
of Biophysics of the University of Brazil. Agree- 
ment with Brazil. Exchange of notes — Signed at Rio 
de Janeiro October 10, 1962 and March 29, 1963. En- 
tered into force March 29, 1963. With United SUtes 
memorandum — Dated at Rio de Janeiro January 28, 
1963. TIAS 5337. 5 pp. 5(. 

Aviation — Transport Services. Agreement with Co- 
lombia. Signed at Bogotd October 24, 1956. Entered 
Into force provisionally January 1, 1957. With ex- 
changes of notes. TIAS 5338. 25 pp. 15(f. 
Indian Ocean Expedition — Meteorological Research. 
Agreement with India, relating to the agreement of 
September 28 and October 5 and 9, 1962. Exchange of 
notes — Dated at New Delhi February 15 and April 22 
and 23, 1963. Entered into force April 23, 1963. TIAS 
5339. 5 pp. 5#. 



INDEX Novemler 4, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1271 

American Republics. U.S. Policy Regarding 
Military Governments in Latin America 
(Martin) 698 

Canada. Nortli Pacific Fisliery Conference Ad- 
journs at Tokyo (Smitii, final press release) . 709 

Department and Foreign Service. Protocol and 

the Conduct of Foreign Affairs (Duke) . . . 700 

Economic Affairs 

North Pacific Fishery Conference Adjourns at 

Tokyo (Smith, final press release) .... 709 
Problems of Economic Development (Bingham) . 712 

Grermany. President and Secretary Rusk Pay 
Tribute to Chancellor Adenauer (texts of 
letters) 697 

Human Rights. The Citizen in a Changing 

World (Louchheim) 704 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Calendar of International Conferences and 
Meetings 710 

Japan. North Pacific Fishery Conference Ad- 
journs at Tokyo (Smith, final press release) . 709 

Presidential Documents 

President and Secretary Rusk Pay Tribute to 

Chancellor Adenauer 697 

Strength for Peace and Strength for War . . 694 

Protocol. Protocol and the Conduct of Foreign 

Affairs (Duke) 700 

Public Affairs. The Citizen in a Changing World 

(Louchheim) 704 

Publications. Recent Releases 722 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 721 

North Pacific Fishery Conference Adjourns at 

Tokyo (Smith, final press release) .... 709 

U.S.S.R. Strength for Peace and Strength for 
War (Kennedy) 694 

United Nations. Problems of Economic Devel- 
opment (Bingham) 712 

Name Index 

Bingham, Jonathan B 712 

Duke, Angler Biddle 7(X) 

Kennedy, President G94, 697 

Louchheim, Mrs. Katie '704 

Martin, Edwin M 693 

Rusk, Secretary 697 

Smith, Benjamin A. II 709 

Check List off Department off State 
Press Releases: October 14-20 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of Nevt's, Department of State, Washington, D.C., 

Releases issued prior to October 14 which ap- 
pear in this issue of the Buixetin are Nos. 513 
of October 8 and 526 of October 12. 


Itinerary for visit of President of 

U.S. participation in international 

"Showcase of American Women 
Around the World" exhibit. 

Kuwait credentials (rewrite). 

U.S.-Japan conference on cultural 
and educational interchange. 

Rusk : death of Admiral Kirk. 

Rusk : letter to Chancellor Aden- 

Itinerary for visit of President of 

Cultural exchange (U.S.S.R.). 

Sehaetzel : "The Atlantic Partner- 
ship as Viewed From the U.S.A." 

Mrs. Louchheim : "Women in a 
Changing World" (excerpts). 

Itinerary for visit of President of 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 






















Superintendent of Documents 
U.S. government printing office 



HINGTON.D.C. 20402 '1 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

NOV 2 1 1963 


Foreign Relations of tlie United States 

1943, Volume I, General 

The Department of State recently released Foreign Relations of the United States, 19^3, Volume 

In this volume there is documentation on a considerable number of multilateral subjects relati 
to the war. Tlie longest and perhaps the most important chapter is that dealing with the tripartite cc 
ference of foreign ministers in Moscow, October 18-November 1, 1943. Among other topics treated a 
questions relating to trade, prisoners of war, refugees, war crimes, relief and rehabilitation, and pla 
ning for postwar organization and economic policies. 

C!opies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume I, General, may be purchased frc 
the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for $4 eac 






Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of the Vnited Sta 

IHS, Volume I, General. 


Enclosed find $ - 


(cash, check, or money order pay- 
able to Supt. of Documents) 







KOV ^2 1963 
B. P, L. / 


Yol. XLIX, No. 1272 

November 11, 1963 


Address hy Secretary Rusk 726 


hy J. Roiert Schaetzel 731 


,«--^ Address by Secretary Rusk 74^ 


For index see inside back cover 

Toward a New Dimension in the Atlantic Partnership 

Address by Secretary Rusk ^ 

It is a great privilege for me to be here, Mr. 
Chancellor [Ludwig Erliard], to express to you 
and to the German people the gratitude of 
every American for the honor which you are 
paying today to George Catlett Marshall. I am 
especially happy that Mrs. Marshall is with 
us. It is of special significance that some of 
our most distinguished Senators and Represent- 
atives are with us — men who themselves were 
General Marshall's strong collaborators and 
who represent here the fact that the great part- 
nership between you and us known as the Mar- 
shall Plan engaged the commitment and dedi- 
cation of every American citizen who took part 
in it. This great undertaking could not have 
been possible without the understanding and 
practical support of our citizens who are with 
us in spirit today. 

To those of us who served with him, General 

'Made on Oct. 27 (press release 557) at St. Paul's 
Church, Frankfurt, Federal Republic of Germany, on 
the occasion of the dedication of a memorial to Gen. 
George C. Marshall. 

Marshall was an Olympian figure. He led us 
through our greatest war but won the Nobel 
Prize for peace. He was a warm human being 
but a man of stern discipline with regard to the 
duties of public service. He had the profound- 
est respect for the constitutional processes of a 
democratic people. Simple and micomplicated 
in mind and spirit, he gave lessons to more 
sophisticated colleagues in clarity and percep- 
tion of fundamentals. I can hear him now say- 
ing to his colleagues : "Gentlemen, don't discuss 
our problems so much as though they were mili- 
tary problems — to do so makes military prob- 
lems out of them." 

General Marshall had two essential attributes 
of greatness in a statesman. He had the ability 
to form large concepts — those goals which, as 
Lord Acton said, captivate the imagination by 
their splendor and the reason by their sim- 
plicity. And he had the will to persevere in 
these concepts until they became reality. 

Wlien General Marshall came back from the 
failure of the Moscow conference in 1947, the 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government -with Infor- 
mation on developments In the flold of 
foreign relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 

ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of international affoirs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and International agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, ond legislative mate- 
rial In the field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 

ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 
20402. PBtCB : B2 Issues, domestic $8.S0, 
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and Items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
Is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



concept of a large plan to unite and restore 
Europe was forming in his mind. By early sum- 
mer he had made his decision. On Jmie 5, 1947, 
lie spoke at Harvard,- indicating that if the 
European countries would come together to 
form a joint plan for economic recovery the 
LTnited States would be prepared to join them 
in carrying that plan forward. 

Of course, many men and many minds had 
offered him advice and help. But the respon- 
sibility was one that he could not share. Only 
he, carrying the responsibilities that he did, 
could advise the President — at a time of domes- 
tic economic difficulty and in the face of an ap- 
proaching election — to go to the people and 
isk for $16 billion on what could, at best, be 
called a reasoned and necessary gamble. But 
lie liad the concept clearly in mind. He was 
convinced that it was right, and he did not 

And so here we come to the second element of 
Ills greatness: his ability, having developed a 
concept, to press ahead in its execution with 
steadiness and courage. 

And it is due to that courage — his refusal to 
be intimidated by the uncertainties and dif- 
ficulties he faced as he moved ahead in the sum- 
mer of 1947 — that we owe the fruitful economic 
partnership between Europe and the United 
States whose effects are increasingly evident 

Economic Partnership 

That partnership has prospered far beyond 
the dreams of 1947, but it has not departed from 
the two basic concepts which General Marshall 
set forth. 

First : that Europe should play its part in the 
partnership as a collective entity. 

Second : that the United States should rise 
to the opportunities for cooperation which Eu- 
rope's unity created. 

The first of these concepts has been reflected 
in the creation of three great institutions — the 
,Coal and Steel Community, EUKATOM, and 
the Common Market. 

In these institutions the vision of a truly 
united Europe was first given effect: a Europe 

' For text, see Buhetin of June 15, 1947, p. 1159. 

which could act as an entity not by reason of 
the hegemony of one state or the endless nego- 
tiations of many but because the European 
states had agreed to treat certain issues as mat- 
ters of common concern, to be addressed by com- 
mon agencies, on behalf of a single community. 

And each time that Europe took an effective 
step toward greater economic unity, the United 
States responded to the need and the opportu- 
nity for closer partnership which that step 

Our original loan to the Coal and Steel Com- 
munity, our atomic cooperation with EUR- 
ATOM, and the passage of our Trade Expan- 
sion Act — all have given tangible evidence that 
the American goal was a united Europe able 
to stand on its own feet and able to deal with 
the United States as an equal and self-respect- 
ing partner and able to resume its historic role 
in world affairs. 

There is much unfinished business for both 
Europe and the United States in the economic 
field. It is a full agenda: trade, development, 
and the balance-of-payments problem — a prob- 
lem which arises from the economic and secu- 
rity functions the United States performs with- 
in the free world, and a problem which we 
believe can be met effectively by common meas- 
ures in the OECD and elsewhere. As I reflect 
upon my own public service I find that I have 
spent half of it worrying about having too much 
gold and the other half about having too little. 
I wish we could discover what amount is just 

The progress of the last 15 years gives us 
good grounds for believing that this economic 
agenda of partnership can be successfully dealt 
with, if we hold to basic concepts of which 
General Marshall spoke at Harvard. 

Our economic partnership carries with it a 
deep commitment to reducing the barriers of 
trade among us — a course well understood and 
ably advocated by Chancellor Erhard. Liberal 
trade practices are essential to the economic 
well-being of our peoples and of the free world 
as a whole. They are no less ^^tal to the 
achievement of our common political and secu- 
rity purposes, which require economic strength 
for their fulfillment. Yet in all our countries 
there are voices, often politically persuasive and 
sometimes strident, urging us to take measures 

KOVESIBEE 11, 1963 


which look in the other direction — back toward 
higher tariils, narrow markets, and economic 
isolationism. It would be dangerous to heed 
these counsels of yesterday. For the economic 
fragmentation of the free world could result in 
tearing down all that we have successfully built 
together in the last 15 years. 

Political Partnership 

President Kennedy spoke in this great city in 
Jmie ^ of the need for closer partnership be- 
tween the United States and a uniting Europe 
not only in economic matters but in political ac- 
tion and defense. I turn first to political co- 
operation. This question takes on special im- 
portance in the current phase of East- West 

Here I would register two warnings. First, 
the Soviet leaders have not abandoned their goal 
of world domination or their determination to 
push toward that goal by every means safe 
for them. Secondly, the limited agreements we 
recently have reached with the Soviet Union 
do not constitute a detente. The "hot wire" for 
emergency use between Moscow and Washing- 
ton,* the ban on atomic tests in the atmosphere 
and in outer space and under water," the decla- 
ration against placing in orbit weapons of mass 
destruction" — these are useful but small steps 
toward peace. There can be no genuine detente 
without progress toward settling such critical 
political issues as Berlin and the division of 
Germany, Viet-Nam, Laos, and Cuba, and there 
can be little progress toward disarmament until 
inspection and verification are accepted. So 
we of the free world are not justified in relax- 
ing our guard. 

However, there are interesting developments 
within the Communist world. There are the 
Sino-Soviet dialog and tensions in their state 
relations. There are growing signs of national 
awareness among the Communist states of East- 
ern Europe. There is an evident sobriety about 
the perils of a nuclear excliange. There are 
problems in the allocation of thoir economic re- 

• Ihid.. July 22, 1963. p. 118. 

* /6irf., July 8. 1963, p. 50. 

» Ihid.. Auk. 12, 1963, p. 234. 
" See p. 703. 

sources among the competing demands of arma- 
ments, industrialization, consumer satisfaction, 
and the promotion of world revolution. ^Vnd 
there are signs of growing interest in more j^er- 
sonal freedom. 

Processes of change are clearly evident be- 
hind the Iron Curtain. It would be a mistake 
to expect these changes to come rapidly. But 
it would be a mistake to underestimate the 
power of the ideas of freedom — ideas which 
historically have demonstrated their vitality 
and their roots in the very nature of man. 

Our basic goal, as President Kennedy said 
at tlie Free University of Berlin,' is to recon- 
stitute Europe — not the artificially divided 
Europe which has existed since 1945 but a 
Europe in which every people will enjoy self- 
determination and freedom. 

Such a Europe is now blocked by the policy 
of the Soviet Union, and events since 1945 sug- 
gest that this obstacle will not readily yield to 
oratory or persuasion. It can only be removed 
by force or by peaceful change. These are not 
matters to be decided by force, which would it- 
self destroy the goals we have before us. In- 
creased trade and contacts with Communist 
nations may help. We should seek, as part of 
this effort to hasten constructive change, agree- 
ment on steps which point toward the removal 
of the present division of Germany. We must 
keep steadfastly before us our objective of the 
reunification of the German people in freedom. 
That goal is important not only for reasons of 
justice and humanity but because there can be 
no .secure and lasting peace until the tensions 
inherent in the involuntary separation of the 
German people have been removed. No satis- 
factory political settlement is possible which 
ignores that goal. It follows from this that we 
must do nothing in negotiations with tlie Com- 
munist nations which would appear to put the 
stamp of approval on the status quo of the Ger- 
man people. It also follows that we must not 
allow such negotiations to place in jeopardy the 
growing strength and unit}- of the West. 

These are not matters which can or will be 
decided unilaterally by the United States or 
any other country. That is why the question 
of political consultation takes on special im- 

' BiTLLETiN of July 22. 1963, p. 125. 



portance. No agreement affecting our allies 
will be concluded by my country without such 

Effective procedures for consultation exist, in 
the Nortli Atlantic Council and through normal 
diplomacy. We have made good use of these 
])r(iredures in the last 2 years. But we must 
nin\e now toward an even more intimate part- 
nership on these vital matters. 

All our countries should take greater advan- 
tage of the opportunities which discussions in 
the North Atlantic Council offer to this end. 
The United States has greatly intensified its 
own initiatives to consult in the Council and 
hopes that other members will do the same. 

I also hope that key policymaking officials 
from interested countries can come together 
more often, under the aegis of the Council, in 
ad hoc NATO groups. In this way the men 
who are making decisions on these issues in the 
home capitals will come to have a better under- 
standing of each other's views. There is a use- 
ful precedent for this in the Atlantic Planning 
Advisory Group, which brings together NATO 
policy planners from the several capitals at 
periodic intervals. 

We are all aware of certain problems in the 
transatlantic relationship. My own impres- 
sion is that these are not tiiily transatlantic in 
character but stem from the lack of an answer 
to the question : What is Europe and who speaks 
for it ? Since the basic commitments of the 
members of the great Atlantic community are 
identical, I have no reservation about the vi- 
tality of transatlantic partnership between the 
United States and a strong, vigorous, and 
united Europe. But the answers here must 
come — as they had to come in 1947 — from the 
European nations themselves. 

Defense Partnership 

I turn now to the second field in which Presi- 
dent Kennedy indicated that the principle of 
European unity and Atlantic partnership can 
be given new meaning — that of defense. 

We need substantial and diversified Western 
power to protect the Atlantic area. This power 
must include both nuclear and nonnuclear com- 

The NATO military authorities have ap- 

proved force goals whose attainment would 
help to give us a balanced force structure. It 
is important that these goals be attained. Then 
no one anywhere could conclude that the West 
is lax or indifferent to the defense of its vital 

I hope that the alliance as a whole can meet 
its goals. In a genuine partnership burdens 
must be equitably borne ; all countries must con- 
tribute their fair share to the total strength of 
the alliance. The United States is making, and 
will continue to make, its full contribution to 
this partnership. It is a source of pride that 
the United States has generally met or exceeded 
its goals, and a source of regret that certain 
others in the alliance have not. It is our strong 
conviction that the alliance as a whole should 
meet its commitments, and we earnestly hope it 
will do so. 

Since you of the Federal Republic and we 
of the United States are carrying the heaviest 
burden of NATO, let me speak to you very 
frankly. You and we are working in the clos- 
est partnership in NATO. We consult each 
other intimately. Wlien we say that your de- 
fense is our defense, we mean it. We have 
proved it in the past. We will continue to 
demonstrate it in the future. 

We have six divisions in Germany. We in- 
tend to maintain these divisions here as long as 
there is need for them — and under present cir- 
cumstances there is no doubt that they will con- 
tinue to be needed. Our forces in Germany are 
supported by the world's largest logistical sys- 
tem, which maintains these forces in the highest 
state of readiness with the most modern and 
powerful equipment. And they are backed by 
nuclear forces of almost unimaginable power. 

And let me remind you that the central 
NATO front is not the only frontier of freedom 
on which the forces of the United States stand 
guard. We have more than 2,700,000 men 
under arms. Of these we maintain nearly 1 
million outside the continental United States, 
ashore or afloat. 

As a nation with more than 40 allies and with 
worldwide defensive commitments, we are nat- 
urally very much interested in the mobility of 
our forces. 

In this connection let me say a word about the 
airlift of a United States armored division to 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


Germany for maneuvers. This exercise was an 
experiment and demonstration arising directly 
from the airlift capability we committed our- 
selves to create in 1961, in the context of the 
Berlin crisis. Its fundamental objective was to 
permit the swift deployment of reinforcements 
in the face of a major crisis. It was thus the 
testing of a new and important additional ca- 
pability which strengthens the military partner- 
ship between the United States and Europe. 

Does the airlift of an armored division mean 
the witlidrawal of American troops from Ger- 
many? The answer is no — the opposite is 
the case. Because of this airlift we have at the 
moment a seventh division temporarily in 
Europe. Moreover, equipment is in position for 
still another division. Thus, the airlift capa- 
bility developed by the United States at such 
great expense provides a major source of added 
strength to the alliance. 

Tlie partnership among the North Atlantic 
allies must extend to nuclear defense. The oc- 
casion to do so arises, as in the case of political 
consultation, from the need to meet a specific 
problem. That problem is posed by a growing 
Soviet nuclear power, reflected in hundreds of 
Soviet missiles aimed both at Western Europe 
and at the United States. 

It has seemed to two successive United States 
administrations that the most effective way to 
meet this threat was by a combination of United 
States missiles and of MRBM's [medium- 
range ballistic missiles] deployed to Allied 
forces under multilateral mannmg, control, and 

Such a multilateral missile fleet would be mil- 
itarily effective. Its accurate and well-pro- 
tected missiles would be counted toward the 
total needs of Western deterrence. 

It would strengthen Atlantic partnership by 
binding the United States and Europe in an in- 
extricable nuclear tie. The missiles and war- 
heads would be jointly owned and controlled; 
they could not be unilaterally withdrawn. 

And it would strengthen European cohe- 
sion by providing the presently nonnuclear 
powers an opportunity to share in ownership, 
manning, and control of a powerful nuclear 
force on the same basis as other members of 
that force. 

It would thus be an effective means of giving 

effect to the principles of which General Mar- 
shall spoke within the present political frame- 
work of Europe. 

As that framework progresses there must, of 
course, be room for evolution in tliis field, as in 
the field of political consultation. The Presi- 
dent spoke clearly of this possibility in relation 
to the missile fleet when he said here last June 
that as Europe moves toward unity it can and 
should assume greater responsibility in tliis 

The European Response and Germany's Role 

The Atlantic partnership owed its begin- 
nings, in the economic field, both to the indicar 
tion of United States willingness to proceed and 
to the European response. As General Marshall 
said in his speech: "The initiative . . . must 
come from Europe." 

Sixteen years ago Germany could play only 
a limited role in framing the European answer. 
But the ensuing years have seen the Federal 
Republic achieve a sound political system, a 
remarkable economic advance, and an eminent 
place in European, Atlantic, and world affairs. 
You have achieved an historic reconciliation 
with France. In these efforts it was Chancellor 
Konrad Adenauer who provided the leadership 
and played an imperishable part in German — 
and European — history. His achievement was 
powerfully supported by Dr. Ludwig Erhard's 
"economic miracle." 

As a result of these great labors Germany is 
able to play its vital role in developing Euro- 
pean unity and partnership between Europe 
and North America. The opportunities which 
are now before you are at least as exciting as 
those which European countries faced 16 years 

A little more than a week ago Chancellor 
Erhard stressed the need for such an effort 
when he outlined the program of his govern- 
ment. It is a German program, based on what 
the Chancellor believes to be the best interests 
of Germany. But it is also a European pro- 
gram, an Atlantic program, and a free-world 

Let me say pai-enthetically, in the light of 
Mayor [Willy] Brandt's constructive speech 
last Tuesday, that we Americans who strive 



for bipartisanship on our principal foreign pol- 
icies are heartened to find the leaders of all of 
your principal parties in general agreement on 
the basic arrangement of your foreign policy. 

We expect to move forward with Chancellor 
Erhard and his able colleagues toward Euro- 
pean unity and Atlantic partnership. 

In this effort the steadfastness of both our 
countries, and of other countries which share 
our goals, will be tested to the full. For we will 
have to face obstacles as we move ahead. 

There will be difficulties in further progress 
toward European integration and Atlantic 
partnership ; these are to be expected in a move- 
ment of such historic dimensions. We must 

be prepared for temporary delays and disap- 
pointments. But we are moving with the flood 
of history, and there can be no other outcome. 
If freedom is to prevail we must move with 
deepest conviction and resolution. 

I have come here today to make clear, once 
again, my country's readiness to give new di- 
mension to our partnership. It is for you, and 
others who share the goals of European unity 
and Atlantic partnership, to determine whether 
that effort shall go forward. By going forward 
we will be honoring in the way which he would 
most appreciate the statesman who first gave 
voice and meaning to these concepts. General 
George C. Marshall. 

The Atlantic Partnership as Viewed From the U.S.A. 

hy J. Robert Schaetzel 

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Atlantic Affairs ^ 

Napoleon, asked by an admiring countess to 
explain his amazing military successes, replied 
that he had succeeded because he had had no al- 
lies. Any member of any alliance can appreci- 
ate perhaps the crumb of cynical truth in this 
remark, but it must also be recalled that it was 
an alliance that in time defeated the general and 
destroyed his empire. Indeed, history is rather 
more on the side of alliances than conventional 
wisdom might suggest. What was Stalin's cry 
for a second front other than a demand for 

The nations of the North Atlantic face today 
the question, however, of whether Napoleon's 
cynicism was right or wrong. Do the Atlantic 
nations that have together worked such miracles 

'Address made at Berlin, Germany, on Oct. 21 (press 
release 536 dated Oct. 18) at a conference sponsored by 
the Freidrich-Ebert Foundation on the European Eco- 
nomic Community within the Atlantic framework. 

over the last 20 years possess the vision and the 
sense of purpose required to strengthen our rela- 
tively new, common institutions in a changing 
international environment, where an atmos- 
phere of detente ebbs and flows ? 

European Integration Movement 

The European integration movement sheds 
light on this question. It originated not from 
European preoccupation with external threats 
but from positive instincts. Sick of a disas- 
trous train of civil wars, acutely aware of the 
deficiencies of national governments working in- 
dependently of one another and unable to pro- 
vide either security or well-being, impressed by 
the need for the economy of scale that only a 
united Europe could offer, excited by the pros- 
pect of a great adventure in the organization of 
man's affairs— these were the emotions and reac- 
tions that led to Schumans proposal on May 9, 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


1950, when a new era in European history began. 
Were the European Coal and Steel initiative 
and the great further steps forward in 1!)5.5 — 
EURATOM and the Common Market — aberra- 
tions in tiie political process of states and not to 
be repeated ? Must Europe and North America 
revert to a 19th-century environment where na- 
tions behave rationally only in the irrational at- 
mospliere of pervasive fear? As Dr. Johnson 
said, are our minds clarified only by the sight of 
the gallows? 

The excitement set loose in the world by the 
European Community arose not merely because 
it promised to settle Franco-German rivalry, 
or because it would create a great new common 
market, but because the integration movement 
was a major innovation in the great tradition 
of Western political development. National 
states, by peaceful, democratic means, had em- 
barked upon an admittedly imperfect but none- 
theless evident federal process. This process, a 
revolution to be brought about by peaceful evo- 
lution, gave encouragement as well of a dif- 
ferent sort : It demonstrated that free men had 
not lost tJiat precious ability to influence and 
change their political environment and institu- 
tions. The disappointment today over Euro- 
pean affairs— in Europe and the United States — 
stems as much from the dashing of these high 
hopes as from discouragement over the stale- 
mate which hinders solution of many economic 
issues of immediate concern. 

The Elements of Political Change 

What is the chemistry that induces political 
innovation? Leadership is certainly a crucial 
factor. Europe, in the critical postwar period, 
was blessed by the quality of its leaders. A 
new generation is challenged to build on the 
achievement of such great men as Schuman, 
De Gasperi, Spaak, Bevin, and Adenauer. 

Another element in the chemistry must be a 
general sense of public impatience with the es- 
tablished order of things, a feeling that new 
institutions are needed to deal with old 

It is argued that basic political change and 
the intimate association of national states re- 
quire a sense of common danger. Is not the 

continuing oppressive threat of nuclear wai 
such a danger ? If political change results from 
pressures too great to ignore, contain, or resist, 
are not the social, political, and economic prob- 
lems of the Southern Hemisphere such pres- 
sures? How can the countries of the North 
Atlantic square their common Christian ethic 
with a world situation in which the disparity 
of living conditions between the advanced coun- 
tries and the less developed nations has not de- 
creased but increased? These are issues and 
pressures that suggest innovation — and collec- 
tive action. 

America and Europe 

Now to reduce these generalities to the hard 
substance of Atlantic policy. First, let me call 
your attention to the breadth and depth of the 
American commitment. Recall the steady sup- 
port that the United States has given European 
unity, to NATO and to the OECD. Despite 
the current frustrations and difficulties, this 
broad line of policy has not been brought un- 
der serious question, nor is there any substantial 
pressure in America building up for alternative 
policies. The reasons for this are easily found. 
Our national security — as does yours — rests on 
collective defense. Our economic well-being — 
and yours — can be assured only if we expand 
and improve our present transatlantic collab- 
oration. Together we can help to meet the vast 
and growing needs of the impoverished people 
of the world. If this task must be handled 
alone, there can be no assurance that any of us 
has the strength or the will to meet the 

These truths are widely believed and felt in 
America. Somewhat paradoxically the United 
States seems to appreciate more clearly, or at 
least more actively, than Europe the need for 
common action. Wliile we recognize our great 
strength— and feel our burdens — Americans 
perceive a web of interrelationships that re- 
strict our freedom of action. 

The constructive purpose of this meeting in 
Berlin demands no less than American candor. 
Thus it must be said : We are watching for the 
European response to these crucial issues of our 
times. We are aware of the difficulties that en- 



snare Europe for the moment. But America 
too has its problems. Realistically, what is 
there to be done to move the Atlantic nations 
ahead now ? 

What Does Europe Want? 

I suggest that both here and in North Amer- 
ica we need to know more clearly what kind of 
united Europe the Europeans want. Some of 
the words and concepts of 1950 and 1955 have 
lost their meaning. While large steps ahead 
toward unity may not be possible now, in trou- 
bled and confused times goals serve vital pur- 
poses. Wliat are the goals that the Europeans 
set for themselves today ? "Wliat does a Euro- 
pean in 1963 envisage as the structure of the 
new, democratic Europe begun so bravely in 

The system of political development adopted 
by the Six countries has been pragmatic. 
Tlirough a process of economic integration it 
has been designed to create conditions that 
would, in time, lead to political unity. Do Eu- 
ropeans still accept this concept of political 
evolution? Americans are pragmatic people 
and have seen the merit in the theory. As polit- 
ical innovators, political philosophy attracts us. 
The intangible goal of a United States of Eu- 
rope pulls at the American imagination. An 
important part, of the fabric of American life, 
and a source of our national strength, are the 
goals set forth in the American Constitution. 
Yet 180 years after its acceptance by the Thir- 
teen Colonies, some of the assured individual 
rights and national objectives that are an inte- 
gral part of this document still remain to be 
fully realized. 

The fact that goals camiot be immediately 
realized neither destroys their validity nor their 
utility. But they must be goals that people 
deeply want. And there must be effort and 
progress toward achievement of these goals. 

I suggest that there are four important steps 
ahead which we can take, in the present situa- 
tion — if Europe has the will. They are: the 
trade negotiations,^ the multilateral nuclear 
force, an Atlantic Parliamentary Assembly, and 
strengthening NATO and the OECD. 

' See p. 745. 

The Trade Negotiations 

First, the trade negotiations. We are em- 
barked on what has the potentiality of being the 
greatest assault on trade barriers in modern his- 
tory. These negotiations inevitably will be seen 
in the world as a test of Europe and America. 
But these negotiations will continue to be sub- 
ject to the risk of perversion into the narrowest 
and meanest form of tariff bargaining. "W^iat, 
in fact, should be the basic purpose of this en- 
deavor — and if we forget this purpose, what do 
we both stand to lose ? 

The Common Market has led the way in dem- 
onstrating to the world that the removal of 
trade barriers and restrictions results not in eco- 
nomic difficulty but in prosperity. In fact, the 
European Free Trade Association was a re- 
sponse to the pacemaking of the six Common 
Market nations. EFTA too has reaped the re- 
wards of freer trade. And finally, the wisdom 
and the benefits of the European experience 
were not lost on the United States. We wel- 
comed the prospect of negotiations that would 
lead to reductions of trade barriers between the 
Common Market, America, and other nations. 
Indeed, it was the success of your own European 
technique for reducing tariffs that led us to 
make a major change in our approach to tariff 
negotiations — we would bargain not item by 
item but in broad, across-the-board reductions. 
The European example and anticipation of mu- 
tually beneficial negotiations stimulated a ren- 
aissance in American attitude toward commer- 
cial policy. The 1962 Trade Expansion Act 
embodies these changes. 

Some months ago a distinguished member of 
the Common Market Commission remarked in 
Washington that in coming negotiations the na- 
tion, or nations, that reduced trade barriers the 
most stood to benefit the most. (I should add 
that he graciously suggested that the EEC 
would be prepared to defer this benefit to the 
United States.) Behind tliis wry observation 
lies truth. Our common purpose should be 
maximum reductions for maximum common 
benefit. This would redound to the political 
advantage of both sides of the Atlantic. We 
would in turn benefit the less developed coun- 
tries through opening further the great North 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


Atlantic market. Most assuredly there will be 
neither economic nor political rewards to Eu- 
rope, or to the United States, if these negotia- 
tions deteriorate into niggling bargaining in a 
ruthless search for immediate national advan- 

The Multilateral Nuclear Force 

The second item on the agenda is the multi- 
lateral nuclear force. Seven members of 
NATO are now at work on this project in 
Paris and in Washington. The MLF is a 
serious effort to deal with a major problem. 
The problem is to improve and broaden the 
participation in the nuclear defense of the al- 
liance. The MLF is a means of dealing with 
legitimate interests of the nonnuclear powers 
without further proliferation of national nu- 
clear forces. We are persuaded that if the 
participating nations succeed in their efforts 
and bring the MLF into being the force will 
make a significant and needed contribution to 
the defense of Europe. 

Furthermore, the beneficial byproducts of 
this effort within the alliance may not be fully 
appreciated. The work of developing together 
the MLF, the designing of a corporate body to 
build the force, to maintain and control it — 
these are tasks which tie the alliance more 
closely together. 

The European Communities, NATO, and the 
OECD all came into being because the At- 
lantic nations realized that new approaches 
were needed to solve intractable problems. The 
nuclear issue is such a problem. The system 
of European and Atlantic collaboration that 
we have devised and tested, beginning with the 
Marshall Plan, is one of common action to deal 
with common problems. The nuclear problem is 
an issue of basic common concern; it is being 
approached today on a basis of collective action. 
I would further suggest that the mere process 
of seeking a solution through collective action 
has special political and psychological time- 
liness today. 

An Atlantic Parliamentary Assembly 

A third area where action is possible is in 
the development of an Atlantic Parliamentary 
Assembly. This proposal has come from sev- 

eral quarters, including our own Senator Ful- 
bright. The Declaration of Paris, issued in 
January 1962, contained a similar suggestion.' 
At difficult times like this, when nations are un- I 
certain as to what the future holds, or, in fact, 
how to deal with the present, the parliamentary 
process can be of special importance. To some 
extent our difficulties today are due to the fact 
that the elected representatives of the people 
have lost touch with their colleagues across 
national boundaries. Although parliamen- 
tarians show keen appreciation of their own 
domestic political difficulties, there is a growing 
sense of the need to appreciate the "domestic" 
difficulties of the Atlantic community as a 
whole. This is only to remind us all that the 
heart of the democratic process is the compro- 
mise of immediate sectional interest for the 
general good. 

The first step is to improve the system for 
contact and consultation among responsible At- 
lantic parliamentarians. Our legislators, a 
number of whom will shortly meet in Paris and 
in the course of their sessions will consider this 
matter, envisage a consultative body with a 
mandate to inquire into the entire range of At- 
lantic activities — political, economic, and secu- 
rity. It should be possible to devise arrange- 
ments which would meet the sensitivities of the 
neutrals — as we have done in the OECD — while 
at the same time avoiding a further and 
self-defeating proliferation of international 

NATO and the OECD 

Fourth, we are led naturally to the need to 
strengthen the two major Atlantic institutions, 
NATO and the OECD. Perhaps of greatest 
value in the coming period — in fact an indis- 
pensable step — is to improve the techniques for 
intergovernmental consultation. Sensible gov- 

' The Declaration of Paris was adopted at the At- 
lantic Convention of NATO Nations held at Paris, Jan- 
nary S-20, by citizen delegates selected by their 
respective parliaments. It proposed, among other 
things, that the NATO Parliamentarians' Conference 
be developed into a consultative Atlantic Assembly 
which would review the work of all Atlantic institu- 
tions and make recommendations on questions of con- 
cern to the Atlantic community. For text, see H. Doc. 
433, 87th Cong., 2d sess. 



ernmental action for the individual good of the 
nations and for their collective advancement 
depends on the degree of consensus developed. 
If through continuing consultation we come to 
understand more clearly the political, security, 
and economic problems that must be resolved 
within the alliance, we have taken a major step 
forward. While detailed and specific agree- 
ment may be hard to come by, the mere fact of 
the consensus, the thought and discussion that 
have preceded this consensus, will inevitably 
mean more hannonious subsequent national ac- 
tions than would otherwise have been the case. 
The inexorable internal changes and move- 
ment in the Eastern bloc will place new demands 
on the Atlantic nations and require the closest 
coordination within NATO. The clear and 
simple threat of the past has been replaced by 
a far more complex range of problems. To 
advance both the interests of the West and the 
prospects for peace requires substantial im- 
provement in our consultative procedures. 

Berlin in the Atlantic Framework 

I have noted the postwar phenomena of Euro- 
pean developments, the agenda before us against 
the problems and doubts of which we are all 
aware. Berlin has a special relevance to this 
analysis and should give us renewed confidence 
with which to face the future. 

Berlin symbolizes the unsolved problems and 
dangers of the world; it exemplifies the chasm 
between the East and the West. But more im- 
portantly it reminds the world of what free 
people can do. No visitor has come away from 
Berlin without admiration for the spirit of the 
people of this city. Free Berlin gives needed 
encouragement as the great example of the 
ability of the Western nations, European and 
American, to collaborate closely, tenaciously, 
and effectively in maintaining the freedom and 
vitality of this city. Each day this cooperation 
is demonstrated in the manner in which French- 
men, Germans, Englislmien, and Americans 
work together on matters related to Berlin — 
and together toward a common goal which each 
nation agrees is of vital political importance. 

The inspiration to us all of the people of 
Berlin, the atmosphere of support and coopera- 
tion offered by other allied nations, can be seen 

in the extent tx) which Berlin is fast becoming 
a cultural center whose reputation transcends 
European boundaries and extends to all quar- 
ters of the world. The controversy regarding 
its symphony orchestra is whether it is first, 
second, or third among the orchestras of the 
world. What better example is there of this 
cultural rebirth than the Festxoochen? Artists 
from many nations have come to Berlin to dem- 
onstrate their talents and to develop their ideas 
in the atmosphere of freedom and challenge 
which is the hallmark of this city. 

Wlien gloom is a currency which circulates 
all too freely, is this not the time and certainly 
the place to recover confidence and hope ? What 
more proof do the Atlantic nations need that 
optimism is a working hypothesis than the daily 
lesson of this city ? Berlin prospers in the face 
of danger and adversity. It has brought allies 
together in solid purpose and to achieve com- 
mon goals. It is also one more example of the 
depth and permanent commitment of the United 
States to the freedom of this city and our con- 
stant dedication to the goal of a reunified 


In less than a week a ceremony will take place 
in Germany commemorating George Marshall.* 
In 1947 at Harvard University he outlined, not 
a plan, but an idea. Had it not been for the 
imagination of European leaders and their re- 
sponse, the miraculous economic, political, and 
spiritual recovery of Europe would not have 
taken place. The process of European unity 
grew out of the process of European recovery. 
I have emphasized the hold that European 
unity has on America and the support we have 
given it. 

We are still too much in the middle of these 
extraordinary affairs to comprehend fully the 
sweeping changes that have taken place in Eu- 
rope since 1947. These have not been changes 
resisted by the United States— in fact they have 
been welcomed and encouraged. If we had 
wanted weak and docile satellites we would not 
have lent our support to European unity. 
Therefore, it was in the pattern and logic of 
postwar American policy toward Europe that 

* See p. 726. 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


President Kennedy on July 4, 1962," should in- 
vite a unitino; Eurojie to join with the United 
States in an Atlantic partnership. 

Pessimists may argue, perhaps, that partner- 
ship is an illusory and impractical notion. It 
can be charged, for instance, that there is no 
European partner, nor likely to be one, but 
rather a number of national states in wide dis- 
agreement. The skeptic may further note that 
while the European economy is three-fifths that 
of the United States, and growing at a more 
rapid pace, Europe still lacks the capacity and 
perhaps the will to carry a proportionate share 
of the burden of our common defense. But as 
I have suggested before, the test of the validity 
of a goal is not whether it is immediately attain- 
able. The test is whether the goal of partner- 
ship is the one desired by Europeans. 

Our dictionaries define "partner" as one who 
has a part in anything with another — a par- 
taker; an associate; a sharer; participant; col- 
league. These are important words. They 
convey the direction, the substance, and the at- 
mosphere of what we wish for. There is no 
passive connotation in these words, but the 
sense of getting about the business to be done. 
The nations of the North Atlantic face a great 
challenge. I have no doubt that we shall rise 
to meet this test together. 

Secretary Rusk Sends Good Wishes 
to New British Cabinet Officers 

Following are texts of messages from Secre- 
tary Rusk to Lord Hoine on his appointment 
as Prime Minister of Great Britain and to 
R. A. Butler on his appointment as Foreign 

Message to Lord Home 

Press release 540 dated October 21 

October 19, 1963. 

My sincere congratulations and best wishes 

to you on your apix)intment as Prime Minister 

of Great Britain. We have worked together 

closely during the recent years when you were 

Foreign Secretary and I have come to know 
and to value greatly your wisdom and courage. 
I look forward with confidence to continued 
collaboration with the British Government and 
people under your leadership. 

Message to Mr. Butler 

Press release 541 dated October 21 

October 20, 1963. 

My warm congratulations and best wishes as 
you assume the duties of Foreign Secretary. 

I look forward to seeing you at the NATO 
ministerial meeting in December and to our close 
association in the days ahead. 

U.S. Revises Aid to Viet-Nam's 
Special Forces 

Department Statement^ 

The U.S. Government has informed the Gov- 
ernment of Viet-Nam that U.S. support will no 
longer be provided to those elements of the spe- 
cial forces which are not committed to field 
operations or engaged in related training pro- 
grams. This action is in line with President 
Kennedy's statement on September 12 that 
"What helps to win the war we support. What 
interferes with the war effort we oppose." ^ 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of tlie 
State of Kuwait, Talat al-Ghoussein, presented 
his credentials to President Kennedy on Oc- 
tober 15. For texts of the Ambassador's 
remarks and the President's reply, see Depart- 
ment of State press release 530 dated Oc- 
tober 15. 

' Bulletin of July 23, 1962, p. 131. 

' Bead to news correspondents on Oct. 22 by Robert 
J. McCloskey, Department press officer. 

'The President's statement was in reply to a news 
correspondent's question put to him at his reg:ular 
news conference. 



Prime Minister of Ireland 
Visits the United States 

The Prime Minister of Ireland, Sean F. Le- 
mass, and Mrs. Lemass visited the United 
States from October 11 to 20. They were in 
Washington October 15-17. Following is the 
edrhange of greetings on the south lawn of the 
White House and the text of a communique re- 
leased at the close of discussions between t/ie 
President and the Prime Minister. 


White House press release dated October 15 
President Kennedy 

Prime Minister, this is a great day for the 
Americans. It is witli the greatest pride and 
satisfaction that I -n-elcome you to the United 
States. You follow a long and distinguished 
list of Irish leaders who have come here in other 
days — Parnell, De Valera, and the others. They 
came to enlist the sympathy and support of 
Americans in their struggle for independence, 
and it is a source of pride to us all that that 
support and sympathy was forthcoming. 

But now you come as the leader of a sovereign 
country and a coimtry which I can attest from 
personal experience bears the United States the 
greatest good will and which bears us the 
strongest and most fraternal bonds of friend- 

We are proud to welcome you, Prime Min- 
ister, not only because of the long past, not onlj' 
because you will see m the United States in 
your short visit more Irish men and women 
who were either born in Ireland or bear Irish 
blood than you would see in several years in 
Ireland, but also because you are building a 
vigorous new country which looks to the past 
with pride and the future with hope. 

The 3 days. Prime Minister, which we spent 
in Ireland this summer ^ are among the warm- 
est memories of our lives, and it is, therefore, 
a great pleasure to have a small chance to show 
in welcoming you our gi-eat appreciation to the 
Irish people for what they are doing now not 

' Bulletin of July 22, 1963, p. 12S. 

only in their own country but in all parts of the 

And, therefore. Prime Minister, ccad mile 
fdilte, which, for those of you who did not 
come to Ireland this summer, means "a hundred 
thousand welcomes." 

Prime Minister Lemass 

Mr. President, I thank you for your kindly 
words of welcome. I thank you for the honor 
which you have done me in inviting mc and my 
wife to visit these United States of America as 
your guests. 

Your historic visit to Ireland, Mr. President, 
in Jmie last is still vivid in our memory. You 
came to the land of your ancestors as the Presi- 
dent of the United States, and this was a great 
occasion for us. 

The spontaneous demonstrations of affection 
and esteem which you experienced wherever 
you went in Ireland, in Dublin, in Wexford— 
particularly in Wexford — in Cork and Galway, 
and in Limerick, reflect the feelings of the Irish 
people and mark also the high regard which 
your great nation has amongst all our people. 

^Ir. President, this is a very proud day for 
me to come here to the Capital of your great 
country representing the people of Ireland, peo- 
ple who are now a government of their own, 
who are now dedicated to and free to pursue 
the ideals of this great democracy which has 
chosen you to be its leader, an Ireland wliich 
is endeavoring to provide for its own peoples 
the opportunities for well-being and happiness 
which your people have already secured. 

In these aims of ours, we find encouragement 
and hope m the great efforts of your people, in 
their achievements, in the manner in which they 
are now through their energy and their opti- 
mism and their confidence buildmg the future 
of America on its great past. 

The friendship between our two countries 
began long ago in history. It was formed in 
the common struggle for mdependence. It was 
fostered by our common dedication to the 
ideals of freedom and justice and democracy, 
and it is fortified by ties of blood and kinship; 
a friendship thus supported cannot but endure, 
and it is our aim to develop in every possible 
way the cooperation between our peoples in 

NOVEMBER 11, 196 3 


industry and commerce and cultural activities, 
and to help you, sir, in your great aims of main- 
taining peace in the world and helping men 
everywhere to obtain freedom from oppression 
and freedom from want. 

Mr. President, I bring you the greetings of 
the Irish people. They realize that in extend- 
ing this invitation to me it was your desire to 
do honor to them, and they are deeply thank- 
ful to you. 


White House press release dated October 17 

During the course of the o^licial -vasit of His 
Excellency Sean Lemass, Prime Minister of 
Ireland, the Prime Minister and President 
Kennedy discussed a number of issues of com- 
mon interest and concern to Ireland and the 
United States. The two leaders expressed their 
satisfaction at the longstanding friendship be- 
tween Ireland and the United States, and re- 
affirmed their intention to maintain their close 
cooperation and collaboration in areas of com- 
mon interest. 

The President again thanked the Prime Min- 
ister for the hospitality extended by the Irish 
Government to the President and his party dur- 
ing the President's visit to Ireland in Jime of 
this year. 

The President and the Prime Minister dis- 
cussed the current state of affairs in Western 
Europe with particular reference to Ireland's 
efforts to improve its economic links with the 
continental European countries. The Prime 
Minister expressed his country's hope that the 
amount of private investment on the part of 
American industry in Ireland could be ex- 
panded. The President suggested that the 
steadily improving economic condition of Ire- 
land should attract the interest of a number of 
American firms. 

The President also noted that, on its part, the 
United States hopes to supply more goods to 
the Irish market. 

Noting the important role Ireland is playing 
in the United Nations, the President stated that 
he appreciated the substantial contribution 
made by Ireland to the establisliment of peace 
and stability in the Congo. 

The President and the Prime Minister ex- 
pressed their mutual desire to strengthen the 
cultural links between the two countries. 

The President assured the Prime ^Minister of 
the continuing interest on the part of the United 
States in Ireland's economic progress. 

President Tito of Yugoslavia 
Visits the United States 

Josip Broz Tito, President of the Socialist 
Federal Rejmhlic of Yugoslavia, and Mrs. Broz 
visited the United States from Octoher 16 to 25. 
They were in Washington on October 17. Fol- 
lowing is the exchange of greetings on the south 
lawn of the White House and the text of a 
communique released following conversations 
between President Kennedy and President 


White House press release dated October 17 

President Kennedy 

Mr. President, I take great pleasure in wel- 
coming you to the United States. I hope dur- 
ing this visit we can reciprocate some of the 
hospitality that you have shown to members of 
the United States Government, both members 
of the Cabinet and, most recently. Members of 
the Congress, in j'our own country. 

This is a difficult and dangerous world in 
which we live. I think it is most important 
that we have across the distance of water and 
across perhaps a difference in political philoso- 
phy — that we have an understanding of the 
basic policies and objectives of the coxmtries 
through the globe so that danger may be 

We are very glad to have you here, Mr. Presi- 
dent, so that you can see something of the 
United States. I am glad you are going to 
the South and then to the West.^ This is a 
vigorous and progressive people that you will 

'President Tito canceled his visit to the West be- 
cause of illness. 



see. Nature has been very generous to us, and 
I think that your visit here, where I am sure 
you will be warmly and hospitably treated and 
welcomed, will give you a greater understand- 
ing of the policies and objectives and meaning 
of the United States of America. 

So this visit is very welcome. We are very 
glad to have you here at the "WHiite House, and 
I hope as a result of your visit that the relations 
between our two peoples will become stronger 
and that our commitments to national inde- 
pendence will be sti'engthened. 

So, Mr. President, we are very glad to wel- 
come you and your distinguished wife, the 
members of your Government, here to the 
Wliite House. 

President Tito 

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, for this 
friendly reception and for the kind invitation 
please accept our sincere thanks. 

It is with pleasure that I take this opportu- 
nity to have with you, Mr. President, fraiik 
exchanges of views on current world develop- 
ments and on questions of concern to both our 

We are glad that we shall be able on this 
occasion to see at least a part of your great 
and beautiful country and to acquaint ourselves 
more directly with some of the great achieve- 
ments of the hard-working American people. 

In various periods of their history, the peo- 
ples of Yugoslavia and the United States of 
America had been linked together with common 
aspirations, particularly during the two World 
Wars, when they were struggling side by side 
to make a reality those ideals which were for- 
mulated in the Charter of the United Nations 
in 1945. 

It has always been the desire of the Govern- 
ment of Yugoslavia to maintain good and 
friendly relations with the United States of 
America. I am pleased, Mr. President, that 
you share this conviction. I believe that our 
exchanges will contribute to both the stability 
of our good relations and our mutually bene- 
ficial cooperation and wiU also reflect our com- 
mon interest in the preservation and strength- 
ening of peace in the world. 

I take this opportunity to convey the friendly 
greetings of the people of Yugoslavia to the 
jDeople of the United States of America. 


White House press release dated October 17 

The President of the United States of 
America John F. Kennedy and the President 
of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 
Josip Broz Tito held conversations in Wash- 
ington on October 17 in which Secretary of 
State Rusk, Under Secretary for Political Af- 
fairs Harriman, and Assistant Secretai-y for 
European Affairs Tyler also participated for 
the United States and Vice President of the 
Federal Assembly Todorovic, State Secretary 
for Foreign Affairs Koca Popovic, and Am- 
bassador Micunovic for Yugoslavia. 

The meeting provided a timely opportunity 
for a useful exchange of views on a number of 
important matters both in regard to the inter- 
national situation and to United States- Yugo- 
slav relations. The talks took place in a cordial 
and friendly atmosphere, and were character- 
ized by frank discussion. 

President Kennedy and President Tito agreed 
that the Treaty Banning Nuclear Tests in the 
Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water 
was a significant initial step in lessening inter- 
national tension. They concluded that, with 
determined effort and support from all nations 
willing to make their contribution, further 
progress could be made in reducing the danger 
of war and in ensuring a basis for world peace. 
Both Presidents reaffirmed their strong support 
for the United Nations and declared their wish 
that all countries would endeavor by their ac- 
tivities to increase its effectiveness. 

President Kennedy and President Tito re- 
viewed the evolution of the relations between 
the United States and Yugoslavia. President 
Tito conveyed the thanks of the peoples and 
the Government of Yugoslavia for the Ameri- 
can assistance of earlier years and expressed 
particular appreciation for the help recently 
extended to the victims of the Skopje earth- 
quake. The two Presidents expressed the hope 
that relations between the two countries, now 
that direct assistance is no longer needed, could 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


be further developed in all other fields, par- 
ticularly in the expansion of normal trade, of 
economic contacts, and of cultural, scientific and 
other exchanges. 

Yung Lo Encyclopedia Presented 
to Library of Congress 

Press release 546 dated October 23 

A set of a recent reprinting of the celebrated 
Ming Dynasty Tung Lo Encyclopedia was pre- 
sented on October 23 by Roger Hilsman, Assist- 
ant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, 
on behalf of the Department of State, to the 
Library of Congress. Rutherford D. Rogers, 
Acting Librarian, represented the Library of 
Congress at the presentation ceremony in the 
office of the Librarian. This reprinting, a gift 
to the Department of State by the noted Chinese 
scholar, Professor Yang Chia-lo, was presented 
to the Library of Congi-ess in order that it be 
readily available to scholars in Chinese litera- 
ture and history in the United States. 

Assistant Secretary Hilsman 

It gives me much pleasure to represent the 
Department of State at this presentation of a 
set of the reprinted Yung Lo Encyclopedia to 
the Library of Congress. 

The Yung L.o Encyclopedia is one of the most 
celebrated works in Chinese literature. It was 
compiled during the reign of the Ming 
Dynasty Emperor Cheng Tsu (1403-1424 A.D.) 
and contained virtually all learning possessed 
by the Chinese up to that time. Some 3,000 
scholars participated in the prodigious task of 
research and writing involved in its prepara- 
tion. The Encyclopedia in its original form 
contained a total of 22,937 titles, bound in 11,095 
voliunes. Because of its size, only one copy was 
made. Some 100 years later a duplicate was 
painstakingly copied out by over 100 scribes. 

Fire destroyed the original in the closing 
years of the Ming Dynasty, around 1640. In 
ensuing years, further destruction of the dupli- 
cate copy through fire and war reduced the 
number of remaining volumes to something over 
800. Many of these have been scattered among 
private book collectors and libraries in the 
United States, Japan, Great Britain, Germany, 
the Soviet Union, and Viet- Nam. 

Some 30 years ago the renowned Chinese 
scholar, Dr. Yang Chia-lo, became concerned at 
the unfortunate fate of this treasure of Chinese 
literature. Since then he has worked untiringly 
to locate the remnants of the Encyclopedia 
throughout the world and to obtain photostat 
copies. Now 803 volumes of the original have 
been reprinted under the direction of Professor 
Yang by the World Book Company of Taipei, 
Taiwan, Republic of China, and thus made 
available to students of Chinese civilization. I 
understand also tliat Dr. Yuan Tung-li of the 
Chinese section of the Library of Congress and 
formerly Director of the National Library of 
Peiping compiled in 1939 a census of the vol- 
umes of the Encyclopedia existing in Europe, in 
this manner contributing to the happy result 
which we see here today. 

The academic world is indebted to the dedica- 
tion, energy, and learning which Professor 
Yang Chia-lo has given to this important work 
over the greater part of his lifetime, and to the 
tradition of free scholarship being nurtured on 
Taiwan by the Government of the Republic of 
China. Professor Yang is presently head of 
the graduate institute of Chinese literature at 
the Taiwan Provincial Normal L^niversity in 

The Department of State is honored to have 
been the recipient of this handsome gift and 
extends on behalf of the American people 
sincere appreciation to Professor Yang and to 
all others who helped to make this reprinting 

Mr. Rogers 

The Library of Congress is both honored and 
enriched by this notable contribution to scholar- 
ship, which will be a treasured acquisition for 
our Chinese collections. Since this Encyclope- 
dia reproduces many texts which would other- 



wise never have come to light, its value to Sinol- 
ogy will be immeasurable. Eesearch scholars 
in this country will be grateful to Professor 
Yang Chia-lo for generations to come as they 
profit from his efforts. 

The Library of Congi-ess is grateful to him 
for this gift to the American jaeople, and to the 
Department of State for its good offices in plac- 
ing these volumes in the national library. 

U.S. Sympathizes With Cuban People 
in Aftermath of Hurricane Flora 

Beimrtment Statement ^ 

■\Ve distinguish between the suffering caused 
by Hurricane Flora and the hardships en- 
countered by the Cuban people as a result of 
the practices and policies followed by the Com- 
munist regime of Fidel Castro. On both counts, 
however, we sympathize with the Cuban people. 
The immediate offer of disaster relief by the 
American Red Cross — which, as you all know, 
is the principal humanitarian organization of 
the American people — was in our best humani- 
tarian tradition. Castro chose to reject this 
offer by the Eed Cross as hypocritical and to 
extend the rejection to any aid from the United 

The unprecedented attitude of the regime 
stands in contrast to the request for assistance by 
other countries hit by the hurricane and to which 
the United States has gladly responded. We 
have on various occasions expressed our sym- 
pathy for the Cuban people as a whole over dep- 
rivations of their personal freedom and mate- 
rial well-being resulting from the fact that 
Castro has clamped a Communist political and 
economic system on the country. The result- 
ing hardships have been further compounded 
by gross mismanagement and incompetence. 

' Read to news correspondents on Oct. 23 by Robert 
J. McCloskey, Department press officer. 

which the Cuban regime itself admits. The 
damage caused by Flora should not be allowed to 
hide these essential facts. 

Our policies toward the Castro regime have 
been determined by its Communist character, its 
hostility toward the United States, and its ef- 
forts to overthrow other governments in the 
hemisphere by violence, terror, and subversion. 
As long as the Cuban government chooses to 
follow this aggressive course, it leaves us no 
choice but to maintain our present economic 
controls, though it should be recalled that for 
humanitarian reasons these controls have never 
restricted exports of nonsubsidized foodstuffs 
and medicines. 

U.S. and Iran Sign Agreement 
Extending Educational Exchanges 

Press release 552 duted October 25 

The Governments of Iran and the United 
States on October 24 signed at Tehran an 
agreement extending the program of educa- 
tional exchanges between the two countries, 
begim in 1949 under the Fulbriglit Act.^ 

The new agreement is autliorized by the Mu- 
tual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of 
1961 (the Fulbright-Hays Act) . It was signed 
by Abbas Aram, Minister of Foreign Affairs of 
Iran, and American Ambassador Julius C. 

Through the last academic year a total of 
442 academic exchanges have taken place mider 
the program; 351 Iranian students, professors, 
teachers, and research scholars have come to the 
United States, and 91 Americans in comparable 
capacities have gone to Iran. In addition to 
those under the agreement a number of leaders 
and specialists have been exchanged between 
the two countries. 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1973, 
3956, and 4824. 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 
710-830—63 3 


International Educational and Cultural Exchanges: 
A Look Back and a Look Ahead 

Address by Secretary Rusk ^ 

It is more than a ceremonial occasion when a 
new structure dedicated to the pursuit of a 
peaceful world rises on the rock of Manhattan. 
It is an occasion for deep satisfaction, on the 
part not only of all who have labored to build 
the Institute of International Education but 
of the many millions in many lands who are the 
beneficiaries, direct or indirect, of its work. It 
is an event which invites a look back and a look 

Nineteen-nineteen, the birth year of the In- 
stitute of International Education, was the year 
in which man first flew across the Atlantic. 
Women liad not yet won the right to vote in the 
United States. Radio was just beginning to 
emerge from the laboratories. Atomic energy 
was locked up in a mathematical equation which 
had passed most of us by. Trips to the moon 
were still tlie private property of Jules Verne. 
And the United States, after a briglit and 
prophetic brief appearance on the world stage, 
was turning back to isolation and "normalcy" — 
a tragic retreat from reality for which we and 
much of the rest of the world paid dearly a short 
generation later. 

There were countercurrents, set in motion by 
men who realized that the American people 
could not thrive or in the long run survive in 
isolation from the rest of the world. Among 
them were the small group who founded the 
Institute of International Education. The de- 

' Made at symbolic cornerstone-laying ceremonies for 
the Institute of International Education's new head- 
quarters building at United Nations Plaza, New York, 
on Oct. 24 ( press release 5.51 ) . 

cision to set it up has been ascribed to a meeting 
of three men before a log fire at the Columbia 
University Club here in New York City in the 
late fall of 1918. They were Elihu Eoot, Nicho- 
las Murray Butler, and Stephen P. Duggan, in 
wliose mind the idea of such an institute had 
been taking shape for some time. 

The three agreed tliat there should be estab- 
lished a clearinghouse of information which 
would, at the same time, serve to stimulate 
greater interest in the study of international 
relations on American campuses and more ex- 
changes of students, teachers, specialists, and 
trainees between the United States and other 

The original announcement, in April 1919, 
noted that "even intelligent Americans were 
comparatively unfamiliar with international af- 
fairs" and that "it is impossible to understand 
other peoples and to appreciate properly their 
worth without correct information concerning 
their life, institutions, and culture." It noted 
also that tlie need for a central clearingliouse of 
information in the field of international educa- 
tion had become manifest during tlie war 
through inquiries of all kinds from the Allied 
countries — about our universities and tlie avail- 
abilitj- of scholarships and fellowships. 

There were very few international scholar- 
ships and fellowships in those days. Tliere 
were the Rhodes Scholarships to Oxford, which 
were then 15 years old, and the Boxer Indem- 
nity Fund Scholarships for Chinese students to 
tlio United States, wliich had begim in 1908. 
These and all other international scholarships, 



fellowships, and professorships to and from the 
United States probably did not total more than 
several hundred. 

Compare those beginnings with the college 
year 1962-3 ! According to the annual survey 
of the I.I.E. — one of your unique and very valu- 
able services — nearly 78,000 foreign citizens 
were in the United States on educational assign- 
ment. More than 64,000 were students. Al- 
most 6,000 were teachers, researchers, and other 
scholars. And more than 7,000 were interns 
and residents affiliated with United States hos- 
pitals. These students and teachers and doctors 
2ame from 152 countries and territories. Sev- 
snteen of these countries sent more than 1,000 
persons each. 

Many of these visitors came at their own ex- 
pense. But many received financial support 
from private institutions or governments, in- 
cluding our own. 

On the outgoing side your report showed 
nearly 19,000 Americans abroad on educational 
assignment — approximately 16,000 students and 
3,000 faculty members and administrative staff. 
I note your warning that, smce some institutions 
overseas did not respond to your inquiry, these 
figures are on the low side. 

Educational and cultural exchanges have be- 
come a very important aspect of this country's 
relations with almost every part of the world. 
As you know, many exchanges are financed by 
the United States Government, as an expression 
of the good will of the American people, their 
faith in education, their belief in free inquiry, 
and their miflagging determination to build a 
world in which all men will live together in 
peace. The Fulbright Act and the Smith- 
Mundt Act shortly after World War II set in 
motion a great international migration of stu- 
dents and scholars and artists. The Fulbright- 
Hays Act of 1961 broadened and strengthened 
this stimulating movement. 

That legislation also created a U.S. Advisory 
Commission on International Educational and 
Cultural Affairs and specifically required it to 
make a special study of whether the program 
had been effective. That Commission, composed 
of distinguished private citizens under the chair- 
manship of Jolin W. Gardner, president of the 

Carnegie Corporation, completed its worldwide 
survey ^ early this year. 
In sunamary, it said : 

Testimony is overwhelming from all sources that the 
program as a whole is effective. The Commission was 
frankly sun'rised, though gratified, at the wealth, 
variety and convincing character of the evidence. 

It concluded that the exchange program had : 

— increased mutual miderstanding ; 

— succeeded in helping dispel among foreign 
visitors many misconceptions and ugly stereo- 
types about the American people ; 

— been outstandingly successful in providing 
a valuable educational experience to foreign 
grantees ; 

— benefited his (the grantee's) home comitry ; 

— effectively established channels of commu- 
nication between the people in other countries 
and the United States ; and 

— effectively supported one of the Nation's 
most basic international objectives — of helping 
support strong free societies able to work to- 
gether, in mutual trust and understanding, on 
the grave issues of our time. 

The Commission's main conclusions would 
apply as well to exchanges financed by sources 
other than the United States Government. In- 
deed, as you know well, even the exchange pro- 
gram of the Department of State relies heavily 
on private participation. Private agencies and 
volunteer gi-oups do most of the work of screen- 
ing the grantees, placing them in universities, 
plamiing the tours of foreign visitors, and ar- 
ranging hospitality. This is a people's program, 
in which Americans as individuals help to create 
better international understanding and build 
the peace. The American undergraduate who 
is friendly to a foreign student, and the Ameri- 
can family which invites a foreign visitor into 
its home, contribute significantly to the success 
of the program. 

These exchanges have also enabled many thou- 
sands of American students and teachers to go 

"A limited number of copies of the Commission's 
report, entitled A Beacon of Hope: The Exchange-of- 
Persons Program, are available uixsn request from the 
office of the U.S. Advisory Commission on International 
Educational and Cultural Affairs, Room 4513, Depart- 
ment of State, Washington, D.C.. 20520. 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


abroad — with immense benelit not only to them- 
selves but to their country. 

The Advisory Conunission called its report 
A Beacon of Hope. If educational and cultural 
exchange is "a beacon of hope,'' tlie Institute of 
International Education is one of the great 
lighthouses from which this bright signal shines 
forth to the world. 

Over tlie years I.I.E. has been blessed with a 
notable roster of trustees. No commemorative 
plaque could hold them all, or even some of 
the most widely known— names such as Bunche, 
Butler, Carman, Dulles, Jessup, Lamont, Moore, 
Morrow, Murrow, Root, Seligman, and many 

I.I.E. has been the clearinghouse its founders 
intended it to be. It has been the storehouse 
too — of statistics on exchanges, of evaluations, 
of whys and wherefoi'es. 

One of tlie Institute's greatest services has 
been to enlist more and more citizens and private 
organizations in support of exchanges. Through 
its wide-ranging regional activities, it mobilizes 
the talents and energy of many thousands of 
Americans. It has demonstrated superbly a 
great strength of this Republic — the voluntary 
activities of private citizens in responsible 
support of broad public purposes. 

Now, what may we see as we look ahead ? 

Certainly wo may expect a further expansion 
of educational and cultural exchanges. And it 
is altogether appropriate, I think, that this 
building should be just across the street from 
the headquarters of the United Nations and 
that it should bo dedicated on United Nations 
Day. For exchanges are one of the hopeful 
means of moving peoples and nations toward the 
world of peace and justice and fraternal friend- 
ship envisaged by the United Nations Charter. 

Undoubtedlj- we will be called upon to lielp 
meet the educational needs of more foreign stu- 
dents in the years ahead. "We must, tlierefore, 
keep on ti-ying to improve the procedures of 
selection, orientation, language instruction, and 

It is better to have fewer students who can 
fully realize their opportunities than a larger 
number including some who are inadequately 
prepared or are not placed in the right institu- 

tions or courses for their particular needs. If, 
as has been forecast, 120,000 foreign students 
will be here in 1970, we shall want to be sure that 
they are in fact fully qualified and that we are 
able to match their talents and interests to the 
opportimities available in this comitry. We 
can, I know, count on I.I.E. and other private 
agencies to work diligently and intelligently on 
these problems. The State Department's Bu- 
reau of Educational and Cultural Affairs and 
other agencies of the Government are, of course, 
prepared to cooperate. 

I would hope also for a larger outflow of 
American students to other countries, especially 
to those with which we have not had extensive 
contacts in the past. We now have exchanges 
of various kinds with some 130 countries and 
territories. But there are still many colleges 
and universities in other countries in which 
American students are not eni-oUed. I would 
hope that governments not now providing schol- 
arships to American students would make an 
effort to do so. 

Already we are negotiating with other gov- 
enmients for the joint financing of new ex- 
change agreements which the Fulbright-IIays 
Act makes possible. We have concluded such 
agreements with the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, Austria, and Sweden. Nothing could 
better express the mutuality of benefit under in- 
ternational exchange programs than increasing 
mutuality of support. 

But this is not a day to linger over problems 
and unfinished business. This is a day to honor 
those wlio had the imagination and foresight to 
establish the Institute of International Educa- 
tion, and those whose work and support have 
made it the invaluable instrument it has become. 
This is a day to say "well done" to the galaxies 
of foundations, colleges, and universities, cor- 
porations, individual citizens, and other parts 
of the private sector, which support interna- 
tional educational and cultural e^xchanges. This 
is a day to rejoice in the gi'owth of the interna- 
tional communities of mind and spirit. 

I hope that the I.I.E. will receive the expand- 
ing private support it needs to grow in service 
in the future. You have my warmest best 



Public Hearings Announced for 1964 GATT Trade Negotiations 


Preparations for next year's trade negotia- 
tions moved into the public phase on October 
21 as the White House issued a public list of 
products to be considered for possible reduc- 
tions in rates of duty and the scheduling of pub- 
lic hearings was annoimced by tlie Tariff Com- 
mission and the Trade Information Committee. 
All imported articles but those excepted from 
negotiation by the Trade Expansion Act have 
been listed for consideration. 

The issuance of the public list is one of the 
steps required before the President may use his 
authority to lower duties. The next step will 
be the public hearings. Both the Tariff Com- 
mission and the Trade Information Committee 
hearings are scheduled to begin December 2. 
November 20 has been set as the deadline for in- 
terested parties to submit requests to appear at 
either hearing. 

The Tariff Commission will hold hearings at 
which interested parties may testify about the 
economic effects of possible tariff reductions on 
American industry. The hearings will be an 
important part of a Tariff Commission investi- 
gation of the articles on the list. Results of the 
investigation will be reported to the President 
in 6 months. 

The Trade Information Committee, an inter- 
agency committee chaired by a member of the 
Office of the Special Eepi'esentative for Trade 
Negotiations, will hear testimony relevant to 
any aspect of the negotiations but will devote 
particular attention to four subjects : 

(1) Eeductions in rates of duty which the 
United States should seek to obtain from other 

Pamphlet Available at GPO 

A pamphlet entitled Negotiatimis Under the 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962 and containing the 
announcement of public hearings (with back- 
ground on the public list and hearing proce- 
dures) ; the notice of proposed trade agreement 
negotiations and articles to be considered for 
negotiation; and the notice of public hearings 
is for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, 
U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, 
D.C., 20402 (price 20 cents). 

' Released on Oct. 21 by the Office of the Special Rep- 
resentative for Trade Negotiations. 

(2) Nontariff barriers imposed by other na- 
tions which the United States should seek to 
have removed or modified. 

(3) Articles upon which elimination, reduc- 
tion, or continuance of present United States 
duties should be offered. 

(4) Other United States import restrictions 
which should be offered for modification or 

Stressing the importance of testimony before 
the Trade Information Committee, Christian 
A. Herter, the President's Special Representa- 
tive for Trade Negotiations, said : 

We need the marlietplace knowledge of American 
producers. We cannot promise that our negotiating 
teams will come home with every reduction or every 
concession that we will seek, but the more we know 
of their needs the more our farmers, workers, and 
businessmen will benefit from our efforts. 

The fhial list of articles on which the United 
States will negotiate will not be completed until 
the testimony presented at these hearings, along 
with other available information, Iins been thor- 
oughly reviewed and analyzed and tlie Presi- 
dent has received the views of the Special 
Representative for Trade Negotiations, the 

NOVEMBER 11, 1063 


Tariff Commission, and other Government 
agencies whose advice may be requested. 

Reductions in duties as a result of the GATT 
negotiations will not occur until other nations 
have agreed to reductions on articles of interest 
to United States producers. Once agreement is 
reached the act requires that, generally, reduc- 
tions be spaced over a period of at least 4 years. 

The public list is made up of several separate 
lists of commodities. Each list includes those 
articles whose duty may be reduced under a 
particular provision of the Trade Expansion 

The basic negotiating authority in the act 
permits the President to lower duties by as 
much as 50 percent of the July 1962 rate. The 
list of articles eligible imder this authority in- 
cludes all imported products but those excepted 
by the act. 

Another list itemizes articles on which the 
duty was 5 percent or less on July 1, 1962. The 
President is authorized to negotiate reductions 
to zero in these duties. 

There is a list of tropical agricultural and 
forestry products not produced in significant 
quantity in the United States on which rates 
may be reduced or eliminated if the European 
Economic Community will take comparable 

Another list of products (referred to in the 
Department of Agriculture's Handbook 143) is 
included on which tariffs may also be reduced 
to zero in agreement with the European Eco- 
nomic Community if the President finds that 
such action would help maintain or expand 
United States exports of like articles. 

The published lists are as inclusive as the 
law permits. Some products on the lists, how- 
ever, may not be offered for negotiation as a 
result of determinations following the public 
hearings. It is also expected that very few of 
the Handbook 143 products on which duties 
may be reduced to zero through special agree- 
ments with the European Economic Community 
will, in fact, prove suitable for such treatment. 

It is anticipated that a supplement to the pub- 
lic list will be issued to identify those products 
eligible for tariff elimination because the United 
States and the European Economic Community 
account for more than 80 percent of free-world 

exports in the article. Other supplements may 
be issued when appropriate to annoimce addi- 
tional subjects to be considered for negotiation. 


In conformity with section 221 of the Trade Expan- 
sion Act of 1902, 76 Stat. 874, 19 U.S.C. IWl, and as 
President of the United States, I hereby direct pub- 
lication in the Federal Register of this notice of pro- 
posed trade agreement negotiations, including the list 
of articles to be considered for trade agreement con- 
cessions under Title II of the Trade Expansion Act 

I. Proposed negotiations. 

It is intended that the trade agreements authority 
conferred by the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 will be 
employed primarily in multilateral trade agreement 
negotiations imder the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade (GATT). That authority may also be em- 
ployed to conclude other trade agreements including 
but not limited to, agreements for the purpose of ob- 
taining mutually advantageous tariff or other trade 
concessions, consolidating trade agreement concessions, 
or compensating other nations for modifications or 
withdrawals of United States trade agreement conces- 
sions such as those required to compensate for in- 
creases in United States rates of duty incidental to 
the promulgation of the Tariff Schedules of the United 

II. List of articles to be considered for trade agree- 

ment concessions. 

(A) Every article provided for in the Tariff Sched- 
ules of the United States (28 F.R. 8599, as corrected 
28 F.R. 9131)' will be considered for modification or 
continuance of the existing duty to the extent permit- 
ted by sections 201(b) and 254 of the Trade Expansion 
Act (19 U.S.C. 1821, 1884), continuance of duty-free 
or excise treatment, continuance or modification of any 
other import restriction applicable thereto, or imposi- 
tion of any additional import restriction, pursuant to 
authority vested in me by section 201 of the Trade Ex- 
pansion Act (19 U.S.C. 1821) ; Provided that, 

(1) The articles identified in part 2 of the Appendix 
to the Tariff Schedules of the United States, which I 
hereby determine to be articles presently meeting the 
criteria of section 225(a) of the Trade Expansion Act 

= 2.S Fid. Reg. 11251. 

•"Tariff Schedules of the United States" or "Tariff 
Schedules of the United States Annotated (1963)", 
Division of Public Documents, Government Printing 
OflBce, Washington, D.C., 20402, available for inspec- 
tion at any field office of the Bureau of Customs or the 
Department of Commerce. [Footnote in original.] 



(19 U.S.C. 1S45), will not be considered for reduction 
of any duty or other import restriction, or elimination 
of any duty ; 

(2) The articles consisting of crude petroleum and 
certain products thereof and subject to import quotas 
under Presidential Proclamation 3279, as modified by 
Presidential Proclamations 3290, 3328, 3386, 3389. 3509, 
3531, and 35-11, which I determine to be articles pres- 
ently meeting the criteria of section 225(a) of the 
Trade Expansion Act, will not be considered for reduc- 
tion of any duty or other import restriction, or elimi- 
nation of any duty ; 

(3) Pursuant to section 257(h) of the Trade Expan- 
sion Act (19 U.S.C. 1887), the articles identified in 
part 3 of the Appendix to the Tariff Schedules of the 
United States will not be considered for modification 
of any import restriction imposed under section 22 of 
the Agricultural Adjustment Act (64 Stat 261, as 
amended. 7 U.S.C. 624). 

(B) All articles dutiable under the Tariff Schedules 
of the United States item numbers or designated parts 
thereof contained in the following lists will also be 
considered for reduction of duty to a rate below fifty 
l^rcent of the rate existing on July 1, 1962, including 
elimination of duty : 

(1) The following articles, as to which I hereby de- 
termine that the rate of duty which existed on July 1, 
1962, was not more than 5 percent ad valorem (or ad 
valorem equivalent, as determined by the Tariff Com- 
mission in accordance with section 256(7) of the Trade 
Expansion Act (19 U.S.C. 1SS6(7)) and pursuant to 
authority delegated by section 5(a) of Executive Order 
11075, as amended), will be considered for reduction or 
elimination of duty pursuant to the authority vested in 
me by section 201 and section 202 of the Trade Expan- 
sion Act (19 U.S.C. 1821, 1822) : 











































































































































































































































































































































































































(2) The following articles, which I hereby deter- 
mine to be articles referred to in Agricultural Hand- 
book No. 143, United States Department of Agriculture, 
as issued in September 1959. will be considered subject 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 

to the further rwiuireiiieii 

s of section 

212 of the Trade 






Act (19 U.S.C. 

1832) for reduction or elinii- 





nation of 

luty pursuant to the authority vested in me 





by section 

201 and section 

212 of the Trade Expansion 




































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































1.S4 10 































(3) The following articles, which I hereby deter- 
mine after receipt and consideration of findings by 
the Tariff Commission made pursuant to section 213(c) 
of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (19 U.S.C. 1833(c) ) 
to be tropical agricultural or forestry commodities of 
a kind not produced in significant quantities in the 
United States, will be considered subject to the further 
requirements of section 213 of the Trade Expansion 
Act for reduction or elimination of duty pursuant to 
authority vested in me by section 201 and section 213 
of the Trade Expansion Act : 













14.-.. 16 




















(C)(1) Listing of an article for negotiation any- 
where in this paragraph does not preclude the possi- 
bility of negotiation pursuant to notice given elsewhere 

(2) The term "rate existing on July 1, 1962" is used 
in this paragraph as defined by section 256(4) of the 

Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (19 U.S.C. 1886(4) ) and 
section 203 of the Tariff Classification Act of 1962 (76 
Stat. 75, as amended, 76 Stat. 882). 

III. Supplemental notices. 

From time to time as may be appropriate, other 
notices may be published for the purpose of giving 
notice of proposed actions under the Trade Expansion 
Act not announced in this notice. 

IV. Public hearings of the Trade Information Com- 

I have designated the Special Representative for 
Trade Negotiations to perform the functions prescribed 
by the second sentence of section 223 of the Trade Ex- 
pansion Act of 1962 (section 3(g) of Executive Order 
No. 11075 of January 15, 1963, as amended). Accord- 
ingly, the Trade Information Committee of the Ofi^ce 
of the Special Representative will hold public hearings 
for the purpose of affording an opportunity for any 
Interested person to present views concerning any ar- 
ticle on the list published in paragraph II of this notice, 
any article which should be so listed, any tariff or other 
trade concession which should be sought by the United 
States, or any other matter relevant to the trade agree- 
ments proposed in Part I of this notice. 

V. Public hearings of the Tariff Commission.' 

In accordance with section 221(a) of the Trade Ex- 
pansion Act of 1962, I have furnished the Tariff Com- 
mission with the list "of articles published in para- 
graph II of this notice, for the purpose of securing 
from the Tariff Commission its judgment as to the 
probable economic effect of modifications of duties or 
other import restrictions on United States industries 
producing like or directly competitive articles. 

John F. Kennedy 
The White House, 
October 21, 1983. 


Office of the Special Representative foe Trade 

Trade Information Coiimittee 

Docket No. 63-2 

Notice of Public Hearing Relating to Articles to be 
Considered for Trade Agreement Negotiation 

'See F.R. Doc. 63-11183, in Notices section, infra. 
[Footnote in original.] 

" See F.R. Doc. 63-11132, in Notices section, infra. 
[Footnote in original.] 

° Copies of Public Notice of Investigation and Hear- 
ings Under Section 221 of the Trade Expansion Act of 
1962 may be obtained from the United States Tariff 
Commission, Washington, D.C. 

XiiVEJIBER 11, 1963 



1. Requests to present oral testimony must be received 
by Wednesday, November 20. 1063. 

2. For due dates for written briefs, see section 5 of 
this notice. 

3. Hearings begin December 2, 1963. 

1. Notice of public hearing. 

Pursuant to section 223 of the Trade Expansion Act 
of 19G2 (76 Stat. 872, 19 U.S.C. 1843), section 3(g) of 
Executive Order No. 11075 of .January 15, 1963, as 
amended (28 F.R. 473), section 202.3 of Directive No. 
1 of the Office of the Special Representative for Trade 
Negotiations (48 C.F.R., Part 201, 28 F.R. 3974), and 
§ 211.2(a) of its Regulations (48 C.F.R., Part 211, 28 
F.R. 7947), the Trade Information Committee in the 
Office of the Special Representative for Trade Nego- 
tiations has ordered public hearings to be held concern- 
ing the notice of proposed trade agreement negotiations 
and articles to be considered for negotiation published 
this day by the President in the Federal Register. 

2. Subject matter of public hearings. 

The subject matter of the public hearing will include 
any matter pertaining to the proposed trade agree- 
ments announced in the notice of proposed trade agree- 
ment negotiations required to be heard by section 223 
of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962. That section pro- 
vides, in pertinent part, that any interested person may 
present his views "concerning any article on a list 
published pursuant to section 221, any article which 
should be so listed, any concession which should be 
sought by the United States, or any other matter rele- 
vant to such proposed trade agreement". 

In view of the fact that briefs and testimony pre- 
sented to the Tariff Commission concerning the subject 
matter set forth in section 221 of the Act will be made 
available to the Trade Information Committee, the 
same material need not be submitted to the Committee. 
It is suggested that persons appearing before the Com- 
mittee devote particular attention to the following sub- 
jects comprised within section 223 of tlie Act : 

(1) Reductions in rates of duty which the United 
States should seek to obtain from other nations. 

(2) Restrictions and barriers to trade other than 
rates of duty imposed by other nations which the United 
States should seek to have removed or modified. 

(3) Articles upon which elimination, reduction, or 
continuance of the United States rate of duty should 
be offered. 

(4) Other United States import restrictions which 
should be offered for modification or continuance under 
the authority of section 201 (a) of the Trade Expansion 
Act of 1962. 

3. Time and place of public hearing. 

The public hearing will commence on Monday, De- 
cember 2, 1963. Hearings held before January 1, 1964, 
will be held in Room lO."!, 722 .lackson Place, N.W., 
Washington, D.C. Hearings held after January 1, 1964, 
will be held in Conference Room B of the Interdepart- 

mental Auditorium, I.,abor Department Building, Con- 
stitution Avenue and 14th Street, N.W., Washington, 

Tlie sequence of the hearings will follow Schedules 1 
through 8 of the Tariff Schedules of the United States 
(TSUS). Each Schedule will be treated as a unit for 
the purpose of conducting the hearing. Matters not 
specifically related to any commodity will be scheduled 
as the Committee deems appropriate. 

Hearings on Schedules 1 and 2 will commence on 
December 2, 1963. The opening date for hearings con- 
cerning Schedules 3 through 8 and any other matters 
will be announced in the Federal Register on Tuesday, 
December 10, 1963. 

4. Requests to present oral testimony. 

All requests to present oral testimony, regardless of 
subject matter, must be received by the Executive Sec- 
retary of the Trade Information Committee not later 
than Wednesday, November 20, 1963. The entire sched- 
ule for the proposed hearing will be formulated on the 
basis of requests to apijear received as of that date. 

Requests to present oral testimony must conform 
with the regulations of the Committee, 48 C.F.R., Part 
211, 28 F.R. 7947. Requests shall be submitted in an 
original and three copies. Requests must include the 
following information : 

(a) The name, address, and telephone number of 
the party submitting the request ; 

(b) The name, address, telephone number, and of- 
ficial position of the person submitting the request; 

(c) The description and TSUS item number (to the 
extent practicable) of the commodity or commodities in 
which the party has an interest ; 

(d) The subject or subjects to be dealt with in the 
proposed testimony, listed individually and, in the 
case of import restrictions other than duties, with suf- 
ficient particularity to identify the restriction to be 
discussed ; 

(e) A brief indication of the position to be taken 
by the party ; 

(f ) The name, address, and telephone number of the 
person (or persons) who will present oral testimony; 

(g) The amount of time requested for the presenta- 
tation of oral testimony, and if more than 15 minutes 
is requested, the reasons therefor. 

Each party submitting a request will be notified of 
the Committee's disposition thereof. Each person 
whose request is granted will also be notified of the 
date on which he is scheduled to appear and the 
amount of time allotted for his presentation. The 
Committee reserves the right to restrict the time al- 
lotted for oral presentation. Any person whose re- 
quest is denied will be notified of the reasons therefor. 

5. Submission of written brief s. 

Any interested party may submit a written brief to 
the Committee concerning the subject matter of this 
hearing. Each party presenting oral testimony must 



file a brief. All briefs must be filed within the time 
specified in the following paragraph. 

Written briefs concerning commodities contained in 
Schedule 1 of the TSUS must be received by the 
Executive Secretary by November 2.5, 1963, and briefs 
concerning commodities contained in Schedule 2 must 
be received by December 2, 1963. Written briefs con- 
cerning commodities contained in other Schedules of 
the TSUS must be filed fifteen calendar days before 
the date on which hearings concerning that Schedule 
are to begin. Hearing dates for subsequent Schedules 
will be announced in the Federal Register on Decem- 
ber 10, 1963. 

Briefs must conform to the Committee's Regulations, 
4S C.F.R., Part 211, 28 F.R. 7927. Briefs must be 
submitted in twenty (20) copies, one of which must 
be made under oath or affirmation. In addition, each 
brief shall clearly designate on the first page the 
name and address of the party submitting the brief, 
the description and TSUS item number of the com- 
modities to which the brief pertains, and the subject 
matter of the brief. 

Suggestions for the preparation of written briefs 
will be sent to all parties requesting to present oral 
testimony, and will be furnished upon re- 
quest to the Executive Secretary. 

In order to aid preparation for the hearings, statis- 
tics of United States imports on a world-wide basis, 
according to TSUS item numbers, will be available 
shortly from the Government Printing Office in a Cen- 
sus Bureau piiblication entitled "United States Imports 
(if Merchandise for Consumption: TSUS Schedule by 
Part by Item, 19C1". A breakdown of United States im- 
ports by country will be published later in the year. 

6. Rebuttal hriefs. 

In order to assure each party equal opportunity to 
contest the information provided by other interested 
parties, the Committee will entertain rebuttal briefs 
tiled by any party within one week after the close of 
hearings on a particular schedule. Rebuttal briefs 
shall conform, in form and number, to the Regulations 
of the Committee and the provisions of this notice 
applicable to written briefs. Rebuttal briefs should 
be strictly limited to demonstrating errors of fact or 
analysis not pointed out in the briefs or hearing, and 
should be as concise as possible. 

7. Information exempt from public inspection. 
Parties are referred to §§ 211.7 and 211.8 of the 

Committee's Regulations, 48 C.F.R., Part 211, 28 F.R. 
7947, for the regulations concerning information ex- 
empt from public inspection. In addition, the follow- 
ing should be noted: 1) Requests to present oral testi- 
mony should contain no confidential information, and 
any requests marked "For Official Use Only" will not 
be accepted. 2) Every written brief must present in 
nonconfidential form, on separate pages, a statement of 
the party's position and supporting arguments sufficient 
to inform any other party of the arguments he must 
meet in order to oppose the position taken in the 

8. Public inspection of written materials. 

Subject to the regulations of the Committee, and in 
particular §§ 211.7 and 211.8, all written materials filed 
with the Committee in connection with this hearing 
will be open to public inspection, by appointment, at 
the office of the Executive Secretary, Executive Office 
Building, 17th Street and Penn.sylvania Avenue, N.W., 
Washington, D.C. 20506. Transcripts of the hearing 
will also be available for inspection, but not for re- 
production. Transcripts may be purchased from the 
official reporter. 

9. Communications. 

All communications with regard to these hearings 
should be addressed to: Executive Secretary, Trade 
Information Committee, Office of the Special Repre- 
sentative for Trade Negotiations, Executive Office 
Building, 17th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., 
Washington, D.C. 20506. 

Sidney Picker, Jr. 
Executive Secretary 

GATT Asked for Advisory Opinion 
on U.S.-EEC Poultry Dispute 

Following is the text of a letter from Chris- 
tian A. Herter, the President's Special Repre- 
sentative for Trade Negotiations, to Eric 
Wyndham White, Executive Secretary of the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 

October 16, 1963. 

Dear Mr. Wtndham White : As you know, 
a dispute exists between the US and the Euro- 
pean Economic Community concerning poul- 
try.^ Desiring to do what they reasonably can 
to minimize tlie differences between them, and 
without prejudice to the juridical position of 
either party, the Government of the United 
States and the European Economic Community 
believe that much would be gained by obtain- 
ing an impartial opinion on the question set 
forth below. 

Accordingly, on behalf of my government, I 
hereby request that appropriate steps be taken 
to convene, as promptly as possible, a meeting 
of the Council of Representatives of the GATT, 
for the purpose of establishing a panel to render 
an advisory opinion to the two parties con- 
cerned in order to determine : 

' For background, see Bulletin of June 24, 1963, p. 
996, and Oct. 14, 1963, p. 605. 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


"On tlie basis of the definition of poultry 
provided in parajTraph number 02.02 of the 
Common Customs Tariff of the European 
Economic Communit}', and on the basis of the 
rules of and practices under the GATT, the 
value (expressed in United States dollars) to 
be ascribed, as of September 1, 19G0, in the 
context of the unbindings concerning this prod- 
uct, to United States exports of poultry to the 
Federal Republic of Germany". 

WitJi respect to the composition of the panel, 
the Government of the United States and the 
European Economic Community believe it 
would be appropriate to have it consist of three 
members, including yourself as chairman, and 
that the other two members not be nationals 
of any country involved in the present dispute 
with respect to poultry. 
Sincerely yours, 

Christian A. Herter 

Special Represenfative 
for Trade Negotiations 

Promotion of Foreign investment 
in U.S. Companies To Be Studied 

White House press release dated October 2 

President Kennedy on October 2 named a 13- 
man task force to study ways of promoting in- 
creased foreign investment in the securities of 
U.S. private companies and to survey the avail- 
ability of foreign financing to U.S. private com- 
panies operating abroad. These questions bear 
importantly upon the future of the U.S. balance 
of payments. The task force includes both 
government officials and private members of the 
financial community. 

Government officials on the task force are : 

Henry 11. Fowler, Under Secretary of the Treasury, 
who will serve a.s chairman of the task force, repre- 
seiitinK the Treasury Department 

Robert M. McKlnney, retiring U.S. Ambassador to 
Switzerland, who will serve as executive officer of 
the task force, representing the Department of State 

Ralph \. Young, advlsi-r to the Hoard of Governors of 
the Federal Reserve System, who will represent the 

Charles A. Coombs, vice president for foreign opera- 
tions of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, who 
will represent the Bank 

Private members of the task force include : 

Frederick M. Eaton, partner in the New York law firm 
of Shearman and Sterling 

G. Keith Funston, president, New York Stock Exchange 

George F. James, senior vice president for planning 
and finance, Socony Mobil Oil Company, Inc., New 

George J. Leness, president, Merrill, Lynch, Pierce, 
Fenner and Smith, New York 

Andre Meyer, senior partner, Lazard Freres & Com- 
pany, New York 

Dorsey Richardson, president. Investment Company 
Institute, Now York 

Arthur K. Watson, president, IBM World Trade Cor- 
poration, New York 

Walter B. Wriston, executive vice president, First Na- 
tional City Bank of New York 

John M. Young, partner, Morgan Stanley and Com- 
pany, New York 

The creation of this task force is in line with 
section 6 of President Kennedy's special message 
on the balance of payments, July 18.* The pur- 
pose and backgroimd of the task force study is 
outlined in more detail in section 6 of the Presi- 
dent's message and in a separate Treasury De- 
partment release ^ based on an organization plan 
and working program worked out by the Treas- 
ury Department in consultation with the State 

At the conclusion of its work the task force 
will make a report to the President. 

Congressionai Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

88th Congress, 1st Session 

Activities of Nondiplomatie Representatives of Foreign 
I'rinoipals in the United States. Hearings before the 
Senate Foreign Relations Comuiittee. Part 8, 
April 12-Mav 0, 19G3 ; 3S2 pp. : Part 9, May 23, 19(53, 
213 pp. ; Part 10, July 10, 1963, 93 pp. ; Part 11, March 
8, 1903, 175 pp. ; Part 12, August 1, 11H$3, 87 pp. 

Government Information Plans and Policies (Part 4 — 
Vietnam News Coverage). Hearing before a sub- 
committee of the House Committee on Government 
Operations. May 24, 1963. 34 pp. 

Report of the National Advisory Council on Interna- 
tional Monetary and Financial Problems. Letter 
from the Secretary of the Treasury transmitting a 
report for tlie period January 1, to Juno 30. 1962, 
pursuant to the Bretton Woods Agreements Act. H. 
Doc. 130. June 25, 1963. 51pp. 

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 32, 19G;5, p. 250. 
' Not printed here. 




U.N. Calls on States to Refrain From Orbiting Weapons 

Following is a statement hy Ambassador 
Adlai E. Stevenson, U.S. Representative to the 
General Assembly, made in Cotnm.ittee I {Po- 
litical and Security) on October 16, together 
with the text of a resolution adopted in plenary 
session on October 17. 


U.S. delegation press release 4265 

May I first echo the words of welcome of our 
chainnan to the two Soviet astronauts ^ who 
are visiting the General Assembly this morning 
and express the welcome of my Government 
and its respect and admiration for their ex- 
traordinary achievement in pioneering the ex- 
ploration of outer space. 

Mr. Chairman, it is my agreeable duty to 
speak to the draft resolution ^ introduced in 
this committee yesterday by the distinguished 
representative of Mexico, Ambassador Padilla 
Nervo, who has spent so many years of devoted 
effort in the field that probably preoccupies the 
attention of all of us with a greater universality 
than anything else, and that is the field of dis- 

This resolution represents another decisive 
advance in the disarmament process, one which 
we believe will prevent the orbiting or the sta- 
tioning of weapons of mass destruction in outer 
space. We warmly welcome the cooperation of 
the Soviet Union in this endeavor. We are par- 

" Lt. Col. Yuri A. Gagarin and Jr. Lt. Valentina Ter- 
' D.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 324. 

ticularly pleased that this draft resolution is 
cosponsored by all of the participants in the 
18-Nation Committee on Disarmament. 

While attempting to realize our ultimate ob- 
jective of general and complete disarmament, 
we have sought continuously to implement less 
ambitious measures which could help to lessen 
international tensions and to facilitate our 
larger task. By the adoption of this resolution, 
members of the United Nations will be taking 
a positive step toward the goal of disarmament. 
Hopefully this step could lead us to further 

The resolution, as you know, is a simple one. 
It does not require the cessation by govern- 
ments of any present activity. To the best of 
our knowledge no weapon of mass destruction 
has ever been placed in orbit around the earth. 
Rather, this resolution calls for abstention. It 
would represent international recognition that 
the arms race in outer space must not be ex- 
tended into this new environment, that while 
we are seeking ways of limiting and reducing 
existing armaments, we undertake to refrain 
from developing a new potential in the arma- 
ments field. Certainly, it would seem easier 
not to arm an environment that has never been 
armed than to agree to disarm areas which liave 
been armed. 

The draft resolution on the table sets forth 
a policy which has already been adopted by the 
United States. On September 5, 1962, the Dep- 
uty Secretary of Defense, Mr. [Roswell L.] 
Gilpatric, made the follo\ving statement of 
United States intentions respecting the placing 
in orbit of weapons of mass destruction : 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


Today there is no doubt that either the United 
States or the Soviet Union could place thermo-nuclear 
weapons in orbit, but such an action is just not a ra- 
tional military strategy for either side for the fore- 
seeable future. 

We have no program to place any weapons of mass 
destruction into orbit. An arms race in space will 
not contribute to our security. I can think of no 
greater stimulus for a Soviet thermo-nuclear arms ef- 
fort in space than a United States commitment to such 
a program. This we will not do. 

At the same time we are pursuing cooperative sci- 
entific efforts in space through the United Nations and 
otherwise, we will of course take such steps as are 
necessary to defend ourselves and our allies, if the 
Soviet Union forces us to do so. This is in accordance 
with the inalienable right of self-defense confirmed in 
the United Nations Charter. 

Our policy in this regard was made clear to 
the United Nations by Senator [Albert] Gore 
as United States representative to the First 
Committee on December 3, 1962.^ On Septem- 
ber 20, 1963, President Kennedy reaffirmed our 
intention to keep weapons of mass destruction 
out of orbit.'' 

Since that time we have met with the repre- 
sentatives of the Soviet Union on this problem. 
We are glad that the intentions of the Soviet 
Union in this regard are the same as our own, 
and I am happy to report that the resolution 
which is before the Assembly has the support of 
both Governments. 

Spealcing on behalf of my Government, let 
me say what has been said many times before : 
The United States has no intention of placing 
in orbit around the earth any weapons of mass 
destruction, of installing such weapons on ce- 
lestial bodies, or of stationing such weapons in 
outer space in any other manner. The United 
States intends to refrain from causing, encour- 
aging, or in any way participating in the con- 
duct of the foregoing activities by others. 

The United States fully intends to pursue 
this policy. 

We recognize that it is not possible to foresee 
today all events which may at a future time oc- 
cur in the newly emerging field of space tech- 
nology and in the exploration and the use of 
outer space. Nor can we foresee fully the out- 

' Bulletin of Jan. 7, 1963, p. 21. 
* Ibid., Oct. 7, 1963, p. 530. 

come of continuing efforts to achieve disarma- 
ment. Naturally, if events as yet unforeseen 
suggest the need for a further look at this mat- 
ter, we would acquaint the United Nations with 
such events. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the commit- 
tee, I have set forth my Government's policy of 
refraining from orbiting weapons of mass de- 
struction in outer space and have reiterated our 
firm endorsement of this resolution. I am cer- 
tain that the members of this committee are 
fully aware of the value of this resolution, and 
I would, on behalf of my Government, strongly 
recommend it to all of the members of the 

My Government is gratified at this important 
step that we are about to take. We believe it 
should help reduce international tension. The 
United States hopes that there will be 
imanimous agreement to this resolution. We 
believe that by faithfully following the policy 
expressed in it we will help make the world a 
safer place in which to live. By avoiding a 
nuclear arms race in space, we will have taken 
one further step on the road to disarmament. 


The General Assembly, 

Recalling General Assembly resolution 1721 (XVI) 
which expressed the belief that the exploration and 
use of outer space should be only for the betterment 
of mankind. 

Determined to take steps to prevent the spread of 
the arms race to outer space, 

1. Welcomes the expressions by the United States 
of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Repub- 
lics of their intention not to station any objects carry- 
ing nuclear weapons or other kinds of weapons of 
mass destruction in outer space ; 

2. Solemnly calls upon all States : 

(A) To refrain from placing in orbit around the 
earth any objects carrying nuclear weapons or any 
other kinds of weapons of mass destruction, installing 
such weapons on celestial bodies, or stationing such 
weapons in outer space in any other manner ; 

(B) To refrain from causing, encouraging, or in any 
way participating in the conduct of the foregoing 

"U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.324 ( A/RES/1884( XVIII ) ) 
adopted by acclamation on Oct. 17. 



Albanian Proposal to Change U.N. 
Representation of China Rejected 

Statement iy Adlai E. Stevenson 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

Nothing has happened in the world in the past 
year to justify the General Assembly seriously 
redebating the item which we now have before 
us; indeed quite the opposite is the case. For 
many years this issue has been dealt with in 
decisive fashion by the United Nations; in 1961 
proposals to seat the Communist Chinese and 
expel the representatives of the Eepublic of 
China were defeated by a vote of 36 to 48 ; last 
year they were defeated by 42 to 56. In 1961 
also the Assembly decided by a vote of 61 to 34 
that any proposals to change the representation 
of Cliina would come under the provisions of 
article 18 (3) of the charter, and this requires 
a two-thirds vote. Since then the leaders of 
Communist China have further demonstrated 
both in word and deed that they do not accept 
the most basic principles of the charter. The 
Albanian proposal - is consequently totally in- 
appropriate and should be decisively rejected. 

Given the behavior of the Communist Clii- 
nese in the past year, it is even more unfor- 
tunate that the constructive mood of this 18th 
session of the General Assembly, a mood in 
which all, or almost all, of us have taken such 
satisfaction, should be interrupted in the stri- 
dent and discordant rhetoric of the cold war. 
A? President Kennedy said in his address ^ at 
the outset of this session, the whole world is now 
looking to the United Nations to see if the cur- 
rent "pause in the cold war" can be stretched 
into a period of cooperation during which both 
sides can gain "new confidence and experience 
in concrete collaborations for peace." The Al- 
banian proposal to expel one of our founding 
members and to replace its representatives with 
those of the world's most warlike regime is in 
essence a proposal to install the chilliest advo- 
cate of both cold and hot wars in our halls. 

'Made in plenary session on Oct. 16 (U.S. delegation 
press release 4267). 

' U.N. doc. A/L. 427 and Add. 1. 
• BuiiETiN of Oct. 7, 1963, p. 530. 

Two years ago on the eve of our debate on this 
subject Communist China had subjected Tibet 
to its domination. Last year it was engaged in 
aggressive warfare against India and by its own 
admission was using its influence during the 
crisis over Soviet missiles in Cuba to try to pre- 
vent the solution which the rest of the world 
welcomed. And now this year we find Commu- 
nist China not only embroiled in both old and 
new disputes, on all of its peripheries, but also 
being the unique and aggressive advocate, alone 
in the councils of the world, of the inevitability 
and desirability of war as a means of solving in- 
ternational disputes. 

Mr. President, in the past 2 years 19 plenary 
meetings have been devoted to substantive de- 
bate on the representation of China. Nearly all 
members have expressed their views. In both 
1961 and 1962, proposals to expel the representa- 
tives of the Government of the Republic of 
China and to admit Chinese Communist repre- 
sentatives were decisively rejected, not by "less 
and less support," as claimed by the representa- 
tive of Albania in his statement of September 
27, but by a no vote of 48 in 1961 and by an ab- 
solute majority of 56 in 1962. One of the pre- 
ceding speakers, furthermore, has based his case 
in part on the erroneous assumption that a ma- 
jority of member states recognize Communist 
China. The fact is, of course, that an absolute 
majority of member states — namely 59 — recog- 
nize the Government of the Republic of China. 

Government at Peiping Not Peaceloving 

The Albanian request that this Assembly re- 
verse itself, that we throw out a loyal charter 
member and make room here for representatives 
of a regime which is not a "peaceloving" state, 
will not bear scrutiny. 

In contrast to the Albanian delegate's pro- 
testations about the "peaceloving" nature of the 
Peiping leaders and their dedication to "peace- 
ful coexistence," the Chinese Conmiunists have 
demonstrated repeatedly that they will not meet 
the qualifications of article 4 of the charter. 
The government in Peiping is not peaceloving; 
it does not concur in the obligations which the 
charter imposes: and it is clearly neither able 
nor willing to c«rrv them out. 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


A recent example is Communist China's re- 
action to one of the most significant interna- 
tional developments since our last debate on 
Chinese representation. I refer of course to the 
test ban treaty, the first successful step in 17 
years of effort to limit the nuclear arms race. 
Wliat has the Chinese Communist regime said 
about this agreement? Unlike the virtually 
unanimous majority of United Nations member 
states represented here, which have adhered to 
the treaty, the Peiping regime rejected it out 
of hand as a "fraud," a "trap," a "deceit." "It 
is rotten to the core" is their specific reaction to 
this first momentous step on the path to peace 
and security by arms control. 

The Chinese Communists' rejection of the test 
ban treaty, while disappointing, cannot be said 
to come as a surprise in view of their known at- 
titude toward other efforts to diminish inter- 
national tension and the danger of war. 

Their objection to the strenuous efforts of the 
United Nations to bring about disarmament has 
also been repeated within the last 60 days. 
"Universal and complete disarmament can be 
realized only after imperialism, capitalism, and 
all systems of exploitation have been elimi- 
nated," they say. "To make propaganda about 
the possibility of realizing 'a world without 
weapons, without armed forces, and without 
wars' through universal and complete disarma- 
ment while imperialism still exists is to deceive 
the people of the world and is detrimental to 
the struggle for world peace." 

Just ponder this for a moment. As we know, 
"imperialism" has long been a Communist syn- 
onym for the democracies of the West. Peiping 
is saying that only when these free, peaceful, 
economic and political systems have been elim- 
inated can we talk of general disarmament. In 
other words they are opposed to the work of the 
18-member committee in Geneva ; they are op- 
posed to actions such as the resolution we have 
just adopted in Committee I forbidding the 
placing of weapons of mass destruction in 
orbit ; * and they are prepared to talk about dis- 
armament only when those who don't accept 
their ideology have been erased. 

Such an attitude hardly is a recommendation 
for admission to the United Nations. But it 

* See p. 753. 

is also hardly new. Long ago Mao Tse-tung 
expressed the iron maxim of Chinese commu- 
nism in the words : "All political power grows 
out of the barrel of a gun." Only recently he 
was confirmed by one of his spokesmen as hav- 
ing said in 1957: "If the worst came to the 
worst and half of mankind died, the other half 
would remain while imperialism would be razed 
to the ground and the whole world would be- 
come Socialist (i.e. Communist)." "We must 
conclude that they accept nuclear war because 
the death of half of the human race would 
improve the prospects for Chinese communism 
in the remaining half of the world. 

In spite of all this evidence of the dangerous 
mood of Communist China, there may be dele- 
gations here who are still essentially unmoved — 
people who see Communist China's attitude as 
only one more aspect of the cold war; who re- 
gard this as a remote dispute, even if im- 
portant, between big powers but with little real 
relevance and importance to them; who may 
even secretly take some comfort in the attitude 
of Communist China on the assumption that 
it to some degree assists them in the struggle 
against colonialism. To those who are so in- 
clined I urge that the real objective and aims 
of the Chinese Communists be studied more 
carefully. For their true objective is not the 
objective of African or Asian democratic na- 
tionalism; their true objective is to use this 
nationalism as a way station to world dom- 

The efforts of peoples still under colonial rule 
to achieve freedom are to be supported, but the 
Communist Party in those countries is enjoined 
to work "independently among the masses" and 
to "guide the revolution onto the road of social- 
ism," by which, of coui-se, they mean commu- 
nism. And lest there be any misunderstanding 
of what this means to the social fabric and 
leadership of those states, the leaders of Com- 
munist China add that "all forms of struggle, 
including armed struggle" are to be mastered 
and that "the transition from capitalism to 
socialism (that is, communism) in any country 
can only he brought about through the prole- 
tarian revolution and the dictatorship of the 
proletariat in that country." These words 
speak for themselves, and they should speak to 
all of us. 



No, Mr. President, while the Communist 
Chinese continue by word and deed to reject 
the obligations of the United Nations Charter, 
while they treat the organization with contempt 
and arrogance, they block their own admission 
to it. They — who have been branded as an "ag- 
gressor" by the United Nations — charge that 
the "United Nations flag has been imprinted 
with the ignominious hallmark of aggression 
against Korea." And they persist in asserting 
the right to use force if necessary to eliminate 
the Government of the Republic of China and 
take the island of Taiwan. 

The Chinese Communists, according to Al- 
bania, consider "the liberation of Taiwan and 
the other Chinese islands . . . a legitimate right 
of this People's Republic of China," an ob- 
jective made more specific in a report of a politi- 
cal work conference of the Chinese Communist 
People's Liberation Army issued on March 6, 
1963, which says: "We will speed the revolu- 
tionary and modemizing buildup of our 
army ... to liberate Taiwan. . . ." For many 
years the United States has sought without suc- 
cess to persuade the Chinese Communists to 
abandon the use of force as a method of pur- 
suing their policies in the straits. It is no won- 
der, in the light of such an attitude, that we 
participate in a mutual assistance treaty with 
the Republic of China. 

Principles of Charter Should Be Universal 

The standards of this organization were es- 
tablished after serious deliberation. Every 
member that has joined this organization is 
pledged to accept those standards. The Chi- 
nese Communists cannot amend or contradict 
them in the way they do and still expect the 
members of tlie organization to consider them 
seriously committed to obey them and under- 
take the responsibilities and obligations of 

The recurrent theme of "univei-sality" run- 
ning through the arguments of those in favor of 
the admission of Rod China surely cannot be 
considered in isolation from such facts. We 
agree that universality represents a goal toward 
which the United Nations must strive. But the 
people of China are already properly and legiti- 
mately represented in the United Nations by the 

Government of the Republic of China. The 
United Nations must not weaken its dedication 
to the principles on which it was founded and 
which have been spelled out in its charter. It is 
these principles that should be universal. If we 
were to admit those who deny their validity, we 
would be creating an illusion of universality, 
which in time would probably turn out to be 
no more than a universal delusion. 

Nor are the "realists'' who maintain that the 
composition of the United Nations should sim- 
ply reflect the world as it is realistic if they 
disregard these principles of international con- 
duct. The argument that it is "unrealistic" to 
exclude the representatives of a regime that for 
14 yeai-s has controlled hundreds of millions of 
people on the mainland of China brushes aside 
realities that have a direct bearing ufxin the 
issue before us. These realities include the 
unrepresentative and aggressive nature of the 
Cliinese Communist regime; the fact that China 
is already represented in the United Nations 
by a Government which is both able and will- 
ing to carry out its obligations under tlie char- 
ter; the fact that the Charter of the United 
Nations sets forth explicitly the requirements 
for membersliip; and finally the monstrous 
reality of the Albanian proposal to expel a 
member that has always supported the charter 
in order to make room for a regime whose creed 
and actions are diametrically opposed to the 
letter and spirit of the charter. 

This argument of "realism" also overlooks 
still another reality, namely that what keeps the 
people of mainland China fi'om participating 
in the work of this organization is an unscrupu- 
lous regime that has interposed itself between 
the people of China and the rest of the world. 
The people of the United States have always 
been close fi'iends of the people of China, and 
wo are much concerned with their well-being 
and that they take their proper place in the 
modern world. But we believe we could do the 
Chinese people no greater disservice than to give 
them the impression that we are siding with 
their oppressors. 

It has also been suggested that the Chinese 
Connnunists can best be "tamed" by admitting 
them into the United Nations. Although I still 
feel, as I said in 1961, that "this is a most tempt- 
ing thoucht which all of us would like to sliare," 

XOVEMBER 11, 1903 


unfortunately the weight of the evidence points 
the other way. In their bilateral relations they 
have been aggressive, expansionist, and un- 
friendly to their neighbors. On the rare oc- 
casion when Chinese Communists have spoken 
in international meetings they have fostered 
dishai-mony and conflict. Even in the recently 
completed Centenary Congress of tlie Interna- 
tional Red Cross the Chinese Communist dele- 
gate, Peng Yen, refused to support a resolution 
which "welcomed the efforts being made by the 
Governments to dispel the menace of armed 
conflict by the reduction of armaments, the ban- 
ning of nuclear tests and weapons and the resort 
to peaceful methods of negotiation." 

"We have another concrete illustration of 
Chinese Communist behavior after they were 
brought into the international conference ar- 
rangement on Laos. Wienever the ICC [Inter- 
national Control Commission] has taken action 
to forestall the possibility of a resumption of 
full-scale hostilities on Laos, it has been sub- 
jected to attack by the Chinese Communists. 
Despite their protestations of peaceful intent 
the Chinese Communists have refused to coop- 
erate and have, through their proxies in North 
Viet-Nam, sought to defeat the purpose of the 
international agreement to which they have be- 
come a signatory, thereby keeping this unhappy 
neighbor country in a constant state of turmoil. 

Nor need we look beyond the speech of the 
Foreign Minister of Albania, the spokesman of 
Communist China in this Assembly. His two 
speeches to this Assembly have constituted a 
brutal reversion to the most extreme demagogu- 
ery of the cold war and have given the Assem- 
bly a vivid example of what would happen in 
our incessant struggle for mutual understand- 
ing and accommodation in the halls of the 
United Nations if Communist China should be- 
come a member. 

In conclusion, Mr. President, the fact of the 
matter is that the General Assembly has ruled 
and ruled again on this matter. 

In 1961 the General Assembly after a long, 
full, and a fair debate decided that it was not 
prepared to throw out one loyal member of this 
organization and to replace it by a regime which 
defies the charter and the organization itself 
and which has the temerity to demand a license 
to permit armed aggression as the price of its 

admission to an organization dedicated to peace. 
That decision was reaffinned with even greater i 
conviction in 1962. Nothing has happened in i 
the interim to cause us to reconsider that care- 
fully considered decision. On the contrary, 
everything that has happened confirms the wis- 
dom of that decision. The evidence mounts 
from month to month that Communist China 
does not believe in world peace and collective 
security nor the charter of this organization.' 

U.N. Condemns Repression 
of Opponents to Apartheid 

Following is a statement made on Octoier 11 
in the 'plenary session of the U.N. General As- 
sembly hy U.S. Representative Francis T. P. 
Plimpton^ together with the text of a resolution 
adopted hy tJie Assembly on that day. 


U.S. delegation press release 4259 

I should first like to express the appreciation 
of my delegation for the courtesy of our fellow 
delegates in being willing to agree to the 20- 
minute adjournment to permit the consultations 
which we wished to have. 

I am glad to say, Mr. President, that we have 
now received instructions to the United States 
delegation to vote for the resolution as a whole. 

I would like, Mr. President, to ask for a 
separate vote on paragraph 2, and I would like 
to say that we will abstain as to that paragraph. 
And I hope that I may be permitted to explain 

I should first say that I think the whole world 
knows that the United States is uncompromis- 
ingly and irrevocably opposed to apartheid, op- 
posed to racial discrimination anywhere, and 
opposed to injustice anywhere. Furthermore, 
the United States is uncompromisingly and ir- 
revocably opjjosed to legislation such as the leg- 
islation under which these defendants are being 

^The General As.sembly rejected the Albanian draft 
resolution on Oct. 21 by a vote of 41 to 57, with 12 
abstentions. One member was absent. 



tried, which permits incarceration without hear- 
ing and without trial — and extended incarcer- 
ation — and which puts on the defendant the 
burden of proving himself innocent. 

There remains, Mr. President, the fact that 
any country does have the right and the duty 
to defend itself, its citizens, its women and 
its children against criminal violence as such, 
provided the defense is mider proper legislative 
safeguards for the accused. We question 
whether any member state here represented 
would feel that it was appropriate for any other 
state or for any international organization to 
interfere with its own sovereig-nty to conduct, 
under proper legislative safeguards for the 
prisoners, its defense against criminal violence 
that will hurt all its citizens. 

It is in this area, Mr. President, that the 
United States questions the wording of para- 
graph 2 and reserves its views on account of 
that wording, although we would very cheer- 
fully vote for paragraph 2 in the language 
which was adopted by the Security Council, 
wliich was to the effect that all political pris- 
oners should be released immediately. 

I repeat, Mr. President, that the United 
States will vote for the resolution as a whole. 


The General Assem'bly, 

Recalling its resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 

Recalling the Security Council resolution of 7 August 
1963,^ which called upon the Government of South 
Africa "to liberate all persons imprisoned, interned or 
subjected to other restrictions for having opposed the 
policy of apartheid". 

Taking note of the reports of the Special Committee 
on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa,^ which stress the fact that 
the harsh repressive measures instituted by the Gov- 
ernment of South Africa frustrate the possibilities 

' U.N. doc. A/RES/1881 (XVIII) ; adopted on Oct. 11 
by a vote of 106 to 1 (South Africa), with no absten- 
tiims. In a separate vote on paragraph 2, the vote 
was 102 to 1 (South Africa), with 4 abstentions (Aus- 
tralia, France, U.K., U.S.). In both cases Honduras, 
Paraguay, Portugal, and Spain were absent. 

" For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 26, 1963, p. 338. 

' U.N. doc. A/5497 and Add. 1. 

for peaceful settlement. Increase hostility among the 
racial groups and precipitate violent conflict. 

Considering reports to the effect that the Government 
of the Republic of South Africa is arranging the trial 
of a large number of political prisoners under arbi- 
trary laws prescribing the death sentence. 

Considering that such a trial will inevitably lead to 
a further deterioration in the already explosive situa- 
tion in South Africa, thereby further disturbing inter- 
national peace and security, 

1. Condemns the Government of the Republic of 
South Africa for its failure to comply with the repeated 
resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Secu- 
rity Council calling for an end to the repression of 
persons opposing apartheid ; 

2. Requests the Government of the Republic of South 
Africa to abandon the arbitrary trial now in progress 
and forthwith to grant unconditional release to all 
political prisoners and to all persons imprisoned, in- 
terned or subjected to other restrictions for having 
opposed the policy of apartheid; 

3. Requests all Member States to make all necessary 
efforts to induce the Government of the Republic of 
South Africa to ensure that the provisions of para- 
graph 2 above are put into effect immediately ; 

4. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the 
General Assembly and the Security Council, as soon as 
possible during the eighteenth session, on the imple- 
mentation of the present resolution. 

U.N. Calls on Member States 
To Aid in Skopje Reconstruction 

Statement hy Charles W. Yost 

U.S. Representative to the General Assem'bly ^ 

My Government considers it an honor to be 
numbered among the sponsors of this resolu- 
tion ^ which expresses the united feeling of the 
sympathy of this Assembly to the people of 
Skopje and to the Govermnent of Yugoslavia. 
The large number of these sponsors, indeed, 
testify how widespread among the member na- 
tions of the United Nations is the feeling of 
sympathy for a fellow member and her people 
in the face of the great disaster which struck 
them last July. The list of the sponsors has 
cut across lines of political, economic, and socio- 
logical difference to combine together widely 

>Made in plenary session on Oct. 14 (U.S. delegation 
press release 4260). 

"U.N. doc. A/RES/1882(XVIII) ; adopted unani- 
mously on Oct. 14. 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


diverse nations into a common group in support 
of a fellow member in distress. 

We know the Secretary-General and the heads 
of the appropriate United Nations bodies will 
respond both quickly and generously to the 
operative paragraph of this resolution which 
calls on them to help in meeting the immediate 
and the long-term needs of the Yugoslav Gov- 
ernment arising from the earthquake. 

As soon as the news of this tragic event was 
received on July 26, President Kennedy sent 
the following message to the Yugoslav Govern- 
ment's President Tito: 

I have learned with sorrow and concern of the earth- 
quake disaster in the city of Sliopje and the tragic 
loss of life that has occurred. The sympathies of the 
American people go out to those who have suffered this 
catastrophe. I have, accordingly, instructed our am- 
bassador to establish close communication with the 
Yugoslav authorities in order that every appropriate 
means of assistance from this country may be utilized 
to alleviate the suffering and hardship in Skopje. I 
have also asked the Secretary of Defense to notify our 
military authorities in Europe to offer whatever assist- 
ance is possible and practicable. 

Immediately thereafter the United States 
Government units furnished aid and assistance 
to the victims of the disaster. A major contri- 
bution was the prompt dispatch of a fully 
equipped military field hospital. Simultane- 
ously, United States private, voluntary orga- 
nizations, including CARE, Lutheran World 
Eelief, and Church World Service in Yugo- 
slavia, Greece, and Italy immediately diverted 
to the Skopje area foodstuffs normally used in 
other programs supported by the United States 
Food for Peace program. At the same time, 
private relief and charitable organizations of 
the United States also responded generously 
and promptly with assistance. 

In addition to tliis aid United States business 
firms provided air transportation, medical sup- 
plies, and other gifts in kind, and both business 
and private United States citizens contributed 
several tons of thousands of dollars for the re- 
lief of the earthquake victims. 

Finally, Mr. President, we are actively coop- 
erating with the Yugoslav Government in the 
task of rebuilding and renewing the city of 

Mr. President, the United States was but one 
of the many nations that responded to the needs 

of the people of Skopje. In the spirit of tliis 
resolution we give our wholehearted support to 
the continuing assistance the United Nations 
and its subsidiary agencies can make to the vic- 
tims of this truly national disaster. 

May I also take this opportunity to express 
our profound sympathy, as have so many other 
speakers, for those stricken peoples who have 
suffered such heavy loss in the recent disasters 
in the Caribbean and in Italy. 


Supplementary Tax Convention 
Signed With Sweden 

Press release 542 dated October 22 

A supplementary convention between the 
United States and Sweden relating to income 
taxes was signed on October 22 at Stockholm. 
Ambassador J. Graham Parsons signed for the 
United States and Foreign Minister Torsten 
Nilsson for Sweden. 

The provisions of the new convention modify 
and supplement in certain respects the conven- 
tion for the avoidance of double taxation and 
the establishment of rules of reciprocal admin- 
istrative assistance in the case of income and 
other taxes, signed at Washington on March 23, 
1939.' They serve to bring the latter conven- 
tion into closer general conformity with more 
recent tax conventions entered into by the 
United States. The principal purpose of such 
conventions is to remove an undesirable impedi- 
ment to international trade and economic inter- 
course generally by doing away as far as possi- 
ble with double taxation on the same income. 

Among the modifications made by the new 
convention are (a) the introduction of a recip- 
rocal exemption provision with respect to inter- 
est flowing from one state to residents or 
corporations of the other, (b) the establishment 
of a 15-percent rate, as in other United States 

• r,2 Stat. 1490. 



treaties, applicable generally to dividends re- 
ceived in one state from sources in the other, 
and a 5-percent rate applicable to dividends 
received by a parent company from a subsidi- 
ary, and (c) an undeilaking by Sweden to allow 
full credit against its taxes for income taxes 
imposed by the United States. An expansion 
of the present exemption of certain income of 
students and business apprentices to embrace 
teachers, professors, and research workers is 
included. Changes are also made in the defini- 
tions of certain teclinical terms. 

The convention will be submitted to the 
United States Senate for its advice and consent 
to ratification. 

Current Actions 


Automotive Traffic 

Customs convention on the temporary importation of 
private road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 
1954. Entered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 
Ratification deposited: Costa Rica, September 4, 1963. 


International air services transit agreement. Done at 
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force for 
the United States February 8, 1945. 59 Stat. 1693. 
Acceptance deposited: Jamaica, October 18, 1963. 

Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e), and 61 of the 
convention on international civil aviation (TIAS 
159] ) by providing that sessions of the Assembly of 
the International Civil Aviation Organization shall 
be held not less than once in 3 years instead of an- 
nually. Done at Montreal June 14. 1945. Entered 
into force December 12, 1956. TIAS 3756. 
Ratifications deposited: I'anaraa, September 24, 
1963 ; Tanganyilca, April 10, 1963. 

Protocol amending article 50(a) of the convention on 
international civil aviation (TIAS 1591) to increase 
membership of the council from 21 to 27. Done at 
Wimtreal June 21, 1961. Entered into force July 17, 
19G2. TIAS 5170. 

Ratifications deposited: Italy, May 17, 1963; Tan- 
ganyika, April 10, 1963. 

Protocol relating to amendment to convention on in- 
ternational civil aviation (to increase number of 
parties which may request holding an extraordinary 
meeting of Assembly). Adopted by Assembly at 
Rome September 15, 1962.' Enters into force upon 
deposit of 66th instrument of ratification by con- 
tracting parties to convention. 

Ratification adtyised hy the Senate: October 22, 1963. 
Ratifications deposited: Australia, August 1, 1963; 
Finland, February 4, 1963; Ireland. February 14, 
1963 ; Ivory Coast, January 14, 1963 ; Niger, Decem- 
ber 17, 1962; Norway, February 26, 1963; Portu- 
gal, May 23, 1963; South Africa, September 17, 

1963; Sweden, May 10, 1963; Tanganyika, April 
10, 1963; Thailand, February 28. 1!MJ3; United 
Kingdom, September 18, 1963; Upper Volta. July 
12, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos- 
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at 
Moscow August 5, 1963. Entered into force Oc- 
tober 10, 1963. TIAS 5433. 
Ratification deposited: Hungary, October 22, 1963. 

Oil Pollution 

Amendments to the international convention for the 
prevention of pollution of the sea by oil. 1954 (TIAS 
4900). Dcme at London April 11, 1962.' 
Acceptance deposited: United Arab Republic, Oc- 
tober 3, 1963. 


Convention of Union of Paris of March 20, 1883, for 
the protection of industrial property, as nuiditied by 
the additional act signed at Brussels December 14, 
1900, and final protocol. Signed at Washiiigt(m 
June 2, 1911. Entered into force May 1, 1913. 38 
Stat. 1645. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Ivory 
Coast, August 9, 1963. 

Convention of Union of Paris of March 20, 1883. as re- 
vised, for the protection of industrial property. 
Dated at The Hague November 6, 1"J25. Entered 
into force June 1, 1928; for the United States 
March 6, 1931. 47 Stat. 1789. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Ivory 
Coast, August 9, 1963. 

Convention of Union of Paris of March 20, 1883, for 
the protection of industrial property revised at Brus- 
sels December 14, 1900, at Washington June 2, 1911, 
at The Hague November 6, 1925, and at London 
June 2, 1934. Signed at London June 2, 1934. En- 
tered into force August 1, 19.38. 53 Stat. 1748. 
Notification that it considers itself bound: Ivory 
Coast, August 9, 1963. 

Convention of Union of Paris for the protection of in- 
dustrial property of March 20, 1S^3, revised at Brus- 
sels December 14, 1900, at Washington June 2. 1911, 
at The Hague November 6, 1925, at London June 2, 
1934, and at Lisbon October 31, 1958. Done at Lis- 
bon, October 31, 1958. Entered into force January 4, 
1962. TIAS 4931. 

Accession deposited: Ivory Coast, September 23, 


Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Con- 
sultative Organization. Done at Geneva March 6, 
1948. Entered into force March 17, 1958. TIAS 

Acceptance deposited: Czechoslovakia, October 1, 


Protocol for the prolongation of the International 
Sugar Agreement of 1958 (TIAS 4389). Open for 
signature at London August 1 to September 30, 

Sipnatures: Argentina,* Australia, Belgium,' Brazil,' 
Canada, China,"' Colombia,' Costa Rica, Cuba,'-* 

' Not in force. 
' Subject to ratification. 
' With a declaration. 
' With a statement. 

NOVEMBER 11, 1963 


Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, 
Ecuador,' El Salvador, France, Federal Republic 
of Germany," Ghana, Guatemala,* Haiti, Hungary," 
India,'" Indonesia," Ireland,' Italy,' Jamaica, Ja- 
pan, Lebanon, Mexico, Morocco, Netherlands,' New- 
Zealand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Panama, Paraguay, 
Peru, Philippines,' Poland, Portugal, South Africa, 
Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics," United Kingdom,''* United 


International telecommunication convention v?ith six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En- 
tered into force January 1, 1961 ; for the United 
States October 23, 19G1. TIAS 4S92. 
Ratifications deposited: Albania, August 27, 1963;' 
Indonesia, September 13, 1963. 

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the 
international telecommunication convention, 1959. 
Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. Entered into 
force May 1, 1961 ; for the United States October 23, 
1961. TIAS 4893. 

Notifications of approval: Nepal, August 13, 1963; 
Sudan, Augu,st 19, 1963. 

Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 1958) an- 
nexed to the international telecommunication con- 
vention of December 22, 1952 (TIAS 3266), with 
appendixes and final protocol. Done at Geneva No- 
vember 29, 1958. Entered into force January 1, 
1960. TIAS 4390. 
Notification of approval: Nepal, August 13, 1963. 



Additional protocol to the treaty of extradition of 
January 13, 1961. Signed at Rio de Janeiro June 18, 
Ratification advised hy the Senate: October 22, 1963. 

European Atomic Energy Community 

Amendment to the additional agreement of June 11, 
1960, as amended (TIAS 4650, 5104), for coopera- 
tion concerning peaceful uses of atomic energy. 
Signed at Brussels and at Washington August 22 
and 27, 1963. 
Entered into force: October 15, 1963. 


Convention relating to extradition between the United 
States and Israel. Signed at Washington December 
10, 1962.' 

Ratification advised by the Senate: October 22, 


Consular convention. Signed at Tokyo March 22, 1963.' 
Ratification advised by the Senate: October 22, 1963. 


Consular convention. Signed at Seoul January 8, 1963.' 
Ratification advised by the Senate: October 22, 1963. 


Agreement supplementing the agreement of March 31, 
1961, so as to provide for additional investment guar- 
anties authorized by new United States legislation. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Rabat October 2, 
1963. Entered into force October 2, 1963. 


Convention on extradition, with protocol. Signed at 
Washington October 24, 1961.' 
Ratification advised by the Senate: October 22, 1963. 


Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace 
Corps program in Uruguay. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Jloutevideo March 19 and July 31, 1963. 
Entered into force July 31, 1963. 

' Not in force. 

" Subject to ratification. 

'With a declaration. 

* With a statement. 
'With reservations. 

* With reservations and declaration contained in 
final protocol. 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: October 21-27 

Press releases may be obtained from the Of- 

fice of News, 

Department of State, Washington, 



Releases issued prior to October 21 which ap- | 


in this 

issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 530 

of October 15 and 536 of October 18. | 






U.S. participation in international 



Rusk : message of congratulations 
to Lord Home. 



Rusk : message of congratulations 
to R. A. Butler. 



Supplementary tax convention 
with Sweden. 



Delegation to lA-ECOSOC meet- 
ing (rewrite). 



Textile arrangement with China. 



Cultural exchange (U.S.S.R.). 



Yung Lo encyclopedia presented to 
Library of Congress. 



Fredericks : "Nations in the Mak- 
ing in Africa." 



Program for visit of President of 



Sisco: "Our Stake in the U.N." 



Ecuador credentials (rewrite). 



Rusk: Institute of International 



Educational exchange agreement 
with Iran. 



Harriman : 24th American Assem- 
bly, Arden House (excerpts). 



Harriman : American Jewish Con- 
gress (excerpts). 



Harriman : Brigham Young Uni- 
versity (excerpts). 



Rusk : St. Paul's Church, Frank- 


• Not print 

t Held for 

a later issue of the Bulletin. 



INDEX November 11, 1963 Vol. XLIX, No. 1272 

Atomic Energy. U.N. Calls on States To Re- 
frain From Orbiting "Weapons (Stevenson, 
text of resolution) 753 


Albanian Proposal To Change U.N. Representa- 
tion of China Rejected (Stevenson) .... 755 

rung Lo Enc.vclopedia Presented to Library of 
Congress (Hilsman, Rogers) 740 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating 
tn T^^-9ign Policy 752 

.S. Sympathizes With Cuban People in 

ath of Hurricane Flora 741 


I ked for Advisory Opinion on U.S.-EEC 

Dispute (Herter) 751 

I of Foreign Investment in U.S. Com- 

"o Be Studied 752 

I 'Brings Announced for 1964 GATT 

egotiations (Kennedy, notice of hear- 


S tary Tax Convention Signed With 


E( 1 and Cultural Affairs 

International Educational and Cultural Ex- 
changes : A Look Back and a Look Ahead 
(Rusk) 742 

U.S. and Iran Sign Agreement Extending Edu- 
cational Exchanges 741 

Tung Lo Encyclopedia Presented to Library of 

Congress (Hilsman, Rogers) 740 


The Atlantic Partnership as Viewed From the 

U.S.A. (Schaetzel) 731 

Toward a New Dimension in the Atlantic Part- 
nership (Rusk) 726 

Germany, Federal Republic of. Toward a New 
Dimension in the Atlantic Partnership 
(Rusk) 726 

Iran. U.S. and Iran Sign Agreement Extending 

Educational Exchanges 741 

Ireland. Prime Minister of Ireland Visits the 
United States (Kennedy, Lemass, text of com- 
munique) 737 

Kuwait. Letters of Credence (al-Ghoussein) . 736 

Military Affairs. U.S. Revises Aid to Viet-Nam's 

Special Forces 736 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

The Atlantic Partnership as Viewed From the 
U.S.A. (Schaetzel) 731 

Toward a New Dimension in the Atlantic Part- 
nership (Rusk) 726 

Presidential Do^ ..-nts 

President Tito of Yugoslavia Visits the United 

States 738 

Prime Minister of Ireland Visits the United 

States 737 

Public Hearings Announced for 19(j4 GATT 

Trade Negotiations 745 

South Africa. U.N. Condemns Repression of 
Opponents to Apartheid (Plimpton, text of 
resolution) 758 

Sweden. Supplementary Tax Convention 
Signed With Sweden 760 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 761 

Supplementary Tax Convention Signed With 
Sweden 760 

U.S. and Iran Sign Agreement Extending Edu- 
cational Exchanges 741 

United Kingdom. Secretary Rusk Sends Good 
Wishes to New British Cabinet Officers (texts 
of messages to Lord Home and R. A. Butler) . 736 

United Nations 

Albanian Proposal To Change U.N. Representa- 
tion of China Rejected (Stevenson) .... 755 

U.N. Calls on Member States To Aid in Skopje 

Reconstruction (Yost) 759 

U.N. Calls on States To Refrain From Orbiting 

Weapons (Stevenson, text of resolution) . . 753 

U.N. Condemns Repression of Opponents to 

Apartheid (PUmpton, text of resolution) . . 758 

Viet -Nam. U.S. Revises Aid to Viet-Nam's 

Special Forces 736 


President Tito of Yugoslavia Visits the United 

States (Kennedy, Tito, text of communique) . 738 
U.N. Calls on Member States To Aid in Skopje 

Reconstruction (Yost) 759 

Name Index 

al-Ghoussein, Talat 736 

Herter, Christian A 751 

Hilsman, Roger 740 

Kennedy, President 737, 738, 745 

Lemass, Sean F 737 

Plimpton, Francis T. P 758 

Rogers, Rutherford D 740 

Rusk, Secretary 726, 736, 742 

Schaetzel, J. Robert 731 

Stevenson, Adlai E 753,755 

Tito, Josip Broz 739 

Yost, Charles W 759 

05B DEC-G- 






Foreign Relations of the United States 

1943, Volume I, General 

The Department of State recently released Foreign Relations of the United States, 19Jf3, Volume I, 

In this volume there is documentation on a considerable number of multilateral subjects relating 
to the war. The longest and perhaps the most important chapter is that dealing with the tripartite con- 
ference of foreign ministers in Moscow, October 18-November 1, 1943. Among other topics treated arei 
questions relating to trade, prisoners of war, refugees, war crimes, relief and rehabilitation, and plan- 
ning for postwar organization and economic policies. 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 19^3, Volume /, General, may be purchased from 
the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C, 20402, for $4 each. 




I'lease send me copies of Foreign Relations of the United State 

19iS, Volume I, General. 




EJncloi 1 find % 


(cash, check, or money order pay- 
able to Supt. of Documents) 








ty Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson 766 


J)y Joseph J. Sisco 773 


Remarhs iy President Kennedy 778 


hy J. Wayne Fredericks 783 Superintendent of Document- 

Statement ly Charles C. Stelle 793 


For index see inside back cover 

The United Nations: Hope for the Future 

hy Adlai E. Stevenson 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^ 

As I speak to you today, on this, the 18th 
anniversary of the United Nations Charter, it 
is cheering to note that all the predictions of an 
early demise for the U.N. have so far failed to 
come true. For this millions of us — all of us — 
have reason to be thankful. Still, there are 
some who continue to criticize. 

Constructive criticism is justified, for we 
have not yet developed a perfect instrument for 
peace with justice. But as William Penn said : 
"They have a right to censure that have a heart 
to help." The critics I refer to have no heart 
to help. Worse, perhaps, they fear to hope. 
And, if anything, this 18th amiiversary of the 
United Nations is an occasion that offers hope. 

I don't mean to imply that we are suddenly 
threatened in the United Nations — and the 
world — with harmony or that the light of sweet 

'Address made at the Memorial Theater, Dallas, 
Tex., on Oct. 24 in observance of United Nations Day 
(U.S./U.N. press release 4276 dated Oct. 23, for release 
Oct. 24). 

reason is about to shine forth everlastingly. I 
would say such prospects are remote. But I 
would say, too, that more and more nations are 
less and less flouting the general consensus of 
what most nations and men believe to be the 
law of the charter. 

Nonetheless, if we are to believe our ears on 
some occasions — when the small vocal opposi- 
tion to the U.N. is at its shrillest — we might 
think some threat to our independence accom- 
panies our participation in this worldwide al- 
liance of sovereign nations pledged to preserve 
the peace. I understand that some of these fear- 
ful groups are trying to establish a U.S. Day 
in competition with U.N. Day. This is the first 
time I have heard that the United States and 
the United Nations are rivals ! 

At the House of Burgesses in Williamsburg, 
Virginia, a quaintly costumed guide shows vis- 
itors a draft prepared there in 1775 for the new 
nation's constitutional convention. She tells 
visitors proudly that the draft was incorporated 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government with Informa- 
tion on developments In the fleld of for- 
eign relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy. Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 

ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of International affairs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial In the fleld of international relations 
ore listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 

ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 
20402. Peicb : 52 Issues, domestic $8.60, 
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 26 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
Is indexed In the Readers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



into the United States Constitution and that its 
principles, in turn, ■were incorporated into the 
United Nations Charter. How can we fear our 
own invention, born in the original Colonies, 
nurtured in our City of Brotherly Love, and 
adopted by the world at our Golden Gate ? We 
would hold our principles less dear if we 
wanted to keep them exclusively for ourselves. 

In celebrating the ratification of the Charter 
of the United Nations, we are paying homage 
to this universal adoption of the fundamental 
principles of the United States. Moreover, the 
truth is that our membership in the United Na- 
tions is overwhelmingly in the national inter- 
est — if peace in the world is in our national 
interest — and I know of no liigher national in- 
terest of the United States than peace and 

It becomes increasingly difficult, therefore, 
to understand the logic of those superpatriots 
who decry the United Nations, who talk of peace 
but who object to our only institution for peace- 
ful settlement, who decry every attempt at ne- 
gotiation and conciliation and offer no alterna- 
tive sav'e weapons that will destroy friend and 
foe alike. 

"Well, we can't afford to prove them wrong. 
When I consider the possibility my mind goes 
back to an old Gaelic toast: "Here's to us and 
those like us, of which there are few and they 
are all dead." 

Or when I consider some of the suicidal falla- 
cies that have been advanced over the years in 
the name of patriotism, I think about the man 
who rushed in to see Oscar Hammerstein, the 
producer, and wanted $50,000 for the greatest 
act on earth. "TMiat do you do?" asked I\Ir. 
Hammerstein. "I stand on stage and blow my 
brains out,'' was the answer. "Marvelous," said 
^Ir. Hammerstein, "but what do you do for an 

In a nuclear production, my friends, there 
won't be any encores. Those of us who hold 
public office and are involved in life-and-death 
responsibilities cannot afford either reckless 
language or deeds. We have the sobering job 
of trying to make appraisals which will lead 
to intelligent, effective policy. And it is in tliis 
sensitive area of appraisal that we differ so 
much with the proponents of the illusion of so- 
called "instant victory." 

I stress this today because victory will not 
be won in an instant — only mutual annihilation 
can be attained that fast in our age. And we 
must not only possess the common sense to rec- 
ognize this fact — we must also have the courage, 
the persistence, and the patience to forge ahead 
even if the progress is slow and f rustrative and 
the goal is far away. 

But if we do. perhaps we shall in our time 
disprove Plato's dire prediction that "only the 
dead have seen the last of war." 

And this is no mere shrinking from annihila- 
tion. It springs from something much deeper — 
a growing sense of our solidarity as a human 
species. For that cry of John Donne, "Send 
not to ask for whom the bell tolls," echoes 
round the world today, reaching, I believe, 
deeper and deeper levels of consciousness. 

Responsibilities Assigned to U.N. 

In the 18 years since the United Nations be- 
came a viable, vibrant organization, that sense 
of solidarity has grown, it seems to me, as never 
before in the history of man. But what re- 
siDonsibilities to assign to an 18-year-old 
stripling ! 

As Mr. Dooley said, however, speaking of the 
youngest man ever to be President, Theodore 
Koosevelt, "A man is old enough to vote when 
he can vote, he's old enough to work when he 
can work. And he's old enough to be President 
when he becomes President. If he ain't, it will 
age him." 

The United Nations has aged quickly, in part 
because the yoimgest nations in it are maturing 
quickly. Peoples long divided by race and po- 
litical subjugations, with all the lingering re- 
sentments that flow from that condition, now 
meet in a community of equals, and they are 
learning respect for law and order and parlia- 
mentary procedure. For they are citizens of 
our planet, and, with few exceptions, they be- 
long to no bloc. Certainly there is no such 
thing as an Afro-Asian bloc — save on colonial 
issues — and the sense of community, of interde- 
pendence, of common peril and hope they feel, 
weighs heavily on the scales of peace in this 
dangerous world. Meantime the older nations 
are also learning, even as the newer ones, that 
the most rewarding task of civilized man today 

XOVEilBEK 18, 1963 


is that of reconciling different points of view. 
And perhaps that is the most valuable lesson 
of all. 

Reasonable men, of course, will question 
whether we are learning fast enough, whether 
the pace being set by the U.N. is too slow. But 
the great challenge of our time, the challenge 
the United Nations is meeting day in and out, 
is in striking the proper balance in promoting 
changes for the better in the condition of man- 
kind. This is the purpose and the meaning of 
the whole system of world order we have been 
trying to construct for the past 18 years. 

And Ln these 18 years the United Nations has 
been tougher and more resilient than faint 
hearts predicted and cynical hearts hoped. It 
has survived all manner of assaults and mis- 
fortunes — like the Korean war, 101 Soviet ve- 
toes, the three-headed monster theory of execu- 
tive management called the troika, Dag Ham- 
marskj old's sudden death, imminent bank- 
ruptcy, and the gloomy prediction of the Cas- 
sandras in our midst who began prophesying 
its doom even before the ink was dry on the 

Meanwhile it has performed some prodigious 
feats in peacekeeping and nation building — in 
Iran, Palestine, Kashmir, Tunisia, Suez, the 
Congo, West New Guinea, Yemen, Malaysia. 

The United Nations' record in the peace- 
keeping field speaks for itself — a phenomenon 
all the more remarkable because it still has no 
armed forces of its own or available at its call. 
Its accomplishments have been made possible 
only by reason of the willingness of its mem- 
bers — many from the smaller, newly independ- 
ent countries — to contribute the forces needed. 
And if we were to analyze how the United Na- 
tions has done its job in each instance, we would 
discover some little known and less understood 

First of all, when one mentions peacekeeping, 
one thinks immediately of the major confron- 
tations that were averted : Cuba, the Congo, the 
Middle East, to name only a few. Those of you 
who are familiar with the history of the First 
World War know just how senseless and need- 
less that conflict was, beginning as it did with 
a small incident in the Balkans. We now real- 
ize how it could probably have been averted 


had there been an institution like the United 
Nations where steam could have been let off, 
national face saved, mediation instituted, and 
so on. One remarkable factor is the flexibility 
the United Nations has developed in dealing 
differently with different kinds of crises. In 
some cases it has used troops; in others it has 
used surveying and observing teams; in others 
it has turned to mediators ; in still others to fact- 
finders. But regardless of the method the per- 
vading principle is that the United Nations 
seeks no victories for itself, only a victory for 
the rule of law. 

And what does all this cost the American tax- 
payer? Without going into any involved ac- 
counting, in the 18 years that the United States 
has been a member of the United Nations it has 
cost us slightly over $100 million a year, or one- 
fourth the cost of the aircraft carrier Enterprise. 
Or to be even more Scotch about it, the cost of 
the entire operation has been approximately 75 
cents a year per man, woman, and child. Com- 
pare that with our $50-billion-a-year defense 
budget, and one sees how much cheaper it is to 
prepare for peace than to prepare for war. 

Range and Variety of Work 

The range and variety of the United Nations' 
work is, of course, a reflection of the real world 
of the second half of the 20th century — a world 
of multiple revolutions, of vast ferment, of 
pervasive change, of political tunnoil. It is a 
reflection of the fact that, with the discovery 
of the secret of the atom, the whole purpose of 
the armed struggle is becoming meaningless and 
the conventional wisdom about national security 
which has instructed the leaders of all states in 
all times past has suddenly become obsolete. 

Within the very recent past, too, scientific 
discoveries have so extended the average span 
of life that the population expansion threatens 
to cancel out our best efforts to improve living 

Within the very recent past nearly half a 
hundred new nations have gained independ- 
ence — and with it the risks and perils of self- 

Within the very