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Full text of "Department of State bulletin"

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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



& 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 



/. 



Vol. L, Nos. 1280-1305 




January 6-June 29, 1964 











INDEX 










Vumber 


Sale of Itsut 


Paget 


Number 


Date of Ittut 


Paget 


1280 


Jan. 


6, 


1964 


1- 86 


-1293 


Apr. 


6, 


1964 


517- 560 


1281 


Jan. 


13, 


1964 


37- 72 


1294 


Apr. 


13, 


1964 


561- 604 


1282 


Jan. 


20, 


1964 


73- 108 


1296 


Apr. 


20, 


1964 


<;or>- 648 


1283 


Jan. 


27, 


1964 


109- 148 


1296 


Apr. 


27, 


1964 


649- 688 


1284 


Feb. 


3, 


1964 


149- 188 


1297 


Muy 


4, 


1964 


689 


1285 


Feb. 


10, 


1964 


189- 228 


1298 


May 


11, 


1904 


7i!.V- 764 


1286 


Feb. 


17, 


1964 


229- 272 


1299 


May 


is, 


1964 


765- 808 


1287 


Feb. 


24, 


1964 


27::- 316 


1300 


May 


25, 


l!l(!4 


809- 848 


1288 


Mar. 


2, 


1864 


317- 866 


1301 


June 


1, 


1904 


849- 884 


1289 


Mar. 


9, 


1964 


357- 388 


1302 


June 


8, 


1964 


885- 920 


1290 


Mar. 


16, 


1964 


889- 432 


1303 


June 


16, 


1964 


921 


1291 


Mar. 


23, 


19(14 


433- 472 


1304 


June 


22, 


1964 


949- 988 


1292 


Mar. 


30, 


1964 


473- 516 


1305 


June 


29, 


1964 


989-1024 



Corrections for Volume L 

The Editor of the BULLETIN wishes to call at- 
tention to the following errors in Volume L: 

March 9, page 378 : The document number in the 
fifth line of the second full paragraph should read 
"A/RES 1005 (XVI)." 

June 1, page 882 : The date in the sixth line under 
the heading "Aviation" should read "June 14, 1904." 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Publication 7S03 

Released July 19G5 



For Bale by the Superintendent of Documents. D.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price 30 centt 



I NDEX 



Volume L: Numbers 1280-1305, January 6- June 29, 1964 



Abdoul, Boukar, 02G 
Abidia, Fathi, 330 

Advisory Commission on International Educational and 
Cultural Affairs, U.S., member, confirmation, 805 
Advisory Committee on International Business Prob- 
lems, member appointed, 1000 
Advisory Committee on International Organizations, 07 
Afghanistan, treaties, agreements, etc., 269, 555 
Africa (seealso individual countries) : 
Communism in ( Williams), 371 
Economic cooperation and development: Johnson, 

509; Rusk, 333; Williams. 502, 064 
Food for Peace assistance (Williams) , 502 
Foreign Relations volume on, published, 882 
Heads-of-State conference, Addis Ababa (Williams), 

503 
Portuguese territories in (Williams) . 752 
Problems and progress (Williams). 370, 509, 665 
Regional and economic cooperation in (Williams), 

503 
Trade development and policy : Westerfield, 101 ; 

Williams, 504, 664 
Transition, period of (Williams), 502 
United Nations, issues at (Williams), 751 
U.S. policy : Johnson, 17, 18, 731 ; Williams, 373, 505, 

699 
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams, 828 
African Development Bank (Williams), 505 
Agency for International Development : 

Assistant Administrator for the Far East, confirma- 
tion, 684 
Assistant Administrator for the Near East and South 

Asia, confirmation, 430 
China, Republic of, terminates programs (Phillips), 

934 
Deputy Administrator, confirmation (Gaud) , 429 
Economic assistance (Rusk), 437 
Equal employment opportunity in (Rusk), 630 
Reorganization and efficiency (Johnson), 27, 521 
Training programs (Rusk), 438 
Agricultural Sciences, Inter-American Institute of, 
convention on and protocol amending: Brazil, 428 
Agricultural surpluses, U.S., use in overseas programs : 
Agreements with: Bolivia, 33, 722, 846; Brazil, 946; 
Canada, 105 ; China, 934, 1021 ; Colombia, 354 ; 
Congo (Leopoldville), 846; Iceland, 429; India. 
105, 846; Iraq, 33; Israel, 105, 805 : Jordan, 469; 
Korea, 602; Mexico, 944; Pakistan, 386; Para- 
guay, 106 ; Peru, 429 ; Philippines, 946 ; Poland, 
308, 313; Syrian Arab Republic, 20!); Tunisia, 



Agricultural surpluses — Continued 
Agreements with — Continued 

186, 762; United Arab Republic, 805; Viet-Nam, 
269, 702 ; Yugoslavia, 882, 917 
Food-for-worh program (Cleveland), 551 
U.S. food provided under P.L. 480 (Harrlman), 507, 
509 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act: 
Agreements under: Brazil, 354; Ivory Coast, 646; 

Sudan, 646; Yugoslavia, 882 
Renewal and extension (llarriman), 507 
Agriculture (see also Agricultural surpluses and Food 
and Agriculture Organization) : 
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, 
convention on and protocol amending : Brazil, 
428 
International trade, policy problems, 416 
AID. See Agency for International Development 
Air defense system, continental, agreement re : Canada, 

917 
Airmail, universal postal convention (1957) provisions: 

Laos, 805; Uganda, 469; Venezuela, 805 
Albania : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 269 
U.S. policy toward (Rusk), 394 
Algeria : 
Dispute with Morocco: Kelly, 60; Rusk, 83; Wil- 
liams, 502 
Immigration quota determined, 213 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 226, 209, 313, 646, 722, 
917 
al-Hani. Nasir. 662 
Alliance for Progress : 
Achievements, objectives and progress: Johnson, 
L. B., 536; Maun, 857; Rostow, 496; Rusk, 87, 
610 
Pan American Union, funds available from, agree- 
ment modifying and supplementing, 386 
Third anniversary of (Johnson), 535 
U.S. policy: Johnson, 855; Rostow, 497; Rusk, 193 
American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1960, 

released, 806 
American Republics (see also Latin America and Or- 
ganization of American States) : 
Foreign Relations, volume on, released, 33 
International cooperation (Johnson), 535 
U.S. assistance programs, 89 
U.S. policy toward Cuba (Ball), 738 



1027 



Anderson, Robert B., 769 

Angola, potential trouble spot, 502 

Antarctica, treaties, agreements, etc., 200, 350 

ANZCS (Australia, New Zealand, U.S.) : Kennedy, 

Robert F., 241; Rusk, 733 
Apartheid: Rusk, 193 ; Stevenson, 92 ; Williams, 753 
Arab nationalism (Johnson, U. Alexis), 209 
Argentina : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 269, 354, 429, 917, 

1021 
U.S. ambassador, confirmation, 226 
Armaments (see also Disarmament, Missiles and Nu- 
clear weapons) : 
Race, dangers of, and need to halt: Fisher, 756, 
Johnson, 4, 442, 756 ; Rusk, 86, 1005 ; Stevenson, 
131 
U.S. position, Johnson, 951 ; Rusk, 392, 446 
Armed forces, treatment of in time of war, Geneva 

conventions (1949) relative to, Nepal, 646 
Armed forces, U.S. : 
Australia, logistic support, agreement re the payment 

for, 313 
NATO, strengthening (Rusk), 442 
Special Action Forces, strength of (Johnson), 951 
Strengthening of (Johnson), 951 
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S., Assist- 
ant Director, confirmed, 2G9 
ASA. See Association of Southeast Asia 
Asia, South Asia and Southeast Asia (see also ANZUS, 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and individual 
countries) : 
Communist activities (Rusk) , 191, 278, 391 
De Gaulle, proposals set forth by ( Rusk ) , 2S0, 283 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, 761 
Foreign forces in, withdrawal requested (Steven- 
son), 911 
French and U.S. positions (Rusk), 441 
Friendship for U.S. (Rusk), 736 
India and Pakistan, U.S. aid (Rusk), 193 
Peace, prospects for : Rusk, 81 ; McNamara, 570 
Regional relationships among countries in (Rusk), 

572 
"Town-centered planning" program, U.S. proposes 

(Young), 759 
U.K.-U.S. in agreement on (Kennedy, Robert F.), 241, 

242 
U.N. policy in (Cleveland), 974 
U.S. commitments in (Rusk), 820 
U.S. policy: Johnson, 731, 953; Pearcy, 322; Rusk, 
42, 926 ; Stevenson, 908, 941 
Association of Southeast Asia, relationships within 

(Rusk), 572 
Atlantic Alliance. See North Atlantic Treaty Orga- 
nization 
Atlantic community (see also Atlantic partnership and 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization) : 
Future of (Rostow), 181 
Strengthening of the (Rusk), 851 
Unity of (McGhee),339 



Atlantic partnership : 
Interdependence of: Rusk, 810; Stevenson, 969; 

Tyler, 778 
Objectives of: Johnson-Erhard, 75; Rusk, 192, 815 
Organization of (Rostow), 181 

U.S. policy : McGhee, 488 ; Johnson, 728 ; Stevenson, 
967 
Atlantic Treaty Association, 338 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of : 

Agreements re civil uses : Argentina, 1021 ; China, 
1021; Greece, 1021; Iran, 1021; Ireland, 186; 
Japan, 762; Thailand, 1021; Viet-Nam, 1021 
Fast neutron reactors, U.S. and EURATOil to co- 
operate on, 941 
Atomic Energy Agency, International : 
Constitution of, amended (Chayes), 903 
Israel-U.S. cooperative water program (Johnson), 

286 
Statute of, current actions : Algeria, 69 ; Gabon, 226 : 
Nigeria, 602 
Atomic Energy Commission, U.S. : 
Research and development program on fast reactors, 

943 
To supply plutonium and enriched uranium, 942 
Attwood, William, 429 
Australia : 

Strategic position (Hilsman), 243 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 186, 226, 313, 386, 882 
U.S. concludes meat agreement, 3S0 
U.S. policies in (Ililsman), 248 
Austria, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 429, 514, 917 
Autobahn, safe now of traffic on, 8 
Aviation : 
Air cargo operations, U.S.-France discuss, 704 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Aerospace disturbances, agreement with Australia 

for program of research, 1S6 
Air navigation services, joint financing of, agree- 
ments: 
Greenland and Faroe Islands: Pakistan, 69 
Iceland : Pakistan, 69 
Air traffic control, agreement with Canada, 105 
Air transport services agreement. International 
(1044) : Algeria, 722; Canada, 844-45; France, 
50G; Italy, 628; Mexico, 145; New Zealand, 549; 
United Arab Republic, 846 
Aircraft : 

International recognition of rights in, convention 

(1948) on, France, 555 
Offenses and certain other acts committed on 
board, convention : Portugal, Venezuela, 685 ; 
Senegal, 514 
Airmail regulations, universal postal convention 
provisions re : Laos, Venezuela, 805 ; Uganda, 469 
Carriage by air, convention (1929) for unification 
of certain rules re: Bulgaria, 469; Nigeria, 469; 
Tunisia, 469 



1028 



DEPARTMENT OP STATE BUIXETTN 



Avliitlon — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 
Civil aviation, International convention (1944) on: 

Current actious, Kenya, 846; Rwanda, 313; 
Somali Republic, 401) ; Yemen Arab Republic, 
701 

Protocol amending articles 48(a), 49(e) and 61 
on sessions of ICAO Assembly: Jamaica, 882 

Protocol amending article 50(a) re ICAO Coun- 
cil membership: Argentina, Costa Rica, Ja- 
maica, Peru, 017 

Protocol re amendment to increase parties which 
may request meeting of Assembly: Denmark, 
Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Philippines, 
Switzerland, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, 017 

Badean, John S., 54 

Badenhop, Robert A., 844 

Balance of payments : 

Situation improved (Johnson), 222, 4C4, CG3 
U.S. position, 170 

Ball, George W. 
Addresses, remarks and statements: 
Industrial and developing countries, problems of, C34 
Interdependence — The Basis of I'. S. -Canada Rela- 
tions, 770 
National growth and U.S. world position, 123 
NATO and world responsibilities, 823 
North-South relations, open system in, 057 
Principles of our policy toward Cuba, 738 
World responsibilities, reallocation of, 287 

Barbour, Walworth, 52 

Barnes, Robert G., 429 

Belcher, Taylor G., 805 

Belgium : 
Congo, role of, in (Rusk), 813 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 220, 002, 7G2 

Bell, David E., 831 

Bell, James D., 429 

Benelux (Rusk), 810 

Bennett, W. Tapley, Jr., 429 

Berlin : 
Autobahn, safe flow of traffic on, U.S. and Soviet 

notes, 8 
German-U.S. discussions (Erhard, Johnson), 992 
U.S. commitments in (Johnson), 475 

Berlin Wall, opening of (Rusk), 84 

Buhlle, U.S.S., destroyer, 786 

Bill of Rights Day, proclamation, 21 

Blair, William McCormack, Jr., 946 

Blantyre, Nyasaland, consulate established, 145 

Bogota, Act of, September 1960, U.S.-Latin America, 
497 

Bogota, Charter of (Mann), 857 

Bolivia : 
American hostages, released, 9 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33. 555, 722, 846 

Bonilla Atiles, Jos6 Antonio, 336 

Brandon, Henry, 330 



Brasil: 

Economic and social development ( Husk), nos 

President semis good wishes to new President, 609 

Recognition »( government ( Rusk 1,610 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 100, 304, 42N, 040 

U.S. aid to ( Rusk), 608 

U.S.-BrazIl pledge cooperation, 47, 448 
Brezhnev, Leonid, 1-1 
Budget 11>U5 (Juhusou),218 
Bulgaria : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 409 

U.S. position (Rusk), 894 
Bundy, William P., 40. 470 
Bunker, Ellsworth, 143, 225, 300 
Burundi : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 18 

King to visit U.S., 900 
Butterwortb, W. W., 69 

Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, treaties, agree- 
ments, etc., 226, 1021 

Calendar of international conferences and meetings 
(see also subject), 28, 91, 185, 268, 353, 427, 050, 
033. 716, 881 
Cambodia : 
Aggression by U.S., unsubstantiated charges of 

(Stevenson), 937 
Differences between Thailand and (Kelly), 62 
Foreign forces In, withdrawal requested (Steven- 
son), 911 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 946 
U.S. policy toward (Rusk), 572 
Cambodia-Viet-Nam frontier, U.S. views (Stevenson), 

907, 1002 
Cameroon, treaties, agreements, etc., 805, 1021 
Canada : 
Columbia River Development and Roosevelt Campo- 
bello International Park, U.S. and Canada agree 
on, 199 
Economic interdependence, trend toward (Rusk), 773 
Peacekeeping force : 
National military establishment earmarked for 

(Meeker), 801 
Role of (Cleveland), 972 
Removes restrictions on U.S. exports, 214 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 105, 226, 269, 354, 386, 

640, 686, 882, 946 
U.S.-Canada civil air transport talks, 844 
U.S.-Canada relations (Ball), 770 
U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee to meet at Ot- 
tawa, 070 
Visit of Prime Minister, 199 
Welland Canal, tolls on, 68, 685 
Canada-United States Ministerial Committee on Joint 

Defense, meeting announced, 906 
Canal Zone : 
ICJ report on, 1000 

U.S. position on Panama and Canal Zone, 152, 195 
Carter, Chester C, 805 



1029 



Castro, Fidel, 739 

CENTO (see Central Treaty Organization) 

Central African Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 105 

Central Treaty Organization : 

Ministerial Council, 12th session, Washington, D.C. : 
Opening address (Rusk), 766 
Text of final communique, 768 
Ceylon, treaties, agreements, etc., 313 
Chad: 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 926 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 354 
Chamizal, convention for the solution of the problem, 

49, 106, 186, 226 
Chantr^a incident (Stevenson), 937 
Charter of the United Nations (see United Nations 

Charter) 
Chayes, Abram, 682, 900 
Chile, treaties, agreements, etc., 762 
China, Communist (see also Communism and Sino- 
Soviet disputes) : 
Economic situation in (Ball), 126 
"Great leap forward," collapse of, 12 
Recognition of, question of : Department, 260 ; Rusk, 

441, 818 
Relation of, to other nations (Kennedy, Robert F.), 

242 
Tensions, easing of international (Rusk) , 81 
Trade, 1948-62, 481 

U.S. policy : Hilsman, 11, 243 ; Rusk, 42, 333, 390, 475, 
480, 818 
China, Republic of: 
American troops in, Soviet views, 159 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 686, 846, 917, 1021 
U.S. aid and commitments : Department, 755 ; Harri- 
man, 508 ; Hilsman, 14, 15 ; Phillips, 934 ; Rusk, 
395, 694, 732, 735 
Cinematography, Standing Committee on, U.S.-U.S.S.R. 

film committee confers on exchanges, 877 
Citizenship, education for (Rusk), 358 
Civil Administrative Corps, duties of (McNamara), 569 
Civil aviation. See Aviation. 

Civil rights. See Human rights and Racial discrimina- 
tion. 
Civilian persons in time of war, Geneva convention 

(1949) relative to treatment of, Nepal, 646 
Claims, Greece-U.S. sign debt agreement, 934 
Clemenceau, Georges, 824 
Cleveland, Harlan, 452, 550, 622, 971 
Cline, Howard, 998 

COCOM. See Consultative Group-Coordinating Com- 
mittee. 
Coffee : 

International coffee agreement : 
Current actions: Central African Republic, 105; 
Congo ( Leopold ville), 428; Denmark, Ecuador, 
Madagascar, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nica- 
ragua, Portugal, 105; Indonesia, Togo, Trinidad 
and Tobago, U.S.S.R., 428; Japan, 882; United 
States, 69 
Role in today's market ( Jacobson) , 260 



Coffee — Continued 

International coffee agreement — Continued 
Senate approval requested (Harriman), 459 
Views on (Westerfield),103 
U.S. to propose action to halt rise in coffee prices: 
Department, 143 ; Williams, 505 
Coffin, Frank M., 429 
Cold War : 

Communist techniques of (Rostow) , 580 

Easing of dangers of : Harriman, 462 ; Rostow, 867, 

966 ; Stevenson, 130, 618, 970 
U.S. position : Johnson, 4 ; Stevenson, 941 
Collective security (see also Mutual defense), U.S. po- 
sition (Stevenson), 967 
Colombia : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 354, 946 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmed, 805 
Colonialism : 
Decline of (Ball), 289, 659 
U.S. policy (Ball), 124 ; Johnson, 288 
Columbia River Basin : U.S. and Canada cooperative 

development of water resources, 199, 200, 226 
Commerce Department : 

Export promotion programs, 26 

National export expansion coordinator, appointed, 56 
Committee on Housing, Building and Planning, ECE 

977 
Committee on the Economic Impact of Defense and 

Disarmament, formation of (Johnson), 120 
Commodity trade problems (see also Agricultural sur- 
pluses and individual commodity), efforts to 
resolve and U.S. position (Nichols), 416 
Communications : 
Satellites : 

Global system, 618, 682 

Intercontinental testing in connection with experi- 
mental, agreement with Canada, 354 
World Weather Watch, 618 
Space vehicle tracking and communication station 
in Madagascar, agreement with Malagasy Re- 
public, 69 
U.S.-Soviet direct communications link : McGhee, 
493 ; Rusk, 81 
Communism (see also China, Communist; Cuba; Sino- 
Soviet dispute ; and Soviet Union) : 
Aggression and subversive activities : 
Africa : Williams, 371 
Asia : Rusk, 191 
China, Communist : Hilsman, 15 
Cuba : Department, 10 ; Rusk, 191, 813 
Free world struggle against (Rusk), 391, 435, 814, 

851 
Latin America (Ball), 738 
Panama : Rusk, 191 
Southeast Asia : Rusk, 391, 732 
Viet-Nam : Rusk, 191, 733 
Western Hemisphere: Rusk, 813 
Australia, problems of crisis in (nilsman), 246 
Challenge of democracy in developing nations (Ros- 
tow), 256 



1030 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Communism — Continued 
Economic failures of (Rusk), 898, "38 
Guerrilla warfare, U.S. policy (Rostow), 003 
U.S. policy toward: Johnson, 051; Rostow, 800; 

Rusk, 300, 486, 413. 478, 681 
Western Hemisphere (Rostow), 499 
World developments (Rusk), 198 
World revolution! commitment to: McGhee, 401; 
Rusk, 301 
Communist bloc : 
Economic problems of (Rostow), 1S2 
Industrial equipment and ruw materials, embargo 
on (Rusk), 47.". 
Conferences nnd organizations, international. See 
International organizations and conferences and 
subject 
Congo, Republic of (Rrnzzaville) : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 354 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation. 084 
Visit of Assistant Secretary Williams to, 828 
Congo, Republic of the ( Leopold ville) : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 428, 840 
D.N. peacekeeping force in (Cleveland), C23 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 420 
Visit .if Assistant Secretary Williams, 828 
Congress, U.S. : 
Chamizal convention, U.S. ratifies, 40 
Coffee agreement, international, approval requested 

(Harriman),469 
Communications satellite program (Cliayes), 082 
Death of President Kennedy, final day of mourning 

( Johnson ) , 30 
Documents relating to foreign policy, lists, 27, CO, 
90, 122, 184, 268, 200, 349, 373, 404, 000, 555, 001, 
631, 715, 843, 930, 070, 1001 
Food for peace program, GS3 
Legislation : 

Foreign aid : Manning, 702 ; Rusk, 595 

Foreign Assistance Act of 1003, 20 

Immigration and nationality act, amendments 

(Manning), 702 
International Development Association, 035 
National Academy of Foreign Affairs (Manning), 
703 
Military assistance program, 1005 (MoNamara), 705 
Presidential messages, letters and reports. See un- 
der Johnson, Lyndon 15. 
Senate Committee on Appropriations, Dept. of State 
Budget request FY 1965 (Rusk),83G 
Consular convention : 
Algeria, 017 

Dominican Republic, 046 
Korea, 33 
U.S.S.R..94C, 070 
Consultative Group-Coordinating Committee, 475 
Continental sheLf, convention (1058) on: U.K. 882; 

U.S., 940 
Cook Islands (including Nlue), 640 
Copyrights, convention on literary and artistic, current 
action on Mexico, 386 



Corrales Uadllla. Ilernan, 538 

Corry, Andrew V., 260 

Costa Rica, treaties, agreements, etc, 917 

Cotton textiles: 

Export restraint, request for (Nebmer),08 
Long-term arrangements re trade In; China, 514; 
India, 07, 846, 014; Israel, 88, 61, oo; Jamaica, 
33. 07; Pakistan, 07 ; Philippines, 429; Spain, 
07; O.A.R., 54,97, 106 
U.S. and Philippines conclude agreement, 888 
U.S. industry, condition of (Nelimer), 07 
Crockett, William J., 032 
Cuba : 
Castro's regime: Rail, 730; Rostow, 497; Rusk, 19L 

305, 408, 445 
Communist power and influence (McGhee), 489 
Factional disputes in ( Rusk), (ill 
Fishing boat incident : 

Interrogation and inspection of, 270 
U.S. informs U.N, Security Council on (Steven- 
son), 270 
Guantanamo Naval Rase: 

U.S. guarantees security of. 281 
Water supply suspended ( Rusk), 277 
Missile crisis (Rostow), 966 
Subversion and guerrilla warfare, men trained In 

(Rostow), 600 
Terrorists trained in (Rusk), 191 
Travel to : 

Restrictions on (Rail), 740 
U.S. prohibition, 10 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 002, 722 
U.S. policy on flights over, 744 

U.S. policy toward : Ball, 711 ; Department, 10; John- 
son. 26; Rusk, 84, 278, 830, 800, ill, 480, 574 
Vessels, violation of national waters, U.S. protests 
(Rusk), 276 
Cultural Exchange Program : 

Agreements with : Belgium, 702 ; Greece, 24 ; I.Iberia, 
829; Luxembourg, 762; Rumania, 25; U.S.S.R., 
451, 493 
Cultural property, convention for protection of: Cur- 
rent actions on. Austria. 017 
Cultural relations and programs (see also Educational 
exchange) : 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Educational, scientific and cultural materials, 
agreement and protocol on Importation of: 
Cameroon, 1021; Nicaragua, 313; Uruguay, 045 
Customs {see also Tariff policy) : 

Commercial samples and advertising material. Inter- 
national convention (1052) to facilitate Importa- 
tion : Jamaica, 105 
Road vehicles, convention (1954) on tempornry Im- 
portation: Cuba, 722 ; Jamaica, 1 I I 
Touring, convention (1054) concerning customs fa- 
cilities for, current nctlous: Hungary. 685; 
Jamaica, 105 



IXDEX, JANTJAEY TO JTJNT8 1964 



1031 



Cyprus : 
Peace, prospects for (Johnson), 90 
Peacekeeping force : 

Creation of ( Stevenson ) , 374 
U.N. problems : Chayes, 900 ; Meeker, 799 
U.S. offers to help finance, 484 
Presidents Johnson and L6pez Mateos hold talks, 396 
Sixth Fleet, active in (Rusk), 88 
Soviet letter on, 447 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 354 
Treaty of Guarantee (Stevenson), 375 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 805 
U.S. position : Cleveland, 622 ; Johnson, 90, 465 ; Ken- 
nedy, Robert F., 240 ; McCloskey, 284 ; Rusk, 83, 
87, 283, 332, 408 
Czechoslovakia : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 602 
U.S. position (Rusk), 394 

DAC. See Development Assistance Committee 
Daedalus, 868 
Dabomey : 
Tensions between Niger and (Rusk), 83 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 354 
U.S. recognizes, 239 
D-Day, 20tb anniversary message (Johnson), 954 
Dean, Fred M., 269 

de Besche, Hubert Wathier August, 336 
Debts. See Claims. 

Defense (see also Collective security and National de- 
fense) : 
Continental defense system, agreement re phaseout 

of radar stations with Canada, 946 
Free world, U.S. contribution to (McNamara), 896 
Internal defense and security, agreement re U.S. 
defense areas in the Federation of The West 
Indies, 646 
U.S.-Canada Defense Committee to meet, 906 
de Gaulle, Charles : 
Proposals by, on Southeast Asia (Rusk), 280 
Recognition of Red China (Johnson), 528 
Dengler, Norbert, 25 
Denmark : 

Restrictions on U.S. exports removed, 214 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 186, 226, 602, 762, 

917, 1021 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 684 
de Ribbing, Herbert, 62 
de Valera, Eamon, 927 

Development Assistance Committee (see also Orga- 
nization for Economic Cooperation and Develop- 
ment) : 
Activities of (Rusk), 812 
Aid extended by (Tyler), 782 
Development Association, International. See Inter- 
national Development Association. 
Development Bank, Inter-American. See Inter-Amer- 
ican Development Bank. 



Development Decade : 
Development goals, 414 

Progress of: Johnson, G. Griffith, 411; Westerfield, 
101 
DEW line (Rusk), 83 
Dillon, Douglas, 4, 717 
Diplomatic relations and recognition : 
Africa-U.S. (Williams), 698 
Dahomey (Department), 239 
Increase in (Ball), 287 
Panama breaks with U.S., 300 
U.S.-Panama, reestablished, 655 

Vienna convention (1961) and protocol : Byelorussian 
Soviet Socialist Republic, 1021; Dominican Re- 
public, 428, 646; Gabon, 946; Holy See, 945; 
Liechtenstein, 946; Panama, 186; Rwanda, 917; 
Switzerland, 144 ; U.S.S.R., 722 
Diplomatic representatives abroad. See Foreign Serv- 
ice. 
Diplomatic representatives in the U.S. : 
Presentation of credentials : Burundi, 18 ; Chad, 926 ; 
Dominican Republic, 336; Haiti, 662; Hon- 
duras, 538; Iraq, 662; Ireland, 853; Kenya, 662; 
Libya, 336; Mauritania, 830; Panama, 830; 
Peru, 336; Portugal, 662; Rwanda, 830; Spain, 
899 ; Sweden, 336 ; Thailand, 18 ; Tunisia, 662 
Disarmament (see also Armaments, Arms Control Dis- 
armament Agency and Nuclear weapons) : 
Economic impact of defense expenditures, review, 

120 
18-Nation Disarmament Committee. See Eighteen- 

Nation Disarmament Committee. 
Freeze on nuclear weapons : Fisher, 756 ; Foster, 

350 ; Rusk, 194 
General and complete : 

U.S. position and efforts : Johnson, 157 ; Kelly, 58 
Inspection and verification limited (Rusk), 392 
- Limitation of arms : Johnson, 1005 ; Rusk, 82, 85, 

88, 157, 194, 407, 445 
' Nuclear weapons, U.S. proposes curb on spread of 

(Foster), 376 
« U.N. role ( Rusk ) , 115, 276 
' Western position (Rusk), 445 
Disputes : 

Peaceful settlement of: Johnson, 157; Rusk, 82, 83 
Sino-Soviet dispute: Hilsman, 246; McGhee, 490; 

Meeker, 79S ; Rusk, 5, 194, 613, 614, 737 
U.S.-Panama, OAS assists in solving: Bunker, 300; 

Department, 1000 ; Johnson, 537 ; Rusk, 274 
U.S. responsibility in (Rusk), 275 
Dobrynin, Anatoliy F., 82 
Dominican Republic : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 428, 646, 1021 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429 
Double taxation : 
Agreements and conventions for avoidance of : 
Income, Honduras, 25, 312 ; U.K., 145 
Inheritance, Greece, 354, 385 
Douglas-Home, Sir Alec, 336 
Driss, Rachid, 662 



1032 



DEPARTMENT OF 8TATE BULLETIN 



Drugs, narcotic : 

Manufacture and distribution of : 
Protocol (1931) bringing under international con- 
trol drugs outside scope of convention: Rwanda, 
9S5 
Opium, protocol (1053) regulating production, trade, 
and use of : Rwanda, 1021 
Duke, Angler Riddle. 344 
Dulles, John Foster, 817 

East-West Center In Honolulu, Larsen-Davis survey 

report, 976 
East -West relations : 

Developments (Johnson), 5 
Differences in, 41 
Improvement in (Rusk), 81 
Positive approach to (McGhee), 495 
Sino-Soviet dispute (Rusk), 614 
Solution of issues in : McGhee, 488, 494 ; Rusk, 88 
TJ.S.-Germany reaffirm agreement on East-West prob- 
lems. 992 
U.S. objectives (Rostow),867 
U.S.-Soviet reach limited agreement (Rusk) , 194 
East-West tensions, 490 
East-West trade, U.S. policy (Rusk), 475 
Eban, Abba, 51 

EGA. See Economic Commission for Africa. 
ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the 

Far East. 
ECE. See Economic Commission for Europe. 
Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadian Committee on 

Trade and, 774 
Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on 

Trade and, 235 
Economic and Social Council, U.N. : 
Documents, lists of, 307, 467, 978, 1020 
U.S. representative to, confirmation, 470 
Economic and social development (see also Economic 
and technical aid, Foreign aid programs and Less 
developed countries) : 
Educational opportunities (Ball), 125 
Trade and cultural exchange (McGhee), 495 
Economic and technical aid to foreign countries (see 
also Agency for International Development, Agri- 
cultural surpluses. Alliance for Progress, Economic 
and social development, Foreign aid programs, 
Inter-American Development Bank, International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Inter- 
national Development Association, Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development) : 
Agreements with : Somali Republic, 186 ; Tangan- 
yika, 722 
Appropriations and authorization requests for FT 

1965 (Johnson), 519 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : Afghanistan, 269, Japan, 

985; Somali Republic, 186; Tanganyika, 722 
U.S. policy (Johnson), 3 



Economic Commission for Africa, U.N. : 

Role in economic planning ( Williams), 505 
6th Plenary session, Addis Ababa, IStnlopla, 513 
U.S. delegation. ;,i:; 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, U.N. : 
Trade negotiations, study by (Hilsman), 208 
20th session : 

Statement (Young), 759 
U.S. representative to, confirmation, 470 
Economic Commission for Europe, D.N. ! 

U.S. representative at the 25th session of the Com- 
mittee on Housing, Building and Planning, 
appointed, 977 
U.S. representative to 19th plenary session, confirma- 
tion, 470 
Economic i>olicy and relations, U.S. : 
Domestic economy : 

Need for expansion (Ball), 773 
Objectives of ( Rostow ) , 864, 961 
Foreign economic policy : 

Balance of payments. See Balance of payments. 
Economic interdependence U.S.-Canada (Ball), 773 
EEC. See European Economic Community. 
Foreign aid programs. See Foreign aid. 
Objectives (Rostow), 961 
World position, growth (Ball), 123, 773 
Economic Report of the President (excerpts) , 222 
Ecuador, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 846 
Education (see also Cultural relations and programs 
and Educational exchange) : 
Foreign affairs (Harriman), 462 
Importance of (Rusk), 358 

U.S. Educational Foundation, agreement with China, 
755 
Educational exchange program, international (*ee also 
Cultural relations and Education) : 
Agreements with: China, 755, 846; Germany, 313; 
Greece, 24, 69 ; Iceland, 429 ; Liberia, 946 ; Nor- 
way, 539, 555 ; Portugal, 269 
Financing of : 
Agreements with : China, 846 ; Greece, 69 ; Spain, 
646 
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of 

1961, 24 
U.S. and China agree to extend, 755 
Educational, scientific and cultural materials, agree- 
ment (1950) and protocol on importation of: Cook 
Islands (Including Niue), 646; Nicaragua, 313; 
Uruguay, 945 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 
U.N.: 
Assistant Director General, appointed, 426 
Constitution of, amended (Chayes), 903 
EEC. See European Economic Community. 
Egypt. See United Arab Republic. 
Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee: 

Geneva conference of, head of delegation named, 119 
Reconvening of, (Foster), 1005 



INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964 



1033 



Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee — Continued 
U.S. Deputy Representative, appointed, 835 
U.S. position and efforts: Fisher, 641, 700; Johnson, 
163,223; Rusk, 407 
Eisenhower, Dwigbt D., 824 
Elbrick, C. Burke, 220 
Eleanor Roosevelt Memorial Foundation, New York, 

N.Y., executive director, designation, 040 
Embassy sites, private committee to assist in finding, 

750 
Equal Employment Opportunity, U.S. position on 

(Rusk), 029 
Erhard, Ludwig, 74, 992 
Escape-clause, restrictions imposed by, 507 
Eshkol, Levi, 959 

Estate tax protocol : U.S. and Greece sign, 385 
Ethiopia : 

Border issue with Somalia and (Williams), 502 
Economic development (Williams), 504 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226 
EURATOM. See European Atomic Energy Commu- 
nity. 
Europe: 
Defense of (Rusk), 819, 820 
Eastern Europe : 
Communist countries: National independence of, 

U.S. policy toward (Harriman),508 
Developments and policy In: Harriman, 485; 

Rusk, 5, 280, 474 ; Tyler, 587 
Economic developments (Tyler), 587, 777 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1948, Volume 

II, Europe, published, 985 
Unification of: 
Development of (Tyler), 777 

Relationship to North Atlantic partnership 
(Rusk), 812 
Western Europe: Latin America strengthening ties 
•with (Rusk), 409 
European Atomic Enegry Community : 
Fast-reactor program, 942 
Objectives, 942 
European Economic Community : 
Africa, special status of (Williams), 505 
Progress and purpose : Rusk, 811 ; Tyler, 777 
Trade : 

Problems of (Rusk) , 89 
U.S. discussions with, 458 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105 
U.S. support (Tyler), 781 
European unity. Bee North Atlantic Treaty Orga- 
nization 
Executive orders : 

Interagency Committee on Export Expansion : 
Established (11132), 25 

Secretary of the Interior to be a member of 
(11148), 590 
Trade Negotiations, Public Advisory Committee for 
(11143), 506 



Executive Service Corps: U.S. encourages the estab- 
lishment of (Johnson), 520 
Export-Import Bank credit guarantees, 298 
Exports (see also Imports and Trade) : 

Meat products to U.S., agreement limiting : Australia, 
380; Ireland, 429; Mexico, 882; New Zealand, 
3S6 
U.S.: 

Expansion of (Johnson), 663 

Interagency Committee on Export Expansion es- 
tablished, 25 
Restrictions on, removed, 214 
Extradition conventions with: Belgium, 33; Israel, 33; 
Sweden, 33 

FAO. See Food and Agriculture Organization. 
Far East (see also Asia) : 
AID Assistant Administrator for the, confirmation, 

684 
Prospects for peace ( Rusk ) , 44 
U.S. policy : Hilsman, 15 ; Johnson, 730 
Faroe Islands, agreement on joint financing of cer- 
tain air navigation services in: 
Current actions : Pakistan, Switzerland, 69 
Fay, William P., 853 

"Finaneial Management and the United Nations Sys- 
tem," released, 67 
Finland, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 144, 226 
Fish and fisheries : 

Fishing and conservation of living resources on 

high seas, convention (1958) on: Jamaica, 845 

Fishing by foreign vessels in U.S. territorial waters 

prohibited, 936 
Inter-American Tuna Commission, convention for 

the establishment of, 209 
Northwest Atlantic fisheries : 
International convention, protocol: Canada, 226; 
Iceland, G02 ; U.K., 882 ; U.S.S.R., 722 
Fisher, Adrian S., 641, 756 
Fissionable material. See Nuclear weapons. 
Fobes, John E., 426 

Food and Agriculture Organization, U.N. : 
Constitution of, amended (Chayes), 903 
Freedom-from-hunger, U.S. goals for, and participa- 
tion in (Cleveland), 550 
Food-for-Peace Program : 
Accomplishments and value: Cleveland, 551; Harrl- 

man, 509 ; Phillips, 934 ; Rusk, 437 
Africa, assistance to (Williams), 502 
President reports to Congress on, 6S3 
Food program, world, U.S. support and efforts (Cleve- 
land), 550 
Ford Foundation. 977 

Foreign Affairs Scholars Program (Rusk), 630 
Foreign aid programs, U.S. («ee also Agency for In- 
ternational Development, Economic and technical 
aid and Peace Corps) : 
Achievements of ( Bell ) , 830 
Administration, problems of (Rusk), 436 



1034 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Foreign nld program, U.S. — Continued 
Appropriations nnd authorizations requests for FT 
1965: Johnson, 510, 528; Manning, 435; Ruak, 
686 

Interdepartmental committee appointed to review, 

128 
Need for nnd objectives of: Johnson, 731; Manning, 

703 ; Rusk. 103, 436; Williams, 0G4 
President's economic report (excerpts), 218 
U.S. and Japan to cooperate on aid programs for 

Ryukyus. T."5 
U.S. stake in ( Rusk ) , 434 
Foreign Assistance Act of 1903, signed (Johnson ),2fl 
Foreign investment task force, reports to the Presi- 
dent. 804 
Foreign Ministers of the American Republics, informal 

meeting. 10 
Foreign policy. U.S. : 
Briefing conferences: 

Editors and broadcasters. 549 
National nongovernmental organizations, 877 
Regional : Cleveland (Ohio), 899; Milwaukee, 424 
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy, 
lists. 27, 50, 90, 122, 184, 2(>3. 299, 349. 374, 404, 
509, 555, 601, 631, 715, 843, 93(1. 970, 1001 
Growth and U.S. world position (Ball), 123 
Making of (Rusk), 104 
NATO, major problems. 339 
People's right to know (Manning), 868 
Principles, objectives and problems: Johnson, 523; 
Johnson, U. Alexis, 364 ; Rusk, 435, 817, 887, 957 ; 
Rostow, 961 
Role of local community in (Johnson), 746 
Role of U.S. citizen: Crockett, 632; Louchheim, 592; 

Manning. 791 : Rusk, 359 
Soviet Treaty with East Germany, position on, 993 
Tasks of the 1000's (Rostow), 807 
Viet-Nam, criticism of policy in (Rusk), 404 
Foreign relations : 
Forciijn Relations, Japan, 1931-1911, 2 vols., released, 

33 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951, Volume 

VI, The American Republic, released, 33 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 19j3, Volume 

11, Europe, published, 985 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume 

IV, The Near East and Africa, published, 882 
Geopolitics and (I'earcy),318 
Foreign securities, importance of an interest equali- 
zation tax on (Johnson), 404 
Foreign Service (see also State Department) : 
Ambassadors: appointments and confirmations, 34, 
104, 225, 209, 313, 429, 470, 684, 722, 805, 844, 
946,985 
Consul General, designation, Hong Kong, 313 
Consulates established at : Blantyre, Nyasaland, and 

Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia, 145 
Coordinator of the National Interdepartmental Semi- 
nar, Foreign Service Institute, designation, 722 
National Academy for Foreign Affairs, proposed, 462, 
793 



Foreign Service — Continued 

Key Officers of the Foreign Service— Guide for 

Businessmen, published, 41S 
U.S. ambassadors and AID mission chiefs In Latin 
America bold consultations, 540 
Foreign Service institute (tee also National Academy 
of Foreign Affairs), National Interdepartmental 
Seminar Coordinator, designation, ~-2 
Foreign trade. See Trade. 

"Forward defense" nations, list of (McXamara), 895 
Foster. William ('.. 111M03, 350, 370, 1004 
Foulon, Robert C, 145 
France : 

Air cargo operations, I* S. and, 704 
Commercial aviation dispute, i'.S. -France, 506 
President <le Gaulle, See <le Gaulle, Charles 
Restrictions on U.S. exports removed, 214 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 83, 105, 226, 500, 555, 040 
U.N. peacekeeping assessments, position toward 

(Meeker), 800 
U.S. regrets France's recognition of Communist 

China, 2G0 
U.S. relations (Rusk), 6 
Fredericks, J. Wayne, 510, 513 
Free-enterprise economy (Ball), 127 
Free World : 
Communism, struggle against: Pearcy, 323; Rusk, 

391, 435, 814, 851 
Confrontation between Communist and (Rusk), 275 
Future of (Rusk), 812 
Security and strength of (Rusk), 192, 851 
Free World community, U.S.-Gerumn cooperation In, 74 
Freedom, worldwide efforts for: Johnson, 954; Ros- 
tow, 183 ; Rusk, 190. 438 
Freedom Academy, proposal, questioned (Ilarrlman), 

402 
Freedom Commission, proposal, questioned (Ilarrl- 
man), 462 
Freedom-from-IIunger Campaign, goals and problems 

of (Cleveland), 550 
Freeman, Fulton, 429 

"Freeze" proposal : Fisher, 756 : Foster, 350 
Fulbrlght-IIays Act of 1901 (see also Educational ex- 
change), 539 
Fuller, Donald L., 985 
Fur seals: 
Conservation of North Pacific, protocol amending, 
U.S.S.R., 514 

Gabon : 
Revolts In, 502 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 354, 380, 945, 946 
Gardner, Richard N., 20 
Garin, Vasco Vielra, 662 

GATT. See Tariffs and trade, general agreement on. 
Gaud, William S., 429, 430 

General advisory committee on foreign economic and 
military assistance problems, appointed (John- 
son), 522 
General agreements on tariffs and trade. See Tariffs 
and trade, general agreement on. 



INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964 



1036 



General Assembly, U.N. : 

Colonial and racial issues (Ball), 131 

Documents, lists of, 68, 143, 267, 352, 467, 978, 1020 

18th session, accomplishments of ( Stevenson), 130 

International law and nonintervention, 133 

Peacekeeping activities : Johnson, 2 ; Stevenson, 131 

Role of (Kelly), 59 

Sovereign equality of States, 264 

Geneva Accords, violation of: Rusk, 191, 889; Steven- 
son, 909 

Geneva conventions (1949) relative to treatment of 
prisoners of war, wounded and sick, armed forces, 
and civilians in time of war : Nepal, 646 

Geneva Disarmament Conference. See Eighteen-Na- 
tion Disarmament Conference. 

Gentile, G. Marvin, 470, 933 

Geopolitics (Pearcy), 318 

German Democratic Republic treaty with Soviet Union 
(Johnson), 992 

Germany, Federal Republic of : 
Berlin. See Berlin. 
East- West relations : Erhard, Johnson, 74 ; McGhee, 

339, 488 
German Development Aid Service, progress of (Er- 
hard), 75 
Liberalization of U.S. exports, 214, 906 
NATO's current look at (McGhee) . 338 
Reunification of : Johnson, 992 ; McGhee, 495 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 144, 226, 313, 762, 882 
U.S.-German relations : Erhard, Johnson, 74, 992 
U.S. postwar aid ( Harriman ) , 508 

Ghana : 
Anti-American demonstrations, 502 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 226, 269 

Goding, M. Wilfred, 1007 

Godley, G. McMurtie, 429 

Goldfinger, Nathaniel, 640 

Goldman, Eric Frederick, 164 

Goldy, Daniel L., 56 

Goulart, Joao, 48 

Greece : 

Death of King Paul ( Rusk ) , 439 

Debt settlement agreement with U.S. signed, 934 

Economic development and situation in : Harriman, 

508 ; McNamara, 897 
Educational exchanges with, 24, 69 
Estate tax protocol, U.S. and Greece sign, 385 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 69, 226, 354, 1021 

Greenland, agreement on joint financing of certain air 
navigation services in : Pakistan, Switzerland, 69 

Guatemala, treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 226 

Guerrilla warfare : Rostow, 499 ; Rusk, 391 

Gursel, Gen. Cemal, 90 

Haiti : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 662 
Harriman, W. Averell, 459, 462, 485, 507 
Harris, Michael S., 31 
Haugerud, Howard E., 429 



Health Organization, World. See World Health Or- 
ganization. 
Herter, Christian A., 671, 703, 749, 878 
Hilsman, Roger, 11, 243, 293 
Hirasawa, Kazushige, 40 
Hoff, Philip H., 17 
Hoffman. Mrs. Claire Giannini, 640 
Holmes, Edward W., 145 
Holy See, diplomatic relations, Vienna convention 

(1961) on, 945 
Honduras: 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 538 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 25. 312 
Hong Kong, consul general, designation, 313 
"Hot line," U.S.-Soviet direct communications link 

(Rusk), 81 
Hubbard, Mrs. Charlotte Moton, 844 
Human rights (see also Racial discrimination) : 
Human Rights Day, proclamation, 21 
U.S. promotion of: Gardner, 22; Mann, 996; Rusk, 
119 
Human Rights, Universal Declaration of, 15th an- 
niversary : Gardner, 20 ; Stevenson, 19 
Human Rights Commission, 22 
Hungary: 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 685 
U.S. policy (Rusk), 394 
Hussein I, King of Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, visit 
of, 594, 697 

IAEA. See Atomic Energy Agency, International. 
IBRD. See International Bank for Reconstruction 

and Development. 
ICAC. See International Cotton Advisory Committee. 
ICAO. See International Civil Aviation Organization. 
Iceland, treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 429, 602, 805, 

1021 
ICEM. See Intergovernmental Committee for Eu- 
ropean Migration. 
ICJ. See International Court of Justice. 
IDA. See International Development Association. 
ILO. See International Labor Organization. 
Immigration (see also Visas) : 
New legislation requested, 211 
Nonimmigrant visa fees, abolition of, agreement with 

Yugoslavia, 722 
Quotas established for: Algeria, Uganda, Indonesia, 
proclamation, 213 ; Malaysia, 212 
Immigration and Nationality Act (Manning), 792 
Immigration and Naturalization Service, praised 

(Johnson), 212 
Immigration laws: 
Foreign and domestic implications of U.S. 

(Schwartz), 675 
History of (Schwartz), 677 
Proposals for revision of ( Schwartz) , 680 
Imperialism, Communist: 
Attacks on ( Stevenson ) , 968 
Reconvening of (Foster), 1005. 



103G 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Import marking requirements, President disapproves 

legislation on (Johnson), 129 
Imports of meat, curbing of (Rusk), 444 
India: 
Cotton exports to U.S. (Nehmer), 97, 914 
Kashmir dispute: Kelly, 61; Rusk, 83, 193, 441; 

Stevenson, 425 
Nehru, death of, 926 

Third Five- Year Plan, Consortium to aid, 943 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 103, 226, 762, 846, 914 
D.S. aid to (Rusk), 193. 612 
U.S. cooperation (Johnson), 960 
U.S. scientific attache, appointed, 985 
Indonesia : 

Attorney General's visit, 239 
Cease-fire order issued ( Kennedy, Robert F.) , 240 
Immigration quota determined, 212 
Relationship within ASA (Rusk), 572 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 428, 429, 846, 917 
U.S. aid program (Rusk), 613 
Indus Basin Development Fund, agreement supple- 
menting the 1960 agreement re : Australia, Canada, 
Germany, International Bank for Reconstruction 
and Development, New Zealand, Pakistan, U.K., 
U.S., 882 
Industrial property, convention (1883, as revised) for 
protection of : Cameroon, 805 ; Gabon, 386 ; Mexico, 
Norway, 805 
Information activities : 

Foreign affairs, importance of (Manning), 541 
Protecting the National Security ( Manning) , 868 
Viet-Nam situation, need for improved coverage 
(Manning), 543 
Interagency Committee on Export Expansion : 
Coordinator, named, 56 
Established, 25 

Secretary of the Interior, to be a member of, 590 
Inter-American Alliance for Progress : 
Support the (Johnson), 521 
U.S. representation on (Johnson), 521 
Inter-American Development Bank : 
Achievements of (Dillon), 717 
Social progress trust fund agreement, 3S6 
Inter-American Economic and Social Council, U.S. rep- 
resentative appointed, 89 
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences, con- 
vention and protocol amending: Brazil, 428 
Inter-American Peace Committee : 
Communique, 152, 156 

Role of : Bunker, 300 ; Rusk, 196 ; Stevenson, 153 
Inter- American systems (see also Organization of 
American States) : 
Castro's regime incompatible with (Rusk), 395 
U.S. strategy within the (Ball), 740 
Inter-American Tuna Commission. See under Fish 

and fisheries. 
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration : 
Biannual Council Meeting, 21st session: U.S. dele- 
gation, 843 
International Atomic Energy Agency. See Atomic 
Energy Agency, International 



International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment: 
Articles of agreement, current actions: Kenya, 818 
Consortium, 10th meeting, Washington : India, aid t", 

943 
Financial statement, 299 
International Civil Aviation Organization. Bee under 

Aviation : Treaties. 
International CofTee Agreement: 

Implementing legislation requested (Harriman), 459 
Views on (Westerfield), 103 
International commission for the scientific Investiga- 
tion of tuna, convention for the establishment of, 
313 
International Commission of Jurists, Panama, report 

on, by, 1000 
International community : 
Changes in (Rusk), 811 
Interdependence of (Rusk), 811 
International Control Commission : 
Established (Rusk), 889 
History of ( Stevenson) , 938 
Misuse of veto power ( Stevenson) , 911 
Special report on Viet-Nam (McNamara), 567 
U.S. reconnaissance flights, information on, trans- 
mitted to (Department), 994 
International Cooperation Tear : Cleveland, 452 ; John- 
son, 991 
International Cotton Advisory Committee: U.S. delega- 
tion, 977 
International Court of Justice : 
Opinion on U.N. finances (Chayes), 901 
Role of (Kelly), 59 

Statute of: Kenya, Zanzibar, 33; Somali Republic, 
Uganda, 144 ; United Kingdom, 186 
International Development Association : 
Appropriation restored (Stevenson), 967 
Articles of agreement: Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), 

Gabon, Kenya, Laos, 354 
Bill, signed, 935 

Contributions to, recommended (Johnson), 521 
Resources, increase in (Rusk), 403 
International Labor Organization : 

Constitution of, amendment, 269, 428 
International law (see also International Court of Jus- 
tice and Law of the sea) : 
Principles of friendly relations among States: Kelly, 

57, 264 ; Plimpton, 133 
Responsibility of the individual (Louchheim), 592 
U.S. protests Cuban vessels' violation of national 

waters, 276 
U.S. welcomes jurists' findings on Panama, 1000 
International Monetary Fund. See Monetary Fund, 

International 
International organizations and conferences (*ee also 
subject) : 
Arms race, efforts to halt, 1005 

Calendar of meetings, 28, 91, 185, 268, 353, 427, 5C0, 
633, 716, 881 
International Rubber Study Group, 17th meeting 
(Toyko), U.S. delegation, 843 



INDEX, JANUARY TO JTJNE 1064 



10:17 



Investment, foreign investment task force reports to 

President, 804 
Investment guaranty program : 

Agreement with: Bolivia, 555; Kenya, 917; Sierra 
Leone, 33; Somali Republic, 200; Sudan, 055 
Investment of private capital abroad ; Africa, 104 
Iran, treaties, agreements, etc., 1021 
Iraq : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, C62 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 917 
Ireland : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 853 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 186, 226, 429, 468 

Visit of Eamon de Valera, President of the Repub- 
lic of, 927 
Israel : 

Science, a force for peace (Johnson ) , 285 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 51, 105, 186, 226, 805 

U.S. concludes textile agreement, 51 

Views on matters of mutual interest, U.S. and Israel 
exchange, 958 

Visit of Prime Minister and Mrs. Eshkol to U.S., 959 

Water program, U.S.-Israel's cooperation, 285, 1001 
Italy : 

President exchanges greetings with Prime Minister, 
47 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226 

U.S.-Italy discuss air relations, 628 

Vaiont Dam disaster relief provisions, 803 

Visit of President Segni to U.S., 196 
Ivory Coast, treaties, agreements, etc., 313, 646 

Jacobson, Jerome, 260 
Jamaica : 
Cotton textile imports (Nehmer), 97 
Restrictions on imports of U.S. citrus products, 507 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 105, 144, 226, 646, 846, 
882, 017 
Japan : 
Foreign Relations, Japan, 1981-1941, 2 vols., released, 

33 
Joint United States-Japan Committee on Trade and 

Economic Affairs ( Rusk ) , 42, 235 
King crab fishery, consideration given to, 936 
Meeting of cabinet officials, rescheduled, 183 
New Year's greeting to ( Rusk ) , 40 
Outlook for 1964 discussed (Rusk), 40 
Restrictions on U.S. exports removed, 214, 906 
Role as a major nation (Rusk), 193 
Trade : 
U.S.: Joint Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs (Rusk), 42, 235 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 685, 686, 762, 882, 985 
U.S. relations with: Department, 755; Harriman, 

508 ; Rusk, 230, 736 
U.S. welcomes Japanese membership in OECD, 853 
Use of natural resources, U.S. and Japan to ex- 
change data on, 737 
Jewish community in Soviet Union, 24 
Johnson, G. Griffith, 410 



Johnson, Lyndon B. : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 

Alliance for Progress, Third Anniversary of, 535 

America as a Great Power, 726 

Chamizal Convention, 49 

Cyprus, peacekeeping force in, 465 

D-Day, 20th anniversary of, 954 

Disarmament conference, efforts to halt arms race, 
1005 

Eigbteen-Nation Disarmament Conference, 103 

Export expansion and balauce-of-payments, 663 

Fishing by foreign vessels in U.S. territorial wa- 
ters. 936 

Foreign aid programs interdepartmental commit- 
tee appointed, 128 

Foreign Assistance Act of 1963. 26 

General Assembly, U.N., accomplishments and 
problems of, 2 

Great world society, building of, 090 

International Development Association bill signed, 
935 

Local community and world affairs, 746 

Marshall, George C, Research Library, dedica- 
tion of, 922 

National security and world responsibilities, 950 

NATO, a Growing Partnership, 606 

Peace, quest for, 576 

Public Advisory Committee for Trade Negotia- 
tions, 749 

Science, a Force for Peace, 285 

State of the Union (excerpt), 110 

U.N. Conference on Trade and Development, 636 

U.N. Economic Commission for Africa, greetings 
to, 509 

U.S. marks final day of mourning for John F. 
Kennedy, 39 

U.S. policy in Southeast Asia, basic themes out- 
lined, 953 

U.S.-Soviet Union sign consular convention, 979 
Correspondence and messages : 

Brazil : 

Greetings to new president of, 609 
Pledge of continued cooperation, 47 

Cyprus : 
Exchange of messages with General Cemal 

Gursel,90 
Reply to Soviet Union on, 446 

Import marking requirements, memorandum of 
disapproval re legislation on, 129 

India, congratulations to Prime Minister on elec- 
tions, 960 

Italy, exchange of greetings, 47 

Kenya, greetings on independence of, 18 

Latin American policy, 9 

Nehru, death of, letter to President on, 926 

New Year's greetings to Soviet leaders, 121 

Zanzibar, greetings on independence of, 17 

Executive orders. See Executive orders. 



1038 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Johnson, Lyndon B. — Continued 
Meetings uiili : 

Heads of state mid offiicals of, remarks find Joint 
communiques; Burundi, DOC; Germany, 7-1, 092; 
Ireland, 027; Israel, l»r»i> ; Jordan, 607; Latin 
America, 8.">4 ; Mexico, 89, 31)0, 399, 401; United 
Kingdom, 836 
Messages, letters and reports to Congress: 
Budget message, FY moo (excerpts), 218 
Economic report (excerpts) , 1222 
Equalization tax, support of, 404 
Food-for-Peaee program, l'.L. 480, C83 
Foreign aid, 518 
North Atlantic Council, 29 
State of the Union. 110 
Viet-Nam, aid to, 891 
Proclamations. See Proclamations. 
TV interview (excerpts), 023 
Johnson, U. Alexis, 208, 304 

Joint United States-Canadian Committee on Trade and 
Economic Affairs: 
Joint communique, 770 
9th meeting, Ottawa, 775 
U.S. delegation, 070 
Joint United States-Japan Committee on Trade and 
Economic Affairs: (Rusk), 42, 235; meeting re- 
scheduled, 183 
Jordan : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 469 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429 
Visit of Hussein I, King of the Hashemite Kingdom, 
594, 097 
Journalism : 

Coverage of foreign affairs (Manning), 541, 868 
Protecting the national security (Manning), 808 

Kabnnda, Celestin, 830 
Kalb, Marvin, 5 

Kashmir dispute : Kelly, 61 ; Rusk, 83, 193, 441 ; Steven- 
son, 425 
Kelly, Edna F., 57, 264 
Kennedy, John F. : 
Assassination (Johnson), 2 
Human rights (cited), 20 
Impressions of (Rusk), 4 
Problems confronting (Rostow), 866 
U.S. marks final day of mourning (Johnson), 39 
Kennedy, Robert F. : TV interview, transcript of, 239 
"Kennedy round" (see also Tariffs and trade, general 
agreement on : International negotiations, 1904 and 
Trade) : 
Advantages to less developed countries, 223, 411 
Objectives of : Hilsman, 295 ; Rusk, 814 
Opportunities to liberalize trade (Nichols), 416 
Public Advisory Committee on Trade Negotiations, 

appointed, 457 
Tariff cuts across the board, 636 

Trade of developed countries: Johnson, G. Griffith, 
411 ; Rusk, 654 



Kenya : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 662 

Immigration quota determined, 828 

Independence, congratulations on (Johnson), 17 

Treaties, agreements, etc, :«, 221;, 200, 854, 12s, 7C.2, 
805,843,017, 1021 

Troop mutinies in (Williams), 502 

United Nations, membership in, .'',2 

U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 12'.) 
Ecu Officers 0/ the Foreign Bervice — Guide for /}u.»t- 

netsmen, published, 413 
Khanh, Nguyen : 

Appointed chairman of council, 239 

Government under, 508 

New economic and social programs: McNamara, 568; 
Rusk, 890; White House, 523 
Khrushchev, Nikita, 82, 121, 158, 195, 447 
Kltzlnger, Uwe, 810 
Kohler, Fo.v D., 451 
Korea, North, U.S. trade policy, 474 
Korea, Republic of: 

Conflict, U.N. role (Cleveland), 623 

Exchange rate system, reform in (Rusk), 830 

Friendship for U.S. (Rusk), 736 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 226, 002, 985 

U.S. aid program (Harriman), 508 

U.S. armed forces in, progress of negotiations on 
status of, 238 
Koren, Henry L. T., 684 
Kotschnig, Walter M., 470 
Krulak, Victor, 46 
Kuwait, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 429 

Labor : 
International Labor Organization, constitution of, 

amendment of, 269, 428 
Migrant labor, agreement with Mexico, 106 
Labor Organization, International, constitution of, 

amendment of, 209, 428 
Laos: 
Foreign forces in, withdrawal of: Rusk, 888; Steven- 
son, 911 
Geneva accords, violations of: Rusk, 191, 612, 887; 

Stevenson, 910 
Government of, support of : Department, 703 ; Rusk, 

889 
Independence and neutrality of: 
Maintaining (Stevenson), 910 
U.S.-Soviet support (Rusk), 888 
Issues in (Rusk), 887 
Situation in, and U.S. objectives: Rusk, 403, 446; 

Stevenson, 910 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 354, 428, 805 
U.S. reconnaissance flights over, 994 
Larsen-Davis survey report, 976 

Latin America (see also American Republics, Inter- 
American, Organization of American States, Pan- 
American Union and individual countries) : 
Communism, target for (Ball), 738 
Cuban terrorism and aggression In : Rostow, 499 ; 
Rusk, 191, 391 



INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964 



1039 



Latin America — Continued 

Doctrine of nonintervention (Mann) , 998 
Economic and social development (see also Alliance 
for Progress), progress and problems: Harrl- 
man, 508; Johnson, 9, 89, 855; Mann, 857; 
Rostow, 496 
Meetings, joint, re U.S.-AID policy in, 540 
Strengthening ties with Western Europe (Rusk), 409 
U.S. housing investments in (Johnson ), 521 
U.S. position in : Johnson, 729 ; Mann, 995 
Law of the sea (see also Continental shelf, Fish and 
fisheries, Geneva conventions and Safety of life at 
sea ) , conventions on, 845, 882, 946 
Lawyers and newsmen (Manning), 868 
Lebanon, treaties, agreements, etc., 226 
Lehman, Orin, 640 

Less developed countries (see also Newly developed 
nations) : 
Economic and social development (see also Economic 
and technical aid and Economic and social de- 
velopment) : Johnson, 636; Rostow, 179, 964; 
Rusk, 392, 435, 437 
North-South relations (Ball), 659 
Private enterprise, functions of (Rostow), 499 
U.S. role and policies: Ball, 635; Harriman, 508; 
Johnson, 731 ; Johnson, G. Grifiith, 414 ; Rostow, 
965 ; Rusk, 435, 438 
Liberia : 

Educational progress (Williams), 504 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 829, 946 
U.S. and Liberia sign agreements on Free Port of 
Monrovia and expansion of educational and cul- 
tural programs, 829 
Libya, Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336 
Liechtenstein, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 945, 946 
Linowitz, Sol M., 67 

L6pez Mateos, Adolfo, meeting with President John- 
son, 89, 396 
Louchheim, Mrs. Katie, 347, 591 
Lozano, Ignacio E., Jr., 703 

Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia, consulate established, 145 
Luxembourg, treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 602, 762 

Macomber, William B., Jr., 430 

Madagascar. See Malagasy Republic. 

Malagasy Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 105, 

354, 429, 646, 762 
Malaya : 

ASA relationship (Rusk), 572 

U.S. role and views (Rusk ) , 334, 443 
Malaysia : 

Attorney General Kennedy's visit, 239 

Economic progress ( Rusk ) , 737 

Guerrilla activity (Kennedy, R. F.), 241 

Immigration quotas determined, 212 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 762, 917 

U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429 
Manila Pact (see also Southeast Asia Treaty Organ- 
ization), purpose of (Rusk), 734 



Mann, Thomas C, 9, 34, 89, 152, 857, 995 

Manning, Robert J., 541, 791, 868 

Maphilindo, possibility of, for strengthening regional 

relationships (Rusk), 572 
Marriage, convention (1962) on : Cuba, Czechoslovakia. 

Denmark, Italy, New Zealand, Rumania. 602 
Marshall, George C, Research Library, dedication of, 

922 
Marshall Plan, 508, 617 
Martin, Edwin M., 34, 50, 226 
Martin, Paul, 68, 201, 205, 685 
Mathews, Elbert G., 470 
Mauritania, Islamic Republic of: 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 830 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 685 
McClellan, Harold Chadwick, 1000 
McCloskey, Robert J., 284 
McCone, John A., 46 
McGhee, George C, 338, 488 
Mcllvaine, Robinson, 722 

McNamara, Robert S., 4n, 46, 562, 705, 744, 893 
Meeker, Leonard C, 797 
Merchant, Livingston T., 448 
Merry del Val y Alzola, Alfonso, 899 
Meteorological observation program, cooperative, agree- 
ment with Mexico, 429 
Meteorological Organization, World. See World Meteo- 
rological Organization 
Meteorological satellites, U.N. and U.S. programs : 

Cleveland, 454 ; Stevenson, 618 
Mexican-United States Parliamentarians Conference, 

Washington, 4th meeting (Rusk), 449 
Mexico : 

Chamizal convention enters into force, 186 

Chamizal convention, U.S. ratifies, 49 

Economic and social development (Rostow), 497 

Migrant labor, agreement with U.S., 106 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 49, 69, 106, 145, 186, 226, 

269, 313, 386, 429, 722, 805, 882, 944 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 429 
U.S.-Mexican relations : Johnson, L6pez Mateos, 89, 
396 ; Rusk, 449 
Microphones, in walls of U.S. Embassy at Moscow 

(Gentile), 933 
Middle East. See Near and Middle East 
Migrant labor, agreement with Mexico, 106 
Military assistance (see also Mutual Defense) : 
Agreements with : Argentina, 1021 ; Cambodia, 946 ; 

Dominican Republic, 1021 
Appropriations recommended for FY 1965 : John- 
son, 519 ; McNamara, 705 
China (Phillips), 934; Germany (Erhard, Johnson), 
75 
Military policy, U.S.: McGhee, 491, 494; McNamara. 

894 ; Rusk, 391 
Ming, Duong Van, 121 
Miske, Ahmed Baba Ould Ahmed, 830 
Missiles : 

Cuba, Soviet supply to, 491 

Deterrent to nuclear war (McNamara), 896 



1040 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Missiles — Continued 

NATO multilateral force (MLF). See under North 

Atlantic Treaty Organization 
Polaris. See Polaris missile 

Soviet Union program (Fisher), 750 
MLF. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization: Nu- 
clear force, multilateral 
Monaco, treaties, agreements, etc., 226 
Monetary Fund, International: 

Articles of agreement ; Cuba, 722 ; Kenya, 313 

Assistance to : Brazil, U.A.R., 103 

Foreign currencies, U.S., borrows, 407 
Monroe's Declaration of 1S23 (Mann), 997 
Moreno, Miguel J., Jr., 830 
Moro. Aldci, 17 
Morocco : 

Dispute with Algeria: Kelly, 60; Rusk, 83; Wil- 
liams, 502 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 226 
Moscoso, Teodoro, 89, 104 
Mossman, James, 816 
Mozambique, potential trouble spot, 502 
Mutual defense and assistance programs, 1965 

(Rusk), 595 
Mutual defense assistance agreement : Belgium, 602 
Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act of 

1961 (Fulbright-HaysAct),24 
Mwambutsa IV, King of Burundi, 900 

Nabwera, Burudi, 602 

NAC. See North Atlantic Council 

Narcotics. See Drugs, narcotic 

National Academy of Foreign Affairs, proposed, views 
on : Harriman, 462 ; Manning, 793 

National defense and security : 
Expenditures, economic impact, 120 
Relationship of U.S. military assistance programs 
to ( McXamara ) , 898 

National Export Expansion Coordinator, appointed, 50 

National Institute of Administration, training of civil 
servants ( McXamara ) , 563 

National Interdepartmental Seminar, Coordinator, des- 
ignated, 722 

National Review Board, proposed, 976 

Nationalism : Eastern Europe ( Harriman ) , 485 ; emerg- 
ing nations (Rostow),579 

NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

Natural resources, U.S. and Japan to exchange data 
on, 737 

Ndenzako, Leon, 18 

Near and Middle East (see also individual countries), 
U.S. policy in (Johnson, U. Alexis), 208 

Near East and Africa, Foreign Relations, volume on, 
publised, 882 

Nehrner, Stanley, 96 

Nehru, Jawaharlal, death of, 926 

Xepal, treaties, agreements, etc., 354, 640 

Xetherlands : 

Peacekeeping force, national military establishment 

earmarked for (Meeker), 801 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, ISO, 220, 313 



Neustadt, Richard, 816 
Neutrality : 
Problems of: Cambodia (Ilusk), 572; Laos (Steven- 

Bon),910; Viet-Nam (Rusk), 489 
U.S. views mi ( Johnson i, r>27 
New York World's Fair, proclamation, 822 
New Zealand : 

Civil aviation talks by U.S., 549 
.Meat agreement concluded with U.S., 380 
Treat les, ML-reements, etc., 105, 220, 380, 549, 002, 882 
Newbegin. Robert, 709 

Newly Independent nations (see also Less developed 
countries) : 
U.S. policy and relations : Ball, 059 ; Johnson, 731 
World responsibilities (Ball), 288 
Nicaragua, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 313 
Xichols, Clarence W., 410 
Niger : 

Tensions between Dahomey and (Rusk), 83 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 313, 702 
Nigeria : 

Economic development (Williams), 504 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 409, 002 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 470 
Nimmanheminda, Sukich, 18 
Nongovernmental organizations : 
Foreign policy conference, 877 
Role in aid programs (Rusk) 438 
Nonrecognition of Communist China (Hilsman),15 
Non-self-governing territories : 
African issues at the U.N. (Williams), 751 
Trust Territory of Pacific Islands, 1007 
Nordic countries, peacekeeping force (Meeker) , 801 
North Africa, U.S. aids economic development (Harri- 
man), 508 
North and South, structural relationships between 

(Ball), 058 
North Atlantic Council : 
Ministerial meetings : 
The Hague (1904), texts of statement and com- 
munique, 850; U.S. delegation, 853 
Paris (1903) : message from President Johnson, 29 ; 
text of communique, 30 ; U.S. delegation, 31 
North Atlantic Ocean stations, 1954 agreement on: 

Pakistan, 09 
North Atlantic Treaty : Johnson, 006 ; Rusk, 192, 650 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization : 
Achievements of : McGhee, 337 ; Rusk, 850 
Conventional armed forces, strengthening of (Rusk), 

442 
Council of. See North Atlantic Council 
European unity : Ball, 291, 662 ; Rusk, 192, Smith, 790 
Growing partnership (Johnson), 600 
International affairs, U.S. policy in (Johnson, U. 

Alexis), 304 
Military policy: 
Consultations on (Smith, Gerald C), 785 
Interdependence in : BaU, 823 ; Tyler, 780 



INDEX, JANUARY TO JTJNE 1964 



1041 



North Atlantic Treaty Organization — Continued 
Nuclear force, multilateral : 
Missile fleet (Rusk), 575, 651 
Proposed ( Johuson, U. AU-xis), 3G8 
Soviet Union objection (Rusk), 82 
Support for (Ball), 826 
U.S. position and views: Ball, S26; Rusk, 192, 812, 

819; Smith, G. C, 785 
Western Europe-U.S. situation (Rusk), 575 
Objectives and commitments: Ball, 828; Johnson, U. 

Alexis, 342: Rostow, 580; Rusk, 40; Tyler, 770 
Political consultation within (Rusk), 652 
U.S. support (Johnson), 29 
North Pacific fur seals, protocol amending interim con- 
vention on conservation of: Japan, CS5 ; U.S., 269, 
428, 805;U.S.S.R., 514 
Northwest Atlantic fisheries. See under Fish and fish- 
eries 
Norway, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 539, 555, 

805, 917 
N. S. Savannah, agreements with Norway, use of porta 

and territorial waters, 917 
Nuclear defense or deterrent : 

NATO and Europe. See North Atlantic Treaty Or- 
ganization: Nuclear force, multilateral 
New weapons (Johnson), 951; McNamara, 896 
U.S. power of (Rusk), 391 
Nuclear energy (see also Atomic energy, peaceful uses 
of): 
Fast neutron reactors, U.S. and EURATOM to co- 
operate on, 941 
U.S.-Israel cooperative research (Johnson), 2S5 
Nuclear research and training: 
Limitation on (Fisher), 758 
Programs, agreement re Argentina, 269 
Nuclear test ban : 
Ban on tests in atmosphere, outer space and un- 
derwater : McGhee, 493 ; Rusk, 81, 194 
Safeguards, joint review on limited, 337, 744 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 69, 144, 186, 269, 313, 
380, 469, 555. 046, 085, 805, 846, 917, 985 
Nuclear war, U.S. efforts to abolish (Johnson), 990 
Nuclear weapons : 
"Freeze" proposals: Fisher, 750; Foster, 350, 370; 

Rusk, 194 
NATO nuclear force. See under North Atlantic 

Treaty Organization 
Polish proposals on, in Central Europe (Rusk), 442 
Preventing dissemination of: Foster, 376; Johnson, 
4 ; McGhee, 495 ; Rusk, 407, 496, 611 
Nuclear weapons tests : 

Inspection and control of, U.S. proposal and posi- 
tion (Fisher), 756 
Nyasaland : 

Consulate established at Blantyre, 145 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 145 

OAS. See Organization of American States 
OAU. See Organization of African Unity 
Observation station, agreement on, 33 
Odendaal Commission, 754 



OECD. See Organization for Economic Cooperation 

and Development 
Oil: 

Petroleum agreement of 1964, Korea, 985 
Pollution of sea by, convention (1954) for preven- 
tion of, with annexes : Algeria, 269 ; Denmark, 
1021; Netherlands, 186; Spain, 313; U.S., 428; 
Venezuela, 186 
Oliver, Covey T., 805 
O'Meara, Andrew P., 152 
O'Neill, Michael, 330 
Opium. See under Drugs, narcotic 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop- 
ment: 
Deputy Secretary General, appointment (Harris), 

31 
Development Assistance Committee. See Develop- 
ment Assistance Committee 
Goals of (Tyler), 781 

U.S. welcomes Japanese membership in, 853 
Organization of African Unity: 
Aims and accomplishments of: Kelly, 60; Williams, 
503, 752 
Organization of American States: 
Action and efforts against subversive activities 

( Rusk ) , 86, 191, 395, 408, 813 
Control of travel to Cuba, 10 
Council meeting on U.S.-Panama dispute, text of 

resolution, 304 
Cuban crisis, role and efforts (Rusk), 445 
Report condemning Castro regime for acts of ag- 

gession against Venezuela (Rusk), 408 
Role of, in Panama dispute: Bunker, 301; Rusk, 613; 

Stevenson, 153 
U.S. Ambassador, appointed, 143, 225 
Oswald, Lee, 572 
Outer space (see also Satellites), 453, 493 

P.L. 480. See Agricultural surpluses and Agricultural 

Trade Development and Assistance Act 
Pacific community : 
Australia, participation of, in (Hilsman), 250 
Trade and development ( Hilsman ) , 293, 299 
Pacific Islands, Trust Territory of the, U.S. administra- 
tion of : Goding, 100S ; Remengesau, 1018 
Pakistan : 
Kashmir dispute: Kelly, 61; Rusk, 83, 193, 441; 

Stevenson, 425 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 69, 105, 226, 3S6, 762, 882, 

917 
U.S. aid (Rusk), 193 
Palmer, Joseph II, 105 
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1964, 

proclamation, 450 
Pan American Union : 
Funds made available under Alliance for Progress, 
agreement modifying and supplementing, 386 
U.S. representative appointed to meeting of Inter- 
American Economic and Social Council, 89 



1042 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BrTLLETTW 



Panama : 
Ambassador to U.S.. credentials, 830 
Diplomatic relations with, reestablished (Johnson), 

655 
President Johnson and President L6pez Mateos hold 

talks, 311(5 
Treaties, agreements, ete., 166, 186, 220 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 68 1 
U.S. position on : Johnson, 105 ; Rusk, 335 
U.S.-Panama dispute: Banker, 300; Department, 
1000; Johnson, 537; Rusk, 274, 407, 440, 613; 
Stevenson, 153 
Paraguay, treaties, agreements, etc., 106 
Park, Chung Hee, 238 

Passports, special validation for travel to Cuba, 10 
Pastor de la Torre, Celso, 336 

Patents, mutual safeguarding of secrecy of Inventions 
for defense, agreement with Federal Republic 
of Germany, 144 
Pathet Lao, 887 
Peace : 
Peacekeeping role of U.N. : Chayes, 800 ; Kelly, 61 ; 
Meeker, 797, 802 ; Rusk, 116, 532 ; Stevenson, 370, 
940, 969 
Prospects for (Rusk) , 45, 81, 85, 193, 282 
U.S. commitment to: Johnson, 4, 337, 952, 954; Rusk, 
532 ; Stevenson, 967 
Peace Corps : 
Expansion (Johnson), 75 
Increased appropriation requested (Johnson), 76, 

198 
German Development Aid Service (Erhard), 75 
Success of (Rusk), 438 
Peaceful coexistence : 

Sino-Soviet dispute (Rusk), 5, 85 
Soviet policy (Rusk), 812 
Peaceful world, ruled by law : Mann, 998; Rusk, 887 
Peacekeeping operations, U.N. See under United 

Nations 
Pearcy, G. Etzel, 318 
Pearson, Lester B., 199 
Peru: 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 429, 917 
Petroleum. See Oil. 
Philippines: 
ASA relationship with (Rusk), 572 
Attorney General Kennedy's visit, 239 
Cotton textile agreement, U.S. concludes, 388 
Mutual security pact with (Rusk), 733 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 383, 429, 917, 946 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 946 
Phillips, Richard I., 744, 934 
Phouma, Souvanna, 62, 888, 889 

Pipeline, Haines-Fairbanks, agreement re winter main- 
tenance, Canada, 640 
Plaine des Jarres, tripartite meeting at, military at- 
tacks on neutralist forces (Rusk ) , 889 
Plimpton, Francis T. P., 133 



Poats, Rutherford M.,684 
Poland : 

Agricultural commodities agreements, U.S. and 

Poland, 308 
Most-favored-nation tariff treatment, restored, 480, 

626 
Nuclear armaments, proposals for a freeze on (Rusk), 

412 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 220, 30S. 313 
U.S. policy toward : Department, ti2i; ; ilarrlman, 508; 
Johnson, 720 ; Rusk, 304 
Polaris missiles: 

Role in NATO defense (Smith), 780 
Strength of (Johnson), 951 
Political rights, women, convention on political rights 

for, Madagascar, 640 
Political Year of the Quiet Sun. 452 
Pollution of sea by oil, international convention (1051) 
with annexes, for prevention of: Algeria, 269; 
Denmark, 1021; Netherlands, ISO; Spain, 313; 
U.S., 428 ; Venezuela, 186 
Portugal : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 602 
Treaties, agreemeuts, etc., 105, 220, 269, 685 ; 680 
Postal convention, universal, with final protocol, an- 
nex, regulations of execution and provisions re 
airmail : Laos, 805 ; Uganda, 469 ; Venezuela, 805 
Postal Union of the Americas and Spain, convention 
of, final protocol, and regulations of execution, cur- 
rent action, Guatemala, Panama, 220 
Poverty, war on: Ball, 125; Johnson, 523, 701, 991; 

Louchheim, 593 ; Stevenson, 620 
Presidency, responsibilities of the (Johnson), 529 
Presidential messages, letters and reports. See under 

Johnson, Lyndon B. 
President's Science Advisory Committee, 933 
Press, the : 

Freedom and management of news (Manning), 041 
Obligations of government and ( Manning ) , 874 
Protecting the national security (Manning), 808 
Prisoners, Geneva conventions relative to treatment 

of prisoners of war, Nepal, 640 
Proclamations by the President : 
Bill of Rights Day, Human Rights Day (3503), 21 
Immigration quotas for : Algeria, Uganda, Indonesia 
(3570), 213; Kenya (3587), 829; Malaysia 
(3509), 212 
New York World's Fair (3588), 822 
Pan American Day and Pan American Week, 1904 

(3570), 450 
United Nations Day, 1904 (3590), 803 
World Trade Week, 1904 (3591), 935 
Project High Noon, program of research, agreement 

with Australia, 180 
Property : 
Austrian property rights and interests, agreement 
re: U.S., 429, 514, 917, 940; entered Into force, 
917 
Industrial, convention (1883) for protection of, Cam- 
eroon, 805 
Protocol, function of, 344 



INDEX, JANTJART TO JUNE 1964 



1043 



Public Advisory Committee on Trade Negotiations : 
Established, 506 
Members appointed, 457 
Publications : 
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy, 
lists, 27, 56, 90, 122, 184, 263, 299, 349, 373, 464, 
509. 555, 601, 631, 715, 843, 936, 976, 1001 
State Department : 
American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 

1960, 806 
Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931-1941, 2 vols., re- 
leased, 33 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941, Vol- 
ume VI, The American Republics, released, 33 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1948, Vol- 
ume II, Europe, published, 985 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Vol- 
ume IV, The Near East and Africa, published, 
882 
Key Officers of the Foreign Service— Guide for 

Businessmen, 415 
Lists of recent releases, 34, 69, 106, 145, 270, 314, 

430, 470, 558, 686, 806, 917, 986, 1022 
Treaties in Force, 270 
United Nations, lists of current documents, 67, 143, 
267, 307, 352, 467, 513, 645, 978, 1020 
Punta del Este, charter of: Johnson, 10, 855; Mann, 
857 ; Rostow, 497, 500 ; Rusk, 84 

Racial discrimination (see also Human rights) : 
Apartheid : Rusk, 193 ; Stevenson, 92 ; Williams, 753 
Effect on foreign policy : Ball, 124 ; Stevenson, 620 
IntheO.S. (Rusk), 6, 629 
Issues (Rusk), 815 
Radio regulations (1959) , annexed to 1959 international 
telecommunication convention. See under Tele- 
communication convention (1959) 
Reconnaissance flights, U.S., over Laos, 994 
Red Sea, international agreement re maintenance 
of certain lights in: Netherlands, 313; U.S., 428, 
555, 686 
Redeen, Robert L., 330 
Refugees and displaced persons, U.S. assistance to 

(Schwartz), 678 
Remengesau, Thomas, 1018 
Rhodesia, Southern : 

Potential trouble spot, 502 
Portuguese- African problem in (Williams), 753 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Federation of: 
Consulate established at Lusaka, 145 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 145 
Rice, Edward Earl, 313 
Road vehicles, customs convention (1954) on temporary 

importation, Jamaica, 144 
Roosevelt, Eleanor (cited), 20, 22 
Roosevelt, Theodore (cited), 997 
Roosevelt Campobello International Park: 
Establishment proposed, 206 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226 
Rostow, W. W., 177, 251, 496, 578, 864, 961 
Rubber Study Group, International, 843 



Rumania : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 602 
U.S. policy : Rusk, 394 ; Stevenson, 23 
U.S.-Rumania mutual relations, 924 
Rwanda, Republic of : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 830 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 313, 917, 985, 1021 
Uprising in, 502 
Ryukyu Islands : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 9S5 
U.S. and Japan to cooperate on aid programs, 755 
Rusk, Dean : 
Addresses, remarks, and statements : 
Atlantic Alliance, 650 
Atlantic and European Unity, 810 
Berlin wall, 84 

Central Treaty Organization, 12th ministerial coun- 
cil session, 766 
Comments on Korean exchange rate system reform, 

830 
Communist countries, U.S. treatment of, 390 
Cuba, U.S. relations with, 84 
Disputes, settlement of, 82 
Disarmament, U.S. interest in, 82 
East-West trade, 474 
Education for citizenship in the modern world, 

358 
Equal employment opportunity, 629 
European situation, impression of, 4 
Foreign aid program, misconceptions about, 595 
Freedom, struggle for, 190 
Kennedy, John F., impressions of, 4 
Laos, situation in, 403, 446, 886 
National interest (1964), 955 
NATO, multilateral nuclear force, 82 
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, 81 
Outlook for 1964, 40 
Peace, prospects for, 81, 530 
Sino-Soviet dispute, 194 
TV interviews, transcripts of, 4, 40, 164, 816 
United Nations, first 25 years, 112 
U.S. foreign policy, no relaxation in, 83 
U.S. welcomes Japanese membership in OECD, 853 
U.S.-Soviet direct communications link, 81 
Viet-Nam, situation in, 403 

Visit to: Korea, 238; South Viet-Nam, 694; Tai- 
wan, 694 
Voice of America, interview, 81, 330 
Western Pacific, situation in the, 732 
Wheat, U.S. sale of, to Soviet Union, 81 
Meetings : 
NAC ministerial meeting, Paris, U.S. representa- 
tive, 31 
North Atlantic Council, The Hague, statement and 

communique, 850 
SEATO, Council of Ministers, 9th meeting at 
Manila. 690 
News conferences, transcripts of, 81, 83, 274, 403, 
439, 570, 608 



1044 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Sabrl, Hussaln Zulflqar, 54 

SACEUR. See Supreme Allied Commander Europe 

Safety of life at sea, convention on : Algeria, 269, 313 

Sanz de Santamarla, Carlos, 536 

Satellites : 

Communications satellites. See Communications 

satellites 
Meteorological satellites. See Meteorological satel- 
lites 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Experimental communications satellites, Canada, 

354 
Ionospheric research, joint program, agreement for, 

Canada, 8S2 
Space vehicle tracking and communication station : 

Malagasy Republic, 69 
Tracking and data acquisition station, re establish- 
ment of : Spain, 313 
Saudi Arabia : 
Diplomatic relations resumed with United Arab Re- 
public (Rusk), 439 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 386 
Schroeder, Gerhard, 74 

Science (see also Atomic energy, Cultural relations, 
Nuclear research, and Satellites) : 
Exchange of scientific information, U.S.-Japan, 737 
Exploration and research, international coopera- 
tion : Johnson, 151, 401 ; Stevenson, 618 
Research and development program (Cleveland), 

454 
Role of (Johnson) , 285, 952, 991 
U.S. attach^ appointed to India, 985 
U.S.S.R., agreement on exchanges with, 429 
Welzmann Institute of Science, 285 
Wiesner, Jerome B., visits Soviet Union, 933 
Seaborg, Glenn T., 744, 942 

SEATO. See Southeast Asia Treaty Organization 
Secretary of State ( see also Rusk, Dean ) , role of, 164 
Secretary of the Interior, named to Export Expansion 

Committee, 590 
Security Council, U.N. : 

Apartheid in South Africa condemned, 92 
Cambodia- Viet-Nam border incident (Stevenson), 

937, 1002 
Canal Zone incident, 153 
Cyprus, peacekeeping force in, resolution, 466 
Documents, lists of, 67, 307, 467, 513, 645, 978 
Kashmir dispute, U.S. views on, 425 
Role of : Kelly, 59 ; Stevenson, 940 
Segni, Antonio, 196 
Seidman, Bertrand, 640 
Self-determination : 
Africa (Williams), 752 
Germany ( Johnson ), 992 
Senegal, treaties, agreements, etc., 313, 514, 762, 985 
Shastri, Lai Bahadur, 960 
Ships and shipping : 
Cuba: 
Fishing vessels in U.S. territorial waters (Rusk), 
277 



Ships and shipping— Continued 
Cuba — Continued 

U.S. shipping on ships used in Cuban trade, bar 
on, 10 
Dual-rate shipping contracts, talks concluded on, !tl3 
Fishing by foreign vessels In U.S. territorial watera 

prohibited, 936 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Red Sea, international agreement re maintenance 
of certain lights in: Netherlands, 813; U.S., 
428, 555, 686 
Safety of life at sea, convention (1960) on : Algeria, 
269, 313 
Welland Canal, suspension of tolls on, Canada, 685 
Sierra Leone : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 469 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 269 
Sino-Soviet dispute : 
U.S. views : Hilsman, 246 ; Meeker, 798 ; Rusk, 5, 194, 

613, 614, 737 
World Communist movement, leadership of : McGhee, 
490; Rusk, 392, 737, 818 
Slavery convention (1926), as amended: Algeria, 226; 

Madagascar, 646 
Smith, Gerald C, 783, 805 

Social progress trust fund agreement, protocol to, 386 
Somali Republic : 
Border issue with Ethiopia : Rusk, 83 ; Williams, 562 
Technical cooperation, agreement extending, 186 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 186, 269, 469 
South Africa : 
Apartheid in, condemned (Stevenson), 92 
Commission of Inquiry, 754 
Potential trouble spot ( Williams ) , 502 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 762 
South Africa and Territory of South-West Africa, 

treaties, agreements, etc., 226 
South and Southeast Asia. See Asia 
South and South-West Africa, problems in (Williams), 

753 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization : 
Council of Ministers, 9th meeting (Manila) : 
Communique and statement (Rusk), 690 
U.S. delegation to, 577 
Mutual security pact with (Rusk), 733 
Soviet Union (see also Communism) : 
Agriculture in (Harriman), 507 
Cultural exchange agreement between U.S. and, 

451, 493 
Cyprus situation, Soviet letter on, 447 
Detention of U.S. convoy on autobahn (U.S. and 

Soviet notes), 8 
Economic growth of (Ball) , 126 
Human rights practices, 24 

Information on Lee Oswald furnished (Rusk) , 572 
Military budget reduced, 494 
Military establishment in (Rusk), 812 
Nuclear war, avoiding of (Rusk), 41, 392 
Nuclear war, capability of ( Rusk ) , 5 
Peaceful solution of East- West issues, 88 
Spying by U.S. aircraft, charges by (Rusk), 574 



INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1964 



1045 



Soviet Union — Continued 
Summit meetings, U.S. position on (Rusk), 6 
Trade, U.S. policy on (Rusk), 331, 443, 476 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226. 423, 429, 514, 722 
Treaty of friendship with German Democratic Re- 
public, 902 
United Nations, peacekeeping operations, position 

toward : Chayes, 901 ; Meeker, 800 
U.S. relations with : Hilsman, 15 ; Johnson, 727 ; Rusk, 

6 
U.S.-Soviet Union consular convention, 946, 979 
Visit of Dr. Wiesner to, 933 
Wheat, U.S. sale of, to : Harriman, 507 ; Rusk, 81 
Space. See Outer space and Satellites 
Spain : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 899 
Cotton textile imports (Nehmer),97 
Trade with Cuba (Rusk), 445 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 313, 646 
Spanish Provinces of Africa, treaties, agreements, etc., 

226 
Specialized agencies, U.N., provisions similar to arti- 
cle 19 (Chayes), 903 
Standing Committee on Cinematography, U.S.-U.S.S.R. 

Joint members to meet, 877 
State Department {see also Agency for International 
Development, Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency, Foreign Service, and Peace Corps) : 
Advisers named to U.S. delegation to U.N. Trade Con- 
ference, 640 
Advisory Committee on International Business Prob- 
lems, member appointed (McClellan), 1000 
Appointments and designations, 34, 104, 105, 225, 269, 
313, 426, 429, 430, 470, 640, 684, 722, 805, 843, 
844, 1000 
Assistant Secretary of State, confirmation (Mann), 

34 
Assistant Secretary of State, confirmation (Bundy), 

470 
Budget, FY 1965, requests (Rusk), 836 
Coordinator of the National Interdepartmental 
Seminar, Foreign Service Institute, designation 
(Mcllvaine),722 
Foreign policy briefing conferences. See under For- 
eign policy 
Functions re international discussions and disputes 

(Rusk), 274,283 
T.L. 480, supports 5-year extension, 509 
Publications. See under Publications 
Security in (Rusk), 575 

Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Multi- 
lateral Force Negotiations, with personal rank 
of Ambassador, designation ( Smith ) . 805 
State of the Union (excerpts) (Johnson ), 110 
Status-of -forces negotiations, progress of, 238 
Stevenson, Adlai E. : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 
Apartheid, U.S. views on, 92 
Cambodia-Vlet-Nam incident, 907, 937. 1002 
Cuba, report to D.N. on fishing boat incident, 279 
Cyprus, peacekeeping force, 374, 465 



Stevenson, Adlai E. — Continued 
Addresses, statements, etc. — Continued 
Human Rights, Universal Declaration of, 15th an- 
niversary, 19 
Kashmir dispute, 425 
Panama dispute, 153 
Peace and security, strengthening the machinery 

of, 966 
U.N. General Assembly, 18th session, accomplish- 
ments of, 130 
U.N. membership for Kenya and Zanzibar, 32 
■World leadership, anatomy of, 615 
Subversive activities. See under Communism 
Sudan: 
Economic development, 504 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 555, 646 
Sugar, international sugar agreement (1958), 269, 428 
Sukarno, Achmed, 240 
Sullivan, William H., 46 
Supreme Allied Commander Europe : 

Missiles, MLF, control of (Smith), 787 
Sweden : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 336 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 105, 145, 226 
Switzerland, treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 144, 188, 

226, 354. 429, 917 
Sylvester, Arthur, 46 

Syrian Arab Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 269, 
9S5 

Tanganyika : 

Economic development (Williams), 504 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 226, 722 
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on : 
Agreements, declarations, proces-verbal and proto- 
cols: 
Accessions to, current actions on : 

Argentina, provisional: Cyprus, 354; Dahomey, 
105, 354; Denmark, Finland, France, Italy, 
105; Madagascar, 354 j Netherlands, Norway, 
105 ; Senegal. 762 : Sweden, 105 

Iceland, Interim agreement revising schedule I, 
effective date, 1021 

Israel: Malaysia, 762 

Portugal : Pakistan, 105 

Spain: Brazil, European Economic Community 
and Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 
Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Republic, United 
Kingdom, 105 

Switzerland, provisional: Dahomey, 105; Ger- 
many. 33 ; Tanganyika, 105 ; U.A.R., 354 

Tunisia, provisional : Brazil, 105 

United Arab Republic, provisional: Argentina, 
420: Brazil, Dahomey, 105; Denmark, 702; 
Dominican Republic. Germany, 105 ; Indonesia, 
Madagascar, 429; Malaysia, 702; New Zealand, 
Nicaragua, 10."> ; Niger, 702; Pakistan, Peru, 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 105; Senegal, 762; 
Switzerland, 429 ; Trinidad and Tobago, Tuni- 
sia, 105 



1046 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUTJJJTIN 



Tariffs and trade, general agreement on — Continued 
Agreements, declarations — Continued 

Argentina, extending period of validity of declara- 
tion on provisional accession : Austria, 514 ; Da- 
homey, Denmark, France, 105 ; Germany, 762; 
Italy, 106; Kuwait, Luxembourg, Madagascar, 
3.">4 ; Netherlands, 105; Niger, 762; Norway, 105; 
Pakistan, Senegal, 762; Sweden, 105; Trinidad 
and Tobago, 354 
Article XVI :4, declaration re provisions of, entry 

into force, Japan, 762 
Cotton textiles, arrangements re international 
trade in : China, 514, 686 ; India, 846 ; Israel, 33 ; 
Jamaica, 33, 846 ; Portugal, 686 ; U.A.R., 106 
Geneva tariff conference (1960-61) : 
Protocol embodying results of: Chile, 762; 
Czechoslovakia, 105; South Africa, 762 
Provisional application of, protocol of: Ivory 

Coast, 313 ; Kenya, Niger, 313, 762 
Switzerland extending and amending declara- 
tion on provisional accession : Madagascar, 354 ; 
Niger, Senegal, 762 ; D.A.R., 354 
Tunisia, extending declaration on provisional ac- 
cession: Brazil, Dahomey, 105; India, Japan, 
Kenya, 762; Kuwait, 429; Madagascar, 429, 762; 
Pakistan, Senegal, U.K., 762 ; U.S. 145 
Contracting parties : 
Admission of, Ivory Coast, 313 ; Kenya, 354 ; Niger, 

313 
Ministerial Meeting: 

Announcement and U.S. delegation to, 423 
Kennedy Round on trade negotiations and U.S. 
views, 878 
International tariff negotiations, U.S. and EEC dele- 
gations discuss, 458 
U.S. agreements supplementary to, current actions: 
Venezuela, 145 
Tariff Commission, U.S., 507, 697 
Tariff policy, U.S. : 

Most-favored-nation principle (Hilsman), 295 
Venezuela, agreement re effectiveness of U.S. revised 
tariff schedules, 145 
Taxation : 
Double taxation, conventions for avoidance of. See 

Double taxation. 
Interest equalization tax, supported (Johnson, L. B.), 
464 
Technical assistance and cooperation. See Economic 

and technical assistance. 
Technology : 

Exchange of technical information, 942 
Weather satellites (Cleveland), 454 
Tejera Paris, Enrique, 155 
Telecomunication (aee also Communications) : 
Recommendations relating to, Antarctica, 269 
Telegraph regulations (1958), annexed to: Albania, 
Ghana, 269 ; Indonesia, 846 



Telecommunications convention (1059), International: 
Current actions: Costa Rica, 354; Iraq, 917; Kenya, 

805; Nepal, 354 
Radio regulations (1959), annexed to: Ghana, 209; 

Indonesia, 846 j Mexico, 722 
Radio regulations (1958), partial revision of, with 
annexes and additional protocol : Algeria, '2'JH ; 
Austria, 226, 514; Argentina, Australia, Austria, 
Belgium, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist 
Republics, Cambodia, Canada, China, Colombia, 
Congo (Leopoldville), Cuba, Cyprus, Czecho- 
slovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finland, France, 
Group of Territories represented by the French 
Office of Overseas Posts and Telecommunications, 
Federal Republic of Germany, Ghana, Greece, 
Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Ireland, 
Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Kenya, Korea, 
Kuwait, Lebanon, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Luxem- 
bourg, Malaysia, Mexico, Monaco, Morocco, 
Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, 
Philippines. Poland, Portugal, Rumania, South 
Africa and Territory of South-West Africa, 
Spain. Spanish Provinces of Africa, Sweden, 
226 ; Switzerland, 226, 514 ; Tanganyika, Uganda, 
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Repub- 
lic, United Kingdom, Overseas Territories for 
the international relations of which the United 
Kingdom are responsible, 226; United States, 
226, 429, 555, 686; Territories of the United 
States, Vatican City, and Yugoslavia, 226 
Television, Saudi Arabia, agreement re establishment 

of a television system, 386 
Television program, "CBS Reports," 4 
Textiles. See Cotton textiles. 
Thailand : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 18 
Atomic energy, agreement amended for cooperation 

re civil uses of, 1021 
Differences between Cambodia and ( Kelly ) , 62 
Economic progress (Rusk), 737 
U.S. obligations and responsibilities (Kennedy, 
Robert F.), 240 
Thant, U, 798, 973 
Theard, Andre, 662 
Thomas, A. J., Jr., 998 
Thomas, Ann, 998 
Timberlake, Clare H., 835 

Tin, disposal of surplus stockpile, U.S. views on, 379 
Tin Council, International, U.S. views on long-range 
plan for disposal of surplus tin from strategic 
stockpile, 379 
Tobago. See Trinidad and Tobago. 
Togo, Republic of : 

Coffee agreement (1962), international, 428 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 946 
Tompkins, Pauline, 805 

Tracking and data acquisition station, agreement re 
establishment of, Spain, 313 



10-17 



Trade (see also Agricultural surpluses. Customs, Eco- 
nomic policy. Exports, Imports, Tariffs and trade, 
and under individual countries) : 
Agricultural products, international trade In 

(Nichols), 422 
Barriers, reduction of: 

GATT negotiations (Tyler), 782 
U.S. policy ( Hilsman ) , 205 
China, Communist, U.S. embargo (Hilsman), 15 
Development and policy: Hilsman, 2!)5; Rusk, 331, 

475 ; Westerfield, 101 ; Williams, 504 
Expansion of, efforts for : 
Addresses and statements (Nichols), 416 
Africa (Williams), 6G4 
Agriculture, role of (Herter),671 
"Kennedy Round." See Kennedy round. 
Meat agreement concluded with Australia, New Zea- 
land, 380 
Trade Expansion Act of 19C2. Bee Trade Expan- 
sion Act. 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Commercial samples and advertising material, 
international convention (1052) to facilitate 
importation of, France. 646 
Cotton textiles, arrangements re International 
trade in : India, 014 ; Israel, 51 ; Jamaica, 33 ; 
U.A.R., 54 
U.N. Trade and Development Conferences : 
Goals and purpose of : Hilsman, 205 ; Johnson, 

G. G., 413 
Meeting scheduled (Westerfield), 103 
Preparatory committee for, U.S. delegation, 307 
Public advisers to U.S. delegation, designation, 640 
Role of U.S. ( Johnson, G. Griffith ) , 410 
Statement (Ball), 657 
Trade negotiations (Hilsman), 294 
U.S. delegation, 557 
U.S. position (Nichols), 410 
World trade: 
Expansion of (Ball), 127 
Importance of (Hilsman), 294 
Trade agreements : 
With: 

Soviet Union, suggested long-term (Rusk), 443 
Venezuela, revised tariff schedules, 145 
Trade and Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Canadian Com- 
mittee on, 774 
Trade and Economic Affairs, Joint U.S.-Japan Com- 
mittee on, 42, 235 
Trade Expansion Act : 
Poland and Yugoslavia, nondiscriminatory tariff 

treatment to, 626 
Purpose of : Rusk, 44, 814 ; Westerfield, 102 
Tariff cuts (Hilsman), 295 
Trade negotiation, Public Advisory Committee for. 
See Public Advisory Committee for Trade Nego- 
tiations. 
Tradlng-with-the-enemy, economic impact, 474 
Transition, Kennedy to Johnson administration, 7, 523 



Travel : 
Cuba : 
Latin American restrictions on (Ball), 740 
U.S. prohibition, 10 
Touring, convention (1954) concerning customs fa- 
cilities for : Hungary. 685 ; Jamaica, 105 
Treaties, agreements, etc., international {for individual 
treaty, see subject) : 33, 49, 69, 105, 106, 144, 185, 
186, 226, 269, 313. 354, 3S6, 428, 409, 514, 555, 602, 
646, 6S5, 722, 761, 805, 845, 8S2, 917, 945, 9S5, 1021 
Treaties in Force: A List of Treaties and Other Inter' 
national Agreements of the United States in Force 
on January 1, 1964, published, 270 
Trinidad and Tobago : 
Restrictions on imports of U.S. citrus products, 507 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 428 
Trust Territories, U.N. (see also Non-self-governing 

territories), Pacific Islands, 1007 
Trusteeship Council, U.N., accomplishments of, 1007 
Tuna, international commission for the scientific in- 
vestigation of, 313 
Tunisia : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials. 662 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 186, 429, 469, 762 
Turkey : 

Economic development (Harriman), 508 
GATT, protocol for accession of Spain to, 105 
Situation in (McNamara), 897 
U.S. aid and support : Harriman, 508 ; Johnson, 90 

UA.R. gee United Arab RepubUc. 
Udall, Stewart L., 18 
Uganda : 
Economic development, 504 
Immigration quota determined, 213 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 144, 226, 469, 646 
Troop mutinies in (Williams), 502 
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, agreement re par- 
tial revision of radio regulations (1959) with an- 
nexes and protocol, 226 
UNESCO. See Educational, Scientific and Cultural 

Organization, U.N. 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. See Soviet Union. 
United Arab Republic: 
Air transport services agreement, signed, 845 
Congo assessments paid ( Meeker), 801 
Cotton textile exports to U.S. (Nehmer), 97 
Diplomatic relations resumed with Saudi Arabia 

(Rusk), 439 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 54, 105, 106, 186, 226, 354, 
429, 805 
United Kingdom : 
Africa, East, U.K. views on (Kennedy, Robert F), 241 
Cyprus, U.K. views on, 240 
New role of (Rusk), 82 
Prime Minister visit to U.S., 336 
Restrictions on imports of U.S. citrus products, eased. 

507 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 105, 145, 186, 226, 703, 

702, 882 
U.S.-U.K. relationships (Rusk), 821 



1048 



DEFAKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



United Nations : 
Achievements and U.S. support (Johnson), 2 
African nations, role in (Williams), 752 
Budget, U.S. share and contributions, and delin- 
quent members: Chayes, 001, 005; Department, 
67, 4S4 ; Meeker, 800 
Disarmament. See Eighteen-Nation Disarmament 

Committee. 
Documents, lists of, 67, 68, 143, 267, 307, 352, 407, 

513, 645. 078, 1020 
Economic Commissions. See Economic Commissions 
First 29 years ( Rusk ) , 112 
General Assembly. Sec General Assembly, U.N. 
International law In (Plimpton), 133 
Legal committee of, 57 

Membership, admission to: Kenya, 32; Red China, 
question of, 528 ; Zanzibar, 32 
Peacekeeping operations: 

Capacity to act (Cleveland), 973 
Decision-making processes of (Meeker), 802 
Problems of (Meeker), 799 

Soldiers of the world community (Cleveland), 622 
U.S. concern and position ( Stevenson ) , 132, 938 
Value in resolving conflicts: Cleveland, 454, 622; 
Stevenson. 9G9 
Permanent military staff in, development of, sug- 
gested (Meeker), 801 
Security Council. See Security Council, U.N. 
Trade and Development Conference. See Trade : 

U.N. Conference. 
United Nations Day, 19G4, proclamation, 803 
U.S. views and support: Department, 67; Gardner, 
23; Johnson, 3, 607, 636; Rusk, 133, 533; Steven- 
son, 132. 37.1 
United Nations Charter: 

Financial obligations under Article 19 (Chayes), 900 

Human rights, emphasis on (Gardner), 21 

Pacific settlement of international dispute (Kelly), 

58 
Statute of : Kenya, Zanzibar, 33 
United Nations Commission on Human Rights, 22 
United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop- 
ment. See Trade : U.N. Trade and Development 
Conference. 
United Nations Day (19G4), 803 
United Nations Economic Commissions. See Economic 

Commissions. 
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization. See Educational, Scientific and Cul- 
tural Organization, U.N. 
United Nations Emergency Force In the Middle East, 
peacekeeping operation, U.N. financial crisis 
(Meeker), 800 
United Nations Institute (Cleveland), 457 
United Nations Truce Supervision Organization, 61 
United Nations Trusteeship Council. See Trusteeship 

Council, U.N. 
United States Advisory Commission on International 

Educational and Cultural Affairs, 805, 976 
United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. 
See Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. 



United States-Canadian Economic Committee, 774 
United States-Canadian joint defense programs 

(Rusk). 771 
United States-Canadian Working Group, 448 
United States citizens and nationals: 
Protection of: 

Bolivia, release of hostages, 9 

Cuba, limitation on travel, 10 

Panama, U.S. Army use of arms, 1" i 
Tasks confronting ( Harrlman), 4<>2 
r.s. National Organizations for the United Nations, 

international cooperation by, 453 
United States-Panamanian treaty of friendship and 

cooperation of 1036, 155 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United 

Nations, 1000 
Universal postal convention. Sec Postal convention. 
UNTSO. See United Nations Truce Supervision Or- 
ganization. 
Uruguay, agreement on the importation of educational, 

scientific, and cultural materials, and protocol, 945 
U.S.S.R. See Soviet Union. 

Vaiont Dam disaster, Italian government provides 

relief, 803 
Vatican City, treaties, agreements, etc., 220 
Vaughn, Jack Hood, 6S4 
Venezuela : 
Communist aggression and subversion in: Rostow. 

500 ; Rusk, 408 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 145, 1S6, 6S5, 805, 917 
Vessels. See Ships. 

Vienna conventions on consular and diplomatic re- 
lations. See under Consular relations and Diplo- 
matic relations. 
Vlet-Nam, North : 
Advantages to, from coups in South, 522, 730 
Aggression in South Vlet-Nam, Communists support 

(Rusk), 890 
Atrocities committed by : McNamara, 564 ; Stevenson. 

908 
Cambodian territory, use of (Stevenson), 939 
Guerrilla warfare (Stevenson), 910 
Soviet Union positions re possible U.S. action In 

(Rusk), 408 
U.S. policy, 480, S30 

Violation of Geneva accords: McNamara, 507; Rusk, 
191, 734 ; Stevenson, 909 
Viet-Nam, Republic of : 
Cambodia-Viet-Nam border Incident (Stevenson). 

907, 1002 
Civil Administrative Corps, duties of (McNamara), 

569 
Current situation In : McNamara, 562, 897 ; Rusk, 44, 

46, 403, 445, 890 
Military situation in (Rusk), 281,439 
National Institute of Administration, established 

(McNamara), 563 
Possibility of political settlement in (Rusk) . 408 
Special report on, by International Control Commis- 
sion ( McNamara ) , 507 



INDEX, JANUARY TO JUNE 1064 



1049 



Viet-Nam, Republic of — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 269, 762, 1021 
U.S. commitments : Johnson, 953 ; Rusk, 694 
U.S. continues relations with new leaders, 239 
U.S. objectives in (MeNamara),564 
U.S. policy in: McNamara, 562; Rusk, 735; White 

House release, 523 
U.S. support and assistance to: Johnson, 121, 891; 
McNainara, 569, 897; White House statement, 
522 
Visas (see also Immigration), nonimmigrant visa fees, 

abolition of, agreement with Yugoslavia, 722 
Voice of America (Rusk) , 81, 330 

Walsh, Mrs. Lee, 684 

War, danger of, measures to prevent: McGhee, 492; 

Rusk, 392, 597 
Ward, Paul, 330 

Water resources, cooperative development of : 
Colombia River Basin, exchange of notes with Can- 
ada re treaty, 226 
Desalting program, discussions with Israel re, 285, 
1001 
Weather: 
North Atlantic Ocean stations, agreement (1954) on, 

Pakistan, 69 
World Meteorological Organization. See World 
Meteorological Organization. 
Weaver, Robert C, 977 
Weizmann Institute of Science, 285 
Welland Canal, agreement with Canada re tolls, 68, 

69, 685 
Westerfield, Samuel Z., Jr., 101 
Western alliance : 

Interdependence of (Ball), 290 
Strong and united, importance of, 337 
U.S.-U.K. relationships (Rusk), 821 
Western Hemisphere : 

Cuba, security threat (Rusk), 820 
Subversive activities in (Rusk), 191 
Western Pacific : 

U.S. position (Rusk), 737 
U.S. security interests in (Rusk) , 733 
Whaling convention (1946), international, schedule 

of, 144 
Wheat, sale to Soviet Union : Harriman, 507 ; Rusk, 81 
Wheat agreement (1962), international: Belgium, 

Luxembourg, 602 
Whitaker, Arthur, 997 
White, Ivan B., 685 
White, Mrs. Katharine Elkus, 684 
WHO. See World Health Organization. 
Wiesner, Jerome B., 933 
Williams, G. Mennen : 
Addresses, remarks and statements : 
Africa : 

Communist influence in, 370 
Diplomatic rapport, Africa-U.S., 698 
Issues at the U.N., 751 



Williams, G. Mennen — Continued 

Addresses, remarks and statements — Continued 
Africa — Continued 
Problems and progress, 501, 665 
Regional and economic cooperation in, 503 
Trade barriers, 664 

Visits to West and Central Africa, 828 
Wirtz, W. Willard, 4, 99 
Witman, William, II, 946 

WMO. See World Meteorological Organization. 
Women : 

Convention on political rights of, Madagascar, 646 

Equal opportunities (Rusk), 631 

Status of (Louchheim),347 
World Bank. See International Bank. 
World community, U.S. objectives for (Rostow), 867 
World Court. See International Court of Justice. 
World Pood Program (Cleveland), 551 
World Health Organization, Constitution of: Kenya, 

428 ; Zanzibar, 646 
World leadership : 

Resources for ( Ball) , 290 

Structure of ( Stevenson) , 617 

Trainingfor (Manning), 541 
World Meteorological Organization : 

Convention of : Kenya, 1021 ; Somali Republic, 469 

Weather satellites. See Meteorological satellites. 

World Weather Watch : Cleveland, 454 ; Stevenson, 
618 
World responsibilities, new concepts of (Ball), 288, 

826 
World Society : 

Obstacles to (Johnson, L. B.), 990 

Peace, purpose of (Johnson, L. B. ) , 991 
World Trade Week, 1964, proclamation, 935 

Yemen : 
Civil aviation, international, convention (1944) on, 

761 
Independence supported by Saudi Arabia and U.A.R. 
(Rusk), 439 
Young, Kenneth T., 470, 759 
Yugoslavia : 
Congo assessments, partial payment of (Meeker) , 801 
Economic growth (Rusk), 479 
Trade, U.S., nondiscriminatory treatment (Johnson, 

L.B.),626, 729 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 226, 722, 882, 917 
U.S. Ambassador, confirmation, 226 
U.S. policy toward: Harriman, 508; Rusk, 391, 394 

Zanzibar : 
Independence, congratulations on (Johnson, L. B.), 

17 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 646 
U.N. membership, 32 
U.S. recognition of, 424 



i o:,o 



US. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEtl96B 

DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF DOTTED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. L, No. 1280 




January 6, 1964 



KEEPING AND STRENGTHENING THE PEACE 
Address by President Johnson 2 

NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL HOLDS MINISTERIAL MEETING 
Message From President Johnson and Text of Communique 29 

FIFTEENTH ANNIVERSARY OF UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS 

Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson and Address by Richard N. Gardner 19 

DOTTED STATES POLICY TOWARD COMMUNIST CHINA 
by Assistant Secretary Hilsman 11 



For index see inside back cover 



Keeping and Strengthening the Peace 



Address by President Johnson* 



Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, dis- 
tinguished delegates to the United Nations, 
ladies and gentlemen : 

We meet in a time of mourning but in a 
moment of rededication. My nation has lost 
a great leader. This organization has lost a 
great friend. World peace has lost a great 
champion. 

But John Kennedy was the author of new 
hope for mankind, hope which was shared by 
a whole new generation of leaders in every con- 
tinent, and we must not let grief turn us away 
from that hope. He never quarreled with the 
past. He always looked at the future. And 
our task now is to work for the kind of future 
in which he so strongly believed. 

I have come here today to make it unmistak- 
ably clear that the assassin's bullet which took 
his life did not alter his nation's purpose. We 
are more than ever opposed to the doctrines of 

1 Made before the U.N. General Assembly at the 
United Nations, N.Y., on Dec. 17 (White House press 
release (New York, N.Y.) ; as-delivered text). 



hate and violence, in our own land and around 
the world. We are more than ever committed 
to the ride of law, in our own land and around 
the world. We believe more than ever in the 
rights of man — all men of every color — in our 
own land and around the world. And more 
than ever we support the United Nations as the 
best instrument yet devised to promote the peace 
of the world and to promote the well-being of 
mankind. 

I can tell you today, as I told you in 1958, 
when I came as majority leader of the United 
States Senate to the First Committee of this 
great tribunal, 2 that the full power and part- 
nership of the United States is committed to 
our joint effort to eliminate war and the threat 
of war, aggression and the danger of violence, 
and to lift from all people everywhere the 
blight of disease and poverty and illiteracy. 

Like all human institutions, the United Na- 
tions has not achieved the highest of hopes that 
some held at its birth. Our understanding of 



3 Bulletin of Dec. 15, 1958, p. 977. 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1280 PUBLICATION 7639 JANUARY 6, 1964 



The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
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fairs, provides the public and Interested 
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Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 



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the functions of the Department. Infor- 
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Publications of the Department, United 
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DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



how to live — live with one another — is still far 
behind our knowledge of how to destroy one 
another. 

But as our problems have grown, this orga- 
nization has grown, in numbers, in authority, 
in prestige, and its member nations have grown 
with it, in responsibility and in maturity. 

We have seen too much success to become ob- 
sessed with failure. The peacekeeping machin- 
ery of the United Nations has worked in (he 
Congo, in the Middle East, and elsewhere. 
The great transition from colonial rule to inde- 
pendence has been largely accomplished. The 
Decade of Development has successfully begun. 
The world arms race has been slowed. The 
struggle for human rights has been gaining 
new force. 

And a start has been made in furthering 
mankind's common interest in outer space, in 
scientific exploration, in communications, in 
weather forecasting, in banning the stationing 
of nuclear weapons, and in establishing princi- 
ples of law. 

I know that vast problems remain — conflicts 
between great powers, conflicts between small 
neighbors, disagreements over disarmament, 
persistence of ancient wrongs in the area of 
human rights, residual problems of colonialism, 
and all the rest. But men and nations, working 
apart, created these problems; and men and na- 
tions, working together, must solve them. 

They can solve them with the help of this 
organization when all members make it a work- 
shop for constructive action and not a forum 
for abuse, when all members seek its help in 
settling their own disputes as well as the dis- 
putes of others, when all members meet their 
financial obligations to it, and when all mem- 
bers recognize that no nation and no party and 
no single system can control the future of man. 

The Problems of Hunger, Poverty, and Disease 

When I entered the Congress of the United 
States 27 years ago, it was my very great priv- 
ilege to work closely with President Franklin 
Delano Roosevelt. As a Member of Congress 
I worked with him to bring about a profound 
but peaceful revolution. That peaceful revo- 
lution brought help and hope to the one-third 
of our nation that was then "ill-housed, ill-clad, 
ill-nourished." 



We helped our working men and women ob- 
tain more jobs, and we helped them obtain bet- 
ter wages. We helped our farmers to own and 
improve their own land, and conserve their soil 
and water, and electrify their farms. 

We harnessed the powers of the great rivers, 
as in the Tennessee Valley and Lower Colorado. 
We encouraged the growth of cooperatives and 
trade unions. We curbed the excesses of pri- 
vate speculation. We built homes in the place 
of city slums, and we extended the rights of 
freedom of all our citizens. 

Now, on the world scale the time has come, 
as it came to America 30 years ago, for a new 
era of hope — hope and progress for that one- 
third of mankind that is still beset by hunger, 
poverty, and disease. 

In my travels on behalf of my country and 
President Kennedy I have seen too much of 
misery and despair in Africa, in Asia, in Latin 
America. I have seen too often the ravages of 
hunger and tapeworm and tuberculosis, and 
the scabs and scars on too many children who 
have too little health and no hope. 

I think that you and I and our countries and 
this organization can, and must, do something 
about these conditions. I am not speaking here 
of a new way of life to be imposed by any single 
nation. I am speaking of a higher standard 
of living to be inspired by these United Na- 
tions. It will not be achieved through some 
hopeful resolution in this Assembly but through 
a peaceful revolution in the world, through a 
recommitment of all our members, rich and 
poor, and strong and weak, whatever their lo- 
cation or their ideology, to the basic principles 
of human welfare and of human dignity. 

In this effort the United States will do its 
full share. In addition to bilateral aid we have 
with great satisfaction assisted in recent years 
in the emergence and the improvement of inter- 
national developmental institutions, both within 
and without this organization. 

We favor the steady improvement of collec- 
tive machinery for helping the less developed 
nations build modern societies. We favor an 
international aid program that is international 
in practice as well as purpose. Every nation 
must do its share. All United Nations members 
can do better. We ran act more often together. 
We can build together a much better world. 



JANUARY 6, 1964 



The Greatest of Common Tasks 

The greatest of human problems, and the 
greatest of our common tasks, is to keep the 
peace and save the future. All that we have 
built in the wealth of nations, and all that we 
plan to do toward a better life for all, will be 
in vain if our feet should slip, or our vision 
falter, and our hopes end in another world- 
wide war. If there is one commitment more 
than any other that I would like to leave with 
you today, it is my unswerving commitment to 
the keeping and to the strengthening of the 
peace. Peace is a journey of a thousand miles, 
and it must be taken one step at a time. 

We know what we want : The United States 
wants to see the cold war end; we want to see 
it end once and for all. The United States 
wants to prevent the dissemination of nuclear 
weapons to nations not now possessing them. 
The United States wants to press on with arms 
control and reduction. The United States 
wants to cooperate with all the members of this 
organization to conquer everywhere the ancient 
enemies of mankind — hunger, and disease, and 
ignorance. The United States wants sanity, 
and security, and peace for all, and above all. 

President Kennedy, I am sure, would regard 
as his best memorial the fact that in his 3 years 
as President the world became a little safer and 
the way ahead became a little brighter. To the 
protection and the enlargement of this new hope 
for peace, I pledge my country and its 
Government. 

My friends and fellow citizens of the world, 
soon you will return to your homelands. I hope 
you will take with you my gratitude for your 
generosity in hearing me so late in the session. 
I hope you will convey to your countrymen the 
gratitude, of all Americans for the companion- 
ship of sorrow which you shared with us in your 
messages of the last few weeks. And I hope that 
you will tell them that the United States of 
America, sobered by tragedy, united in sorrow, 
renewed in spirit, faces the New Year deter- 
mined that world peace, civil rights, and human 
welfare become not an illusion but a reality. 

Man's age-old hopes remain our goal — that 
this world, under God, can be safe for diversity, 
and free from hostility, and a better place for 
our children and for all generations in the years 



to come. And therefore any man and any na- 
tion that seeks peace and hates war, and is will- 
ing to fight the good fight against hunger and 
disease and ignorance and misery, will find the 
United States of America by their side, willing 
to walk with them — walk with them every step 
of the way. 



Secretary Rusk Participates 
in "CBS Reports" Program 

On December 18 Secretary Rusk was one of 
four Cabinet members x to appear on a "CBS 
Reports''' television program entitled "John F. 
Kennedy: The View From the Cabinet" a 
group of separate interviews in which the par- 
ticipants gave their impressions of the late 
President and commented on domestic and in- 
ternational events. Following are Secretary 
Rusk's remarks made during the early portion 
of the program and his interview with Marvin 
Kalb, CBS State Department correspondent. 

Press release 633 dated December 18 

Impressions of President Kennedy 

I think the President's interest was almost 
all-consuming. As you know, he was a great 
reader. He had unlimited curiosity. And he 
felt very intensely about what I have called un- 
finished business : What ought we to be doing 
today that we haven't done as a nation? What 
can we do to anticipate a crisis, forestall it, 
head it off? What can we do to help another 
country get on with its pressing problems? 

These were the brooding concerns. 

I think that he was impatient about hack- 
neyed phrases; he was impatient about stereo- 
typed ideas. He was ready to put all the ideas 
out on the table and look at them. Is this really 
so? Does this really make sense? 



1 The other participants were Secretary of the Treas- 
ury Douglas Dillon. Secretary of Defense Robert S. 
McNamara, and Secretary of Labor W. Willard Wirtz. 



DEFAKTMKNT OF STATE BULLETIN 



President Kennedy had, with his youth and 
freshness and vigor and sense of commitment, 
almost more than we knew, established a per- 
sonal relationship between himself and ordinary 
people in so many countries. Therefore this as- 
sassination came as a very deep shock, and the 
reaction to this from all over the world was one 
of the very moving aspects of this recent 
tragedy. 

I think the reaction of the rest of the world 
to the resilience of our constitutional system, 
the way in which we pulled ourselves together, 
the way in which partisan considerations were 
temporarily set aside to give support to a new 
President, the way in which he picked up and 
immediately carried on with the great stream 
of American policy, this was all very impres- 
sive and encouraging to people in other coun- 
tries. But I will have to say that the double 
tragedy in Dallas, including the murder of the 
murderer, was a great shock to people as well 
and has damaged us right around the world, 
too. 

My chief impression of President Kennedy 
is that he had a deep sense, as you know from 
his statements and his demeanor, of the great 
tradition of freedom in this country. He knew a 
lot about our past and our commitments. But 
he also had an intense commitment to the 
future. He felt himself a young man, as he was, 
born in this century, a veteran of World War II, 
whose primary concern was in building a decent 
world for the future. So this combination of a 
sense of the past and concern for the future was 
his dominant theme. 



Interview With Marvin Kalb 

In one sense President Eisenhower in his sec- 
ond term, and President Kennedy and Presi- 
dent Johnson, faced problems that no other 
American President has ever had to face, be- 
cause in the middle 1950's there came into being 
a massive nuclear strike capability in both di- 
rections — the Soviet Union achieved one. That 
is, a nuclear war became an operational 
prospect. 

President Kennedy once remarked that do- 
mestic issues can only defeat you in an election 



but foreign policy issues can incinerate the 
Northern Hemisphere. 

This is the overriding responsibility of a 
President of the United States, or a Chairman 
of the Soviet Union, or a chief of state of our 
principal allies, because we must manage 
our affairs to protect our vital interests, to re- 
solve our differences without that kind of de- 
struction if possible. And that takes concern 
and personal attention, vigilance, and dedica- 
tion on the part of any President of the United 
States, and I am sure that President Johnson 
is fully committed to this overriding problem 
of his lonely responsibility. 

I would think that at the present time the 
overriding question is East-West relations, 
what is happening in the Communist world, 
and what does that mean in terms of relations 
between the Communist world and the free 
world — the Western World. 

We are very much aware of the dialog be- 
tween Moscow and Peiping. How is that going 
to come out? It looks very real. The issues 
seem to be very deep. And the issues that they 
are debating between themselves are of some 
consequence for us, this issue as between peace- 
ful coexistence on the one side and militancy 
on the other. 

The developments in Eastern Europe are of 
great interest here, indicating that we are in a 
period of change. These Eastern European 
Communist countries have been moving to im- 
prove their relations with Western Europe as 
though this were expressing some of that nos- 
talgic feeling to restore their connections with 
the great centers of Western civilization that 
they were in touch with over so many decades. 
And some of that involves improvement of 
their relations with the United States. This is 
important. 

The "hot line," the nuclear test ban treaty— 
a very significant step— the resolution in the 
United Nations General Assembly, supported 
by the United States and the Soviet Union, to 
ban weapons of mass destruction from orbit in 
outer space — these are significant steps. 

There are some common interests that are 
coming to be better recognized. For example, 
the common interest to avoid a thermonuclear 



JANTJART 6, 1964 



war throughout the Northern Hemisphere, the 
common interest in getting on with some of the 
unfinished business that we have with regard 
to our own people, in this country as well as in 
the Soviet Union. 

Q. Are you talking about civil rights? 

A. I am thinking of, in the case of the Soviet 
Union, the consumer interest in improving their 
standards of living. As far as we are con- 
cerned, in a material sense I would think of 
those hundreds of thousands of new school- 
rooms we need today, and all the other things 
we need for the equipment of our society for its 
great tasks. And I would certainly mention 
civil rights in this regard. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you are speaking now as a 
native of Georgia; so this is apparently a deeply 
personal problem as xoell? 

A. Well, I am a Georgian. I think there are 
many Georgians who think as I do on this 
matter, but I wouldn't pretend to be a spokes- 
man for everyone in that State. No, this is a 
personal matter for a citizen of the United 
States. It is a personal matter that goes into 
one's own personal commitments in morality. 

We have a basic national commitment on this 
question which to me is utterly fundamental to 
our constitutional system and to our concepts 
of freedom. And until we meet these commit- 
ments, our voice is muted abroad. 

I would not suggest that there is not dis- 
crimination in many other countries. There is 
such discrimination. But more is expected of 
the United States. We are looked upon as a 
leader. They are watching us. The klieg lights 
are upon us. And when we fail to meet our 
commitments, this has a major impact in other 
countries. 

Q. Do you feel, sir, that there has been in 
that case considerable exaggeration of the ex- 
tent of the problem betioeen France and the 
United States? 

A. I think the news, for a quite understand- 
able and natural reason, tends to concentrate 
on points of difference. I don't suppose that 
you can stimulate much public interest over 
serenity, or agreement. 

We are cooperating with our allies, including 



France, on a very considerable number of mat- 
ters at any given time. And we are inclined in 
our governmental relations, and on both sides, 
not to exaggerate issues beyond their real 
value — to talk them out, talk them over again, 
to see where we might go on particular prob- 
lems, but not to let these discussions eat into 
or erode the basic commitments of the alliance 
to each other in the face of external threats. 

I think Moscow indeed understands this un- 
derlying unity of the alliance on matters that 
may affect Moscow. 

Q. When you speak of the Soviet Union, sir, 
one of the things that people credited President 
Kennedy with was establishing some kind of 
strange rapport with Premier Khrushchev — 
that there seemed to be considerable respect 
that one had for the other, a respect based ob- 
viously upon a rather profound understanding 
of the interests of either side. Do you feel, 
since this seems to be a personal thing and not 
just betioeen the positions of the President of 
the United States and the Premier of the Soviet 
Union, that President Johnson can carry on 
this line of rapport or accommodation, what- 
ever the right word might be? 

A. I think so, because of the responsibilities 
these two men carry. I think no one can deny 
that the fate of the world does relate very 
definitely to the sense of responsibility of the 
President of the United States and the Chair- 
man of the Soviet Union as the heads of the 
two greatest nuclear powers, for example. 

So that I think you will find that President 
Johnson and Chairman Khrushchev will want 
to keep these contacts open through diplomacy, 
whatever means are suitable, because the issues 
are too great, the stakes are too great, to be 
able to afford a break in contact between those 
who are carrying such heavy responsibilities. 

Q. Do you think that this contact could be 
strengthened by personal encounters? 

A. Well, I think the attitude of Mr. Khru- 
shchev, as well as President Kennedy and Presi- 
dent Johnson, on summit meetings is pretty 
much the same, that if a summit meeting could 
contribute significantly to agreement on im- 
portant matters, these matters could be pre- 



DEr-ARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



pared in advance so that you could have some 
assurance that such a meeting could produce 
good results, that such a meeting of course is 
always possible, but that a meeting which sim- 
ply registers disagreement or accentuates dif- 
ferences has in it some elements of danger that 
might best be avoided. 

So I think that the normal processes of di- 
plomacy will be at work and that summitry is 
not likely to be a habitual practice in this 
relationship. 

• • • • • 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that the United 
States is now internally, domestically, mature 
enough to have the staying power to live with 
long-range problems such as building up the 
democratic spirit in Latin America, the long, 
tortuous relations that are undoubtedly ahead 
of us w-ith Communist China? Do we have the 
maturity to live with these long-range problems 
and come up looking good? 

A. I have complete confidence in the readi- 
ness and the willingness of the American people 
to do what has to be done, and I think what we 
need to do is find a way to explain in detail, with 
all the seriousness that is involved in the issues, 
what the stakes are in this present situation and 
to ask for their support. 

After all, the performance of the American 
people during and since World War II has been 
very impressive. We made a national decision 
to involve ourselves in the fate of the world be- 
cause among other things our own fate was 
deeply involved in what happens elsewhere. 

For example, we are having some difficulty, as 
you know, with foreign aid. We have almost 
a million men in uniform outside the continen- 
tal United States. We put about $50 billion a 
year into our defense budget. It is inconceiv- 
able to me that the American people are not 
ready to spend something less than 10 percent 
of that budget to try to get this job done with- 
out committing those men to combat if possible. 

I have no doubt in my mind that the Ameri- 
can people continue to be willing to work for 
freedom throughout the world, and I think it is 
up to us as political leaders and up to the Con- 
gress to translate that readiness into the neces- 
sary action year after year. 



Of course we get tired; of course there are 
moments of frustration ; of course we get impa- 
tient because things don't move as fast as we 
should like to see them move. But we are di fil- 
ing with a world outside our own borders that 
we can influence ; we can't control it, we can't 
buy it. We can't buy Latin America with an 
Alliance for Progress that represents 2 percent 
of the gross national product of Latin America 
because the 98 percent is theirs. We can't buy 
other countries with an investment that repre- 
sents less than 1 percent of our own gross na- 
tional product. 

So we must stay at it, keep the unfinished 
business in front of us, work at it, and be pre- 
pared to commit the reasonable resources that 
this great task involves. The consequences are 
so utterly costly otherwise that there is no real 
choice in front of us. And I have no doubt 
whatever that the American people are prepared 
for that kind of effort and sacrifice in order to 
build a decent world, rather than sacrifice every- 
thing we have been working for for so many 
generations in this country. 

Q. In terms of the maturity of the state as 
you are now describing it, is that really the ex- 
planation for the remarkably smooth — and this 
is a description applied by many foreigners — 
the remarkably smooth transition from the 
Kennedy to the Johnson administrations? 

A. I think the smoothness of that transition 
depended in the first instance upon the experi- 
ence and the understanding and the tact and the 
energy of President Johnson, who suddenly had 
thrust upon him, under the most tragic of cir- 
cumstances, an awful and lonely responsibility. 
I think a great deal of it also can be attributed 
to the steadiness of the American people them- 
selves, their readiness to respond to their new 
leader, and the attitude of support and good 
wishes which came to him from all directions, 
with partisanship left aside — from the congres- 
sional leaders and from party leaders on both 
sides of the aisle — because the national interest 
required us to draw together at such a moment, 
and the nation did draw together. 

This is something I think that people in other 
parts of the world will not forget for a very 
longtime. 



JANUARY 6, 19G4 



U.S. Reiterates Allied Right 
of Free Access to Berlin 

Following is an exchange of notes between 
the United States and the Soviet Union con- 
cerning the floio of traffic on the autobahn be- 
tween West Germany and Berlin. 



U.S. NOTE OF DECEMBER 18 

Press release 630 dated December 18 

In connection with the note of November 21 
from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs the 
United States Government wishes to make clear 
that the convoy procedures now in force, as 
communicated to Soviet representatives in 
Germany on October 29, are intended to facili- 
tate the orderly and safe flow of traffic on the 
autobahn. The United States, British and 
French convoys of November 4 and 5 followed 
these procedures, as have subsequent convoys. 

The basic Allied right of free and unrestricted 
access to Berlin is in no way limited by pro- 
cedures used since the summer of 1945, which 
have been intended solely to insure orderly and 
safe autobahn traffic. 



SOVIET NOTE OF NOVEMBER 21 

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.K. is 
instructed to state the following in connection with 
the note of the U.S.A. Embassy of November G. 1 

The Soviet Government rejects as without basis the 
protest by the U.S.A. Government concerning the de- 
tention on November 4 at the Soviet control point at 
Marienborn of the American military convoy headed 
for West Berlin. The Soviet Government deems it 
necessary to stress that the above-mentioned detention 
of the American convoy was brought about exclusively 
by the attempt by American military personnel to vio- 
late the existing procedure for the transit of person- 
nel through the Soviet control point. 

It is, of course, well known to the U.S.A. Govern- 
ment that in the summer of 1945 it was agreed by the 
Commanders of the Allied Powers that "the protection, 
supervision maintenance (komendantskaya sluzhba), 
and control (regulirovaniye)" on the highways used 
by personnel of the garrisons of the Three Powers in 
West Berlin, are carried out by the Soviet forces. In 
the course of many years there were no difficulties at 



'For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 25, 1963, p. 818. 



the control points in connection with the implementa- 
tion of these powers by the Soviet military authorities, 
until these kinds of complications were artificially 
created by the American side. 

The U.S. Government, as evident from its note, 
refers to instructions issued by the American mili- 
tary authorities for the commanders of American 
convoys traveling to and from West Berlin through 
the Soviet control points. But these instructions are 
in no degree valid for the Soviet military authorities. 
And in general completely unfounded are the claims 
of the American authorities to establish at their own 
discretion the range of obligations and the manner 
of operation of the Soviet military authorities in 
processing American military personnel at the control 
points. Naturally, if internal instructions for Amer- 
ican troops have the aim of introducing proper order 
into the activities of the American military personnel, 
then this could only be welcomed. But at the same 
time it is fully obvious that these instructions cannot 
serve such an end insofar as they violate one part 
or another of the existing procedure for checking mili- 
tary personnel of the Three Western Powers at the 
control points. 

In its note the U.S.A. Embassy notes that French 
and English military convoys on November 5 passed 
through the control points on the Berlin-Marienborn 
autobahn without any delay. In fact, no friction or 
difficulty arose during the processing of these convoys 
since the commanders of the French and English con- 
voys conducted themselves in accordance with existing 
procedures, presented their personnel for checking, 
and took measures in order that control could be 
accomplished without hindrance and quickly. How- 
ever U.S. military personnel attempted to avoid going 
through the same control procedure even after the 
French and English convoys went through it in the 
presence of the Americans. Only three hours after 
the French convoy was checked did the American 
military personnel finally announce their agreement to 
go through the same check. And then the American 
convoy was able to proceed to West Berlin without 
hindrance. 

It is clear from what is stated that in fact the Amer- 
ican side deliberately created an incident for no pur- 
pose, and then itself protests. 

The question arises as to what is hidden behind the 
repeated attempts of the American military author- 
ities to violate the existing rules for the passage of the 
military convoys of the U.S.A. through the Soviet con- 
trol points in Marienborn and Nowawes. What is it — 
insufficient discipline of American troops or conscious 
actions by those interested in maintaining international 
tensions in conjunction with the absence of a German 
peace settlement and, as result of this, a continuing ab- 
normal situation in West Berlin, namely actions di- 
rected at complicating the situation on the lines of 
communication which the American garrison in West 
Berlin continues to use? 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



If the Government of the United States of America is 
not striving to create incidents such as that which took 
place at the Soviet control point at Marienboru, then It 
remains only for It to give proper instructions to Its 
appropriate military representatives and not to permit 
a situation In which some irresponsible American officer 
by his own actions could provoke dangerous incidents. 
The Soviet Government expects that the Government of 
the United States of America will take measures which 
will put an end to the regrettable acts of American mili- 
tary personnel. At the same time the Soviet Govern- 
ment would like to warn that all responsibility for 
possible undesirable consequences of violation by the 
American troops of the control procedures at the Soviet 
control points will lie wholly with the American side 



Four American Hostages Released 
by Bolivian Miners 

Department Statement * 

Ambassador Douglas Henderson has in- 
formed the Department that the hostages be- 
ing held by the Siglo Veinte miners have been 
released and are now en route to Ornro. They 
•were escorted by the Archbishop of La Paz, 
Abel Antezana, and United States Vice Con- 
sul Charles Thomas. The Ambassador reports 
that the four American hostages are well and 
will spend the night in Oruro, returning to La 
Paz tomorrow morning. 

Both the President and the Secretary have 
followed this situation closely, and all who 
have dealt with this trying situation have 
shared the fears and preoccupations of the fam- 
ilies of these men who were in no way involved 
in the dispute between the Government of Bo- 
livia and certain mine union leaders. 

Many individuals and organizations have 
contributed to the efforts which have finally 
brought about the release of the hostages. In 
particular these negotiations were brought to 
a successful conclusion through the efforts of 
President [Victor] Paz [Estenssoro] and his 
Government acting in close cooperation with 
our Ambassador. 



President Outlines Latin American 
Policy in Letter to Mr. Mann 

Following is the text of a letter from Presi- 
dent Johnson to Thomas C. Mann, UjS. Ambas- 
sador to Mexico. 

White House press release dated December 15 

December 15, 1963. 

Dear Ambassador Mann : I want you to know 
how gratified I am by your response to my re- 
quest that you leave your important position in 
Mexico and come home to take up the tasks we 
have discussed. 1 

I have asked you, in addition to your duties as 
Assistant Secretary, to undertake the coordina- 
tion and direction of all policies and programs 
of the United States government, economic, 
social and cultural, relating to Latin America. 
There can be no illusion that the work will be 
easy. But, as I told you, next to keeping the 
peace — and maintaining the strength and vital- 
ity which makes freedom secure — no work is 
more important for our generation of Amer- 
icans than our work in this hemisphere. 

I am sure you share my pride in the accom- 
plishments to date; my deep gratitude to the 
loyal and dedicated United States officials — 
and the officials of other governments in the 
hemisphere — who have made this possible ; and 
to the Congress for its vision in authorizing and 
financing the Alliance for Progress program. 

I know that you share my determination to 
press to full realization the visions of President 
Roosevelt and President Kennedy of an Ameri- 
can community of Nations moving forward to- 
gether in progress and freedom. 

The Alliance for Progress is a partnership in 
which each free American republic has a part 
to play together. "We must find ways to ex- 
pand education, health, and low-cost housing 
facilities; we must find ways to help govern- 
ments increase revenues by tax reforms and, at 
the same time, maintain an adequate and sus- 



1 Released to the press on Dec. 16 by Robert J. Mc- 
Closkey, Department press officer. For text of a 
White House statement of Dec. 8, see Bulletin of Dec. 
30, 1963. p. 998. 



'Mr. Mann's nomination as an Assistant Secretary 
of State was confirmed on Dec. 19. At a press con- 
ference on Dec. 18 President Johnson announced that 
Mr. Mann would also serve as Special Assistant to the 
President ; on Dec. 27 Mr. Mann was also named U.S. 
Coordinator for the Alliance for Progress. 



JANUARY 6, 1904 



tained rate of economic growth; we must find 
ways to bring about land reform and, at the 
same time, to increase agricultural production. 
Job opportunities must be expanded and edu- 
cational and health facilities and low-cost 
housing must be provided. Social justice is a 
goal for which we must constantly strive. 

All of the American nations must market 
their resources and devote themselves to find- 
ing ways to bring the strength of those resources 
to the task at hand. 

I want you to work closely with private 
United States groups and institutions carrying 
out activities in Latin America. These include, 
but are not limited to, the AFL-CIO, religious 
and charitable groups, cooperatives and the pri- 
vate business sector, which can make the sig- 
nificant contribution envisaged in the Punta del 
Este Charter. 

You will find many outstanding public ser- 
vants throughout our Government who will help 
you in your difficult task. You can count on 
my intense interest and complete support. 
Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson. 



of the United States Government to discourage 
such trade. 

Under the amendment to the present policy, 
persons who control vessels which because of 
charters already entered into have gone or may 
go to Cuba may give assurance that such vessels 
will be excluded from calls at Cuba as quickly 
as the terms of the charter permit, and that all 
other vessels under their control would be kept 
from calling at Cuba. If this assurance is satis- 
factory to the United States, the United States 
may then agree to remove vessels which have 
called at Cuba from the Commerce Department 
list as any such vessel is withdrawn from the 
Cuba trade. 

If any assurance given in accordance with this 
amendment is determined to be untrue or has 
not been complied with, all ships owned or con- 
trolled by the persons making such an assurance 
will immediately be declared ineligible for the 
carriage of United States Government-financed 
cargoes from United States ports. 



U.S. Repeats Warning 
on Travel to Cuba 



U.S. Approves Amendment 
to Cuban Shipping Policy 

Department Statement 

Press release 629 dated December 16 

The United States Government has approved 
an amendment to its Cuban shipping policy 
which is expected to result in a substantial addi- 
tional reduction over the next 12 to 15 months 
of the number of those free-world ships now 
calling at Cuba. 

The present policy provides that United 
States Government-financed cargoes will not be 
shipped from United States ports on foreign 
flag vessels engaged in trade with Cuba. The 
Commerce Department maintains a list of such 
ineligible vessels. In its original form the policy 
provided for the removal of a vessel from this 
list when its owners gave satisfactory assurance 
that no ships under their control would from 
the date of the assurance be employed in the 
Cuba trade, so long as it remained the policy 



Press release 640 dated December 21 

Since January 16, 1961, it has been unlawful 
for Americans to travel to Cuba without a pass- 
port specifically validated for such travel. 1 
This prohibition should be understood by all 
Americans. 

The limitation on travel to Cuba is based on 
a number of factors. Primary among them is 
the joint effort by the United States and other 
American Republics to check the efforts of the 
Castro regime to subvert other countries in this 
hemisphere. 

Since the informal meeting of Foreign Minis- 
ters of the American Republics in October 
1962 - when special consideration was given to 
the dangers of travel to Cuba for subversive 
training, the American governments have been 
cooperating through the Organization of Amer- 
ican States to develop and carry out measures 

1 For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 6, 1961, p. 
178. 

3 For text of a final communique issued on Oct 3, 
1962, see ibid., Oct. 22, 1962, p. 598. 



10 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



for the control of travel to that country. The 
governments of the hemisphere have reluctantly 
taken these steps to limit the travel of their 
citizens, but they are necessary defensive meas- 
ures against the continuing attempts by the 
Castro regime and its agents to subvert and de- 
stroy the free institutions of our neighboring 
American Republics. 

Under present conditions the prohibition 
against unauthorized travel to Cuba is, there- 
fore, an essential part of this country's foreign 
policy. Any United States citizen who travels 
to Cuba without a specifically validated pass- 
port has both violated the law and directly im- 
paired the conduct of our foreign affairs. 

Persons with a legitimate need to travel to 



Cuba may submit their passports for validation 
in accordance with the Depart incut's practice. 

The Department of State has received infor- 
mation that several groups of American citizens 
may be planning to travel to Cuba during the 
Christmas holidays without specifically vali- 
dated passports. Criminal penalties are pro- 
vided under existing law to prevent such travel. 
Indictments are now pending against persons 
on the charge that they traveled to Cuba last 
summer without passports specifically validated 
for that purpose. 

Persons who may consider engaging in such 
travel should be on notice that if they do so, 
their passports will be withdrawn and they may 
be subject to criminal prosecution. 



United States Policy Toward Communist China 



by Roger Hilsman 

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs x 



I am honored to be invited to this distin- 
guished forum. Here in San Francisco you 
stand at the gateway to the problems and 
promise of the Pacific. As one currently re- 
sponsible for dealing with the problems and 
furthering the promise of this region, I feel a 
special obligation to you. 

Asia is not on fire ; but portions of it smolder 
with each morning's headlines — a new South 
Viet-Nam government struggling to defeat 
Communist terrorism, Indonesia in a period of 
"confrontation" with the new Malaysia, Cam- 
bodia seeking an altered power balance between 
East and West to preserve its neutrality and 
independence, and many lesser conflicts. 

I could focus today on any one of these prob- 
lems, and our time would be too little to do it 



1 Address made before the Commonwealth Club at 
San Francisco, Calif., on Dec. 13 (press release 618 
dated Dec. 12). 



justice. For the passions of nationalism — at its 
best and at its most vexing — are at floodtide in 
much of Asia. And out of the interaction of 
these passions and the threat of Communist 
aggression are emerging new national iden- 
tities and new national purposes. 

Of course, the paradox of nation building is 
that the ultimate guarantee of its success lies 
in the capacity of national leaders to transcend 
parochial nationalism and to understand the 
interdependence of all peoples. How to bring 
peaceful regional cooperation out of conflicting 
national revolutions — that is the key question. 

In the Far East that question has a special 
significance. For the evolution of each Asian 
state is taking place today under the long shad- 
ows cast by China — by the China of history that 
was for so long the matrix of East Asian civili- 
zation, and by the mainland China of today, 
the torchbearer of a rigid totalitarian ideology 
that threatens all its neighbors. 



JANUARY 6, 19 64 



11 



For Americans, China presents a special 
problem in history. We first met Chinese civili- 
zation late in the decay of its imperial splendor. 
For a century we sent out to China our traders, 
our missionaries, our educators, our doctors, and 
our good will. In the turmoil that followed the 
Chinese revolution of 1911 we felt a special 
kinship with China's culture and people. In 
World War II we became the stanchest of allies. 

Yet our involvement with China, while in- 
tense, was not wholly real; it was fed by illu- 
sions as well as good will. We knew little — and 
understood less — of imperial China's strength 
and unity. We had little understanding of the 
ferment and weakness created by the collapse 
of the Confucian state. And we were little 
aware of the depth and fervor of Chinese na- 
tionalism in reaction to a sense of repeated 
humiliation at the hands of the West. 

As a result Americans were totally unpre- 
pared for the tragedy of the Chinese revolu- 
tion : its capture by Marxism-Leninism and its 
transformation into a fiercely hostile force — 
hostile to the West and menacing to its neigh- 
bors. Our reaction was anger and disbelief, a 
sense of personal betrayal. 

Today, 14 years have passed since the estab- 
lishment of the Communist government in Pei- 
ping. It is time to take stock — dispassion- 
ately — of the greatest and most difficult problem 
we face in our efforts to assist in the development 
of a peaceful Far East. 

U.S. Does Not "Ignore" China 

Let me begin by disposing of a myth. It is 
frequently charged that the United States Gov- 
ernment is "ignoring" China and its 700 million 
people. 

This is simply untrue. We do not ignore our 
ally, the Government of the Republic of China. 
We do not ignore the 12 million people in Tai- 
wan. Nor, in fact, do we ignore the people on 
the mainland. We are very much aware of 
them, and we have a deep friendship for them. 
Nor, finally, do we ignore the Communist leader- 
ship which has established itself on the main- 
land. We meet with them from time to time, 
as at the periodic talks between our ambassa- 
dors in Warsaw. We should like to be less ig- 
norant of them and for them to be less ignorant 



of us. To this end we have been striving for 
years to arrange an exchange of correspondents ; 
but we have been put off with the assertion that 
so long as the "principal issue" — which they de- 
fine in terms of their absurd charge that we are 
"occupying" Taiwan — is unresolved, there can 
be no progress on "secondary issues." 

If we have not persuaded the Chinese Com- 
munists to allow an exchange of correspondents 
and to lower the wall of secrecy with which they 
surround themselves, we have nevertheless spent 
considerable effort in trying to understand what 
manner of men the Chinese Communists are, 
what are their ambitions, and what are the prob- 
lems which stand in their way. We have tried 
to be objective and to see to it that dislike of 
communism does not becloud our ability to see 
the facts. 

Failure of the "Great Leap Forward" 

What is the essence of our analysis? What 
sort of people are the Chinese Communists? 
What kind of power is at their disposal? 

These are important questions. We shall be 
in danger if we let our policies be guided by 
emotionalism or our thought processes by 
cliches. Our policies flow from the answers to 
these questions, and it is not enough that we 
prove ourselves properly anti-Communist by 
repeating anti-Communist phrases. 

First and foremost, the Chinese Communist 
leaders have shown themselves to be danger- 
ously overconfident and wedded to outdated 
theories but pragmatic when their existence is 
threatened. 

Take the example of the so-called "great leap 
forward" of 1958-1960. You have undoubtedly 
heard that it was a catastrophe, and so it was. 
The Chinese Communist leaders did not under- 
stand the laws of the economically possible, and 
they undertook to do what could not be done. 
The collapse was extraordinary. Agriculture 
has barely regained its 1957 level, but there may 
be 70 million more mouths to feed. Industrial 
production fell by perhaps one-half between 
1959 and 1962. The Chinese Communists first 
blamed the weather, then blamed the Russians. 
But, as their educated men must know, they have 
above all else to blame their own attempt to re- 
write economics. I am still astounded at the 



12 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



arrogance of a leadership which believed that 
what all others have learned about economics 
was wrong and that it had by some flash of 
illumination come upon the truth. 

The failure of the "great leap" is not the only 
lesson which we may learn from this period of 
internal crisis. Though the economy collapsed, 
the regime did not. Nor was its authority effec- 
tively challenged. It retained firm command of 
the instruments of control. 

Equally important, the leaders have learned, 
and publicly admit, that it will take generations 
before China becomes a modern industrial 
power. They have finally shown an ability to 
temper their grandiose slogans and frenetic 
schemes. 

To be sure, communism has yet to prove that 
it can make agriculture work. The Commu- 
nists have swallowed their Marxism and al- 
lowed the return of small private plots, but 
they have not abandoned collectivized agricul- 
ture. This dogmatic contrariness in a land 
which is still overwhelmingly agricultural may 
yet bring them even greater troubles. More- 
over, recent failures have eroded the morale and 
discipline of the movement. 

Nevertheless the Communists did correct the 
most dangerous mistakes of the "great leap for- 
ward." "When their survival depended upon 
it, they showed flexibility in meeting the threat, 
and we have no reason to believe that there is 
a present likelihood that the Communist regime 
will be overthrown. 

A second major fact about Communist China's 
leaders is their parochialism: They have seen 
extraordinarily little of the outside world, and 
their world view is further constricted by their 
ideology. Thirty to forty years ago they took 
over certain Marxist economic assumptions and 
Lenin's technique for organizing a disciplined 
party. To these Mao Tse-tung added certain 
tactical innovations. Such methods worked in 
their struggle for power, and they expect them 
to work in their struggle for modernization. I 
believe, however, that there are men at the sec- 
ond echelon who know that the "great leap for- 
ward'' reflected a stubborn addiction to theories 
which do not work in a modern world. Yet I 
wonder whether the leadership has absorbed the 
same lessons. 



These are the "Marxist puritans"; they see 
all the world as a conflict between unblemished 
good and unredeemable evil. Few people con- 
sider themselves wrong and evil, but there are 
very few people on earth who are so sublimely 
confident as are the Chinese Communist leaders 
that they are always right and good, 'liny 
have arrogated to themselves the right to repre- 
sent the "revolution." Those who disagree are 
automatically wrong and evil. This attitude is 
displayed in their quarrel with the Russians. 

Unfortunately, in this world there is no as- 
surance that people are good because they think 
they are good or that they are right because 
they think they are right. If the Chinese Com- 
munists are obsessed with their own goodness, 
rather than being consciously evil as (hey often 
appear to others, the threat which they pose to 
a peaceful world is not thereby diminished. 
Mao and his colleagues are simply unaware of 
some of the vital ideas which have moved civili- 
zation. For them there is no problem of the 
relationship between man and society : The in- 
dividual must yield. These men know nothing 
of the genuine purposes of democracy or of 
constitutional government. These are men who 
say that "all progressive wars are just, and all 
wars that impede progress are unjust," and 
who then reserve the right to decide what is 
"progress." These are men who comfortably 
clothe their own dictatorship in a cloak of doc- 
trinal righteousness. Where such men triumph, 
some of civilization's most precious values are 
eclipsed. And they have proclaimed their de- 
termination to spread their system everywhere. 

Is this permanent? Musi we live indefinitely 
with such men? 

Perhaps I am too optimistic; but there is 
some evidence of evolutionary forces at work 
in mainland China. As I have said, the present 
leaders have seen remarkably little of the out- 
side world. They have conquered mainland 
China. They may believe that, with concepts 
unchanged, they can go on to conquer the world. 
These leaders, however, were deep in rural China 
when the rest of the world was debut ing Keynes 
and sharpening the tools of economic analysis. 
They may not yet have absorbed all the lessons 
of the "great leap forward"; but the more so- 
phisticated second echelon of leadership un- 



JAXTTARY 6, 1904 



13 



doubtedly knows that it was simple ignorance 
of the techniques of administering a complex 
economy which led to many of the mistakes of 
1958. This economic example is particularly 
striking; it could be repeated throughout the 
sciences and humanities. The leaders may not 
know it, but the intellectuals know that the 
official explanation is not adequate as a descrip- 
tion of reality. As these ideas seep upward or 
as the present leaders retire, this awareness may 
eventually profoundly erode the present simple 
view with which the leadership regards the 
world. 

Furthermore, an economy becomes geomet- 
rically more complex as it modernizes, as the 
stages of production multiply, and as wants 
become more diverse. Rule by command be- 
comes progressively less effective than encour- 
aging the exercise of personal initiative in run- 
ning such a society. The Chinese Communists 
have shown that they see the problem ; but they 
have not shown themselves willing to sacrifice 
their doctrinal orthodoxy, as will be required if 
they are to deal with the problem. 

In China today the old gods have been struck 
down and Marx, Lenin, and Mao Tse-tung put 
in their place. We see no signs yet that a new 
credo is on the rise to replace this present pan- 
theon. "We may see a leadership professedly 
Marxist for some time, even if its values and 
priorities change. This process of change is not 
automatic, nor is it likely to happen very fast. 
Nevertheless, the present leaders have shown 
that they already fear it, in their efforts to resur- 
rect "revolutionary awareness." We do not 
know which way these changes will go, but — 
and here is my point — neither do the Chinese 
Communists. 

What about the appeal of the Chinese Com- 
munists to the new nations of the world ? They 
have scored some successes with extremists 
everywhere in identifying themselves as the 
radical end of the Communist movement. 
Peiping has been alert to the worldwide oppor- 
tunities for playing on nationalistic differences 
and prejudices and gaining toeholds within the 
so-called national liberation movements or 
among the dissatisfied and disgruntled. We 
may expect this process to continue. These suc- 
cesses, however, may be more apparent than 
real. As extremists approach power, they may 



become less radical and may weigh more heav- 
ily the questions as to who can offer them more 
support and more protection. 

The Chinese Communists are "true believers," 
arrogant in the assumption that other countries 
will wish to do things their way and will see the 
world as they see it ; they cannot see themselves 
and their own beliefs as the product of a special 
time and place. But if there is a tendency 
afoot in the world, it would seem to be in the 
opposite direction, as more countries look to 
their own national ideals and interests rather 
than to an unquestioning faith in Marxism- 
Leninism. 

Thus the Chinese Communists have set them- 
selves up as a model for the less developed na- 
tions. But, like the king in the fairy tale, they 
seem unaware that they have no clothes. Others 
see, though the Chinese Communists have not, 
that the failure of the "great leap forward" has 
shown the model to be gravely deficient. 

Taiwan, a Model for Chinese Development 

The tragedy of the closed and stagnant so- 
ciety on the mainland is dramatized by the ro- 
bust survival of an alternative model for Chi- 
nese development : the record of the Government 
of the Republic of China on Taiwan. 

Here the modernization of Chinese society 
has taken place outside the Communist strait- 
jacket — and the results are extraordinarily im- 
pressive. 

Of the Republic of China I can only say: 
"Go see for yourself." While Communist China 
has suffered the disaster of the "great leap for- 
ward," Taiwan has enjoyed a sustained and re- 
markable economic growth. The model of 
Taiwan's development in the past 15 years is of 
increasing interest to the less developed nations 
everywhere. In time the contrast with the 
mainland can hardly be lost upon those nations 
which have an opportunity to see it. 

Stereotypes die hard, and Communist China 
by its sheer size exercises a fascination ; but if the 
economic techniques used by the Republic of 
China over the next few years yield the great 
gains in economic and social welfare that we 
have reason to expect, the impact on other de- 
veloping nations will be considerable. And we 
may see a diminution in the attractive power 



14 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



of industrialization carried out through the 
suffering 'which seems to he the inescapable 
companion of economic growth in Communist 
countries. 

Not alone through economic accomplish- 
ment the Republic of China has the opportu- 
nity to preserve and vitalize the humane tradi- 
tions and values of Chinese civilization in the 
course of its modernization. These are a legacy 
which the. Chinese Communists are attempting 
to eradicate on the mainland. 

U.S. Purposes Are Peaceful and Defensive 

You have expected me to talk about Ameri- 
can policy, and I have talked mostly about Com- 
munist China's prospects. I have had a reason 
for doing this. Policies based upon a misap- 
prehension of reality may lead us far from the 
goals we seek. There has perhaps been more 
emotion about our China policy than about our 
policy toward any single country since World 
War II. Yet our nation must look squarely at 
China, pursuing policies which will protect the 
interests of our country, of the free world, and 
of men of good will everywhere. 

Our prime objective concerning Communist 
China is that it not subvert or commit aggression 
against its free-world neighbors. It must not 
be allowed to accomplish for communism 
through force of arms that success which it has 
rarely achieved at the ballot box. 

President Kennedy called our purposes in the 
Far East peaceful and defensive. And so they 
remain. 

If the free-world governments of Asia are 
responsive to the needs and wishes of their own 
peoples, and if they have developed the tech- 
niques and machinery for fulfilling the role of 
government in their countries, communism can 
endanger them only through the naked threat 
of military force. Most of the countries thus 
threatened are too small to stand alone against 
such a threat, and they need to use their re- 
sources for their people's welfare rather than for 
the creation of an elaborate war machine. We 
have undertaken in many cases to provide the 
protection against massive attack which will 
permit them to pursue their own destinies 
unafraid. 

Our military assistance in the Far East has 



been given with the objective of permitting 
Asian nations to develop the forces to defend 
their own borders and to protect themselves 
against probing attacks and paramilitary chal- 
lenges. This is a necessary and grave 
responsibility. 

However, I think that our hearts lie in that 
assistance which we can give in another direc- 
tion : in helping them to establish the economic 
and political conditions in which a free society 
can flourish. This is particularly agreeable to 
us, because these are the tilings which those 
countries would want to do, and which we 
would want to help them to do, whether or not 
communism existed. 

Before I close, there is one other area in which 
questions have been raised about American 
policy and in which a clarification of this Gov- 
ernment's position is timely. I refer to the 
apparent differences in the policies which we 
are adopting toward the Soviet Union and to- 
ward Communist China. We maintain a policy 
of nonrecognition and trade embargo of Com- 
munist China — at a time when we are willing 
to broaden contact with the Soviet Union. 

The Soviet Union and Communist China do 
share the goal of communizing the world. But 
we see important differences in the thinking 
and tactics of the two. In the U.S.S.R. the 
Communists were developing a modern indus- 
trial society precisely when in China they were 
conducting a guerrilla war from rural bases. 
The Soviet leadership seems to have absorbed 
certain lessons from its more extended develop- 
ment — as to the values and priorities which 
one may safely pursue on a small planet and 
as to the price of miscalculating the nature of 
the outside world. 

We believe that the policies which have 
proved their worth with Moscow are equally 
valid for our long-term relations with Peiping. 
But we also believe that our approach should 
be adapted to the differences in behavior be- 
tween the two, as they relate to our own na- 
tional objectives. 

First and foremost, we fully honor our close 
and friendly ties with the people of the Re- 
public of China on Taiwan and with their Gov- 
ernment. We conceive of this relationship not 
as an historical accident but as a matter of basic 



JANUARY G, 19r, 4 



15 



principle. So long as Peiping insists on the 
destruction of this relationship as the sine qua 
non for any basic improvement in relations be- 
tween ourselves and Communist China, there 
can be no prospect for such an improvement. 

Our differing policies toward the Soviet 
Union and Communist China derive, secondly, 
from their differing attitudes toward negotia- 
tions, as such, even in limited areas. Faced 
with the realities of the nuclear age, the Soviet 
Union appears to recognize that certain in- 
terests — notably survival — are shared by all 
mankind. Peiping, however, remains wedded 
to a fundamentalist form of communism which 
emphasizes violent revolution, even if it threat- 
ens the physical ruin of the civilized world. 
It refuses to admit that there are common in- 
terests which cross ideological lines. 

Third, United States policy is influenced by 
Chinese communism's obsessive suspicion of the 
outside world, far exceeding even that of the 
Soviet Union. Whereas Moscow appears to 
have learned that free-world readiness to nego- 
tiate limited common interests is not a sign of 
weakness, Peiping regards any conciliatory 
gesture as evidence of weakness and an oppor- 
tunity for exploitation. 

Perhaps the best evidence of this paranoid 
view of the world came from Peiping's Foreign 
Minister Ch'en I, who declared, at the height of 
China's food crisis in 1962, that his government 
would never accept any aid from America be- 
cause this would mean "handing our vast 
market over to America." Given the near-sub- 
sistence level of the society and the limited 
purchasing power of the government, this view 
of American intentions could only be conjured 
up by men possessed of an unremitting distrust 
of all external peoples and a naive sense of their 
own economic prospects. 

Fourth are the differing circumstances and 
opportunities on the peripheries of the Soviet 
Union and Communist China. The Soviet 
Union and European members of its bloc border 
on long-established, relatively stable states de- 
fended by powerful, locally based — as well as 
more distant — deterrent and defensive forces. 
Communist China's neighbors, on the other 
hand, include newly established states strug- 
gling to maintain their independence, with very 



limited defense forces. There is a wider range 
of opportunities for aggression and subversion 
available to Peiping, which renders it even more 
important that in dealing with Peiping we not 
permit that regime to underestimate free-world 
firmness and determination. 

Much speculation has turned around the ques- 
tion of possible commercial relations between 
private American firms and Communist China, 
especially in view of the declining trade be- 
tween Communist China and its Soviet bloc 
partners. Peiping's own policies, however, 
seem crystal clear on this point. Peiping ap- 
parently wants none of it. As one of its trade 
officials recently declared, "We have a very clear 
attitude. We won't trade with the United 
States because the United States Government 
is hostile to us." The Chinese Communists fol- 
low Mao's maxim that "politics and economics 
are inseparable." They made this clear in their 
unilateral rupture of contracts with Japanese 
firms in 1958 and their willingness to jeopardize 
major industrial projects as the price for carry- 
ing on their dispute with the Soviet Union in 
1960. 

In sum, while respecting the right of others 
to view the matter otherwise, we find important 
differences in the willingness and ability of the 
Soviet Union and Communist China, at the 
present stage of their respective development, 
to reach limited agreements which can bring 
some reduction of the terrible dangers and ten- 
sions of our present-day world. We believe that 
policies of strength and firmness, accompanied 
by a constant readiness to negotiate — policies 
long and effectively pursued with the Soviet 
Union — will best promote the changes which 
must take place on the China mainland before 
we can hope to achieve long-sought conditions 
of peace, security, and progress in this half of 
the globe. 

President Johnson said : 2 

We will be unceasing in the search for peace; re- 
sourceful in our pursuit of areas of agreement, even 
willi those with whom we differ. . . . We must ho pre- 
pared at one and the same time for both the confronta- 
tion of power and the limitation of power. We must lie 
ready to defend the national Interest and to negotiate 
the common interest. 



- Iii-LLETiN of Dec. 16, 1063, p. 910. 



16 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



We are confronted in Communist China with 
a regime which presently finds no ground of 
common interest with those whose ideals it does 
not share, which has used hatred as an engine 
of national policy. The United States is the 
central tigure in their demonology and the tar- 
get of a sustained fury of invective. After 
President Kennedy's assassination, while other 
nations — Communist and free — shared our 
grief, the Chinese Communist Daily Worker 
published a cartoon of a man sprawled on the 
ground with the caption "Kennedy Bites (he 
Dust."' If this speaks for the Chinese Com- 
munist leadership, I am confident that it does 
not speak for most Chinese. 

Americans — businessmen, missionaries, dip- 
lomats — have long felt a particularly close rap- 
port with the Chinese. In World War II 
American pilots downed in Communist areas 
came out with moving accounts of Chinese help- 
fulness and friendliness. The Communists had 
not destroyed those attitudes then. I doubt 
they have succeeded in destroying them now. 

We do not know what changes may occur in 
the attitudes of future Chinese leaders. But if 
I may paraphrase a classic canon of our past, 
we pursue today toward Communist China a 
policy of the open door : We are determined to 
keep the door open to the possibility of change 
and not to slam it shut against any develop- 
ments which might advance our national good, 
serve the free world, and benefit the people of 
China. Patience is not unique to the Chinese. 
We too can maintain our positions without being 
provoked to unseemly action or despairing of 
what the future may hold. We will not sow the 
dragon's seed of hate which may bear bitter fruit 
in future generations of China's millions. But 
neither will we betray our interests and those of 
our allies to appease the ambitions of Commu- 
nist China's leaders. 

We hope that, confronted with firmness which 
will make foreign adventure unprofitable, and 
yet offered the prospect that the way back into 
the community of man is not closed to it, the 
Chinese Communist regime will eventually for- 
sake its present venomous hatreds which spring 
from a rigid class view of society. We hope 
that they will rediscover the Chinese virtue of 
tolerance for a multitude of beliefs and faiths 



and thai they will acoepl again a world <>f di- 
versity in place <if the gray monolith whirl, 

Mvuistobeco lunism's goal for human society. 

On November liTt h President Johnson said : 

The time has come for Americans of all races and 
creeds and political beliefs to understand and reaped 
one another. Let us put an end to the teaching and 
the preaching of hate and evil and violence. Lei Da 
turn away from the fanatics of the Cat left ami the far 
right. . . . 

President Johnson was talking about Amer 
ica. But the words are valid for all mankind. 



President Congratulates Zanzibar 
and Kenya on Independence 

MESSAGE TO ZANZIBAR, DECEMBER 9 

White House press release dated December 9 

Gov . Philip H. Hoff of Vermont, Personal 
Representative of President Johnson with the 
rank of Special Ambassador, on December 9 
delivered the following message of greeting 
from the President to His Majesty Seyyid 
Jamshid bin Abdulla, the Sultan of Zanzibar, 
whose country toas celebrating its independence 
on that day. 

I welcome the opportunity to extend my 
greetings and best wishes and those of the peo- 
ple of the United States. My country has 
watched with great interest and satisfaction as 
the tide of freedom has rolled across the African 
Continent. We are pleased that the peoples of 
Africa are moving with dignity and assurance 
to take their rightful place in world affairs, and 
we welcome the many contributions Africa is 
making to the building of a better world com- 
munity. 

We in the Inited States are dedicated to the 
same goals as the peoples of Africa — justice, 
freedom, and peace. Under our late President, 
John F. Kennedy, the United States made sig- 
nificant advances toward the attainment of 
those goals. We will continue to work toward 
those same objectives under my administration. 



' Hid. 



JANUARY 6, 19fi4 
716-200— « S 



17 



We want to help build a world in which all men 
have a better opportunity to improve their lives, 
both spiritually and materially. Thus, we will 
continue to press for equal rights for all — both 
in my country and abroad — and we will con- 
tinue to assist the world's new and emerging 
nations in their efforts to strengthen their foun- 
dations of freedom and independence. 

Zanzibar and the United States have had 
cordial relations for many decades, and we look 
forward to continuing warm relations for cen- 
turies to come. We in the United States con- 
gratulate you in Zanzibar as you assume the 
proud rights and responsibilities of independent 
nationhood. 



MESSAGE TO KENYA, DECEMBER 10 

White House press release dated December 10 

Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. TJdall, 
Personal Representative of the President with 
the rank of Special Ambassador, on Decem- 
ber 10 delivered the following congratulatory 
message from the President to Prime Minister 
Jomo Kenyatta, of Kenya, whose country gained 
its independence at midnight December 11, rais- 
ing the number of independent nations in 
Africa to 35. 

Once again, as has happened so frequently in 
these exciting years, a new nation has appeared 
in the family of mankind. And once again, the 
people of the United States of America see in 
that event a reaffirmation of the ideals which 
were embodied in their own struggle for free- 
dom. As our own freedom for all our citizens 
was proclaimed to the world by our Declaration 
of Independence, so Kenya's freedom begins 
with her declaration of independence today. 

The United States, under President Kennedy, 
welcomed and supported the growth of free and 
independent nations in Africa, and American 
policy will continue along the same lines. Our 
ultimate goal is a world dedicated to peace and 



freedom. To help achieve such a world, we will 
continue to combat those age-old enemies of 
world peace — illiteracy, illness, malnutrition, 
and poverty. We also are deeply committed to 
the attainment of basic human rights by all men. 
And we are irrevocably determined to speed that 
process by assuring equal rights to all Ameri- 
cans as quickly as we are able. In essence, then, 
the United States is devoted to the same basic 
human aspirations as those of the people of 
Kenya — and, indeed, as those of people of good 
will throughout the world. 

To the courageous people of Kenya, the 
American people and I send the warmest good 
wishes as you enter into nationhood. Just as the 
infant United States was encouraged and 
strengthened by the sympathy of those through- 
out the world who loved liberty, so your young 
and vigorous nation will have the understand- 
ing support of free men in every land. Good 
fortune in the years ahead. May the responsi- 
bilities of freedom wake the best that is in you, 
and may its benefits be known by generations 
vet unborn. 



Letters of Credence 

Burundi 

The newly appointed Ambassador of 
Burundi, Leon Ndenzako, presented his creden- 
tials to President Johnson on December 13. 
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the 
President's reply, see Department of State press 
release 622 dated December 13. 

Thailand 

The newly appointed Ambassador of Thai- 
land, Sukich Nimmanheminda, presented his 
credentials to President Johnson on December 
19. For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and 
the President's reply, see Department of State 
press release 635 dated December 19. 



is 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration of Human Rights 



Following an texts of a statement by Ambas- 
sador Aillni E. Stevenson, V.S. Representative 
to the t'.X. General Assembly, and an address 
by Richard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Sec- 
i, fury of State for International Organization 
Affairs, made in connection with the celebra- 
tion of the 15th anniversary of the adoption 
on December 10, 19JS, of the Universal Decla- 
ration of Human Rights. 



STATEMENT BY MR. STEVENSON' 

As a common standard of achievement for 
all, the declaration was a milestone in history. 
It was a great stride along the road to justice 
and peace. For the first time an international 
forum accepted the proposition that the pre- 
condition to peace was human rights — the 
rights of man that tyranny, bigotry, and op- 
pression had too long denied him. 

We meet here today to commemorate this act. 
In the words of an immortal champion of those 
rights, it is altogether fitting and proper that 
we should do this. 

For the United States, in particular, this 
ceremony has added significance. In conjunc- 
tion with marking the 15th anniversary of the 
Declaration of Human Eights, we celebrate this 
week, too, the 172d anniversary of our own Bill 
of Rights. It is a matter of pride for us that 
the two have so much in common — that from 
our distant past we can take increased hope for 
the world's future, a future in which dignity 
and equality shall be the inalienable right of 
all men everywhere. 

As a bridge to the future there is profound 
significance in the anniversary of the Universal 
Declaration of Human Risrhts which we cele- 



brate today. Let me emphasize, however, an 
less we cross that bridge, unless we use it as 
an instrument to right the wrongs thai still 
oppress so much of the human family, the dec- 
laration will sometime wither on the shelves 
with all the other pious affirmations of good 
intentions. 

Today, gratified though we may be that the 
declaration has gathered reverence for 15 years, 
human rights still remain the great unfinished 
business of all men. 

So this is not an occasion for lighthearted 
celebration. It is a moment for sober reflec- 
tion. The war it declared is not yet won. 
Only when every man in every land can truly 
say he has attained every right that is his due, 
only then will we have the right to truly cele- 
brate. And perhaps none of us will be here for 
that celebration. 

In marking this anniversary today I would 
like to call your attention to some words re- 
cently spoken by the new President of the 
United States, Lyndon Johnson. 

"Justice," he said, "is not a partial tiling 
which can be measured in terms of percent- 
ages. Any degree of injustice is complete in- 
justice. And until we achieve complete justice 
we can regard progress only as a series of Steps 
toward the goal. Each step should hearten us: 
but should not lull us into self-satisfaction that 
the job has been done." " 

And so it is that the Universal Declaration of 
Human Rights must not be regarded as an end. 
Xoble it is, but it is only one step toward the 
establishment of a universal standard of jus- 
tice, a precondition of the enduring world peace 
we seek'. 

It should hearten us, yes, "but should not lull 



'Made in a special plenary meeting of the U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly on Dec. 9 (U.S. delegation press release 
4335). 



J From remarks made by Vice President Johnson be- 
fore the Capital Press Club at Washington, D.C., on 
May 18, 1963. 



JANUARY G, 19C4 



19 



us into self-satisfaction that the job has been 
done." 

President Kennedy, in the last address he 
was to make at this rostrum, 3 told us truthfully, 
bluntly, what that job was, and he was equally 
candid, whether referring to the United States 
or to others. And if I may digress for a mo- 
ment, I would suggest that all world leaders 
who come to this rostrum discuss with equal 
candor the stubborn ills that plague their own 
societies. 

Would that we did not have such ills in 
America ! But until they are cured — and they 
will be and soon — I can assure you that we 
will never be secret or furtive about them; we 
shall continue to battle them and discuss them 
openly where all may see and hear. For this, 
too, is a human right — the right of men to know 
what is being done to combat the evils among us. 

". . . man does not live by bread alone," 
President Kennedy said, 

and members of this organization are committed by 
the charter to promote and respect human rights. 
Those rights are not respected when a Buddhist priest 
is driven from his pagoda, when a synagog is shut 
down, when a Protestant church cannot open a mis- 
sion, when a cardinal is forced into hiding, or when a 
crowded church service is bombed. The United States 
of America is opposed to discrimination and persecu- 
tion on grounds of race and religion anywhere in the 
world, including our own nation. . . . 

We are opposed to apartheid and all forms of human 
oppression. We do not advocate the rights of black 
Africans in order to drive out white Africans. Our 
concern is the right of all men to equal protection un- 
der the law — and since human rights are indivisible, 
this body cannot stand aside when those rights are 
abused and neglected by any member state. 

New efforts are needed if this Assembly's Declara- 
tion of Human Rights, now 15 years old, is to have full 
meaning. And new means should be found for promot- 
ing the free expression and trade of ideas — through 
travel and communication and through increased ex- 
changes of people and books and broadcasts. For as 
the world renounces the competition of weapons, com- 
petition in ideas must flourish — and that competition 
must be as full and as fair as possible. 

I have taken the liberty of quoting exten- 
sively not what I have said but what two Presi- 
dents of this country have said, because it could 
have been said anywhere in the world by leaders 

8 For President Kennedy's address before the 18th 
session of the General Assembly on Sept. 20, 1963, see 
Bulletin of Oct. 7, 196'3, p. 530. 



concerned with prejudice, oppression, social ir- 
responsibility, discrimination, and man's in- 
humanity to man. To press forward the fron- 
tiers of the human intellect and spirit is the task 
of all leaders everywhere. And the United Na- 
tions by this historic declaration has charted the 
way to lift from the conscience and the shoul- 
ders of man the ancient burden of inequality. 

It is for us to follow the chart, to get on with 
the great unfinished business of human rights 
which are at the core, the very heart, of our 
effort to bring about a peaceful change in the 
affairs of the human family. 

The history of tyranny and injustice is much 
older than the history of freedom and justice. 
Yet now we know full well that no society, na- 
tional or international, can prosper or long 
endure if it does not grant the people full hu- 
man, political, and economic rights. 

When the battle for the rights of man will be 
won is not predictable, but this must not lessen 
our determination that, in the end, it will be 
won and that it will be won peacefully. 

Eleanor Roosevelt, the beloved First Lady 
of our era, who gave so much of her great heart 
and tireless energy to the declaration, once 
asked: "Where, after all, do universal rights 
begin?" And she answered: "In small jilaces 
close to home, so close and so small that they 
cannot be seen on any map of the world . . . 
they are the world of the individual 
person . . . ." 

Let us, each of us, go forth from here to 
places close to home, and there let each of us 
strive to finish the work that we, in this As- 
sembly, have solemnly proclaimed "the highest 
aspiration of the common people." 

ADDRESS BY MR. GARDNER * 

This week marks the 15th anniversary of the 
Universal Declaration of Human Eights. On 
this occasion it is fitting and proper that we re- 
view past efforts to strengthen the observance 
of human rights around the world and consider 
how these efforts may be strengthened in the 
future. 



4 Made before the World Jewish Congress at New- 
York, N.T., on Dec. 8 (U.S. D.N. press release 4333 
dated Dee. 6). 



20 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Bill of Rights Day 
Human Rights Day 

A PROCLAMATION 1 

Whereas December 10, 19G3, is the fifteenth 
nnniver.sar.Y of the adoption by the United Nations 
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ns 
a common standard of achievement for all peoples 
and all nations, and the General Assembly has called 
for special observance of this anniversary in the 
hope that it may mark a decisive step forward In 
the affirmation of these fundamental freedoms; and 

Whereas December IS, 1!)C3, is the one hundred 
and seventy-second anniversary of the adoption of 
the first ten amendments to the Constitution of the 
United States, which are known as the Bill of 
Rights, and this day has long been celebrated in 
gratitude for the guarantees of individual rights 
and liberties set forth therein ; and 

WHEREAS many of the principles embodied in our 
Bill of Rights — freedom of speech, press, and as- 
sembly, freedom of religion and conscience, the right 
to a fair trial, and prohibition against cruel and 
unusual punishments — are likewise embodied in the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and are 
hailed by free peoples as the foundation of demo- 
cratic government and of the rule of law ; and 

Whereas the past year has seen a great surge of 
determination in this country to assure the full 
enjoyment of these rights and freedoms without 
distinction as to race, sex, creed, or color ; and 

Whereas the ideals epitomized in the Bill of 
Rights and in the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights were ever foremost in the heart of our gal- 
lant thirty-fifth President, John Fitzgerald 
Kennedy : 

Now, therefore, I, Lyndon B. JonNSON, President 
of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim 



December 10, 1903, as Human Rights Day im<l De 
cembcr 1."., 1963, as Bill of Rights Day, and call upon 
the people of the United States to observe the week 
of December 10-17 as Human Bights Week. Let us 
set aside time, in our places of worship, in our 
schools, and in our homes, and at gatherings of 
civic and patriotic organizations, to examine once 
again these cherished documents of human rights 
in order that we may cultivate a greater apprecia- 
tion of our heritage of Individual liberty and 
responsibility. 

Let us rededicate ourselves to the humanitarian 
precepts enumerated in those documents and let us 
resolve to devote our full energy to the task of 
assuring that each human being — regardless of his 
race, sex, creed, color, or place of national origin — 
shall he afforded a meaningful opportunity to enjoy 
fully the rights and benefits embodied in these in- 
struments of liberty and to enjoy fully our heritage 
of justice under law. In so doing, we will erect an 
everlasting and vibrant memorial to our departed 
President. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of 
America to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this second day 

of December in the year of our Lord 

[seal] nineteen hundred and sixty-three, and of 

the Independence of the United States of 

America the one hundred and eighty-eighth. 



Ly*XJ4/k*/«-« 



1 No. 3563 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 12895. 



By the President : 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 



One of the several ways in which the Charter 
of the United Nations marked an important 
advance over the League of Nations Covenant 
was in its emphasis on human rights. The 
charter makes the promotion of human rights 
one of the main purposes of the organization. 
In articles 55 and 56 members assume the re- 
sponsibility to take action to promote "uni- 
versal respect for, and observance of, human 
rights and fundamental freedoms for all with- 
out distinction as to race, sex, language, or 
religion." 

The legitimacy of international concern for 



human rights everywhere was thereby acknowl- 
edged in an international instrument ratified 
by every important independent country at the 
time. In securing the adoption of these revolu- 
tionary changes the United States played b 
leading part and in doing so had the undivided 
support and encouragement of the nongovern- 
mental organizations represented at San Fran- 
cisco. 

The United States also took the initiative in 
the formulation and adoption of article 71, 
under which international nongovernmental or- 
ganizations subsequently received consultative 



JAXTTART 6, 10G4 



21 



status, among them this organization, the World 
Jewish Congress. Cooperation between gov- 
ernments and voluntary bodies is an old Ameri- 
can practice and is perhaps more highly devel- 
oped in this country than anywhere else. It is 
one of the distinctive manifestations of our 
democratic way of life and may fairly be 
described as an American contribution to the 
charter. 

The nongovernmental organizations made an 
outstanding contribution at San Francisco and 
ever since, as an examination of the record will 
show, have played an important part in focus- 
ing attention on the human rights provisions 
of the United Nations Charter. 

The United States has sought consistently, 
and under the guidance of its own history and 
traditions, to give form and substance to the 
promise implicit in the charter. It pressed for 
the adoption of an international bill of rights, 
the first element of which was to be the Uni- 
versal Declaration, the 15th anniversary of 
which we are now celebrating. The draft of 
this declaration, which was the basis for the 
action of the General Assembly in 1948, was 
prepared and formulated by the United Nations 
Commission on Human Eights under the chair- 
manship of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. 5 

U.S. Leadership in Promotion of Human Rights 

On this 15th anniversary of the Universal 
Declaration of Human Eights it is appropriate 
that we rededicate ourselves to this historic ef- 
fort under the United Nations to promote 
human rights and fundamental freedoms. 

In his address to the General Assembly on 
September 20th, President Kennedy declared: 
"New efforts are needed if this Assembly's Dec- 
laration of Human Rights, now 15 years old, 
is to have full meaning." 

The United States Government in the months 
ahead will continue to take a leading role in 
the United Nations and elsewhere in the pro- 
motion of human rights and fundamental free- 
doms for all men — and to support practical 
proposals in the pursuit of this objective. 

I need hardly emphasize before this audience 



6 For texts of a statement made by Mrs. Roosevelt 
on Dec. 9, 1948, and the draft declaration, see Bulletin 
of Dec. 19, 1948, p. 751. 



the importance of continued U.S. leadership in 
the worldwide promotion of human rights. 
Since the Declaration of Independence our 
country has been dedicated to the pursuit of 
human rights and fundamental freedoms, not 
just for Americans but for all men everywhere. 
Our power in the world derives not just from 
our position as an arsenal of weapons or as a 
storehouse of commodities but as a base from 
which to seek the universal realization of the 
dignity of man. 

The principles and ideals embodied in the 
Universal Declaration of Human Eights are 
the same principles and ideals embodied in our 
Constitution and basic laws. They represent 
an essential and irreversible element in the 
policy of our country. This applies to our 
policy at home as well as abroad. It is no acci- 
dent that President Lyndon B. Johnson, in his 
first address to Congress, 6 put special emphasis 
on the speedy passage of the civil rights bill. 

There are practical and urgent reasons for 
our concern with the realization of human 
rights on a worldwide basis. The experience 
of recent years has demonstrated not only the 
interdependence of nations in their pursuit of 
basic values but also the interdependence be- 
tween human rights and national security. We 
have seen how the destruction of freedom at 
home in totalitarian societies of the right and 
the left can lead to the destruction of freedom 
abroad. Conversely, we know that worldwide 
progress in the vindication of human rights 
and fundamental freedoms for all will also be 
progress toward creating a peaceful and stable 
world order. 

During most of the U.N.'s 18 years, the drive 
for freedom has tended to be denned as the 
drive for national independence. But we know 
that history is studded with examples of un- 
holy alliances between nationalism and tyranny. 

Now that freedom has been achieved for so 
many new nations, we are still faced with the 
previous question : What about freedom for in- 
dividual men and women and children, the in- 
dividual human persons whose dignity and 
worth we reaffirmed on the opening page of the 
U.N. Charter? 



' Ibid., Dec. 1G, 1963, p. 910. 



22 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



We all know how far the world is today from 
a satisfactory answer to this question. 

In some nations fundamental freedoms are 
denied by governments as a matter of princi- 
ple — by racial separation, by political oppres- 
sion, by religious persecution. In other nations 
many freedoms are deliberately postponed, by 
government action, to concentrate on what are 
thought to be more urgent items of public 
business. 

In all nations, in greater or less degree, free- 
doms are infringed by lust for unchallenged 
political power, by the animosities of tribe or 
class or caste or sect or party, by prejudice and 
bigotry and other evils which still divide the 
branches of humanity. 

There is no doubt that these matters are of 
international concern. They can and should be 
exposed to the awakened and articulate con- 
science of mankind in the United Nations and 
other international forums. 

Specific Measures Supported by U.S. 

What specific measures is the United States 
now prepared to support in the international 
effort for the promotion of human rights ? The 
answer falls in two main parts : 

In the first place, the United States Govern- 
ment has embarked on a new policy of consider- 
ing United Nations human rights conventions 
on their merits. 

In July of this year President Kennedy sub- 
mitted to the Senate for advice and consent to 
ratification three United Nations conventions 
dealing with forced labor, practices akin to 
slavery, and the political rights of women. 7 
Each of these deals with an important human 
right already guaranteed by the Federal Consti- 
tution and by existing Federal law. We believe 
their ratification can play a significant part in 
cultivating an international environment con- 
genial to American interests. 

Beyond pressing for the speedy ratification 
of these three conventions, we have been actively 
participating in the consideration of other 
human rights conventions, including the two 
human rights covenants. We do not underrate 
the difficulty and complexity of the problems 



' For President Kennedy's letter of transmittal and 
tests of the conventions, see iUd., Aug. 26, 1903, p. 322. 



which must arise when an attempt is made to 
formulate a single rule of law affecting human 

rights which can apply to more than 100 nations 
with varied social and political systems and 
traditions. But we are resolved to make every 
contribution we can toward the development of 
international standards for the protection of 
human rights which take account of the legal 
systems and social structures of participating 
states. 

In the second place, apart from the process of 
drafting conventions, we are considering ways 
in which the United Nations can deal with 
human rights questions on a more objective and 
professional basis. 

In the 18 years of its existence the United 
Nations has developed effective procedures for 
dealing with two of its principal concerns — the 
maintenance of peace and security and the pro- 
motion of economic development. It has been 
less successful in developing adequate proce- 
dures with respect to its third concern — the 
promotion of human rights. 

At the present time, for example, the United 
Nations does not provide its members with an 
up-to-date, comprehensive, and professional 
analysis of the measures taken by member states 
in fulfillment of their charter obligations to 
promote human rights for all their citizens. 
The Human Rights Commission regularly by- 
passes discussions of current problems in speci- 
fic countries. In the vacuum thus created the 
General Assembly is tending to involve itself in 
politicized and emotional discussions of a few 
human rights problems without the benefit of a 
broad and analytical review of the entire 
subject. 

We continue to believe, as President Kennedy 
told the Assembly, that "new efforts are needed" 
if the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 
is to have full meaning. 

We should consider the role the United Na- 
tions might play in defining standards, in clar- 
ifying experience, in reviewing government 
performance against charter principles, and in 
exposing to the conscience of the world the de- 
nial of those rights which should be the heritage 
of all human beings. 

If this process of international discussion is 
to bear fruit, however, it must be genuinely de- 
voted to the national pursuit of human rights, 



JATStVAKT 6, 1964 



23 



not the national pursuit of self-righteousness. 
In this field we might well benefit from the ap- 
plication of the familiar legal doctrine of "clean 
hands": Those who would call in question the 
practices of others should at least be making 
every effort to put their own house in order. 

The real test of a nation's commitment to hu- 
man rights is not what it says for all the world 
to hear but what it does in practice for all the 
world to see. 

Situation of Jewish Community in Soviet Union 

This leads me inevitably to some specific com- 
ments about the human rights practices of the 
Soviet Union. 

The Soviet Union in recent years has sought 
to assert its leadership in human rights issues 
before the United Nations. There is a certain 
irony in this effort, an irony of which the 
United Nations is frequently reminded not only 
by ourselves but by other members. For the 
Soviet Union has adopted as Government policy 
a widespread disregard for those fundamental 
human rights which are embodied in the United 
Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration 
of Human Rights. 

We cannot and should not forget for an in- 
stant the violations of basic political liberties 
which have affected all religious and national 
elements of the Soviet population. 

In this gathering today it is fitting to make 
some reference to the specific disabilities, re- 
ligious and cultural, of the Jewish community 
in the Soviet Union. These are a matter of anx- 
ious interest not only to other Jewish commu- 
nities but to all who seek to build a better world 
on the basis of the principles embodied in the 
Universal Declaration : 

— There has been a marked decline within 
the last 3 years in the number of synagogs in 
the Soviet Union. No Jewish schools are al- 
lowed to be established. A majority of the stu- 
dents at the one rabbinical seminary permitted 
to exist in the entire Soviet Union were denied 
residence permits in 1962 for the city of Moscow 
on the grounds of a housing shortage. 

— No Hebrew Bible has been published for 
Jews since 1917, nor has even a Russian transla- 
tion of the Jewish Old Testament been allowed. 



Six — no more than six — books in the Yiddish 
language have been published since 1953. 

— Even the baking of matzos for Passover 
has been prohibited, and the last kosher meat 
market in Moscow has been closed. 

— A person of Jewish descent who may have 
broken completely with his religious tradition 
must still carry the nationality designation 
"Jew" in his identity card. 

Our disquiet about the situation of the Jewish 
community in the Soviet Union is not the result 
of any diplomatic conflict or the so-called cold 
war. We are equally opposed to any kind of 
discrimination, and have made that repeatedly 
clear, in any other country, irrespective of its 
social or political structure. Our disquiet flows 
from the deep conviction, which is as old as 
our Declaration of Independence, that human 
rights are inalienable and that the business of 
government is to recognize and protect them. 

Let me express the hope that the leaders of 
the Soviet Union will seek to correct this situa- 
tion in accordance with their own often pro- 
claimed principle of equality for all the peoples 
and religions under their jurisdiction. Let me 
add that any amelioration of this situation 
would itself be a positive contribution to the 
development of better mutual understanding, 
which is the indispensable foundation for a 
common effort to overcome the dangers and dif- 
ficulties which stand in the way of the fulfill- 
ment of mankind's hope for a better world 
founded on freedom and justice. 



United States and Greece Extend 
Educational Exchanges 

Press release 628 dated December 16 

The Governments of Greece and the United 
States signed at Athens on December 13 an 
agreement extending the program of educa- 
tional exchanges between the two countries, 
begun in 1949 under the Fulbright Act. 

The new agreement is authorized by the Mu- 
fcual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act 
of 1961 (the Fulbright-Hays Act). It was 
signed by Sophocles Venizolos, Deputy Prime 
Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of 
Greece, and American Ambassador Henry R. 
Labouisse. 



2\r 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Since the beginning the program has pro- 
vided more than 1,100 giants for academic 
exchanges between the two countries. Approxi- 
mately 750 have been for Greek students, pro- 
fessors, teachers, and research scholars to come 
to the United States. Americans in compara- 
ble capacities have gone to Greece for various 
educational purposes under the program. In 
addition to the categories under the agreement, 
a number of leaders and specialists have been 
exchanged between the two countries. 

More than 2,500 scholarships have been given 
through this program to Greek students, mostly 
on the secondary and junior college level, to at- 
tend American-sponsored schools in Greece. 



U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964 
Cultural Exchange Program 

Press release 638 dated December 20 

Agreement was reached on December 19 on 
the 1964 U.S. -Rumanian cultural exchanges 
program. The exchanges provided for in the 
19G4 program will be in cultural, educational, 
scientific, and other fields and will be based on 
the April 2, 1963, arrangements for U.S.-Ru- 
manian cultural exchanges. 1 

Agreement on the 1964 program was reached 
as the result of talks held in Bucharest Decem- 
ber 17-19. Participating in the talks were Ru- 
manian Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs 
Pompiliu Macovei, American Minister to Ru- 
mania William A. Crawford, and Frank G. Sis- 
coe, Director of the Soviet and Eastern Euro- 
pean Exchanges Staff, Department of State. 



Norbert Dengler Named Consultant 
for Cultural Affairs 

The Department of State announced on Dec- 
ember 18 (press release 634) that Norbert Den- 
gler had been appointed a consultant to the 
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. 
Mr. Dengler will assist the bureau in connec- 



tion with educational and cultural exchanges 
with Germany. For biographic detail-. 
Department of Slate press release 634 dated 
December 18. 



Income Tax Convention 
With Honduras Terminated 

Press release 624 dated December 16 

The convention of June 25, 1956, between 
the United States and Honduras * for the avoid- 
ance of double taxation and the prevention of 
fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income 
will cease to be effective for taxable years be- 
ginning on or after January 1, 1964. 

Article XXI of the convention provides that 
it may be terminated by either party by a 
6-month notice and that it "shall cease to be 
effective for the taxable years beginning on or 
after the first day of January next following 
the expiration of the six-month period." 

On June 26, 1963, the Government of Hon- 
duras gave to the United States Government 
notice for the termination of the convention. 



President Establishes Interagency 
Committee on Export Expansion 

AN EXECUTIVE ORDER' 

Establishing the Interagency Committee on Ex- 
poet Expansion 

Whereas foreign trade is an essential and contin- 
uing element in the economic strength of the United 
States, and expansion of exports by and through pri- 
vate enterprise is of increasing imi>ortance and neces- 
sity to the economic welfare of this nation; and 

Whereas there is a need for a continuing and sys- 
tematic coordination of Government programs and 
policies designed to promote and expand United States 
exports : 

Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested In 
me as President of the United States, it is ordered 
as follows: 

Section 1. Interagency Committee on Export Expan- 
sion, (a) There is hereby established the Interagency 
Committee on Export Expansion (hereinafter referred 
to as the "Committee"), to serve in an advisory ca- 



1 For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 29, 19C3, 
p. 661. 



1 Treaties and Other International Acts Series 3766. 

2 No. 11132 ; 28 Fed. Reg. 13533. 



JANUARY 6, 1064 



25 



pacity to the Secretary of Commerce with respect to 
export expansion policies and programs, which shall 
consist of the following members : The Secretary of 
Commerce, who shall be Chairman ; the Secretary of 
the Treasury ; the Secretary of Agriculture ; the Sec- 
retary of State; the Secretary of Defense; the Presi- 
dent of the Export-Import Bank of Washington; the 
Administrator of the Small Business Administration; 
and the Administrator of the Agency for International 
Development. The Chairman shall from time to time 
invite other heads of Federal agencies to participate 
in Committee meetings when matters affecting their 
interests are to be considered by the Committee. 

(b) Each member of the Committee shall designate 
an officer to sit on the Committee as an alternate mem- 
ber whenever the designating member is absent or 
otherwise unable to participate in a meeting of the 
Committee. Alternate members from executive de- 
partments shall be of rank not less than that of As- 
sistant Secretary and other alternate members shall 
be of rank as nearly comparable to that of an As- 
sistant Secretary as may be practicable. 

Sec. 2. The Secretary of Commerce. The Secretary 
of Commerce shall be responsible for developing 
methods for improving coordination among Federal 
agencies in the development and carrying out of ex- 
port promotion programs. 

Sec. 3. Functions of the Committee. The Commit- 
tee shall advise the Secretary of Commerce with re- 
gard to (1) means for developing and stimulating more 
effective export expansion programs; (2) changes in 
existing policies and programs of the Federal agen- 
cies which relate to improving export promotion and 
expansion; and (3) related areas upon which the 
Chairman may request advice. 

Sec. 4. Consultation. In the performance of its 
functions hereunder the Committee, as may be appro- 
priate, shall seek the advice and support of the Na- 
tional Export Expansion Council and shall consult 
and closely coordinate with the Cabinet Committee on 
Balance of Payments. 

Sec 5. Administrative arrangements, (a) As may be 
necessary for effectuating the purposes of this order, 
the Federal agencies represented on the Committee un- 
der the provisions of Section 1 hereof shall furnish 
assistance to the Committee in consonance with Sec- 
tion 214 of the Act of May 3, 1945 (59 Stat. 134; 31 
U.S.C. 691). Such assistance may include the detail- 
ing of employees to the Committee to perform such 
functions consistent with the purposes of this order 
as the Committee may assign to them and may also 
include the assignment by the Secretary of Commerce 
of an official in the Department of Commerce to serve 
as the executive director of the Committee. 

(b) With respect to functions of the Committee un- 
der this order and insofar as practicable, Federal 
agencies shall uiwn request of the Committee furnish it 
information, data, and reports and shall otherwise 
cooperate with the Committee. 

Seo. C. Construction, (a) Nothing in this order shall 



be construed to abrogate, modify, or restrict any func- 
tion vested by law in, or assigned pursuant to law to, 
any Federal agency or any officer thereof, or any Fed- 
eral interagency council or committee. 

(b) As used herein the term "Federal agencies" in- 
cludes executive departments and other executive 
agencies. 



The White House, 
December 12, 1963. 




THE CONGRESS 



President Johnson Signs Into Law 
Foreign Assistance Act of 1963 

/Statement by President Johnson 

White House press release dated December 16 

I have today [December 16] signed the For- 
eign Assistance Act of 1963. The economic and 
military aid programs authorized by this bill 
are indispensable to the security of the United 
States and the free world. This bill reflects this 
nation's determination to maintain that security 
by helping those nations willing to help them- 
selves. 

It also reflects, unfortunately, the growing 
tendency to hamstring Executive flexibility 
with rigid legislative provisions wholly inap- 
propriate and potentially dangerous in a world 
of rapid change. I wish to make clear now, for 
example, that, when a free and peaceful gov- 
ernment is ever established in Cuba, I intend to 
exercise my authority to provide essential 
health, educational, and other assistance to the 
Cuban people, without waiting for a long and 
complex adjudication. 

In addition this bill reflects a dangerous re- 
duction in funds and a consequent dangerous 
reduction in our security. Wo cannot oppose 
the spread of communism and promote the 
growth of freedom by giving speeches. A pol- 



26 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



icy of weakness and retreat, which any further 
reduction at the appropriation stage would 
represent, cannot be justified by the needs of our 
security, the financial strength of our nation, 
or the attitude of our citizens. 

All of us desire greater efficiency in our aid 
programs — and, make no mistake about it, we 
are going to improve it — but in our pursuit of 
efficiency, let us not hamper the progress and 
safety of freemen. 

I have already directed Administrator [of 
the Agency for International Development 
David E.] Bell to put our foreign operations on 
a sounder basis, to insist on maximum effort by 
aid recipients, and to intensify our efforts to 
eliminate excess or ineffective personnel. We 
will resist reorganization for reorganization's 
sake — but we do intend to present to the Con- 
gress next year a more effective, efficient aid 
program. 

Our cautious new hopes for a reduction in the 
risk of all-out war may only imply an increase 
in Communist efforts to prevail through eco- 
nomic, political, and conventional military 
means, particularly in the underdeveloped 
countries. The aid programs of Truman, Eisen- 
hower, and Kennedy are needed now more than 
ever — this is no time to fail. 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 



88th Congress, 1st Session 

Small Business and Foreign Trade. Hearings before 
the House Select Committee on Small Business pur- 
suant to H. Res. 13. March 26-September 11, 1963. 
429 pp. 

Pacific Trade Patterns. Hearings before the Senate 
Committee on Commerce. Serial 32. April 17-18, 
1963 (Washington, D.C.) ; May 20, 1963 (Los An- 
geles, Calif.) ; May 23, 1963 (San Francisco, Calif.). 
240 pp. 

Activities of Xondiplomatic Representatives of Foreign 
Principals in the United States. Hearing before 
the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Part 
13. May 14, 1963. 216 pp. 

Report of National Advisory Council on International 
Monetary and Financial Problems. Special report 
to the President and to the Congress on the pro- 
posed increase of $1 billion in authorized capital of 
the International Bank for Reconstruction and De- 
velopment. H. Doc. 154. May 20, 1963. 24 pp. 
Discriminatory Ocean Freight Rates and the Balance 
of Payments. Hearings before the Joint Economic 
Committee pursuant to Sec. 5(a) of Public Law 304 



(79th Congress). Pari l. June 20-21, 1903, 192 pp. ; 
Part '-', October 9-10, 1963, 187 p|>. 
Administration of National Becurity. Bearing! before 
the subcommittee on National Security Staffing and 

operations of tlie Semite Committee on Government 
delations. Part 3. July 24-September 18, 1963. 
72 pp. 

International Labor Organization. Bearings before 
the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on the interna t ional La- 
bor Organization of the House Committee on Kdu- 
eatioti and Labor on (nited Slates participation in 
the International Labor Organization. July 2!>- 
August 14, 1963. 208 pp. 

Foreign Assistance Act of 1963. Reports of the House 
Committee on Foreign Affairs ami the Senate Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations on H.R. 7885, to amend 
further the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as 
amended, and for other purposes. II. Kept. 6-16. 
August 8, 1963, 140 pp. ; S. Rept. 588, October 22, 
1963,83 pp. 

South Pacific Commission. Hearing before the Sub- 
committee on International Organizations and 
Movements of the House Committee on Foreign Af- 
fairs on H.J. Res. 666 to amend the joint resolution 
of January 28, 194S, providing for membership and 
participation by the United States in the South 
Pacific Commission. August 27, 1963. 68 pp. 

The Conduct of Communist China. Analysis prepared 
by the Department of State at the request of the 
chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Af- 
fairs. September 5, 1963. 10 pp. [Committee 

print.] _ . , * 

Fishing in U.S. Territorial Waters. Hearings before 
the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Subcommittee 
of the Senate Committee on Commerce on S. 1988 
to prohibit fishing in the territorial waters of the 
United States and in certain other areas by per- 
sons other than nationals or inhabitants of the 
United States. Serial 31. September 5-6, 1963. 

133 pp. . .. 

U S Participation in the Hague Conference and the 
Rome Institute. Hearing before the Subcommittee 
on International Organizations and Movements of 
the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.J. 
Res 732 to provide for participation by the Govern- 
ment of the United States in (1) the Hague Con- 
ference on Private International Law and (2) the 
International (Rome) Institute for the Unification 
of Private Law; and authorizing, respectively, ap- 
propriations therefor. September 16. 1963. 58 pp. 

To Amend the Arms Control and Disarmament Act. 
Hearings before the House Committee on Foreign 
■Vffairs on (H.R. 3299, H.R. 6082, H.R. 6294, H.R. 
7340 H R. 7531. S. 777) bills to amend the Arms 
Control and Disarmament Act in order to increase 
the authorization for appropriations and to modify 
the personnel security procedures for contractor em- 
ployees. Part II. September 25-October 2, 1963. 

Skopje^' Yugoslavia, Earthquake Tragedy. Hearing 
before the Subcommittee on Foreign Agricultural 
Operations of the House Committee on Agriculture. 
Serial A A. September 26. 1963. 29 pp. 

Convention and Recommendations Adopted by the In- 
ternational Labor Conference at the 46tb Session, 
at Geneva Letter of transmittal from the Assistant 
Secretary of State. H. Doc. 165. October 14, 1963. 

Economic Policies and Practices, Paper No. 1 ^Com- 
parative Features of Central Hanks in Selected For- 
eign Countries. Materials prepared for the Joint 
Economic Committee. October 15, 1963. 36 pp. 
[Joint Committee Print.] 

To Amend the Arms Control and Disarmament Act. 
Report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs on S. 
777 H. Rept. 863. October 24, 1963. 10 pp. 



JANUARY 6, 1964 



27 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings 1 

Scheduled January Through March 1964 

WHO Executive Board: 33d Session and Standing Committee on Ad- Geneva Jan. 6- 

miristration and Finance. 

Inter-American Meeting on Science and Technology Washington Jan. 6- 

U.N. ECAFE Committee for Coordination of Investigations of the Bangkok Jan. 7- 

Lower Mekong Basin : 23d Plenary Session. 

U.N. Special Fund: 11th Session of Governing Council New York Jan. 13- 

UNICEF Executive Board Bangkok Jan. 13- 

U.N. Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection New York Jan. 13- 

of Minorities. 

OECD Energy Committee: Special Committee for Oil Paris Jan. 14- 

OECD Agriculture Committee Paris Jan. 20- 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: 23d Session Geneva Jan. 20- 

ITU African LF/MF Broadcasting Conference: Preparatory Meeting Geneva Jan. 20- 

of Experts. 

ICAO Meteorology/Operations Meeting (in association with WMO Paris Jan. 20- 

Commission for Aeronautical Meteorology). 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 8th Session London Jan. 21- 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Indian Paris Jan. 22- 

Ocean Expedition Coordinators. 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Housing, Building, and Planning . . . New York Jan. 22- 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Working Paris Jan. 27- 

Group on Data Exchange. 

IMCO Working Group on Tonnage Measurement: 5th Session . . . London Jan. 27- 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 7th Session Bangkok Jan. 27- 

FAO Desert Locust Control Technical Advisory Committee: 12th Rome January 

Session. 

NATO Civil Aviation Planning Committee Paris January 

IMCO Working Group on Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Sea: 5th London Feb. 3- 

Session. 

U.N. Conference on Trade and Development: 3d Session of Prepara- New York Feb. 3- 

tory Committee. 

OECD Committee for Scientific Research Paris Feb. 4— 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 16th Bangkok Feb. 10- 

Session. 

ITU Extraordinary Administrative Radio Conference: 1st Session on Geneva Feb. 10- 

the Preparation of a Revised Allotment Plan for the Aeronautical 

Mobile (R) Service. 

U.N. ECLA Committee of the Whole Santiago Feb. 12- 

ITUCCIR Study Group XI: Subgroup on Color Television Standards. London Feb. 14- 

U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space New York Feb. 17- 

U.N. ECOSOC Ad Hoc Committee on Coordination of Technical As- New York Feb. 17- 

sistance Activities. 

OECD Agriculture Committee: Ministerial Meeting Paris Feb. 26- 

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: 7th Meeting Moscow February 

OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee Paris February 

U.N. Economic Commission for Africa: 6th Session Algiers February 

FAO Working Party on Rice Soils, Water, and Fertilizer Practices: 9th Philippines February 

Session. or March 

IMCO Working Group on Watertight Subdivision and Damage Sta- London Mar. 2- 

bility of Passenger and Cargo Ships: 3d Session. 

U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 20th Session . Tehran Mar. 3- 

17th World Health Assembly Geneva Mar. 3- 



1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Dec. 12, 1963. Following is a list of abbreviations: 
CCIR, Comit6 consult.itif international des radio communications; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and 
the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, Economic Commission for Latin America; ECOSOC, 
Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; ICAO, International Civil Aviation 
Organization; TMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommuni- 
cation Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; 
UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological 
Organization. 

28 DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



5th Meeting Santiago M 

New York Mar. Q 

London M:ir. it- 
Geneva Mai 



Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission 

UN ECOSOC Committee <>n Nongovernmental Organizations . . 
IMCO Working Group on Intact Stability of Ships: 3d Session . . 
U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space: Legal Subcom- 
mittee. -, , * • , T^ 1 * 
U N. ECOSOC Committee on Industrial Development . . ..... 

IMCO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement: 4th Session . . . 

U N. ECE Working Party on Construction ot Vehicles 

OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee Paris. 

U.N. Conference on Trade and Development .eneva. 

UN ECE Steel Committee: 31st Session geneva Mar. 2 

FAO Working Party on Agricultural Engineering Aspects of llice Philippines March 

Production^ Storage, aud Processing. 



New York Mar. 9- 

London Mar. 16 

( '.eneva Mai 

Mar. 17- 
Mar. 23 
Mar. 25- 



North Atlantic Council Holds 
Ministerial Meeting 

The North Atlantic Council held its regular 
ministerial meeting at Paris December 16 and 
17. Following are texts of a message from 
President Johnson, read to the Council by Sec- 
retary Rusk on December 16, and a communique 
issued on December 17, together with a list of 
tlie members of the U.S. delegation. 

MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT JOHNSON 

Less than a month after John Fitzgerald 
Kennedy took office, he sent to the North At- 
lantic Council a message which pledged his 
continuing support for the purposes and pro- 
grams of the North Atlantic Treaty Orga- 
nization. 1 

He fulfilled this pledge in the 3 years of gal- 
lant service which he gave us. That fulfill- 
ment is a lasting memorial to the stature of 
the man we mourn today. 

We can best honor him by continuing our 
pursuit of the goal of Atlantic partnership — 
by seeking an ever-closer collaboration between 
a united Europe and the United States in deal- 
ing with all the great and burdensome tasks of 
building and defending a community of free 
nations. 

It is evidence of my country's continuing 
dedication to these purposes that I, too, upon 
taking office, now send a pledge of America's 
steadfast resolve to the North Atlantic Council. 
For that dedication and this resolve do not 
belong to one man, or one party, or one admin- 



'For text of President Kennedy's message of Feb. 
15, 1961, see Bulletin of Mar. 6, 1961, p. 333. 



istration. They are shared by I lie vast majority 
of my countrymen ; they have been held by each 
of the American administrations since World 
War II. 

And this constancy, in turn, reflects not mere- 
ly the community of ideals and culture which 
binds us to Europe. It reflects also my coun- 
try's awareness that its security can be assured, 
its interests and values can be furthered, only 
by a close partnership with Europe in common 
tasks. 

First among these tasks is that of creating a 
balanced NATO defense posture, including 
powerful nuclear and nonnuclear forces, which 
will deter aggression and enable NATO to deal 
with any aggression with the force appropriate 
to the threat. 

To NATO's continuing fulfillment of this 
task, I pledge my country's will and resources. 
We will keep in Europe the equivalent of six 
American divisions that are now deployed there, 
so long as they are needed ; and under present 
circumstances there is no doubt that they will 
continue to be needed. I am confident that our 
allies will also make their full contribution to 
this NATO defense, so that the burdens and re- 
sponsibilities of partnership may be equitably 

shared. 

Military strength — both nuclear and non- 
nuclear— is useful only as it serves political 
ends. Our task is to insure that NATO remains 
an effective means for concerting these ends, as 
well as for building that strength. My country 
will join its allies in using NATO fully for this 
purpose. 

In these fields— as well as in monetary affairs, 
in aid to the developing areas, and in trade— 
we must each assume responsibilities commen- 
surate with our resources. That is what 



JANUARY 6, 1964 



29 



partnership in a vigorous Atlantic community 
means and requires. To this end, we welcome 
the emergence of a Europe growing in unity 
and strength. For we know that only a uniting 
Europe can be a strong Europe, and only a 
strong Europe will be an effective partner. 

NATO is the enduring instrument for join- 
ing such a Europe and the United States in 
common programs to meet common military 
and political needs. On its success hinges, in 
large measure, the success of both European 
and American efforts to build the Atlantic 
partnership and the larger community of free 
nations which that partnership serves. That is 
why I, like three Presidents before me, rededi- 
cate my country to its continuing support and 
hold high hopes for its continuing success. 



TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE 

Press release 632 dated December 18 

The North Atlantic Council met in Ministerial Ses- 
sion in Paris on the 16th and 17th of December, 1963. 

The Ministers expressed their profound grief at 
the heavy loss sustained by the Alliance and the whole 
of mankind in the tragic death of President Ken- 
nedy. They welcomed a message from President John- 
son renewing United States pledges to support the 
Alliance with all its strength and to maintain its 
forces in Europe. 

The Ministers, reaffirming their faith in the North 
Atlantic Alliance, emphasized that the continuing 
strength of the Alliance, the solidarity of its member 
states, and their determination to defend freedom and 
to resist aggression, remain essential prerequisites for 
the maintenance of world peace. 

The Ministers stressed the peaceful and defensive 
purposes of the North Atlantic Alliance. In subscrib- 
ing to the North Atlantic Treaty the members of NATO, 
whether members of the United Nations or not, had 
affirmed their faith in the principles of the United 
Nations Charter and had pledged themselves to re- 
frain in their international relations from the threat 
or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the 
purposes of the United Nations. In the pursuit of 
peace, the achievement of general and complete dis- 
armament, under effective international control, re- 
mains an essential objective. 

In reviewing the international situation, the Min- 
isters noted that there had been no major crisis since 
the confrontation over Cuba. They emphasized that 
the unity and military strength of the Alliance had 
largely contributed to this result and to the interna- 
tional atmosphere now prevailing. At the same time 
the Ministers emphasized the importance not only of 



seeking agreement on limited measures which would 
help to reduce tension, but of achieving a genuine and 
fundamental improvement in East-West relations. 
They expressed the hope that Soviet policy would not 
limit the possibilities of making progress in this direc- 
tion and of reaching solutions for the problems which 
are the real causes of tension in the world, in particular 
those of Berlin and Germany. Despite recent incidents, 
freedom of access to Berlin had been upheld ; in this 
connection the Ministers reiterated their determination, 
as expressed in the declaration of 16th of December, 
1958, 2 to defend and maintain the freedom of West 
Berlin and its people. 

The Ministers also reviewed the situation in various 
areas of the world threatened by internal conflict and 
external force. They noted developments which con- 
tinued to be a cause of concern in Southeast Asia, in 
the Caribbean area and elsewhere. 

The Ministers reaffirmed their determination to im- 
prove and intensify their political consultation on 
subjects of common concern. They also agreed on 
the necessity of maintaining and strengthening the 
defensive capability of the Alliance, having regard to 
the constant advances in science and technology. 
They reviewed the implementation of decisions reached 
at Ottawa 3 regarding fuller information on nuclear 
questions for national authorities and broader par- 
ticipation by member countries in the organization 
and operational planning functions of SACEUR'S nu- 
clear forces. Finally, they took note of the progress 
achieved to give effect to the decisions made at Ottawa 
to pursue the study of the interrelated questions of 
strategy, force requirements, and the resources avail- 
able to meet them. This study is under way. 

The Ministers reviewed the progress made during 
the year in improving cooperation in research, devel- 
opment and production of military equipment. They 
also noted with satisfaction the recent decisions in 
regard to the establishment of a NATO air defence 
ground environment system. 

In the economic field, the Ministers noted that the 
economies of the NATO countries have been steadily 
expanding and, in contrast to what has been happen- 
ing in the Communist world, the economic systems of 
the West have shown themselves capable of flexible 
adaptation to circumstances. This has permitted not 
only an increase in the standards of living of their 
own peoples but has also enabled large-scale assistance 
to be extended to the developing countries. 

The Council, having noted progress made in the 
implementation of earlier resolutions concerning the 
defence problems of Greece, reaffirmed its interest in 
the further effective application of these resolutions. 

The Ministers agreed to give urgent priority to a 
study of the military and economic problems of the 
defence of Greece and Turkey, and, if possible, a re- 
port is to be made to the spring Ministerial meeting 
of the Council. 



2 For text, see ibid., Jan. 5, 1959, p. 4. 
■ Ibid., June 10, 1963, p. 895. 



30 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



The Ministers examined a report on civil defence 
and civil emergency planning, which are an essential 
complement to the defence effort. 

The next meeting of the North Atlantic Council at 
the Ministerial level will be held, on the invitation of 
the Netherlands Government, at The Hague from the 
12th to the 14th of May, 1904. 



MEMBERS OF U.S. DELEGATION 

The Department of State announced on De- 
cember 11 (press release 617) that the follow- 
ing would be members of the U.S. delegation to 
the ministerial meeting of the North Atlantic 
Council at Paris December 16-18. 
United States Representatives 
Dean Rusk, chairman, Secretary of State 
Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury 
Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of Defense 

United States Representative on the North Atlantic 

Council 
Thomas K. Finletter 

Advisers 

John W. Auchincloss, Deputy Director, Office of Polit- 
ical Affairs, U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization and European Regional Orga- 
nizations, Paris 

John C. Ausland, Office of German Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State 

Charles E. Bohlen, U.S. Ambassador to France 

William P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
International Security Affairs 

Robert Carswell, Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of the Treasury 

Dixon Donnelley, Assistant to the Secretary of the 
Treasury 

Elbridge Durbrow, Deputy U.S. Representative on the 
North Atlantic Council 

Brig. Gen. Samuel K. Eaton, USA, Director, European 
Region, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense 
for International Security Affairs 

Philip J. Farley, Director, Office of PoUtical Affairs, 
U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty Orga- 
nization and European Regional Organizations, 
Paris 

Robbins P. Gilman, Office of Atlantic PoUtical and 
Military Affairs, Department of State 

John A. Hooper, Defense Adviser and Defense Repre- 
sentative, U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization and European Regional Organizations, 
Paris 
Ernest K. Lindley, Special Assistant to the Secretary 

of State 
Edward S. Little, Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of State 



Robert J. Manning, Assistant Secretary «t State for 

Public Affairs 
Francis E. Meloy, Jr., Director, Office of Western 

European Affairs, Department of Slate 
Ronald M. Murray, Assistant Director for Interna- 
tional Programs, Office of the Director of Research 
and Engineering, Department of Defen-e 

David H. Popper, deputy coordinator, Director, Office 
of Atlantic Political and Military Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State 

Henry S. Rowen, Deputy Assistant Secretary of De- 
fense for International Security Affairs 

J. Robert Sehaetzel, coordinator, Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State for European Affairs 

Ronald I. Spiers, Deputy Director, Office of Atlantic 
Political and Military Affairs, Department of State 

Gen. Dean C. Strother, USAF, U.S. Representative to 
the NATO Military Committee and Standing Group 

Charles A. Sullivan, Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of the Treasury 

Arthur Sylvester, Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
Public Affairs 

William R. Tyler, Assistant Secretary of State for 
European Affairs 

Christopher Van Hollen, Office of Atlantic PoUtical 
and Military Affairs, Department of State 

Secretary of Delegation 

Francis Cunningham, Director, Office of International 
Conferences, Department of State 



Michael S. Harris To Be Deputy 
Secretary General of OECD 

The Department of State announced on De- 
cember 20 (press release 639) that Michael S. 
Harris, who had on that day been sworn in as a 
Foreign Service Reserve officer, will proceed to 
Paris at the beginning of 1964 to assume his 
duties as Deputy Secretary General of the Orga- 
nization for Economic Cooperation and Devel- 
opment. Mr. Harris' nomination to this post 
had previously been approved by the Council 
of the OECD. 

The OECD, with a membership of 20 coun- 
tries including the United States, is, with 
NATO, one of the two important Atlantic orga- 
nizations. It serves principally as a consulta- 
tive forum for senior policymaking officials 
from member country capitals, who assemble 
periodically to exchange views on common eco- 
nomic problems with the view of developing 
coordinated policies to deal with these problems. 



JANUARY 6, 19G4 



31 



Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted 
to United Nations Membership 

Statement by Ambassador Adlai E. Stevenson 
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly 1 

There is something paradoxical about the ad- 
mission of two tropical states on the coldest day 
of the winter. But the admission of new mem- 
bers committed to the principles of the charter, 
and thereby the extension of the influence and 
discipline of the United Nations to ever larger 
areas of the globe, is always an occasion for re- 
joicing. And so it is today. The privilege of 
welcoming the new state of Kenya and the 
ancient state of Zanzibar and their distin- 
guished delegations on behalf of the United 
States is an honor I shall long remember. 

In a message to the Sultan of Zanzibar upon 
the occasion of that country's independence, 
President Johnson wrote : 2 

. . . we will continue to press for equal rights for 
all — both in my country and abroad — and we will 
continue to assist the world's new and emerging na- 
tions in their efforts to strengthen their foundations 
of freedom and independence. 

President Johnson expressed similar senti- 
ments in a message delivered to the people of 
Kenya at their independence celebration : 3 

. . . the United States is devoted to the same ba- 
sic human aspirations as those of the people of Ken- 
ya — and, indeed, as those of people of good will 
throughout the world. To the courageous people of 
Kenya, the American people and I send the warmest 
good wishes as you enter into nationhood. Just as 
the infant United States was encouraged and strength- 
ened by the sympathy of those throughout the world 
who love liberty, so your young and vigorous na- 
tion will have the understanding support of free men 
in every land. 

Mr. President, both these countries comprise 
multiracial societies which are pledged to ac- 
cord equal rights and opportunities to all of 
their citizens in the eyes of the law, the gov- 
ernment, and the world. As I said this morn- 
ing in the Security Council, 4 the statesmanship 
of their leaders and of the United Kingdom, 
and the negotiations conducted with honesty, 
forbearance, and determination which have con- 
cluded so peacefully and happily, can serve as 



an example of cooperation and tolerance 
throughout the continent of Africa. 

We believe too, Mr. President, that the states- 
manship of Kenya and Zanzibar bodes well for 
the future of this organization. For the suc- 
cess of the deliberations of the United Nations 
also depends upon the equality of nations, for- 
bearance, concern for the views and interests 
of others, and a sincere search for a common 
agreement. No nation here is so big that it can- 
not profit by listening to the views of others; 
no nation is so small that it cannot make a use- 
ful contribution to our work. 

In the close exchange of views and the frank 
expression of opinions lies our hope for a deep- 
er friendship among nations and the best as- 
surance we have against the dangers of mis- 
understanding, mistrust, and conflict. 

My country has long enjoyed such friendly 
and mutually profitable relations with our new 
members. The establishment of our first con- 
sulate in Zanzibar predated the era of major 
European influence in Africa. An American 
Friends Service Mission was established in 
Kenya as early as 1904 and is still functioning 
there. Large numbers of students from both 
these countries have come to the United States. 
More than 1,000 from Kenya alone are now 
studying in American schools and universities. 
Our aid programs in these countries, worked 
out with the recipient governments, along with 
private commercial relations, have further con- 
tributed to our respect and friendship for each 
other. 

We look forward to continuing this relation- 
ship as equal members of this world organiza- 
tion: in debates, in conferences, in all those 
exchanges of opinions which express our desire 
to create that world of free and equal men 
envisaged in our charter. 5 



'Made in plenary session on Dec. 16 (U.S. delegation 
press release 4346) . 

s See p. 17. 

3 See p. 18. 

' For text, see U.S./U.N. press release 4345 dated 
Dec. 16. 

6 On Dec. 16 the General Assembly by acclamation 
admitted Kenya and Zanzibar to membership in the 
United Nations. 



32 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Nuclear Test Ban 

Treats banning nuclear weapon tests in the atiuos- 
Dhere in outer space anil under water Done at 
Moscow August -.. 1963. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 10, 1903. TIAS 5433. 

Ratifications deposited: Greece, Ireland, December 
18, 1003. 

Trade 

Proces-verbal extending and amending declaration 
on provisional accession of Swiss Confederation to 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (lIAb 
4401) Done at Geneva December 8, 1901. Entered 
into force December 31, 1901 ; for the United States 
January 9, 1902. TIAS 4957. 

Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, November 5, 1963. 

Long-term arrangements regarding international trade 
in cotton textiles. Concluded at Geneva February 
9, 1962. Entered into force October 1, 1902. HAS 

Acceptance deposited: Jamaica, November 26, 1963. 

United Nations 

Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the 
International Court of Justice. Signed at San 
Francisco June 26, 1945. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 24. 1945. 59 Stat. 1031. 

Admission to membership: Kenya, Zanzibar, De- 
cember 16, 1963. 



Iraq 

Agreement amending tin- agricultural commodities 
agreement of August 27, 1968 (TIAS 6417). effected 
by exchange of notes at Baghdad December 5, 1903. 
Entered into force December 5, 1968, 



Signed nt 

Entered Into force 



Israel 

Convention on extradition, witli protocol, 
Washington December 10, 1962 
December ■">, too:;. 
Proclaimed by the President: December 20, 1968. 

Agreement concerning trade in cotton textiles. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Tel Aviv and Jerusa- 
lem November 5 and 22, 1963. Entered Into force 
November 22, 1963. 

Korea 

Consular convention. Signed at Seoul January 8, 1963. 
Entered into force December 19, 1963. 
Proclaimed by the President: December 19, 1903. 

Sierra Leone 

Agreement supplementing the agreement of May 16 and 
lit. 1901 (TIAS 4759), so as to provide for additional 
investment guaranties authorized by new United 
States legislation. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Freetown December 28, 1902, and November 13. 
1963. Entered into force November 13, 1963. 

Sweden 

Convention on extradition, with protocol. Signed at 
Washington October 24, 1961. Entered into force 
December 3, 1963. 
Proclaimed by the President: December 20, 1963. 



PUBLICATIONS 



BILATERAL 

Belgium 

Supplementary convention to the extradition conven- 
tion of October 26, 1901 (32 Stat. 1894), and the 
supplementary convention of June 20, 1935 (49 Stat. 
3°T0) Signed at Brussels November 14, 1903. En- 
ters into force 1 month after exchange of ratifica- 
tions. 

Bolivia 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of February 4, 1903, as amended ( lIAb 
:,-".r2 5323). Effected by exchange of notes at La 
Paz November 20, 1903. Entered into force Novem- 
ber 20, 1963. 

France 

Agreement extending the agreement of March 23, 1956, 
as amended and extended (TIAS 3047, 4298, 4010), 
relating to the establishment and operation of a ra- 
Winsonde observation station on the island of Guade- 
loupe. Effected by exchange of notes at Paris Au- 
gust 13 and November 25, 1963. Entered into force 
November 25, 1963. 



Final Foreign Relations Volume 
for 1941 Published 

Press release 631 dated December 17, for release December 23 

The Department of State released on Decem- 
ber 23 the final volume in the regular annual 
Foreign Relations series for 1941 : Foreign Re- 
lations of the United States, 1%1, Volume VI, 
The American Republic*. This volume con- 
tains a "General" section on multilateral rela- 
tions and the country sections for Argentina, 
Bolivia, Brazil, and Chile. The documental ion 
on relations with the other individual American 
Republics is contained in volume VII. already 
published. 

Aside from the regular annua] Fort ign B< lo- 
tions volumes for 1941, additional American 



JANUARY 6, 1964 



33 



diplomatic correspondence for that year has 
been published in the two volumes of Foreign 
Relations, Japan, 1931-194.1. The annual For- 
eign Relations volumes for 1942 have already- 
been published. Documentation on the top-level 
conferences of 1941 and 1942 between President 
Koosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill, with 
their advisers, is scheduled for later publication 
in a special Foreign Relations volume in the 
series on wartime conferences. 

The subjects treated in the volume now re- 
leased relate primarily to problems of conti- 
nental solidarity and defense created by the 
war in Europe and the reactions upon inter- 
American relations of the attack at Pearl Har- 
bor and the declarations of war between the 
United States and the Axis powers. Other 
topics treated include trade relations, the pro- 
tection of American business interests, and good 
offices of the United States in boundary and 
territorial disputes. 

Copies of Foreign Relations, 1941, Volume 
VI, The American Republics (vi, 622 pp.; pub- 
lication 7618) may be obtained from the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for 
$2.75 each. 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, except in the case of free publications, which 
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services, 
Department of State. 

Status of Forces in the Federal Republic of Germany. 

Agreement to supplement the Agreement between the 
Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty regarding the 
Status of their Forces with respect to Foreign Forces 
stationed in the Federal Republic of Germany. With 
protocol of signature and related agreements and 
Agreement on the abrogation of the Forces Convention, 
the Finance Convention, and the Tax Agreement of 
October 23, 1954 — Signed at Bonn, August 3, 1959. 
Entered into force July 1, 1963. TIAS 5351. 158 pp. 
45f>. 

Status of United States Forces in the Federal Re- 
public of Germany. Agreements with the Federal Re- 
public of Germany. Signed at Bonn August 3, 1959. 
Entered into force July 1, 1963. And exchanges of 
notes — Dated at Bonn/Bad Godesberg August 3, 1959. 
TIAS 5352. 52 pp. 20ff. 

Telecommunication — Radio Broadcasting Facilities. 
Agreement with the Philippines. Signed at Manila 
May 6, 1963. Entered into force May 6, 1963. With 



protocol and exchange of notes. TIAS 5353. 16 pp. 
10«t. 

Visas — Issuance of Nonimmigrant Visas. Agreement 
with Ecuador. Exchange of notes — Dated at Quito 
December 11, 1962, and January 7, 1963. Entered into 
force January 7, 1963. TIAS 5354. 13 pp. 10<f. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Confirmations 

The Senate on December 19 confirmed Thomas C. 
Mann to be an Assistant Secretary of State, vice 
Edwin M. Martin. (For text of a letter to Mr. Mann 
from President Johnson, see page 9. ) 



Check List of Department of State 


Press Releases: December 16-22 


Press releases may be obtained from the Of- 


fice of News, 


Department of State, Washington, 


D.C., 


205120. 




Releases issued prior to December 16 which 


appear in th 


is issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 


617 of December 11, 618 of December 12, and 622 


of December 13. 


No. 


Date 


Subject 


624 


12/16 


Termination of income-tax conven- 
tion with Honduras. 


*627 


12/16 


U.S. participation in international 
conferences. 


628 


12/16 


Educational exchange agreement 
with Greece. 


629 


12/16 


Statement on free-world shipping 
to Cuba. 


630 


12/18 


Reply to Soviet note on autobahn 
procedures. 


631 


12/17 


Foreign Relations volume. 


632 


12/18 


NATO communique. 


633 


12/18 


Rusk : "CBS Reports." 


634 


12/18 


Dengler appointed consultant on 
educational and cultural ex- 
changes (rewrite). 


635 


12/19 


Thailand credentials (rewrite). 


•636 


12/19 


Cultural exchange (Africa). 


*637 


12/20 


Palmer designated Director Gen- 
eral of the Foreign Service 
(biographic details). 


638 


12/20 


U.S. -Rumania cultural exchanges 
programs for 1964. 


639 


12/20 


Harris sworn in as Foreign Serv- 
ice Reserve officer (rewrite). 


640 


12/21 


Travel to Cuba. 
;d. 


•Not print( 



34 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INDEX January 6, 1964- Vol L, No. 1280 



American Republics 

Mann confirmed as Assistant Secretary for Inter- 
American Affairs 34 

President Outlines Latin American Policy in 

Letter to Mr. Mann 9 

Bolivia. Four American Hostages Released by 
Bolivian Miners 

Burundi. Letters of Credence (Ndenzako) . . 18 

China. United Slates Policy Toward Communist 

China (Hilsman) n 

Communism. XJnited States Policy Toward 

Communist China (Hilsman) H 

Congress 

Confirmations (Mann) • •. ■ 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy ■ • •_•_;■ 

President Johnson Signs Into Law Foreign 
Assistance Act of 1963 

U.S. Approves Amendment to Cuban Shipping 

Policy „'..""' \t\ 

U.S. Repeats Warning on Travel to Cuba . . iu 

Department and Foreign Service 
Confirmations (Mann) •■••■••• _,' „ - 
Michael S. Harris To Be Deputy Secretary Gen- 

eral of OECD . . . • • • • ■ • • • ■ 
Norbert Dengler Named Consultant for Cul- 

tural Affairs M 

Economic Affairs 

Income Tax Convention With Honduras Termi- ^ 

nated _ • • • ' J 

President Establishes Interagency Committee on 

Export Expansion (text of Executive order) Zo 

U.S. Approves Amendment to Cuban Shipping 
Policy 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Norbert Dengler Named Consultant for Cul- 
tural Affairs • • • • • • JS 

United States and Greece Extend Educational 
Exchanges • ■ 

U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964 Cultural Ex- 
changes Program 25 

Foreign Aid 

President Johnson Signs Into Law Foreign 

Assistance Act of 1963 &* 

President Outlines Latin American Policy in 

Letter to Mr. Mann 9 

Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS Reports" 
Program 

France. Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS 

Reports" Program 4 

Germany. U.S. Reiterates Allied Right of Free 
Access to Berlin (texts of U.S. and Soviet 
notes) ° 

Greece. United States and Greece Extend Edu- 
cational Exchanges 24 

Honduras. Income Tax Convention With Hon- 
duras Terminated 25 

Human Rights 

Bill of Rights Day, Human Rights Day (text 

of proclamation) 21 

Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration 

of Human Rights (Gardner, Stevenson) . . 19 

Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS Reports" 
Program 4 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and 

Meetings 28 

Michael S. Harris To Be Deputy Secretary Gen- 
eral of OECD 31 



Kenya 

Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted to United Nations 

Membership (Stevenson) 32 

President Congratulates Zanzibar and Kenya 

on Independence 17 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. North 
Atlantic Council Holds Ministerial Meeting 

(Johnson, text of communique) 29 

Passports. U.S. Repeats Warning on Travel 

to Cuba 10 

Presidential Documents 

Bill of Rights Day, Human Rights Day ... 21 
Keeping and Strengthening the Peace .... 2 
North Atlantic Council Holds Ministerial Meet- 
ing 29 

President Congratulates Zanzibar and Kenya 

on Independence 17 

President Establishes Interagency Committee 

on Export Expansion 25 

President Johnson Signs Into Law Foreign 

Assistance Act of 1963 26 

President Outlines Latin American Policy in 

Letter to Mr. Mann 9 

Protection of Nationals. Four American Hos- 
tages Released by Bolivian Miners 9 

Publications 

Final Foreign Relations Volume for 1941 Pub- 
lished 33 

Recent Releases 34 

Rumania. U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964 

Cultural Exchanges Program 25 

Thailand. Letters of Credence (Nimmanhe- 

minda) ^ 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 33 

Income Tax Convention With Honduras Termi- 
nated 25 

United States and Greece Extend Educational 

Exchanges 24 

U.S. and Rumania Agree on 1964 Cultural Ex- 
changes Program 25 

U.S.S.R. 

Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration 

of Human Rights (Gardner, Stevenson) . . 19 
Secretary Rusk Participates in "CBS Reports" 

Program * 

United States Policy Toward Communist China 

(Hilsman) U 

U.S. Reiterates Allied Right of Free Access to 

Berlin (texts of U.S. and Soviet notes) ... 8 

United Nations 

Fifteenth Anniversary of Universal Declaration 

of Human Rights (Gardner, Stevenson) . . 19 

Keeping and Strengthening the Peace (John- 
son) 2 

Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted to United Na- 
tions Membership (Stevenson) 32 

Zanzibar . 

Kenya and Zanzibar Admitted to United Nations 

Membership (Stevenson) 32 

President Congratulates Zanzibar and Kenya 

on Independence *" 

Xdinc Index 

Dengler, Norbert -ji 

Gardner, Richard N -° 

Harris, Michael S 31 

Hilsman, Roger J* 

Johnson, President 2, 9, 17, 21. 2o, 26. 29 

Kalb, Marvin ■' 

Mann, Thomas C 34 

Ndenzako, Leon ** 

Nimmanhcminda, Sukich 18 

Rusk, Secretary * 

Stevenson, Adlai E 19,32 

ITS. COVCRNMEKT FRIHTIHG OFFICtiHM 



Superintendent of Documents 
u.s. government printing office 

WASHINGTON, D.C., 204O2 
OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE UBI TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, «900 

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Foreign Relations of the United States 

1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East 

The Department of State recently released another volume of diplomatic papers relating to World 
War II, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern 
Europe, the Far East. 

The section on the British Commonwealth includes the record on relations with the United King- 
dom and other member states, except India. Documentation on India will be included in Foreign 
Relations of the United States, 191,3, Volume IV, The Near East and Africa, presently in preparation. 

The section on Eastern Europe, comprising well over half of volume III, gives the documentation 
on relations with Finland, Poland, and the Soviet Union. The section on the Far East contains the 
record for Japan, Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand. 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, 
Eastern Europe, the Far East may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for $3.50 each. 

PUBLICATION 7601 $3.50 



ORDER FORM 


PUBLICATION 7C01 $3.50 


TO: 

SUPT. OF DOCUMENTS 
GOVT. PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON, D.C., 20402 


Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of the United States 

1U43, Volume III, The Hritish Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far 
East. 

NAMJD 


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CITY, STATE 



THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOBEIGN POLICY 



M4 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 




THE LIGHTING OF THE NATIONAL CHRISTMAS TREE 
Remarks by President Johnson 38 

SECRETARY RUSK DISCUSSES THE OUTLOOK FOR 1964 
OVER JAPANESE TELEVISION Jfi 

PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW CONCERNING FRIENDLY RELATIONS AND 
COOPERATION AMONG STATES: PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES 

Statement by Edna F. Kelly 57 
UNITED STATES RATIFIES CHAMIZAL CONVENTION 4d 



For index see inside back cover 



The Lighting of the National Christmas Tree 



Remarks by President Johnson l 



Tonight we come to the end of the season of 
great national sorrow and to the beginning of 
the season of great, eternal joy. We mourn our 
great President, John F. Kennedy, but he would 
have us go on. While our spirits cannot be 
light, our hearts need not be heavy. 

We were taught by Him whose birth we com- 
memorate that after death there is life. We 
can believe, and we do believe, that from the 
death of our national leader will come a re- 
birth of the finest qualities of our national life. 
On this same occasion 30 years ago, at the close 
of another troubled year in our nation's his- 
tory, a great President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, 
said to his countrymen, "To more and more of 
us the words 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as 
thyself have taken on a meaning that is show- 
ing itself and proving itself in our purposes 
and in our daily lives." 

I believe that this is no less true for all of us 
in all of our regions of our land today. There 
is a turning away from things which are false, 

1 Made at Washington, D.C., on Dec. 22 (White House 
press release). 



and things which are small, and things which 
are shallow. There is a turning toward those 
things which are true, those things which are 
profound, and those things which are eternal. 
We can, we do, live tonight in new hope and 
new confidence and new faith in ourselves and 
in what we can do together through the future. 
Our need for such faith was never greater, for 
we are the heirs of a great trust. In these last 
200 years we have guided the building of our 
nation and our society by those principles and 
precepts brought to earth nearly 2,000 years ago 
on that first Christmas. 

We have our faults and we have our failings, 
as any mortal society must. But when sorrow 
befell us, we learned anew how great is the trust 
and how close is the kinship that mankind feels 
for us and, most of all, that we feel for each 
other. We must remember, and we must never 
forget, that the hopes and the fears of all the 
years rest with us, as with no other people in all 
history. We shall keep that trust, working, as 
always we have worked, for peace on earth and 
'^^ofood will among men. 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1281 PUBLICATION 7642 JANUARY 13, 1984 



The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
of Media Services. Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government with Infor- 
mation on developments In the field of 
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Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy. Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and nddresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 



ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of International affairs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and International agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
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rial In the field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for snle by the Super- 
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Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
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1961). 

notb : Contents of this publication are 
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Is Indexed in the Renders' Guide to 
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38 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



On this occasion one year ago. our beloved 
President John F. Kennedy reminded us that 
Christmas is the day when all of us dedicate 
our thoughts to others, when we are all re- 
minded that mercy and compassion are the 
really enduring virtues, when all of us show, 
aall deeds and by large, that it is more 
blessed to give than to receive. 

rit tonight, let me express to 
you as your President the one wish that I have 
as we gather here. It is a wish that we not 
lose the closeness, and the sense of sharing, and 
the spirit of mercy and compassion which these 
last few days have brought for us all. 

Between tonight and Christmas Eve, let each 



rican family, whatev. n, what- 

ever their religion, whatever their race or their 
n — let each American family de 
_ r with others something of thems- 

-omething of their very own. Let us, if we 
can do no more, lend a hand and share an hour, 
say a prayer, and find some way with which to 
mate this Christmas a prouder memory for 
what we gave instead of what we receive. 

And now here, as we have done so many years, 
we turn on, in your Capital City, the lights of 
our National Christmas Tree, and we say that 
we hope that the world will not narrow into a 
neighborhood before it has broadened into a 
brotherhood. There are the lie':. 



U.S. Marks Final Day of Mourning for President Kennedy 



Remark* by President Johnson 



Thirty days and a few hours ago John Fitz- 
gerald Kennedy. 35th President of the United 
States, died a martyr's death. The world will 
not forget what he did here. He will live on 
in our hearts, which will be his shrine. 

Throughout his life he had malice toward 
none: he had charity for all. But a senseless 
act of mindless malice struck down this man 
of charity, and we shall never be the same. 

One hundred years, thirty-three days, and 
several hours ago the 16th President of the 
United States made a few appropriate remarks 
at Gettysburg. The world has long remem- 
bered what he said there. He lives on in this 
memorial, which is his tabernacle. 

A- it was 100 years ago, so it is now. TVe 
have been bent in sorrow, but not in purpo-e. 
"We buried Abraham Lincoln and John Ken- 
nedy, but we did not bury their dreams or their 
visions. They are our dreams and our visions 
today, for President Lincoln and John Ken- 
nedy moved toward those nobler dreams and 
those larger visions where the needs of the peo- 



1 Made at a candlelight memorial service at the Lin- 
coln Memorial at Washington, D.C.. on Dec. 22 (White- 
House press release) . 



pie dwell. Their fight for a better life for more 
people is their legacy to their countrymen. It 
is the coin by which their work shall be counted. 
It is the gage by which their memory shall be 
measured. 

In this land and around the world, those 
whose hopes are meager plead for change. 
Those whose children are hungry or illiterate 
pray for sustenance and knowledge. Those 
whose dignity is blunted and whose liberties are 
scarce cry out for equality and decency and 
opportunity. 

On this eve of Christmas, in this time of grief 
and unity, of sadness and continuity, let there 
be for all people in need the light of an era of 
new hope and a time of new resolve. Let the 
light shine, and let this Christmas be our 
thanksgiving and our dedication. 

May God bless this land and all who live in 
it. So let us here on this Christmas night 
determine that John Kennedy did not live or 
die in vain, that this nation under God shall 
have a new birth of freedom, and that we may 
achieve in our time and for all time the ancient 
vision of peace on earth, good will toward all 
men. 



JANUARY 13. 1964 



39 



Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook for 1964 
Over Japanese Television 



Following is the text of an interview between 
Secretary Rusk and Kazushige Hirasawa of the 
Japan Broadcasting System (NHK) recorded 
at Washington on December 24- and broadcast 
over television at Tokyo on December 28. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I know you liave just come 
back from Europe after attending the NATO 
ministerial meeting. I wonder whether you can 
comment on your impression about the recent 
European situation? 

A. Yes, I shall be glad to. But first, Mr. 
Hirasawa, let me say that I am very happy to 
be with you on this program and to bring to my 
friends in Japan New Year's greetings from 
President Johnson and myself and the hope that 
our friends in Japan will find that 1964 is both 
a peaceful and a prosperous year. 

I have just returned from the annual meeting 
of the NATO foreign ministers in Paris. I 
think that it is quite clear that, on the elemen- 
tary purposes of the alliance, NATO is solid 
and unified. NATO was devised at the end of 
the 1940's as protection for the Western com- 
munity. And insofar as any external threat is 
concerned, NATO is today wholly unified. 

There is discussion in Western Europe about 
how Western Europe will take the next steps 
in the organization of Europe — how to write the 
next chapter, how to build a second story on this 
house. And of course there are some differences 
of view about what these next steps ought to be. 
And so there are some differences that are being 
expressed within the NATO community, par- 
ticularly about the political organization of Eu- 
rope. But these differences are less permanent 
than the underlying commitment of the NATO 
countries to the security of the Western World 
and to the peaceful efforts throughout the world. 

To me one of the more interesting aspects of 



the recent NATO meeting, as reflected in its 
communique, 1 was the feeling that we ought to 
continue to explore possibilities of further 
agreement with the Soviet Union, and this 
readiness to maintain contact in the effort to 
build toward a peaceful world was one of the 
very important points of agreement at this re- 
cent meeting. 

Q. In view of the developments in these 6 
months, with so many leaders changed — West 
Germany, Great Britain, and unfortunately 
here also, and Italy too — has all of Western 
Europe concerned. The only major leader left 
is General de Gaulle. It looks to us, viewed 
from far away from the scene, tliat that sort of 
change might put a little difficulty in unifying, 
coordinating a new Western front. 

A. In the first place it is true that there have 
been political changes in 9 or 10 of the 15 NATO 
countries in the last 9 months, and very im- 
portant changes in some cases, but these changes 
do not represent any departure from the central 
policies which brought NATO into being. 

For example, here in the United States 
NATO is a national commitment; it is a bi- 
partisan commitment. President Truman, 
President Eisenhower, President Kennedy, 
President Johnson have all had strong com- 
mitments to NATO solidarity and to the 
defense of Western interests. 

This has been true in other countries: in 
Britain, in Italy, in Germany. So that al- 
though there have been changes of government, 
these national commitments to the indivisible 
security of the West are a continuing policy 
throughout the NATO community, and this 
was reaffirmed and made completely evident at 
the recent NATO meeting. 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Jan. C, 1964, p. 30. 



40 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Taking the Next Steps Toward Peace 

Q. Mr. Secretary, with regard to East-West 
relations or contacts, we have the impression 
that Great Britain — for instance, because of the 
forthcoming election, Prime Minister Home 
Wees to have initiative, to take initiative in mak- 
ing contact with the Soviet Union, while Presi- 
dent de Gaulle is rather against and West Ger- 
many's new Chancellor is standing a little bit 
in the middle. So you have the kind of balance 
of power in deciding the policy. 

A. I think this is a very important but com- 
plex problem. I do believe that the Soviet 
people want peace. I have no doubt that the 
peoples of most of the rest of the world want 
peace. The big question is how to move toward 
points of agreement among governments so that 
we can take the next steps toward peace. I 
think there is a general impression that we 
should not let the nuclear test ban treaty be the 
end of our discussions. There are other points 
of discussion, some of them involving multi- 
lateral agreements in the disarmament field, for 
example, others bilateral in character, such as 
trade problems, which are being actively dis- 
cussed with the Soviet Union. 

There will be explorations through diplo- 
matic channels; there will be discussions at the 
Geneva disarmament conference which opens 
again in the latter part of January. It will 
take some time and some patience to bring other 
matters to agreement. But we should not be 
discouraged too soon. 

We have had in this postwar period some 
very deep and some very dangerous differences 
between East and "West. We hope that these 
differences can be resolved. On our side we 
shall attempt to do so. But it will take time. 
And it will take further understanding and 
mutual concession and an attempt to bring to 
formal agreement some of these common inter- 
ests which we believe exist between us and the 
Soviet Union. 

I am quite sure, for example, that the Soviet 
Union and the United States have a common 
interest in avoiding a nuclear war, in trying to 
find some way to turn the arms race downward, 
in trying to develop somewhat more the possi- 
bilities of trade, in exchanging in the cultural 



and scientific fields; and in other respects there 
are some genuine common interests. 

But we have a lot of history to live through, 
and memories are not all that short. And so 
there are difficulties on both sides. But we be- 
lieve that a continuing exploration of these 
points will be worth while and important. Not 
despite the differences but because of the differ- 
ences it is necessary to explore them. 

I would not give too much importance to 
what seem to be the differences in mood of dif- 
ferent Western countries, for example. This is 
a matter thai will be resolved by the possibili- 
ties of agreement; so we must first find whether 
it is possible to bring additional points to actual 
agreement. 

Q. With regard to that point, Mr. Secretary. 
do you think it is possible in the near future to 
have the so-called summit meeting — East- 
West? 

A. I would think that the attitude toward the 
summit is about the same in most countries to- 
day, that if a summit has a good prospect of 
producing a next step forward on an important 
matter, I am sure that the heads of government 
would be willing to meet for that purpose. But 
it will be unfortunate if there were a summit 
meeting which simply reflected disagreement, 
because such a summit might make the situation 
worse than before. 

You see, when the chiefs of government get 
together, this is the highest court in session. 
There is no appeal from that court to some- 
thing else. Therefore these matters must be 
handled with some care. 

I think Mr. Khrushchev as well as some West- 
ern leaders feel that if a meeting can be pro- 
ductive, well and good, but that if it is not 
promising, then some further care and prepara- 
tion is called for. 

I do not myself expect an early summit meet- 
ing, at least on any general basis, or even on a 
bilateral basis, as far as we are concerned. 

The United States and Communist China 

Q. Clianging the subject — not quite far from 
it — with regard to Communist China, I might 
be wrong but I feel recently you are more or 
less preparing for any change on the part of 



JANTJARY 13, 1964 



41 



China, and I know your basic policy has been 
changed a bit in the approach to the whole pro- 
gram, getting a kind of new look, open-door 
policy, for instance, Mr. Hilsman stated. 2 Can 
you comment on that? 

A. I think that was an expression that simply 
referred to the longest range future. 

No, as a matter of fact, we are very much 
concerned about the attitudes that we find in 
Peiping in this most recent period. For ex- 
ample, in the dispute between Moscow and 
Peiping, Peiping is promoting the idea of mili- 
tancy, of vigorous and hostile promotion of 
what they call their world revolution. It was 
Peiping that attacked India and tried to set- 
tle that dispute by force. 

Peiping is not supporting the Geneva accords 
on Laos. Peiping is interfering in the internal 
affairs of countries in the American hemi- 
sphere, through agents and through the trans- 
mission of funds and things of that sort. And 
there is some indication that they are also now 
hoping to interfere in the continent of Africa — 
in the internal affairs of the continent of 
Africa. 

In our own contacts with Peiping in War- 
saw, we have seen no modification of their at- 
titude or policy. They are insisting that we 
must surrender Formosa. It is not up to us. 
But in any event we. won't surrender Formosa. 
We can't surrender 10 or 11 million people 
against their will to these people on the main- 
land. 

So I don't see any early development of 
Peiping's policy which would make their rela- 
tions with other nations easier or more peaceful. 

Q. The other day A?nba.ssador Stevenson 
stated in the United States, on the program 
"Meet the Press," that the policy — U.S. policy 
toward Red China — was firmness, flexibility. 
and dispassion. I was very much interested to 
hear the word "flexibility." Can you tell us a 
little more about that? 

A. I have indicated why we feel that the rigid 
and hostile attitude of Peiping toward us, to- 
ward their own neighbors, toward the broad 



a For text of an address made by Assistant Secretary 
Roger Hilsman before the Commonwealth Club at San 
Francisco, Calif., on Dec. 13, see ibid., p. 11. 



principles of international life set forth in the 
United Nations Charter creates the present sit- 
uation. I would think that there is no present 
prospect for any significant change either in 
Peiping's policy or in the attitude of the free 
world toward Peiping. 

Q. Can you comment again — we are very 
much worried about the situation in South Viet- 
Nam at the present moment. That is the most 
dangerous point in the whole of Asia. Viewed 
from that angle, I loould like to have you com- 
ment on the Southeast Asian situation. 

A. There would be no problem in Southeast 
Asia if Hanoi and those behind Hanoi would 
leave their neighbors alone. If this little coun- 
try of Laos, for example — 2 million people, 
peace-loving people — could be left alone by all 
foreigners to work out their own future, there 
could be peace in Laos. 

Certainly we have no ambitions in Laos. We 
want no military bases there. The same with 
South Viet-Nam. American forces are now in 
South Viet-Nam simply because, in 1959, Hanoi 
decided, and announced publicly, that they were 
going to attempt to take over South Viet-Nam. 

There could be peace in Southeast Asia if 
Hanoi, Peiping, whoever else, would simply de- 
cide to leave their neighbors alone. Tliis is the 
cause of the tension. And when that situation 
is normal, when international life is possible 
along secure international frontiers, there is no 
problem about the Americans being an external 
or a complicating factor in that area. All we 
are interested in is the independence of states 
and their security from outside aggression. 

Joint Committee on Trade and Economic Affairs 

Q. Well, again changing the subject, you tvere 
on the way to Wake when you heard of 
the assassination of the late President Kennedy, 
on your way to Tokyo to attend a meeting. 
Also, I understand that when Prime Minister 
\Hayato~\ Ikcda visited here right after the fu- 
neral was over, President Johnson told Mr. 
Ikeda that the parley will be held very shortly. 
It was a very kind word on your part, because 
we thought it was not the time to discuss that 
sort of thing. Bu t nevertheless your new Presi- 
dent took up the matter. What ice understand, 
it was upon your kind ad 'rice to the President. 



42 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



A. Well, this w;is something which President 
Johnson himself did. You recall that this 
Japanese-American Cabinet committee was ar- 
ranged by President Kenned; and Prime Min- 
ister Ikeda. 3 Wo have had now one meeting 
in Japan, one in the United States, and we were 
on our way to Japan when our recent tragedy 
occurred. We are looking forward to resum- 
ing that meeting in the latter part of January. 

This Cabinet committee I think really has 
been quite important to both our countries. We 
are two very large trading partners. We are 
important to each other in the trade field. And 
so it has been extremely valuable for the Cab- 
inet officers to talk about a wide range of trade 
and fiscal economic relationships. 

We should not be, I think, discouraged to 
discover that at any one time each one of us 
has certain problems with the other in the trade 
field. We tend to forget how much is going 
right, how much is going well, when there are 
one or two points on both sides that need some 
adjustment or discussion. But both our econo- 
mies are dynamic, vigorous, expansionist, active, 
and so I think that so long as we can see into 
the future there will be particular points of 
adjustment in order to keep these relationships 
working smoothly. 

I am looking forward very much to going to 
Japan at the end of January for this meeting. 

Q. As you said, Mr. Secretary, this is a child, 
a baby of the late President Kennedy, and the 
important decision was made both by President 
Kennedy and Prime Minister Ikeda. But 
wTu n the first one was held in Tokyo, actually 
Hakone, President Kennedy was courageous 
enough to send five Cabinet ministers at one 
time. It was quite an event, and we very m uch 
appreciate that decision on the part of President 
Kennedy. It showed how deeply he teas inter- 
ested in the American-Japanese affairs. 

Again, the third meeting which is going to be 
held under unique circumstances, and the 
Japanese people are looking forward not only 
to seeing the same sort of parley held as good 
will or as an excliange on various complicated 



"For background, see ibid., July 10, 1961, p. 57; 
Nov. 27, 1961, p. 891 ; Dee. 24, 1962, p. 959 ; aud Nov. 25, 
1963, p. 833. 



economic and trade matters, but they would like 
to see particularly this forthcoming parley as a 
more f u ndn/n, /</,//, wholesali review log hoth 

statesmen, and also the Foreign MinisU r. even 
the Prime Minister. Will you comment on 
that? 

A. Yes. I think that such exchanges are in- 
valuable and are not limited just to trade 
matters. Indeed, the presence of the two 
Foreign Ministers will make it inevitable that 
far-reaching foreign policy matters will be dis- 
cussed. And of course I would look forward 
very much to an opportunity to discuss some of 
these matters with the Prime Minister when I 
am in Japan. 

I might say, Mr. Hirasawa, that when I was 
in government about 12 years ago, I think the 
last thing I did for President Truman's admin- 
istration was to negotiate with Japan the first 
agreement between us on a governmental basis 
at the end of the occupation. When I came 
back to government, after some 10 or 12 years, 
to me the dramatic and exciting change has been 
the arrival of Japan among the front rank of 
world powers, taking its responsibility in the 
United Nations and in other world responsi- 
bilities. 

We have been very pleased, for example, that 
Japan is moving toward full membership in 
the OECD [Organization for Economic Co- 
operation and Development], so that trade in 
fiscal and economic matters can be coordinated 
among all of us here in the Northern Hemi- 
sphere — the great industrial countries of the 
Northern Hemisphere, so that we work in in- 
creasingly close partnership, a partnership 
based on the self-interest of each country but 
nevertheless a self-interest which finds itself 
rooted in the common interests of all of us in 
such things as peace, prosperous trade, and 
orderly arrangement of international affairs. 

And so I don't underestimate at all the im- 
portance of these contacts at the Cabinet level. 
I have much enjoyed my chance from time to 
time to go over these matters with Mr. | Masa- 
yoshi] Ohira, my colleague, the Foreign .Min- 
ister. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, as I see it, the situation in 
the Far East is rather changing fast. For in- 



JANTJARY 13, 1D64 



43 



stance, South Korea, they have a government — 
not new, but they have a regime which is new 
and the situation in South Viet-Nam degener- 
ating. In Red China, according to Mr. Hils- 
man, the so-called second echelon is coming up 
and more or less criticizing the policy and so 
forth. And again, as you said before, Red 
China now is making a kind of peace offensive 
to all Asian-African groups, sending a person 
like Chou En-lai and others. 

In view of these changing circumstances, 
again we put more stress on the political side 
of the forthcoming Japanese-American con- 
ference. 

Situation in the Far East 

A. I think there is no question but that we 
should be talking about the general political 
situation throughout the world in the course of 
our meeting in Tokyo. But I would not stress 
that the situation in the Far East is changing 
more than in other places. I believe that we are 
at the beginning of a period of considerable 
movement in the world situation, and it is too 
early yet to say just how this is going to de- 
velop. Therefore I think it is very important 
that the principal governments keep in very 
close contact with each other to try to make a 
common estimate of what is happening and 
what this means to the prospects for peace. 

Incidentally, I would not use your expression 
"peace offensive" on the part of Peiping. We 
are concerned that it is an offensive that re- 
quires another adjective. 

But I am quite certain that all of these prob- 
lems, the East-West relations, the situation in 
the Far East, will be discussed in considerable 
detail when I come to Tokyo. 

Q. Might we spend some time comparing 
notes on China affairs? 

A. That would be up to the ministers who 
meet at the time as to how we allocate our time. 
There will be ministers there who will want to 
talk about trade questions and fiscal questions. 
So that Mr. Ohira and I won't want to monop- 
olize all the time. But I am quite certain that 
he and I will find a chance to go over all of these 
broader political questions in considerable de- 
tail. 



GATT Negotiations and U.N. Trade Conference 

Q. With regard to these economic and trade 
programs, many Japanese businessmen are wor- 
ried about the next election year because of the 
pressure from political circles and regions that 
our trade might be affected. That is what many 
Japanese businessmen are worrying about. 

A. I don't see much prospect of that hap- 
pening in the next few months. Again, at any 
one time there may be three or four or five mat- 
ters which are of concern to you, about your 
trade with us, and at the same time there might 
be three, four, or five matters of concern to us 
about our trade with you. 

We each have our lists of things to worry 
about. But there may be hundreds of things 
that are going well at the same time. But I 
don't expect any unusual development this next 
year. The overriding matter from the point of 
view of both Japan and the United States will 
be the success of the GATT negotiations next 
year because both you and we have an interest 
in a liberalization of world trade. We both 
have a very high stake in an expansion and 
growth of world trade. And many of our in- 
terests — most of our interests — in those nego- 
tiations will be identical. 

So we are hoping that, with our Trade Ex- 
pansion Act here in the United States and your 
own policies toward liberalization in Japan, in 
these negotiations that will be taking place dur- 
ing 1964 that we can give a new impetus to 
world trade, and that will be important both to 
you and to us. 

Q. With regard to that point, world trade, 
I understand we are going to have a ivorldivide 
trade conference in Geneva, some time in May 
or so, sponsored by the United Nations.* 

A. That is correct. 

Q. I think both Japan and the United States 
find themselves to a certain degree in the same 
position vis-a-vis this conference. In view of 
the Japanese special position like something 
advanced and something kind of middle ad- 
vanced, semiadvanced, toe might defer. 

A. As a matter of fact I think our attitude 
toward that conference will be one of the mat- 



' For background, see ibid., July 29, 19G3, p. 173. 



44 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



ters that we will be discussing with your Cab- 
inet in January. I do think that it is a valuable 
meeting which the United Nations has called. 
But actually these trade matters turn more upon 
the daily and detailed arrangement of trade. 
General principles are very good, but what 
really counts is the movement of goods and serv- 
ices, and I think in these GATT negotiations we 
will bo talking about how goods and services 
can move across national frontiers with a mini- 
mum of interference. To me that is perhaps 
the more important of the two big meetings 
coming up next year. 

Probing for Possibilities of Peace 

Q. As President Johnson put it, t/ie new year 
of determination, the new year of hope ap- 
proaching — do you mind commenting on the 
general outlook, the international outlook of 
1964? 

A. Mr. Hirasawa, let me say first a word 
about the United States. We have passed 
through a period of national tragedy in our 
country which has affected all of us very deeply. 
Let me say also that we gathered strength and 
comfort during this period from the fact that 
our friends in Japan were sharing our sorrow 
with us, and we very greatly appreciated the 
fact that Prime Minister Ikeda came here to 
join us at this critical period in our history. 

I would like to say to you that President 
Johnson is a strong President. He supported 
the main lines of President Kennedy's policy, 
not as a formality but through deep personal 
conviction, and he brings to his high responsi- 
bility a long and responsible experience in for- 
eign affairs. 

And so we now turn to the tasks ahead of us, 
the unfinished business, in good spirit, in good 
heart, and we feel that our friends abroad need 
have no anxiety on that score. 

Looking more broadly at the world situation, 
I do believe that 1964 will be a period of prob- 
ing for the possibilities of peace. My impres- 
sion is that there is a certain soberness in the 
attitude of the principal governments of the 
world, that there is a recognition that crises such 
as the missile crisis in Cuba in October 1962 
must be avoided if possible. 

Now there are very large and dangerous ques- 



tions with us — Berlin, Germany, Culm. South 
Viet-Nam, perhaps others. Ami these bave nol 
been resolved, so that there are still . 
points that bave to be dealt with and managed. 
But I think there is a general feeling on the 
part of the peoples of the world that somehow 
a way to peace must be found, and this is re- 
flecting itself in the care with which govern- 
ments are exploring these possibilities. 

So I enter 1964 with restrained optimism, 
with a modest optimism. I am not pessim 
I believe there are opportunities in the situa- 
tion. But that does not mean that we have 
already reached what is called a detente. That 
does not mean that all the important questions 
are solved. There is much unfinished business. 
But I think that we shall go about that un- 
finished business — your Government, ours, and 
our other friends — to try to find solutions that 
will help build one more year of peace behind 
us in this world situation. 

The Underlying Issue 

Q. Just recently I met one of the Russian 
delegates here, and he told me that he was very 
much impressed by President Johnson's speech 
here in Neio York? And also they are assured 
oy the same policy of seeking for peace that will 
be continued. What they wanted to see is not 
only the word but the deed. 

It is very reasonable. I xoonder what kind of 
deed will prove the continuation of Moscow's 
spirit in 1964? 

A. The underlying issue in the world today, 
indeed almost the only cause of — -possible cause 
of — a major war is the greatest issue of all : 
What kind of a world community shall come 
out of this period of history ? 

Most of us in the world are committed to the 
kind of world described in the United Nations 
Charter. There are some who say the world 
must be transformed by revolution into a Com- 
munist world. 

This is the underlying issue, and it is not 
going to be easy to make that issue disappear. 
But from our point of view, and your point of 



B For text of an address made by President Johnson 
before the U.N. General Assembly on Dec. 17, see ibid., 
Jan. 0, 1964, p. 2. 



JANUARY 13, 1964 



45 



view, we can have peace if everyone would de- 
cide today to leave other people alone and let 
them live in peace and work out their own 
future for themselves. That is all we want. 
That is all you want. 

If we could have that kind of world, there 
could be peace. 

And so we must watch the world situation to 
discover who is trying to impose something upon 
someone else, because that is the great issue and 
the great danger. 

Q. That is the theory of so-called self- 
determination. 

A. Exactly. Exactly. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you are so kind to spare 
your time. 

From, today on, in Japan, we are going to 
have a long New Year holiday. I wonder how 
you spend the holiday here in Washington? 

A. That answer is very easy for me. I have 
a 5-week-old grandson, my first grandson — 

Q. Congratulations. 

A. So that any family man in Japan knows 
that I shall be spending my Christmas here in 
Washington with my grandson. 

Q. Indeed, yes. 

You already kindly gave a message — con- 
veyed the President's message as well as yours 
in the beginning of this interview to the people 
of Japan. Can you say a little more about your 
work to the people of Japan? 

A. I would first thank you for allowing me 
to be with you on this program and to say that 
I have had a personal involvement with our 
relations with Japan for many, many years and 
I am deeply encouraged by the trust and con- 
fidence and mutual interest which has been de- 
veloped between our two countries. 

I would like to wish all of my friends in 
Japan every possible success and express the 
feeling that both Japan and the United States 
can look toward 1964 with confidence. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, again, thank you very 
much. I hope you come to Japan soon and 
enjoy it. 

A. Thank you, Mr. Ilirasawa. It is a great 
pleasure for me. 



Secretary McNamara Reports 
on Situation in Viet-Nam 

Following are remarks made to news corre- 
spondents by Secretary of Defense Robert S. 
McNamara on December 21 as he left the White 
House after reporting to President Johnson on 
a visit to South Viet-Nam December 19-20. 

White House press release dated December 21 

The members of my party * and I returned 
this morning from South Viet-Nam. We have 
just completed our report to the President of 
our observations. We observed the results of 
the very substantial increase in the Viet Cong 
activity, an increase that began shortly after 
the new Government was formed and has ex- 
tended over a period of several weeks. 

During this time the Viet Cong have attacked, 
and attacked successfully, a substantial number 
of the strategic hamlets. They have burned the 
houses, the fortifications, and in many cases 
have forced the inhabitants to leave. The rate 
of that Viet Cong activity, however, has sub- 
stantially dropped within the past week to 10 
days. 

This rapid expansion of activity, I think, 
could have been expected. It obviously was in- 
tended to take advantage of the period of or- 
ganization in the new Government, a period 
during which there was a certain amount of con- 
fusion — confusion that you might have expected 
would result from the replacement of the prov- 
ince chiefs and other key administrators in the 
Government. 

We reviewed in great detail the plans of the 
South Vietnamese and the plans of our own 
military advisers for operations during 1964. 
We have every reason to believe they will be 
successful. We are determined that they shall 
be. 



1 Accompanying Mr. McNamara to Viet-Nam were 
John A. McCone, Director of Central Intelligence ; Wil- 
liam P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
International Security Affairs ; Arthur Sylvester. As- 
sistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs; Maj. 
Gen. Victor Krulak, USMC, Special Assistant for 
Counterinsurgency and Special Activities, Joint Chiefs 
of Staff; and William II. Sullivan, Special Assistant 
to the Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State. 



46 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



President Exchanges Greetings 
With Prime Minister of Italy 

Following is an exchange of m-essages be- 
i President John-son and Prime Minister 
Aldo Moro of Italy. 

White House press release dated December 13 
President Johnson to Prime Minister Moro 

December 9, 19G3. 

Dear Mr. Prime Minister: I send heartiest 
congratulations to you as you assume the great 
office, of President of the Council of Ministers 
and I am happy that this message can be one of 
the early acts of my Administration. The rela- 
tionship between Italy and the United States 
has been warm and close for many years. Presi- 
dent Kennedy added to this friendship. I in- 
tend to continue on this course and do all I can 
to ensure that the relationship will become even 
stronger and closer during your and my period 
of responsibility. We are partners in the North 
Atlantic Alliance, and our political, economic 
and military cooperation is of central impor- 
tance to freedom. 

We take office at almost the same time, and 
both of us will be very busy during these early 
days. I hope nevertheless that we will have an 
opportunity to meet before too long and to dis- 
cuss the many matters of concern to our two 
countries. 

I wish you and your government every suc- 
cess in the tasks that lie ahead of you. 
Sincerely, 

Ltndon B. Johnson 

Prime Minister Moro to President Johnson 

December 11, 1963. 

Mb. President: I have just received your 
cordial message conveying your greetings and 
good wishes, and I, too, am happy it was among 
the first to reach me after I took office. 

It is the intention of the Government that I 
preside upon as well as my own to give all pos- 
sible contribution to a steady strengthening of 
the friendship and cooperation existing between 
our two countries. I am, therefore, especially 
happy to learn that you wish to continue along 



the path, already indicated by Pre ideni Ken- 
nedy, that leads to a close cooperation within the 
framework of the Atlantic Alliance for the de- 
fense of freedom and peace. 

I envisage with great satisfaction the, possi- 
bility of meeting you in a not too distanl future 
in order to examine issues of common interest. 

In thanking you for your good wishes, which 
I wholeheartedly reciprocate for the work you 
are about to carry out, I extend to you my i 
cordial greetings. 

A r.iM> Moro 

United States and Brazil Pledge 
Continued Cooperation 

Following is an exchange of letters between 
President Johnson and President Jodo Goidart 
of the United States of Brazil. 

White House press release dated December 23 
President Johnson to President Goulart 

December 18, 1963. 

Dear Mr. President: I greatly appreciated 
receiving your letter of December 13 conveying 
your good wishes on my assumption of the Pres- 
idency, as well as your message of sympathy of 
November 22 ' in connection with President 
Kennedy's tragic death. 

Your Foreign Minister [Joao Augusto de 
Araujo Castro] and reports from our Embassy 
and Consulates have told me of the great out- 
pouring of sympathy which was manifested in 
all walks of life in Brazil at that grievous event. 
The sympathy which we received from the en- 
tire Brazilian nation has, I am convinced, evi- 
denced the bonds of natural affection that exist 
between our two peoples and demonstrated otice 
ajjain the deep popular support of the great 
ideals of peace, freedom and progress for which 
President Kennedy stood. It is in this spirit 
that I particularly welcome your having taken 
the initiative in opening an exchange of per- 
sonal correspondence between us. 

Like President Kennedy I am convinced that 
in the building of a better world, there is no 



' r.i ii etin of Dec. 9, 1963, p. 884. 



JANUARY 13. 1964 



47 



area more important than Latin America. I 
am acutely conscious of the great importance 
of joint efforts by our two countries. 

It is my view that economic development, 
social justice and the strengthening of repre- 
sentative democracy are interrelated and that 
progress in each of those fields can only be made 
in con j miction with progress in the others. I 
am convinced that development should be ac- 
companied by reforms to modernize economic 
and social structures, to build durable institu- 
tions and develop human skills, and in this great 
effort for economic and social progress in all 
of Latin America, I am convinced that the Al- 
liance for Progress can be of essential impor- 
tance. As President Kennedy told a meeting 
of the Inter- American Press Association only 
four days before his death, 2 "The goals and 
methods of the Alliance for Progress represent 
the only route whereby men of good will can 
obtain progress without despotism, social jus- 
tice without social terror." I note with interest 
that you made the same point in your letter. 

Problems of trade, development, and invest- 
ment, such as were raised by various delegations 
at the recent Sao Paulo meeting, 3 naturally are 
of concern to both of us. I believe that all 
these problems are soluble if approached within 
a framework of expanding international co- 
operation — a framework which removes unnec- 
essary barriers to trade and investment and 
which creates new opportunities for economic 
growth. This is, of course, especially impor- 
tant to the accelerated growth of the less devel- 
oped countries. 

In the case of Brazil, it appears that there is 
an immediate concern with the problem of debt 
payments. Since the U.S. Government holds 
only a relatively small portion of the obliga- 
tions which are presently due or will fall due 
in the next few years, a Brazilian initiative to 
bring this problem within manageable propor- 
tions will need to be directed primarily toward 
arrangements with the commercial creditors, 
international agencies and governments which 



' Ibid., p. 900. 

! For text of a statement made before the Inter- 
American Economic and Social Council at Sao Paulo 
on Nov. 13, by Under Secretary Harriman, see ibid., 
Dec. 1G, 1063, p. 937. 



account for the bulk of such obligations. The 
United States, however, stands ready to partici- 
pate in negotiations for this purpose. 

Brazil, I know, is the possessor of a fine tra- 
dition of political freedom and stability, and of 
social and religious tolerance. It also has a 
rich cultural heritage, great natural resources, 
an already very substantial industrial base and 
internal market, and a highly talented people. 
The remarkable progress made in the last thirty 
years, with the creation in Brazil of the greatest 
industrial center in Latin America, provides 
solid ground for confidence that all the elements 
exist for an even more brilliant early future. 
Our countries have stood together in war and in 
peace, and I believe that our continued coopera- 
tion can make a vital contribution to the welfare 
of both our peoples. 
Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson 
President Goulart to President Johnson 

Unofficial translation 

December 13, 1963. 

Dear Mr. President : The Brazilian Government and 
people are following with brotherly sympathy the 
decisive moments through which the United States is 
passing, after being so hard hit by the loss of the admi- 
rable leader who was John Fitzgerald Kennedy. 

We are comforted by the certainty, based on the first 
actions and statements of Your Excellency, that there 
will be no interruption in the high destiny which con- 
tinues to be reserved for your country, with which there 
is indissolubly associated the survival of the demo- 
cratic ideas and the permanent values of our civiliza- 
tion. 

The cruel attack which struck down your predecessor 
left him, for all time, fixed in the very act of struggling 
for generous causes and deepened the commitment of 
all peoples and all men of good will for the construc- 
tion of a new world, free from the already obsolete 
ideological preconceptions of the last century and also 
independent of the unacceptable privileges and inter- 
ests of special groups, castes, or individuals. The 
causes of improving relations among peoples and of 
perfecting human society have been fortified by the 
lamentable episode in which President Kennedy lost 
his life, President Kennedy who infused both these 
missions with a higher ideal of justice, with high 
standards of peaceful brotherhood, and with the search 
for a prosperity which could be enjoyed by all, in ac- 
cordance with their merits and their needs. 

We are certain, Mr. President, that the policies which 
were the aspirations of the extraordinarily statesman- 
like vision of your lamented predecessor will continue 



•IS 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



to be pursued with unshakable stubbornness and con- 
Ddence, within the framework of the strictest respect 
for human dignity. It is on this postulate that we base 
the conviction that we are on the right road. No eco- 
nomic process, however perfected, no modern technique, 
however efficient, will be able to prove lasting and valid 
if by chance it implies a sacrifice of the dignity of the 
human individual. It is not possible to admit that 
there should remain without rights the millions of 
people who are demanding, all over the world, access 
to a life which is dignified, free, and just. 

I take pleasure in affirming to you, on this occasion, 
that this is also the orientation of the government of 
my country. I recognize that, if it lacks this sense of 
authenticity, no power emanating from the people can 
expect to be sustained without failing in its mission 
and its purposes. This was the very reason for which 
John F. Kennedy lived and died. 

We are certain, Mr. President, that this banner of 



a noble struggle will continue i" be held fearlessly by 
you, ami that you win not let it fail, so that there may 
thus be completed (be admirable work which wom begun 

under (be aegis Of your predecessor, In this way wo 

can maintain the understanding between . .1 1 r two coun- 
tries, linked by traditional friendship and numerous 
common interests. The spirit of reform, which belong! 
to the cultural and historic patrimony of the Dnlted 
States, and which was so eloquently stressed by Presi- 
dent Kennedy, will certainly continue very much alive 
under your government and will be able to help in 
constantly increasing degree the fruitful cooperation 
which should bring us together. 

With wishes for your personal happiness, and for the 
growing greatness of your country, I take this oppor- 
tunity to present my highest appreciation and un- 
changeable consideration. 
Very sincerely yours, 

JOAO GOULABT 



United States Ratifies Chamizal Convention 



Following is an excerpt from remarks made 
by President Johnson on December 20 when he 
signed the instrument of ratification of the 
Convention With Mexico for Solution of the 
Problem of the Chamizal, 1 together with a 
statement made by Edtoin M. Martin, Assistant 
Secretary of State for Inter- American Affairs, 
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
on December 12. 



REMARKS BY PRESIDENT JOHNSON 

White House press release dated December 20 

"We are very glad to welcome Secretary [of 
Labor W. Willard] Wirtz back this morning, 
and we are very happy to see the Senators who 
have participated in the ratification of this 
treaty present with us. This is a moment of 
which we can all be proud. We are particu- 
larly delighted to have with us the distinguished 
Ambassador from our neighboring country, the 
beloved Antonio Carrillo Flores from Mexico. 

We are taking the final step in bringing to a 



close a problem which has been a thorn in the 
side of our relations with Mexico for almost a 
century. The way in which the thorn has been 
removed is a real tribute to the good will be- 
tween the people and the leaders of our two 
countries. It indicates that old and distasteful 
problems can be solved if men of honor seek to 
understand the other man's viewpoint. 

I recall the first visit that I made to President 
Adolfo Lopez Mateos in Mexico before he took 
the oath of office as President. He raised the 
Chamizal question, and we agreed there that 
we would start to work on it. Through the 
administrations of President Eisenhower and 
President Kennedy great progress was made, 
which resulted in the Senate, under the leader- 
ship of Senator [J. W.] Fulbright, ratifying 
this treaty by an overwhelming vote. 2 

I hope that other problems in our hemisphere, 
and for that matter throughout the world, will 
be solved with similar tolerance and trust. I 
think it is always good if we just put ourselves 
in the other man's position and try to estimate 
how we would feel if he were in our place and 



1 S. Ex. X, 88th Cong., 1st sess. ; for background and 
text of convention, see also Bulletin of Sept. 23, 1963, 
p. 480. 



' The Senate agreed to the resolution of ratification 
on Dec. 17 by a vote of 79 to 1. 



JANUARY 13, 1964 



49 



we were in his place, and then make our judg- 
ments accordingly. That is what we have done 
in this situation. We think great benefits will 
flow not only to Mexico but to the United States 
and, of course, most of all, to the State of Texas, 
where this land is located. 

Mr. Ambassador, we welcome you here for 
this historic occasion. We say thanks to the 
Members of the Senate who made it possible. 
We express gratitude to Secretary Rusk for the 
leadership he has given. 

STATEMENT BY MR. MARTIN 

Secretary Rusk regrets very much not being 
able to appear this morning. He has asked me 
to appear for him and to urge the committee 
to recommend that the Senate give its advice 
and consent to ratification of the Chamizal Con- 
vention with Mexico. 

The position of the United States is that of 
a country which entered into an arbitration and 
rejected the award. The Chamizal Arbitral 
Convention of 1910, of which the committee has 
been furnished copies, provided that the deci- 
sion, whether unanimous or by majority, would 
"be final and conclusive upon both Governments, 
and without appeal." In all good faith the 
United States questioned the legal basis for the 
decision, but our country appeared to be in de- 
fault on a treaty obligation. When the United 
States did not accept a Mexican proposal to 
adjudicate our difference with respect to the 
validity of the award, the only alternative was 
to reach a practical settlement. This we have 
tried to do for many years. The convention 
before you represents such a settlement. 

A principal difficulty has been the importance 
this dispute has assumed in Mexico. From a 
minor controversy over a relatively small piece 
of ground transferred by erosion from the 
southern to the northern side of the Rio Grande 
at El Paso, the dispute has come to symbolize 
in Mexico, with the passage of years, several 
of the most significant elements in the law of 
nations : sovereignty over national territory, the 
sanctity of treaties, and the juridical equality 
of states. 

The Department has furnished the committee 
considerable background material having to do 



with this Government's obligations under the 
arbitral convention of 1910, with the arbitral 
award, about the long history of our attempts 
to settle the dispute, and about the nature and 
basis of the proposed settlement. I shall not 
attempt to elaborate on these matters here. 
Every administration beginning with that of 
President Taft has sought to reach an agree- 
ment with the Government of Mexico. All 
conceivable combinations and locations in re- 
spect to territorial adjustments have been ex- 
plored, save that of cession to Mexico out of 
the Chamizal zone in El Paso of the entire area 
calculated to have been awarded to Mexico. 
This we have long regarded as infeasible. In 
the convention before you today the Govern- 
ment of Mexico also recognizes in effect that 
this is infeasible. 

Of the 437.18 acres estimated to have been 
awarded to Mexico in 1911, the Government 
of Mexico has agreed to accept 71.18 acres from 
an area of El Paso slightly downstream from 
the Chamizal zone. Mexico would receive the 
remaining 366 acres from the actual Chamizal 
tract. The United States and Mexico have also 
agreed to relocate the Rio Grande at El Paso 
in order to maintain the river as the boundary. 
The settlement also eliminates a Mexican en- 
clave north of the Rio Grande known as Cor- 
dova Island. This enclave has prevented the 
orderly development of the city of El Paso. 
Mexico has agreed to transfer the northern half 
of this island, consisting of 193.16 acres, to the 
United States in return for an equivalent acre- 
age from United States territory to the east of 
Cordova Island. 

Both Governments continue to reserve their 
legal positions with respect to the findings on 
which the arbitral award was based. Ratifica- 
tion of the convention would have no effect on 
these respective positions. It would, however, 
give effect in today's circumstances to an award 
which both Governments, in submitting the dis- 
pute to arbitration, bound themselves to carry 
out. 

The Department recommended this settle- 
ment to President Kennedy and has commended 
it to President Johnson, in the conviction that 
it is not only the best arrangement that can be 
negotiated at this time but also the best that 
could conceivably bo expected in the future on 



50 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



the basis of historical experience and full 
knowledge of the circumstances. Should this 
settlement fail, there is nothing in the long 
history of the dispute to encourage one to be- 
lieve that the dispute will disappear. The pub- 
lic discussion that the current negotiation has 
necessarily engendered has aroused hopes and 
expectations. To disappoint them will aggra- 
vate an already unfortunate situation. Any 
future attempt at settlement would almost cer- 
tainly be more costly in terms of both money 
and inconvenience to the people of both coun- 
tries. These are the considerations that we 
believe have moved both Governments to adopt 
the positions of reasonableness and mutual un- 
derstanding reflected in the terms of the present 
convention. 

Ambassador [Thomas C] Mann and Com- 
missioner [J. F.] Friedkin, having participated 
in the negotiations, are more familiar than I 
with all the details of the settlement. They 



will be glad to answer any questions you may 
have for them. I do want to emphasize what 
the Secretary mentioned in his report t<. Presi- 
dent Kennedy. 3 The proposed agreement has 
already been recognized as a major contribution 
to the settlement of boundary disputes. It 
should evince everywhere a special regard for 
the responsibilities of the good neighbor. Even 
where it is not emulated as an example, it 
should lend some persuasive force to the con- 
tinual argument we are called upon to advance 
in favor of peaceful change and respect for in- 
ternational obligations. It may not convince 
others to do the same, but it will surely help 
to show that our professions are the words we 
live by. 

If I can assist the committee in its considera- 
tion of the convention in any way, I shall be 
glad to do so. 



1 For text, see S. Ex. N, 88th Cong., 1st sess. 



U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements With Israel and U.A.R. 



AGREEMENT WITH ISRAEL 

Press release 620 dated December 12 
Department Announcement 

The Governments of the United States and 
Israel announced on December 12 the conclu- 
sion of a bilateral agreement covering trade in 
cotton textiles between Israel and the United 
States for a 4-year period extending from Oc- 
tober 1, 1963, to September 30, 1967. 

The agreement is designed to promote the 
orderly development of Israel's export trade 
in cotton textiles with the United States. It 
was negotiated under article 4 of the Long- 
Term Arrangement Regarding International 
Trade in Cotton Textiles, done at Geneva on 
February 9, 1962, 1 and was completed by an 
exchange of diplomatic notes between Ambas- 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 12, 1962, p. 431. 



sador Walworth Barbour and the Israeli Act- 
ing Foreign Minister, Abba Eban, in Tel Aviv 
during November. 

The agreement is the result of bilateral talks 
between a U.S. delegation consisting of repre- 
sentatives of the Departments of Commerce, 
Labor, and State and representatives of the 
Government of Israel, held in Israel October 
23-25, 1963, which led to a complete under- 
standing between the two Governments on the 
future pattern of cotton textile trade between 
Israel and the United States. 

The principal features of the agreement are 
as follows : 

1. The agreement covers all the 64 categories 
of cotton textiles. 

2. During the 12-month period commencing 
on October 1, 1963, total exports of cotton tex- 
tiles from Israel to the United States will be 
limited to 12.5 million square yards equivalent. 



JANUARY 13, 1964 



51 



3. Within this aggregate limit, the agreement 
also provides for specific export ceilings on 
particular categories and groups of categories 
of cotton textiles. 

4. For categories not subject to a specific ex- 
port ceiling, exports will not exceed a level of 
250,000 square yards equivalent in any one cate- 
gory of apparel and 350,000 square yards equiv- 
alent in any other category, except by mutual 
agreement of the two Governments. 

5. The aggregate limit, the specific export 
ceilings for particular categories, and the limits 
under the foregoing consultation provision will 
be increased by 5 percent for the 12-month pe- 
riod commencing on October 1, 1964, and on a 
cumulative basis by 5 percent for each subse- 
quent 12-month period of the agreement. 

6. The two Governments agree on the spacing 
of shipments over the agreement year in cate- 
gories subject to a specific export ceiling. 

7. The two Governments also agree on the 
procedure that would be applied in the event 
that an excessive concentration of exports in 
apparel items made from particular types of 
cotton fabrics should cause or threaten to cause 
disruption of the U.S. market. 

8. The two Governments will exchange such 
statistical data on cotton textiles as are required 
for the effective implementation of the agree- 
ment. A set of conversion factors is specified 
in the annex to the agreement to express various 
categories of cotton textiles in terms of a square 
yard equivalent. 

9. The two Governments also agree to con- 
sult on any problem that may arise concerning 
the implementation of the agreement. 

The export levels established by the bilateral 
agreement supersede the restraint actions taken 
by the U.S. Government over the past year with 
regard to cotton textile exports from Israel to 
the United States pursuant to article 3 of the 
Long-Term Arrangement Kegarding Interna- 
tional Trade in Cotton Textiles. 

Text of U.S. Note 

November 22, 19G3 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to recent dis- 
cussions between representatives of the Government of 
the United States and the Government of Israel, con- 



cerning trade in cotton textiles between Israel and the 
United States. 

As a result of these discussions, I have the honor to 
propose the following agreement relating to trade in 
cotton textiles between Israel and the United States : 

1. The Government of Israel shall limit its annual 
exports to the United States in all categories of cotton 
textiles for the twelve-month period beginning Octo- 
ber 1, 1963 to an aggregate limit of 12.5 million square 
yards equivalent. 

2. Within the aggregate annual limit specified in 
paragraph 1, the following specific ceilings shall apply : 

a. Categories 1 and 2 : 1,700,000 lbs., provided that 
within this ceiling, annual exports in category 2 shall 
not exceed 50,000 lbs. 

b. Category 3: 210,000 lbs. 

c. Category 48: 26,000 doz. 

3. Any shortfalls occurring in the aggregate annual 
limit established for category 48 may be used to effect 
a corresponding increase in any other category, pro- 
vided that such increases may be made in categories 
1, 2, and 3 only by prior mutual agreement. Annual 
exports in categories not given specific ceilings shall 
not exceed the levels specified in the following schedule, 
except by mutual agreement of the two governments : 

a. Categories 4-38 inel. and 64 : 350,000 syds. equiva- 
lent. 

b. Categories 39-47 incl. and 49-63 inel.: 250,000 
syds. equivalent. 

4. The limits on exports established by paragraphs 
1, 2, and 3 of this Agreement shall be raised by 5 per- 
cent for the twelve-month period beginning on October 
1, 1964 and, on a cumulative basis, for each subsequent 
twelve-month period. 

5. The Government of Israel shall space its annual 
exports within categories 1, 2, and 3 on a cumulative, 
quarterly percentage basis of 30-55-80-100. Annual 
exports within category 48 shall be spaced on a cumu- 
lative quarterly percentage basis of 50-50-100-100. 

6. Each Government agrees to supply promptly any 
available statistical data requested by the other Gov- 
ernment. In the implementation of this Agreement, the 
system of categories and the factors for conversion 
into square yards equivalent set forth in the annex 
hereto shall apply. 

7. During the life of this Agreement, the Government 
of the United States shall not exercise its rights under 
Article 3 of the Long-Term Arrangement Regarding 
International Trade in Cotton Textiles done at Geneva 
on February 9, 1962, to request restraint on the export 
of cotton textiles from Israel to the United States. All 
other relevant provisions of the Long-Term Arrange- 
ment shall remain in effect between the two Govern- 
ments. 

8. In the event concentration in exports from Israel 
to the United States of items of apparel made up of a 
particular fabric causes or threatens to cause market 
disruption in the United States, the Government of 



52 



nrci'AKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



the United States may call for consultations with the 
Government of Israel in order to reach a mutually sat- 
isfactory solution to the problem. The Government of 
Israel shall agree to enter into such consultations, and, 
during the course thereof, shall limit its exports of the 
item in question to an annual level of 105 percent of its 
exports of that item during the twelve-month period 
immediately preceding the month in which consulta- 
tions are requested. 

9. The Governments agree to consult on any question 
arising in the implementation of this Agreement or in 
connection therewith. In particular, in view of the 
Government of Israel anticipation of the development 
of the Israeli textile industry, the Government of the 
United States agrees to undertake, at the request of 
the Government of Israel, a joint re-examination of the 
aggregate ceiling established in paragraph 1 of this 
Agreement in the light of the record of Israel in meet- 
ing the ceilings established in this Agreement, and 
taking into consideration the condition of the United 
States cotton textile market at the time of such re- 
examination. 

10. This Agreement shall continue in force until and 
including September 30, 1967, provided that either 
Government may propose revisions in the terms of the 
Agreement no later than 90 days prior to the beginning 
of a new twelve-month period ; and provided further 
that either Government may terminate this Agreement 
effective at the end of a twelve-month period by written 
notice to the other Government to be given at least 90 
days prior to the end of such twelve-month period. 

If these proposals are acceptable to the Government 
of Israel, this note and your Excellency's note of ac- 
ceptance on behalf of the Government of Israel shall 
constitute an Agreement between our Governments. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

Walworth Barbour. 



ANNEX 

Square Yard Equivalent Conversion Factors 
by Category 



Cate- 
gory Description 

1 Yarn, Carded, Singles . . Lb . 

2 Yarn, Carded, Plied ... Lb . 

3 Yarn, Combed, Singles . . Lb . 

4 Yarn, Combed, Plied ... Lb . 

5 Ginghams, Carded .... Syd 

6 Ginghams, Combed . . . Syd 

7 Velveteens Syd 

8 Corduroy Syd 

9 Sheeting, Carded Syd 

10 Sheeting, Combed .... Syd 

11 Lawns, Carded Yarn . . . Syd 

12 Lawns, Combed Yarn . . Syd 

13 Voiles, Carded Yarn . . . Syd 

14 Voiles, Combed Yarn . . . Syd 

15 Poplin and Broadcloth, Syd 

Carded. 



Una 



Conversion 
Factor 

4.6 
4.6 
4.6 
4.6 
1.0 
1.0 
1. 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 



Cate- 

ton 
16 

17 
18 

10 

20 
21 
22 
23 
24 

25 

26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 

38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 

44 
45 

46 

47 

48 

49 
50 

51 

52 

53 

54 

55 

56 

57 

58 



60 
61 

62 

63 
64 



DcKription < •„« 

Poplin and Broadcloth, Syd . 

Combed. 
Typewriter Ribbon Cloth . Syd . 
Print Cloth Shirting, 80 x Syd 

80, Carded. 
Print Cloth Shirting, Other, Syd . 

Carded. 

Shirting, Carded Syd . 

Shirting, Combed .... Syd . 
Twill and Sateen, Carded . Syd . 
Twill and Sateen, Combed . Syd . 
Yarn-Dyed Fab., Exc. Syd . 

Ginghams, Carded. 
Yarn-Dyed Fab., Exc. Syd . 

Ginghams, Combed. 
Fabrics, N.E.S. Carded . . Syd . 
Fabrics, N.E.S. Combed . Syd . 
Pillowcases, Plain, Carded . No. . 
Pillowcases, Plain, Combed. No. . 

Dish Towels No. . 

Other Towels No. . 

Handkerchiefs Doz . 

Table Damasks and Mfrs . Lb . . 

Sheets, Carded No. . 

Sheets, Combed No. . 

Bedspreads and Quilts . . No. . 
Braided and Woven Elas- Lb . . 

tics. 

Fishing Nets Lb . . 

Gloves and Mittens . . . Doz. Prs 
Hose and Half Hose . . . Doz. Prs 
M and B White T-Shirts . Doz 

Other T-Shirts Doz 

Knitshirts Exc. T and Doz 

Sweatshirts. 
Sweaters and Cardigans. . Doz 
M and B Shirts, Dress, Not Doz 

Knit. 
M and B Shirts, Sport, Not Doz 

Knit. 
M and B Shirts, Work, Not Doz 

Knit. 
Raincoats, % Length or Doz 

Over. 

Other Coats Doz 

M and B Trousers, Slacks Doz 

and Shorts (Outer). 
W and Ch. Trousers, Slacks Doz 

and Shorts (Outer). 
Blouses, Whether or Not in Doz 

Sets. 
W, Ch. & Inf. Dresses (Inc. Doz 

Uniforms), Not Knit. 
Playsuits, Washsuits, Sun- Doz 

suits, etc. 
Dressing Gowns, etc., Not Doz 

Knit. 
M and B Undershirts, Exc. Doz 

T. 
M and B Briefs and Under- Doz 

shorts. 
Drawers, Shorts and Briefs, Doz 

Exc. M and B, Knit. 
Other Underwear, Not Knit Doz 

or Crocneted. 
Nightwear and Pyjamas . Doz 
Brassieres and Other Body Doz 

Supporting Garments. 
Other Knit or Crocheted Lb . 

Clothing. 
Other Clothing, Not Knit Lb. 

or Crocheted 
All other Cotton Textile Lb . 

Items. 



('ontrrilm 
h actor 

1.0 
1.0 

i. o 



1.0 

I. o 

1.0 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 

1.0 

1.0 

1.0 

1. 084 

1.084 
.348 
.348 

1.66 

3. 17 

6.2 

6.2 

6.9 

4.6 

4.6 

3.527 

4.6 

7.234 

7.234 

7.234 

36.8 
22. 186 

24. 457 

22. 186 

50.0 

32.5 
17. 797 

17. 797 

14.53 

45.3 

25.0 

51. 

9.2 
11.25 

5.0 

16.0 

51. 96 
4.75 

4.6 

4.6 

4.6 



JANUARY 13, 1964 
716-«79— 84 3 



53 



AGREEMENT WITH U.A.R. 

Press release 621 dated December 12 
Department Announcement 

The Governments of the United States and 
the United Arab Republic announced on De- 
cember 12 the conclusion of a bilateral agree- 
ment covering trade in cotton textiles between 
the two countries for a 4-year period extending 
from October 1, 1963, to September 30, 1967. 

The agreement is designed to promote the 
orderly development of the United Arab Re- 
public's cotton textiles exports to the United 
States. It was negotiated under article 4 of 
the Long-Term Arrangement Regarding Inter- 
national Trade in Cotton Textiles, done at 
Geneva on February 9, 1962, and was com- 
pleted by an exchange of diplomatic notes be- 
tween Ambassador John S. Badeau and the 
United Arab Republic's Deputy Foreign Min- 
ister, Hussain Zulfiqar Sabri. 

The agreement is the result of bilateral talks 
between a U.S. delegation consisting of repre- 
sentatives of the Departments of Commerce, 
Labor, and State and representatives of the 
Government of the United Arab Republic, held 
in the United Arab Republic October 18-22, 
1963, which led to a complete understanding 
between the two Governments on the future 
pattern of cotton textile trade between the 
United Arab Republic and the United States. 

The principal features of the agreement are 
as follows : 

1. It covers all the 64 categories of cotton 
textiles. 

2. The United Arab Republic's aggregate cot- 
ton textile exports to the United States are 
limited to: 42 million square yards, 46 million, 
50 million, and 51 million for the first, second, 
third, and fourth year of the agreement re- 
spectively. 

3. Within the aggregate limit, the agreement 
provides specific ceilings for 5 groups incor- 
porating 11 categories of cotton textiles. 

4. For categories not subject to a specific ceil- 
ing, exports are not to exceed specified square 
yard equivalents for each year of the agree- 
ment. 

5. Within the total ceiling, an annual in- 



crease of 5 percent, starting with the second 
year of the agreement and on a cumulative 
basis, is provided for the 11 categories under 
specific group ceilings. 

6. The two Governments agreed on the spac- 
ing of shipments within each agreement year. 

7. The two Governments agreed on consulta- 
tion in case concentration in items made from 
any fabric or fabrics within certain categories 
causes or threatens to cause disruption of the 
U.S. market. 

8. The two Governments will exchange such 
statistical data as are required for the effective 
implementation of the agreement. 

9. The two Governments agree to consult on 
any question arising in the implementation of 
the agreement. 

10. The agreement supersedes the restraint 
actions taken by the U.S. Government with re- 
gard to cotton textile exports from the United 
Arab Republic to the United States under 
article 3 of the Long-Term Arrangement Re- 
garding International Trade in Cotton Tex- 
tiles. All other relevant provisions of the Long- 
Term Arrangement remain in effect between 
the two Governments. 

Text of U.S. Note 

December 4, 1963 
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to recent dis- 
cussions in Cairo between representatives of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America and the Gov- 
ernment of the United Arab Republic concerning trade 
in cotton textiles between the United Arab Republic 
and the United States. 

As a result of these discussions, I have the honor 
to propose the following agreement relating to trade in 
cotton textiles between the United Arab Republic and 
the United States : 

1. The Government of the United Arab Republic shall 
limit its annual exports to the United States in all 
categories of cotton textiles at the levels specified in 
the following schedule : 

October 1, 1963-September 30, 1964 — 42,000,000 

square yards 

October 1, 1964-September 30, 1965 — 16,000.000 

square yards 

October 1, 1965-Sept ember 30, 1966— 50,000,000 

square yards 

October 1, 1966-Septeinber 30, 1967—51,000,000 

square yards 

2. Within the aggregate annual limits specified in 



54 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



paragraph 1, the following specific ceilings shall apply 
exeept as modified by paragraph t below: 

a. Categories 1 and 2 — 2,100,000 pounds 

(Within this ceiling, annual exports in category 1 
and category 2 shall not exceed 2,000,000 pounds and 
300,000 pounds respectively.) 

b. Categories 3 and 4 — 500,000 pounds 

(Within this ceiling, annual exports in category 4 
shall not exceed 52,500 pounds.) 

c. Categories 9 and 26 — 22,200,000 square yards 
(Within this ceiling, annual exports in category 9 

and category 26 shall not exceed 14,500,000 square yards 
and 13,250,000 square yards respectively.) 

d. Category 60—15,000 dozen 

3. Within the aggregate annual limits specified in 
paragraph 1, the following additional specific annual 
ceilings shall apply on an aggregate basis for categories 
16, 21, 22, and 27 : 

October 1, 1963-September 30, 1964—6,850,000 square 

yards 
October 1, 1964-September 30, 1965—7,500,000 square 

yards 
October 1, 1965-September 30, 1966—7,850,000 square 

yards 
October 1, 1966-September 30, 1967—8,250,000 square 

yards 

Within these annual aggregate specific ceilings, the 
following subceilings may be exceeded by not more than 
five percent: 

Category 16 — 3,150,000 square yards 
Category 21 — 2,100,000 square yards 
Category 22 — 500,000 square yards 
Category 27—2,100,000 square yards 

4. The limitations on exports established by para- 
graph 2 as well as the subceilings for categories 16, 21, 
22, and 27 established by paragraph 3 shall be increased 
by 5 percent for the twelve-month period beginning 
October 1, 1964, and, on a cumulative basis, for each 
subsequent twelve-month period. 

5. Any shortfalls occurring in the appropriate ag- 
gregate annual limit established by paragraph 3 may 
be used for any category not given a specific ceiling. 
Annual exports in categories or groups of categories 
not given specific ceilings shall not exceed the levels 
specified in the following schedule except by mutual 
agreement of the two Governments : 

a. Categories 45 and 50 : 

October 1, 1963-September 30, 1964 — 350,000 square 
yards equivalent 

October 1, 1964-September 30, 1965—300,000 square 
yards equivalent 

October 1, 1965-September 30, 1966—250,000 square 
yards equivalent 

October 1, 1966-September 30, 1967—250,000 square 
yards equivalent 



b. All other categories or groups of categories not 

given specific ceilings : 

October 1, 1963 September 30, 1904 — 300,000 square 
yards equivalent 

October 1, 1964 September 30, 1905—250,000 square 
yards equivalent 

October 1, 1965-September 30, 1960—200,000 square 
yards equivalent 

October 1, 1966-September 30, 1907—200,000 square 
yards equivalent 

0. With the exception of seasonal items, the Gov- 
ernment of the United Arab Republic shall space its 
annual exports within each category or groups of cate- 
gories given a specific ceiling on a cumulative, quar- 
terly percentage basis of 30-55-80-100. 

7. During the life of this Agreement, the United 
Stales Government shall not exercise its rights under 
Article 3 of the Long-Term Arrangement Regarding 
International Trade in Cotton Textiles done at Geneva 
on February 9, 1962, to request restraint on the export 
of cotton textiles to the United States from the United 
Arab Republic. All other relevant provisions of the 
Long-Term Arrangement shall remain in effect between 
the two Governments. 

8. In the event concentration in exports from the 
United Arab Republic to the United States of items of 
apparel made up of a particular fabric causes or threat- 
ens to cause market disruption in the United States, the 
Government of the United States may call for consul- 
tations with the Government of the United Arab Repub- 
lic in order to reach a mutually satisfactory solution 
to the problem. The Government of the United Arab 
Republic shall agree to enter into such consultation, 
and, during the course thereof, shall limit its exports 
of the item in question at an annual level of 105 percent 
of its exports of the item in question during the twelve- 
month period immediately preceding the month in 
which consultations are requested. 

9. Each Government agrees to supply promptly any 
available statistical data requested by the other Gov- 
ernment. In the implementation of this Agreement, 
the system of categories and the factors for conversion 
into square yard equivalents set forth in the annex 
to this Agreement shall apply. 

10. The Governments agree to consult on any ques- 
tion arising in the implementation of this Agreement. 
In particular, the Government of the United Stales 
agrees to undertake, at the request of the Government 
of the United Arab Republic, a joint re-examination of 
the aggregate ceilings established in paragraph 1 of 
this Agreement in the light of developments in the 
United Arab Republic cotton textile industry, the per- 
formance record of the United Arab Republic in meet- 
ing ceilings established by this Agreement, and the 
condition of the United States cotton textile market. 

11. This Agreement shall continue in force through 
September 30, 1967, provided that either Government 
may propose revisions in the terms of the Agreement 



JANUABT 13, 1964 



55 



no later than 90 days prior to the beginning of a new 
twelve-month period ; and provided further that either 
Government may terminate this Agreement effective at 
the beginning of a new twelve-month period by written 
notice to the other Government given at least 90 days 
prior to the beginning of such new twelve-month period. 

If these proposals are acceptable to the Government 
of the United Arab Republic, this note and your Excel- 
lency's note of acceptance on behalf of the Government 
of the United Arab Republic shall constitute an agree- 
ment between our Governments, effective October 1, 
1963. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

John S. Badeau 

ANNEX 
[The annex to the agreement with the U.A.R. is 
identical with the annex to the agreement with Israel. 
For text, see p. 53.] 



Daniel L. Goldy Named National 
Export Expansion Coordinator 

The White House announced on December 
20 (White House press release) that President 
Johnson had on that day named Daniel L. 
Goldy, currently a Deputy Assistant Secretary 
of Commerce, as National Export Expansion 
Coordinator, upon recommendation of Secre- 
tary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges. He suc- 
ceeds Draper Daniels, who resigned in July 
to return to business. 

In his new post Mr. Goldy will coordinate 
the export expansion programs of the various 
agencies of the Federal Government. He will 
be responsible to Secretary Hodges and will 
operate from the U.S. Department of Com- 
merce. This follows President Johnson's an- 
nouncement 1 recently that he is creating a Cabi- 
net-level Interagency Committee on Export 
Expansion to facilitate the coordination of ac- 
tivities affecting export expansion. Secretary 
Hodges will be chairman and Mr. Goldy execu- 
tive director. Members will include represent- 
atives of the State Department, the Treasury 



1 For text of an Executive order establishing the In- 
teragency Committee on Export Expansion, see Bulle- 
tin of Jan. 6, 1964, p. 25. 



Department, the Department of Defense, the 
Agriculture Department, the Export-Import 
Bank, the Agency for International Develop- 
ment, and the Small Business Administra- 
tion, all with responsibilities in the export 
expansion field. 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

88th Congress, 1st Session 

Report of a Study of United States Foreign Aid in 
Ten Middle Eastern and African Countries. Sub- 
mitted by Senator Ernest Gruening. October 1, 
1963. [Committee print] 

Providing for an Investigation and Study of Means of 
Making the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence Sea- 
way Available for Navigation During the Entire 
Year. Report to accompany S. 530. H. Rept. 852. 
October 15, 1963. 9 pp. 

To Amend the Peace Corps Act. Hearings before the 
House Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 8754, 
October 15-16, 1963, 79 pp.; report of the House 
Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 9009, H. 
Rept. 892, November 7, 1963, 29 pp. 

Seventh Annual Report on the Trade Agreements Pro- 
gram. Message of transmittal from the President 
of the United States. H. Doc. 170. October 21. 
1963. 61 pp. 

International Coffee Agreement Act of 1963. Addi- 
tional views to accompany H.R. 8864. H. Rept. 870 
Part 2. October 28, 1963. 2 pp. 

Amending Section 41(a) of the Trading With the 
Enemy Act. Report to accompany S. 1451. S. Rept. 
595. October 29, 1963. 3 pp. 

South Pacific Commission. Report to accompany H. J 
Res. 779. H. Rept. 874. October 29, 1963. 9 pp. 

World Bank Capital Stock Increase. Report to ac- 
company H.R. 7405. S. Rept. 625. November 1, 
1963. 10 pp. 

Report of the Special Study Mission to Southeast Asia 
(October 3-19, 1963) of the House Committee on 
Foreign Affairs. H. Rept. 893. November 7, 1963. 
59 pp. 

U.S. Participation in the UN. Report by the President 
to the Congress for the Year 1962. H. Doc. 167. 
November 20, 1963. 453 pp. 

International Air Transportation Rates. Report to 
accompany an amendment in the nature of a sub- 
stitute to the bill S. 1540. S. Rept. 473. Part 2. 
November 21, 1963. 30 pp. 

United Nations Participation Act Amendment. Report 
to accompany S. 949. S. Rept. 676. December 4, 
1963. 13 pp. 

Providing Certain Basic Authority for USIA. Report 
to accompany S. 2213. S. Rept. 677. December 4, 
1963. 15 pp. 

Conference Report on Foreign Assistance Act of 1963, 
H.R. 7885, to amend further the Foreign Assistance 
Act of 1961, as amended, and for other purposes. 
H. Rept. 1006. December 6. 1963. 32 pp. 



56 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations 
and Cooperation Among States: Peaceful Settlement of Disputes 



Statement by Edna F. Kelly 

VjS. Representative to the General Assembly * 



In our first intervention in the Legal Com- 
mittee's discussion of friendly relations and 
cooperation among states, we discussed the 
principle contained in article 2, paragraph 4, of 
the Charter of the United Nations, which makes 
unlawful certain threats and uses of force. 2 On 
that occasion we suggested that what was vital 
was the practice of the United Nations, and 
other international institutions, in implement- 
ing the obligations contained in the charter. 
We suggested, further, that the Legal Commit- 
tee should pursue a study of the principles of 
the charter carefully and dispassionately. 
Today the United States delegation will address 
itself to a principle which, as we and others have 
pointed out, constitutes, in relation to article 2, 
paragraph 4, the other side of the coin: the 
principle of pacific settlement of international 
disputes. 

In a world in which the capacity for global 
destruction is threatening to outrun the capacity 
of human institutions to control it, the principle 
of pacific settlement has heightened significance. 
As Pope John XXIII has written, in the en- 
cyclical Pacem in Terris: 
. . . people live in constant fear lest the storm that 



'Made in Committee VI (Legal) on Nov. 19 (U.S. 
delegation press release 4305). 

'For a statement made by U.S. Representative 
Francis T. P. Plimpton on Nov. 11, see Bulletin 
of Dec. 23, 19C3, p. 973. 



every moment threatens should break upon them with 
dreadful violence. . . . There can be, or at least there 
should be, no doubt that relations between States, as 
between individuals, should be regulated not by the 
force of arms but by the light of reason, by the rule, 
that is, of truth, of justice and of active and sincere 
cooperation. . . . We say that it is an objective ear- 
nestly to be desired in itself. Is there anyone who does 
not ardently yearn to see war banished, to see peace 
preserved and daily more firmly established? 

The principle that states "shall settle their 
international disputes by peaceful means in 
such a manner that international peace and 
security, and justice, are not endangered" is 
stated in paragraph 3, article 2, of the charter 
and is elaborated in a number of other article-. 
It imposes an international legal obligation 
upon states. In the course of these remarks I 
shall speak of peaceful settlement of disputes, or 
pacific settlement, in the sense in which it is 
used in the charter. Pacific settlement, in these 
constitutional terms, means the seeking of a 
solution to an international dispute through 
the variety of means spelled out in article 33 
of the charter and the institutions of the United 
Nat ions, rather than through the resort to force. 

Historical Perspectives 

Mr. Chairman, it may be useful to place in 
some historical perspective the provisions of the 
el, a iter which bear upon peaceful settlement of 
disputes. Let us recall the atmosphere in which 



JANUARY 13, 19G4 



57 



the Dumbarton Oaks and San Francisco con- 
ferences took place. The international com- 
munity had been torn apart by the upheavals 
which, beginning in the early years of the 
1930's, had resulted in the loss of millions of 
human lives, the displacement of millions of 
people, and the destruction of the agricultural 
and industrial bases of livelihood of still others. 

The victorious nations, defending themselves 
against aggression, united in a determination, 
as the charter puts it, "to save succeeding gen- 
erations from the scourge of war." The par- 
ticipants in the San Francisco Conference were 
of course aware of the events which had taken 
place in the 1930's — of the use of physical force 
on a new and massive scale; of subversion in 
practice accompanying nonintervention in 
preachment; of massive, appalling violations 
of human rights and murder of countless hu- 
man beings in the interests of state "glorifica- 
tion," state "security," and state "sovereignty." 
The excesses of totalitarianism, national and 
international, were fresh in mind. These then 
recent, searing experiences of the international 
community were the background against which 
the charter was drafted. 

It is not surprising, therefore, that the char- 
ter provisions on peaceful settlement, taken in 
conjunction with its provisions concerning 
force, continue to provide, as a matter of obli- 
gation, that code of conduct with which states 
must comply if another global conflagration is 
to be avoided. I say this because the great 
changes which have taken place since the Sec- 
ond World War — decolonization, proliferation 
of nuclear and thermonuclear power, the grow- 
ing recognition of the imperative need for eco- 
nomic and social development, the expanding 
international concern with human rights — have 
radically changed the political context in which 
states find themselves in dispute with other 
states and have made all the more important 
the practical necessity for full compliance with 
the charter's legal obligation to settle disputes 
by peaceful means. 

Nor would the achievement of general and 
complete disarmament alter that fact; on the 
contrary. We of course recognize that the 
goal of general and complete disarmament re- 



quires fresh thinking and the grant of fresh, 
far-reaching powers to the United Nations or 
agencies acting within its framework. Indeed, 
the Western treaty outline on general and com- 
plete disarmament 3 advances a number of pro- 
posals in this regard. The United States dele- 
gation has addressed itself during this Assem- 
bly to this problem in a statement delivered by 
Ambassador [Charles C] Stelle in the First 
Committee on October 29. 4 It is a problem to 
which the United States will continue to 
address itself with perseverance and determi- 
nation. 

Obligations of Member States 

The charter places obligations and bestows 
correlative rights upon the states members of 
the United Nations. The interrelated obliga- 
tions of pacific settlement and nonresort to cer- 
tain threats and uses of force — both stated as 
principles of the organization — constitute a 
commitment to a peaceful world. By adhering 
to the charter the member states of the United 
Nations have acknowledged the existence of 
definite limits to the exercise of the sovereign 
powers of the state as those powers were under- 
stood even a generation ago. Indeed, it is dif- 
ficult to conceive of a step more fundamental 
to the preservation of peace than the commit- 
ment embodied in the charter to pacific settle- 
ment of international disputes. 

The twin principles of pacific settlement and 
nonresort to certain threats and uses of force 
have meaning, have impact upon international 
relations, precisely to the extent to which they 
are complied with. A state member of the 
United Nations which is a party to a dispute 
the continuance of which is likely to endanger 
the maintenance of international peace and 
security is obliged, as a matter of law, to seek 
a solution from among the range of means men- 
tioned in article 33. These are: "negotiation, 
enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, 
judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies 
or arrangements, or other peaceful means. . . ." 



! For text. Bee ibid., May 7, 1962, p. 747. 
4 Ihiil., Nov. IS. 1063, p. 793. 



58 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



A party to a dispute has a further obligation 
in the event of the failure of these procedures. 
Article 37 of the charter states, again in man- 
datory terms, an international legal obligation 
binding upon states members to refer unsettled 
disputes to the Security Council. So much, for 
the moment, concerning the obligations of 
states members. 

Responsibilities of the United Nations 

What are the responsibilities of the United 
Nations, acting as a political and juridical en- 
tity? Article 1 of the charter sets forth, as a 
purpose of the United Nations, the bringing 
about "by peaceful means, and in conformity 
with the principles of justice and international 
law, adjustment or settlement of international 
disputes or situations which might lead to a 
breach of the peace." 

Attainment of this purpose is, of course, a 
condition for the maintenance of international 
peace and security. And it is the keeping of the 
peace that is the paramount objective of this 
organization. As the International Court of 
Justice said in its advisory opinion of July 20, 
1962, on Certain Expenses of the United Na- 
tions, "The primary place ascribed to (the 
maintenance of) international peace and secu- 
rity is natural, since the fulfilment of the other 
purposes" — developing friendly relations; pro- 
moting economic, social, cultural, and humani- 
tarian progress and respect for human rights; 
and acting as a harmonizing center— "will be 
dependent upon the attainment of that basic 
condition" (p. 21). 

The charter delegates to the Security Council, 
the General Assembly, and the Secretary-Gen- 
eral broad powers necessary for the fulfillment 
of these great collective responsibilities. I shall 
comment on them in turn. 

Role of the General Assembly 

Article 10 of the charter authorizes the Gen- 
eral Assembly to discuss any questions or mat- 
ters within the. scope of the charter and, with 
an exception concerning matters under Security 
Council consideration, to make recommenda- 
tions to states members and to the Security 



Council. The General Assembly has effectively 
used these powers. It. has not approached its 
prerogatives timorously. And, while article 10 
empowers the. Assembly only to make recom- 
mendations, the members of the United Nat ions, 
as Judge Sir Hersch Lauterpachl once wrote, 
are expected to give consideration, in good fail h, 
to the Assembly's recommendations. 

Article 14 of the charter deals more specifi- 
cally with pacific settlement. It gives to the 
Assembly the right to "recommend measures 
for the peaceful adjustment of any situation, 
regardless of origin, which it deems likely to 
impair the general welfare or friendly relations 
among nations. . . ." This provision is of great 
importance to the organization's capacity to 
promote peaceful change in international rela- 
tions. The exercise of this right is, again, sub- 
ject to stay during Security Council considera- 
tion of a particular matter. 

Role of the Security Council 

Beyond these powers of the General Assembly 
lie the more far-reaching prerogatives of the 
Security Council. Thus the Security Council, 
when it deems necessary, is empowered to call 
upon parties to a dispute which, if continued, 
may endanger the peace to settle their dispute. 
The Council may, at any stage, recommend 
"appropriate procedures or methods of adjust- 
ment," a power given by article 36. Of particu- 
lar interest to the members of the Legal Com- 
mittee is the provision which states that, as a 
general rule, legal disputes should be referred 
by the parties to the International Court of 
Justice in accordance with the provisions of the 
Statute of the Court. This provision has been 
only rarely used. Members might do well to 
consider whether more attention should not be 
paid in the future to this principle. 

Finally, the Security Council may, acting 
under article 38, if requested by the parties, 
make recommendations to them "with a view to 
a pacific settlement of the dispute." Here again 
we find a provision which has been little used 
in practice. In this case the reasons for lack of 
use would seem to be found in the lack of inter- 
national confidence which has, to so significant 
an extent, characterized the postwar era. 



JANUARY 13, 1964 



.V.I 



Characteristics of International Disputes 

What was the view of the framers of the 
charter concerning the characteristics of inter- 
national disputes, particularly those disputes 
having a potentially adverse effect upon keep- 
ing the peace? Some of these characteristics 
are obvious; some are not. First, the framers 
believed, in general, that the typical interna- 
tional dispute naturally enough is one involving 
differences between states. Second, the typical 
dispute is one which is bilateral in nature, al- 
though the continuance of a dispute may be 
likely, by virtue of the proliferation of state in- 
terests and the speed of communications, to 
draw other states into its ambit. "Escalation" 
was a recognized fact in 1945, even if the term 
was not itself much used. Third, the parties 
to a dispute are identifiable. Fourth, the issues 
giving rise to a dispute are capable of precise 
statement. 

A fifth set of characteristics concerns the re- 
lation of the dispute to the maintenance of in- 
ternational peace and security. All disputes — 
while important to the disputants — do not have 
the same peace-destroying potentiality; the 
factual circumstances of great-power involve- 
ment and of deep political, economic, and social 
undercurrents can have a different effect, in 
terms of importance and immediacy, than, for 
example, isolated border controversies in areas 
far removed from the centers of political and 
economic competition. 

The charter acknowledges this fact and visu- 
alizes a scale by which the political seriousness 
of a dispute is to be judged. The powers of the 
United Nations and the principal organs of the 
organization bear a direct relationship to this 
pattern of escalation. Thus article 14 gives the 
General Assembly recommendatory powers with 
regard to "any situation, regardless of 
origin . . . likely to impair the general welfare 
or friendly relations among nations." Consid- 
erably up the scale of explosiveness lie those 
matters which are described by article 34 as 
situations "which might lead to international 
f rict ion or give rise to a dispute." The Security 
Council is given important, authoritative 
powers of investigation in respect of situations 
of this character "in order to determine whether 
the continuance of the dispute or situation is 



likely to endanger the maintenance of interna- 
tional peace and security." Finally, at the top 
of the scale are those disputes which erupt into 
a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act 
of aggression ; as to those, the Security Council 
is invested, under chapter VII of the charter, 
with power to make recommendations or de- 
cisions necessary "to maintain or restore inter- 
national peace and security." 

Underlying this pattern of escalation lies the 
principle that disputes should not, in general, 
be brought to the United Nations until the 
parties have tried to reach a settlement and have 
failed. This principle has been greatly de- 
veloped through the use of regional arrange- 
ments, a development foreseen by paragraph 2 
of article 52, which obliges members of the 
United Nations who are also participants in 
such arrangements to "make every effort to 
achieve pacific settlement of local disputes 
through such regional arrangements or by such 
regional agencies before referring them to the 
Security Council." 

The Latin American states and the United 
States can take pride in the development in 
the Western Hemisphere of the Organization 
of American States, whose charter was signed 
in Bogota in 1948, and of the dispute-settling 
and peacekeeping facilities which that organi- 
zation provides. Article 20 of its charter places 
upon the American states the duty of submit- 
ting international disputes arising between 
them to the peaceful procedures set forth in the 
OAS Charter before referring them to the 
United Nations Security Council. 

As many other delegates have noted, Africa, 
in May of this year, created its own regional 
arrangement, the Organization of African 
Unity, whose charter was drawn up at the 
Addis Ababa conference. 5 May I note, in this 
connection, that we warmly welcome the begin- 
ning of the solution of the first great question 
which has arisen within the framework of the 
Organization of African Unity and in the con- 
text of the African statesmanship. I refer, of 
course, to the meeting held in Bamako for the 
amelioration of the Algerian-Moroccan dis- 



• For a message from President Kennedy to the Con- 
ference of African Heads of State on May 22, 19C3, see 
ma., June 10, 1903, p. 902. 



60 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



pute 6 and to the recent meeting of African 
foreign ministers. 

The framers of the charter thought it wise to 
bestow upon the parties to a dispute the right, 
insofar as they had not already limited it, to 
choose any method of settlement from among 
the means listed in article 33. It is important 
to stress that this right of the parties to choose 
a particular method of settlement cannot be 
allowed to derogate from their basic obligation 
to seek a settlement in good faith. The charter 
does not. give disputing states the right to post- 
pone an effort to settle their dispute, for a pro- 
tracted period on the ground that they have not 
been able to agree to a particular method of 
settlement. Indeed, if the charter had done so, 
it would have undermined the principle that all 
members shall "settle their international dis- 
putes by peaceful means in such a manner that 
international peace and security, and justice, are 
not endangered." 

As I have noted, the charter also embodies the 
general rule that legal disputes should be re- 
ferred by the parties to the International Court 
of Justice in accordance with the provisions of 
the Statute of the Court. Thus article 36, par- 
agraph 3, is a continuing reminder to the Se- 
curity Council that it should take into consid- 
eration the facilities for impartial international 
adjudication which are afforded by the Court. 
The Security Council, as early as 1946, acted 
upon this provision when it recommended to 
Albania and the United Kingdom that they take 
to the Court the dispute between them arising 
from the loss of British lives and naval vessels 
by reason of Albanian mining of the Corfu 
Channel. Since that time the Security Council 
has hardly acted upon the basis of article 36, 
paragraph 3, of the charter. My delegation be- 
lieves that the Council, and indeed the Assem- 
bly, would do well to give greater life to this 
principle. 

Experience of the United Nations 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to turn now to 
the experience of the United Nations since the 
creation of the organization at San Francisco. 
I want at this juncture to deal with the expe- 
rience of the organization in preventing dis- 
putes from destroying the peace, the mainte- 



nanceof which, as we have noted, is the primary 
purpose of the United Nal 

By way of preliminary definition it may be 
said that the goal of peacekeeping is the ame- 
lioration or pacification of disputes. The ex- 
perience of the United Nations as a pacifying 
and ameliorating global institution is oxter 
We may usefully consider, for a moment, the 
varieties of experience which have been gained 
in keeping the peace. 

These experiences are not easily categorized. 
Perhaps, for purposes of simplification, they 
may be adverted to in the manner suggested 
below. 

First, the United Nations has acted both as 
a creator and a supervisor of truce arrange- 
ments. Early experience was gained in the 
creation of the United Nations Truce Supervi- 
sion Organization in Palestine. UNTSO is 
today still playing an invaluable role in keeping 
the peace in the Middle East. Closely related 
to UNTSO has been the United Nations Emer- 
gency Force in the Middle East; the legality 
and value of its activities have been confirmed 
by the International Court of Justice, in the 
opinion to which I earlier referred. 

A second example in which the organization 
has concerned itself with truce arrangements is 
furnished by the United Nations Military Ob- 
server Group for India and Pakistan. The 
group, while now small, continues to play a role 
of real importance. I do not think it can be 
doubted that the force remains of the greatest 
importance in keeping peace while — and we still 
retain our optimism— the parties to the dispute 
concerning Kashmir and related areas and 
questions hopefully proceed along the arduous 
path of settlement. I might repeat, in this con- 
text, my earlier reference to the determination, 
recorded in the charter, "to save succeeding gen- 
erations from the scourge of war.*' No one can 
doubt that a violent outbreak along the Indo- 
Pakistani border would have grave conse- 
quences. Not only do the states parties to this 
dispute have a legal obligation to seek a settle- 
ment by such means as will not endanger the 
peace. All members have committed themselves 



' For a Depart at statement on the Algeria-Morocco 

cease-flre agreement signed at Bamako, Mali, on 
Oct 30, see ibid., Nov. 18, 1963, p. 787. 



JANUARY 13, 1964 



61 



to peaceful settlement and, thus, to do what they 
can to insure the amelioration of this long- 
drawn-out difficulty. 

A second category of United Nations peace- 
keeping activities has been concerned with find- 
ing facts and, at times, extending good offices. 
Each of the three principal organs of the 
United Nations having responsibilities in the 
sphere of peaceful settlement — the Security 
Council, the General Assembly, and the Secre- 
tary-General — has had a good deal of expe- 
rience with missions of factfinding and good 
offices. The work of the United Nations Good 
Offices Committee for Indonesia was one of the 
earliest experiments of this character. The ap- 
pointment by the General Assembly of a United 
Nations Mediator in Palestine was another 
early example, one which ended tragically for 
Count Bernadotte, whose effort, and that of his 
successor, Dr. [Ralph] Bunche, was, in the end, 
successful. The Security Council Subcommit- 
tee on Laos played an important role in furnish- 
ing the United Nations with much-needed in- 
formation about Laos. I might note that that 
member of the organization is still suffering 
from the refusal in some quarters to respect its 
independence and neutrality. We maintain our 
hope that under the distinguished and deter- 
mined leadership of Prime Minister Souvanna 
Phouma the difficult problems of Laotian inde- 
pendence, integrity, and neutrality can be 
solved. 

Still other instances of United Nations fact- 
finding and extension of good offices are those 
in which the Secretary-General has exercised 
his authority under the charter, notably under 
articles 98 and 99. He has appointed a repre- 
sentative to elicit the facts of the situation in 
Oman. That representative, Ambassador 
[Herbert] de Ribbing, has presented a report, 7 
which has been circulated to members, and will 
shortly be considered by the Fourth Committee. 
Another representative of the Secretary-Gen- 
eral has been quietly at work on problems aris- 
ing from differences between Cambodia and 
Thailand, differences which benefit no member 
of the organized international community and 
the furtherance of which can be the object only 



' U.N. doc. A/5562. 



of those who would wish to destroy the fabric 
of that community. A very recent example, 
fresh in our minds, is the factfinding mission of 
the Secretary-General's representative in North 
Borneo and Sabah. This is a case in which 
the Secretary-General accepted a task which 
Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines had 
jointly asked him to assume as one of the chief 
points in the agreed resolution of their 
differences. 

The United Nations has also acted as an ob- 
server of illicit movement, across borders, in 
munitions and other implements of war. 
Thus, early in its history, the General Assem- 
bly created the United Nations Special Com- 
mittee on the Balkans. The Committee's func- 
tion was to investigate whether Greece's north- 
ern neighbors were covertly, and in defiance of 
the United Nations, furnishing war material 
to persons in rebellion against the Government 
of Greece. In 1958 the Security Council cre- 
ated the United Nations Observation Group in 
Lebanon, which exercised similar functions 
with regard to the alleged illegal infiltration 
into Lebanon of military personnel and the sup- 
ply of arms and other material. Today the 
United Nations Yemen Observation Mission is 
doing its best, in the extraordinarily difficult 
Yemeni terrain, to monitor the situation in 
Yemen. 

In several other historic cases the United Na- 
tions, in fulfilling its role as protector of the 
peace, has acted to support the independence 
of states. The achievements of the United Na- 
tions Command in repelling the aggression 
launched across the 38th parallel by forces of 
the North Korean regime, subsequently joined 
in by the Communist Chinese, may not have 
produced the unified and independent Korea 
for which the General Assembly has repeatedly 
called, but it had its effect in warning those 
who would unleash aggression of the conse- 
quences of doing so. In this sense it may have 
made its contribution to the settlement of inter- 
national disputes by peaceful means. 

The Secretary-General has repeatedly acted 
to support the independence of states. A note- 
worthy case is the appointment of Ambassador 
[Pier Pasquale] Spinelli as representative of 
the Secretary-General in Jordan. This one 



62 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



example of many of the exercise by the Secre- 
tary ( reneral of his constitutional political 
powers serves to remind us of the potentialities 
for peace inherent in the office of Secret ary- 
General. 

Yet another example is furnished by the 
United Nations Operation in the Congo. 
Those who have lived with the situation in the 
Congo since the original request by the Gov- 
ernment of the Congo for United Nations as- 
sistance in the early days of July 1960 will 
recognize that the magnitude of the task under- 
taken by this organization will not soon be for- 
gotten. Even with all the problems which 
remain to be solved by the Republic of the Con- 
go, none can doubt that the vortex into which 
the Congolese state was pulled upon the 
achievement of its independence could, in turn, 
have drawn into it the great powers. That 
tragedy, for Africa and for the world, was 
averted through the creation of ONUC, not 
only for the benefit of the Congolese people and 
others in Africa but for the entire world. 

The United Nations has also been active as 
a protector of the peace through human- 
welfare activities. The United Nations Relief 
and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in 
the Near East and the Palestine Conciliation 
Commission have tried to alleviate the suffer- 
ing which flowed from the Palestine fighting. 
It is to be hoped that UNRWA will press on 
with its task of economic and social assistance 
and that, in time, the PCC, in conjunction with 
other bodies and other efforts, will be able to 
bring a more permanent peace to and a better 
life for the countries and peoples of the Middle 
East. 

Finally, in this illustrative list of United 
Nations peacekeeping activities, there has been 
one which is quite novel. The charter itself, in 
article 81, presents our organization with the 
possibility of becoming responsible for the ex- 
ercise of the administration of a trust territory. 
While the organization has not yet had occa- 
sion to exercise that authority, it has acted, 
albeit for a very brief period of time, as an 
administrator of territory. The United Na- 
tions Temporary Executive Authority in West 
New Guinea, agreed upon by Indonesia and the 
Netherlands and confirmed by the General As- 



sembly, has constituted an important step in 
the process of resolution of the lon<: 
dispute over West New Guinea. It is not im- 
possible that the United Nat ions will find it 
necessary in the future to exercise an authority 
which may properly be called executive in 
character. 

Mr. Chairman, I have addressed myself only 
to those instances of the amelioration and 
pacification of disputes in which the United 
Nations as an entity has become involved. I '»■- 
cause the incidence of disputes, particularly 
bilateral disputes, has always been high, one 
could go on at some length concerning experi- 
ence since 1945 in the field of pacific settlement. 
I cannot, however, resist referring to the amica- 
ble settlement this year of an ancient dispute 
between Mexico and the United States concern- 
ing the precise location of the border between 
our two countries. We hope that the settlement 
of the Chamizal case 8 will serve as an encour- 
agement to those who may at times regard 
pacific settlement as impossible because of the 
persistence of a dispute over a long period of 
time. We are particularly pleased to resolve 
this longstanding difference with our friends 
and neighbors of Mexico. 

Conclusions To Be Drawn From This Experience 

Now, Mr. Chairman, what are the conclu- 
sions to be drawn from this brief description of 
United Nations experience with peacekeeping? 
I would suggest that, in most of the cases with 
which the United Nations has been required to 
cope, the foresight of the framers of the charter 
has been demonstrated. The instrument which 
they produced, while by no means perfect, does 
provide the juridical and constitutional basis 
upon which progressive, productive diplomatic 
action can be taken. In terms of the nature of 
the dispute, which I discussed as an abstrac- 
tion some time ago, the conceptions of the 
framers of the charter have been borne out. 
They have, of course, been developed by prac- 
tice. 

Thus we recognize today that international 
disputes do not always involve differences be- 
tween states, although this is generally the case. 



8 See p. 49. 



JANUARY 13, 19G4 



63 



There have been and are disputes between a 
state, on the one hand, and an international or- 
ganization, on the other. I would cite, by way 
of example, the dispute which the members of 
the Soviet bloc, and a few others, have with the 
United Nations on the subject of financing of 
peacekeeping activities of the organization. 
This is not, of course, a dispute in which the 
contending state and international organization 
are likely to resort to force, one against the 
other, but it is a dispute which, if unresolved, 
would endanger the peacekeeping capacity of 
this organization. It is a dispute which can 
only be resolved in accordance with the law of 
the charter. 

We further recognize that it may not be de- 
sirable specifically to identify parties to a many- 
sided dispute, even though it is possible as a 
legal matter to do so. The resolution of the 
Security Council which created UNOGIL 
[United Nations Observer Group in Lebanon] 
did not identify the parties to that situation, 
nor was it necessary that the resolution should 
have done so. 

We know also that there are certain disputes 
which it is hard to imagine can be "definitively" 
terminated. It seems true, although regrettable, 
to note that there are disputes with regard to 
which the diplomat can imagine only ameliora- 
tion, not final solution. However, it is also im- 
portant to say that amelioration may be enough, 
for it may give the parties concerned the chance 
to live sufficiently long with a "temporary" 
solution for the passions and emotions which 
earlier made the situation intractable to wither 
and pass away. 

Role of the Secretary-General 

A most notable institution having demon- 
strated capacities in the field of pacific settle- 
ment in the contemporary world is the Office of 
the Secretary-General. I have already men- 
tioned a few examples. The institutional poten- 
tialities of the Secretary-General's Office can be 
used still more in the future than in the past. 
Often this can be done with a small expenditure 
of funds. Often this can be done without plac- 
ing undue burdens upon the Secretary-General, 
either in terms of expecting that he and the 



international civil servants who work with him 
can overnight contrive solutions for ancient 
problems or placing upon him demands for per- 
sonnel and expertise which the members of the 
United Nations have not put the Secretary- 
General in a position to fulfill. My delegation 
suggests that the Office of the Secretary-Gen- 
eral can be put to even greater use in connection 
with border and related disputes than has been 
the case in the past. I do not have especially in 
mind those cases in which contending legal 
claims of sovereignty are asserted but, more 
particularly, those involving doubt or direct 
controversy concerning factual conditions along 
and upon national borders. 

The Secretary-General speaks for us all. His 
Office is that of the international community as 
a whole. The noble concept of the international 
civil service, responsible in its official functions 
only to the organization, constitutes an advance 
toward a saner world which must at all costs be 
preserved and nurtured. Accordingly, attacks 
upon the constitutional character of the Office 
of Secretary-General, and upon the letter and 
spirit of article 100 of the charter, must be re- 
pelled. The notorious proposals for a troika — 
reactionary in the extreme — must remain in 
the shadow to which they have rightly been 
confined. 

Question of Codification 

Mr. Chairman, a number of suggestions have 
already been made concerning implementation 
of the principle that states shall settle their in- 
ternational disputes by peaceful means. Some 
of these informal proposals have taken up the 
question of so-called codification of this princi- 
ple. Strangely enough, certain delegations 
which call most insistently for codification of 
the entire subject of friendly relations seem to 
have little concrete and constructive to say about 
pacific settlement. On October 29 the delegate 
of Czechoslovakia opened the debate in our com- 
mittee with a statement to the effect that only 
by codification can the Legal Committee make a 
contribution to the maintenance of peace. He 
suggested that, to article 33 of the charter, 
should be added a rule to the effect that "States 
are free, when using other methods of settle- 



64 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



meat, to choose the more appropriate means for 
such a settlement on the basis of an agreement 
and with regard to the nature of the dispute." 
This simply will not do. 

The proposal of Czechoslovakia is identical 
to the proposal it made last year as the second 
of its list of 19 principles of peaceful coexist- 
ence. The consequences of this nationalistic 
and retrograde proposal should be clearly 
understood: It would narrow the range of all 
the various methods of peaceful settlement set 
forth in article 33 of the charter to the singlo 
method of negotiation. That is what is meant 
by the Czechoslovakian emphasis, earlier in its 
restatement of this principle, that "Dis- 
putes .... must be settled by peaceful means, 
in particular by direct negotiations." The 
view that direct negotiations are the best, if 
not the only, way of solving international 
disputes — at least disputes between a Commu- 
nist state, on the one hand, and a non-Commu- 
nist state, on the other, is of course a consistent 
Communist approach to international relations. 
Yet one would think that Czechoslovakia, in 
particular, would know better. Its experience 
with direct negotiations with great powers and 
by great powers has not been such as to inspire 
great confidence in the justice of direct 
negotiations. 

The Communist emphasis on negotiation 
seems to flow from the outmoded concept of 
state sovereignty which is held by the Commu- 
nist states. It seems to flow also from the 
Soviet tendency to consider as purely political 
questions all disputes between states having dif- 
fering economic and social institutions. It 
seems to flow, further, from the Soviet depre- 
cation of the judicial process, a view which 
arises from the Soviet thesis that judicial insti- 
tutions within a Communist country are not 
independent and impartial arbiters but, rather, 
agents of the state for the furtherance of the 
political aims of the state. Until very recently 
Soviet juridical philosophy seemed to be in- 
clined to view the theory of the independent 
and nonpolitical judge as a "bourgeois institu- 
tion" by which the capital-owning classes could 
perpetuate their rule of the "oppressed" labor- 
ing "masses." And these views, denying either 
the possibility or the desirability of an impar- 



tial judge, free from political direction by t In- 
state, resulted, on the Internationa] plane, in 
opposition to the impartial finder <>f facta, the 

impartial commission of conciliation, the im- 
partial extender of good offices, and the impar- 
tial arbitrator. We all recall, in a related con- 
text, Mr. Khrushchev's criticism of Dug Ham- 
marskjold — Mr. Khrushchev's contention that, 
while there can be neutral states, there cannot 
be neutral men. 

Mr. Chairman, a few specific proposals have 
been made in this discussion. In particular, 
the delegate of the Netherlands has suggested 
that study be given to the possibility of estab- 
lishing a permanent center of international 
factfinding. We think this idea worthy of 
serious consideration within the framework of 
the Office of the Secretary-General or the new 
United Nations Institute. We should also be 
interested in the development of the sugges- 
tions made by the distinguished delegate of 
Colombia. 

But we have, generally speaking, some skep- 
ticism as to the desirability of creating farther 
machinery for the pacific settlement of disputes. 
Let me give an example. There have been, and 
no doubt will continue to be, suggestions for the 
creation of regional international courts of jus- 
tice, from the decisions of which appeal could be 
taken to the International Court of Justice at 
The Hague. We do not think that these sugges- 
tions are meritorious. To us, the likely effect of 
the creation of highly complicated regional ju- 
dicial machinery would be to discourage the use 
of existing international institutions — in par- 
ticular, the International Court of Justice. We 
do not think that the reasons why the Interna- 
tional Court has been so little used lie to any 
substantial degree in a supposed distrust of the 
wisdom, impartiality, and legal sophistication 
of judges of the Court. We would prefer to 
stimulate further resort to the Court as it e\ 
now rather than to run the risk of possibly 
weakening the concept of impartial, interna- 
tional adjudication and of a single, universal 
international law, through the creation of other 
international courts of general jurisdiction in 
the various regions of the world. 

Furthermore, the United States believes that 
there already exists an almndance of machinery 



JANUARY 13, 19C4 



65 



for peaceful settlement. What is necessary is 
the greater use of machinery which already 
exists. When did the Security Council last 
avail itself of a rapporteur? How can we 
stimulate, increased resort to the International 
Court of Justice, which, as a result of the elec- 
tions held in the Security Council and in the 
General Assembly during this very session, has 
lived up to the requirement of its statute that 
the representation of the main forms of civili- 
zation and the principal legal systems of the 
world should be assured? There is also the 
Permanent Court of Arbitration, with its sec- 
retariat at The Hague, which until last year, 
when Denmark and the United Kingdom took 
a dispute to it, had not been lately used. 
Existing regional arrangements and institu- 
tions provide additional machinery for pacific 
settlement. The pacifying influence of the Or- 
ganization of American States, and now 
of the Organization of African Unity, holds 
much promise. Indeed, the creation of the Or- 
ganization of African Unity adds still another 
chapter to the role which the Charter of the 
United Nations, in chapter VIII, envisages for 
the settlement of international differences. As 
I pointed out earlier, article 52, paragraph 3, 
obliges members of the United Nations entering 
into such regional arrangements to make every 
effort to achieve pacific settlement of local dis- 
putes through such arrangements. 

To put the matter another way, Mr. Chair- 
man, we think that the emphasis of our work 
on this extremely important topic of friendly 
relations and cooperation among states should 
be an inquiry into the reasons for the disuse into 
which certain United Nations and other inter- 
national machinery has fallen. I have already 
noted the potentiality and achievements of the 
Office of the Secretary-General in the field of 
pacific settlement and of the resources of the 
United Nations Secretariat. Indeed, the 
Secretary-General has the authority under the 
charter to recommend to the parties to a dispute, 
however informally, that they should pursue a 
friendly solution in order that he not be called 
upon to exercise his authority under article 99 
of the charter to bring to the attention of the 
Security Council any matter which he believes 



may threaten the peace. The potentiality of 
other institutions of peaceful settlement must 
also be exploited. 

With regard to arbitration, we have sug- 
gested that greater use be made of the Perma- 
nent Court of Arbitration. We would note 
that some years ago the International Law 
Commission produced an outstanding text of 
the Model Eules of Arbitral Procedure, which 
lie in wait for use by disputing states. We note 
with interest the draft convention on the settle- 
ment of investment disputes which is now under 
consideration by the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development. As to ju- 
dicial settlement, we note with pleasure the 
recent acceptances of Somalia and Uganda of 
the jurisdiction of the International Court of 
Justice, in accordance with article 36, para- 
graph 2, of the statute of the Court,. We hope 
that other states will consider doing so. More- 
over, states might be reminded of the possi- 
bility of concluding special agreements for the 
submission to the Court of a specific dispute 
or disputes. For our part, I can state — and this 
I wish to emphasize — that the United States is 
prepared earnestly to consider concluding a 
special agreement with any member of the 
United Nations to take any outstanding legal 
difference we may have to the Court for its de- 
termination. 

Moreover, in pursuance of the point so well 
made by the distinguished delegate of the 
United Kingdom, we might further consider 
why the advisory competence of the Interna- 
tional Court of Justice is so much less used by 
the United Nations than was that of the Perma- 
nent Court by the League. Increased resort to 
the Court's advisory competence by the United 
Nations and the specialized agencies is a matter 
of high importance. We would like to see the 
Court become the constitutional interpreter of 
the United Nations Charter and the specialized 
agencies' charters. 

Finally, we might note the growth of regional 
institutions, as, for example, the Organization 
of African Unity, and remind states of their 
obligations to foster regional settlement of local 
disputes and the Security Council of its obliga- 
tion to encourage (he resolution of such disputes 
through these regional arrangements. 



66 



DEPARTMENT OP STATE BULLETIN 



Report on Financial Management 
and the U.N. System Released 

The Department of State on December 29 
(press release 614 dated December 27) released 

the third report of its Advisory Committee on 
International Organizations entitled "Finan- 
cial Management and the United Nations Sys- 
tem.'' 1 The report makes three major 
recommendations: 

(1) The Department of State should develop 
plans projected over a 5-year period covering 
U.S. participation in the United Nations and 
its specialized agencies; 

(2) In making these plans and in consider- 
ing current programs, the Department of State 
should consider the U.N. and its several 
agencies on a coordinated basis and not as sep- 
arate, unrelated entities; and 

(3) The United States should give further 
consideration to the development of a special 
scale of assessments for the financing of U.N. 
peacekeeping operations. 

The Advisory Committee was appointed by 
the Department of State in the fall of 1962. 
Chairman of the committee is Sol M. Linowitz, 
chairman of the board of the Xerox Corpora- 
tion. 2 

In the report to Assistant Secretary Harlan 
Cleveland the committee points out that the 
rapid growth of the U.N. system and the num- 
ber, cost, and scope of its programs have 
created a situation where present financial man- 
agement practices are inadequate. It therefore 
recommends that new procedures be established, 
looking ahead at least 5 years, laying down 
priorities for the various U.N. agencies and 
their programs, and making projections as to 
future levels of U.S. financial commitment. 

The committee urges that the United States 
determine its support for the various U.N. 



1 A limited number of copies of the report are avail- 
able upon request from the Office of Media Services, 
Department of State, Washington, D.C., 20520. A 
limited number of copies of the Advisory Committee's 
earlier reports, "Staffing International Organizations" 
and "The Technical Cooperation Programs of the 
United Nations System," are also available. 

3 For names of the other members of the committee, 
see Department of State press release 644 dated 
Dec. 27. 



agencies in a consolidated, unified manner and 

that the budgets of these agencies be reviewed 
as a package. 

The report underscores the necessity of assur- 
ing that U.N. financial planning is adequal 
enable it to meet effectively situations threaten- 
ing world peace. It cites the temporary special 
scale of assessments for peacekeeping adopted 
by last year's special session of the U.N. Gen- 
eral Asscmlily 3 as perhaps pointing the way 
toward a permanent financing program. The 
report recognizes that congressional approval 
would be necessary before any commitments 
were made for payment of a U.S. assessment of 
more than 33% percent. 

Other recommendations deal with the ade- 
quacy of financial management practices in the 
U.N. agencies, with the timing of U.S. con- 
tributions, and with the use of "matching" 
funds. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents [such as those 
listed below) may he consulted at depository libraries 
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may 
be purchased from the Sales Section of the United 
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 



Security Council 

Letters received by the Secretary-General in connection 
with Security Council resolution of August 7, 1063 
(S/5386), regarding shipment of arms to South Af- 
rica for possible use to support a policy of apartheid. 
S/5438/Add.l, October 22, 1963, 6 pp. ; A/5438/Add.2, 
October 30, 1963, 4 pp.; S/5438/Add.3, November 8, 
1903, 3 pp. ; S/5438/Add.4, November 20, 1963, 2 pp. ; 
S/5438/Add.5, November 26, 1963, l pp. 

Election of five members of the International Court of 
Justice. Note bv the Secretariat regarding Security 
Council procedure, S/5449, October 31. 1963, 3 pp.; 
letters dated October 22 and November 21, 1903, 
from the representative of Lebanon to the President 
of the Security Council and to the Secretary -General, 
A/5445, October 24, 1963, 2 pp., and S/5461, Novem- 
ber 21, 1963, 5 pp. , „ 

Report by the Secretary-General to the Security Coun- 
cil on the funrtii f tin- United .Nations Yemen 

Observation Mission. S/.M47, October 28, 1963, '.» pp. 
and map: S 5447/Add.l. October 31. 1983, 2 pp.; 
S/5447/Add.2, November 11, 1963, 1 p. 

Report by the Secretary General pursuant to Security 
Council resolution of July 31, 1963 tS ,-.380), con- 
cerning territories under Portuguese administration. 
S 5448, October 31, 196;?, 37 pp.: S .Mis A.M.I. No- 



■ Bulletin of July 29, 1963, p. 178. 



JANUARY 13, 19G4 



67 



vember 19, 1963, 5 pp. ; S/5448/Add.2, November 22, 
1963, 4 pp. 

Letter dated November 1, 1963, from the representa- 
tive of Pakistan to the President of the Security 
Council regarding alleged military activities by In- 
dian authorities along the cease-fire line in Kashmir, 
S/5450, November 1, 1963, 3 pp. ; and reply by the 
representative of India, S/5467, November 27, 1963, 
3 pp. 

Letter dated October 30, 1963, from the chairman of 
the Inter-American Peace Committee to the Secre- 
tary-General transmitting copies of a report on the 
termination of the activities of the Honduras-Nicara- 
gua Mixed Commission. S/5452. November 7, 1963, 
61pp. 

Letter dated November 12, 1963, from the representa- 
tive of India to the President of the Security Coun- 
cil regarding Kashmir. S/5454. November 12, 1963. 
2 pp. 

Letter dated November 13 from representatives of 
African nations to the President of the Security 
Council regarding implementation of the resolution 
on territories under Portuguese administration. 
S/5460. November 21, 1963. 2 pp. 

Cable dated December 10, 1963, from the Prime Min- 
ister of Zanzibar to the Secretary-General regarding 
application for U.N. membership. S/5478. Decem- 
ber 10, 1963. 1 p. 



General Assembly 

Dissemination of Information in the Non-Self-Govern- 
ing Territories on the Declaration on the Granting of 
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 
Report of the Secretary-General. A/5523. Sep- 
tember 18, 1963. 9 pp. 

Report of the Secretary-General transmitting a study 
by a group of experts on economic development of 
underdeveloped countries. A/5533. October 10. 
1963. 216 pp. 

Economic Development of Underdeveloped Countries: 
Summaries of U.N. activities in field of industrial 
development : Centre for Industrial Development, 
A/5534, October 14, 1963, 4S pp.; Special Fund. 
A/5534/Add.2, October 17, 1963, 5 pp. ; International 
Atomic Energy Agency, A/5535/ Add.5, October 25, 
1963, 11 pp. 

Comments received from governments and interna- 
tional organizations and institutions regarding tech- 
nical assistance to promote the teaching, study, dis- 
semination and wider appreciation of international 
law: Trinidad and Tobago, A/5455/Add.5, October 
18, 1963, 3 pp.; U.S.S.R., A/5455/Add.6, November 
14, 1963, 3 pp. 

Letter dated October 15, 1963, from the chairman of 
the Philippine delegation to the President of the 
General Assembly regarding statements on the ques- 
tion of Malaysia. A/5574. October 17, 1963. 1 p. 

Letter dated October 15, 1963, from the representative 
of Tunisia to the Secretary-General regarding the 
evacuation of the French Armed Forces from Tu- 
nisia. A/5576. October 18, 1963. 1 p. 

Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and the 
Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West New 
Guinea (West Irian). Report of the Secretary-Gen- 
eral. A/5578. October 21, 1963. 2 pp. 

The Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa : 

Note verbale dated October 15, 1963, from the repre- 
sentative of Libya to the Secretary-General. 
A/5577. October 21, 1963. 1 p. 
Letter dated October 25, 1963. from the representa- 
tive of Trinidad and Tobago to the President of 
the General Assembly. A/5583. October 28, 1963. 
2 pp. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



U.S. and Canada To Reimpose 
Welland Canal Tolls 

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT 

The Department of State announced on De- 
cember 23 (press release 642) an exchange of 
notes between W. W. Butterworth, Ambassador 
to Canada, and Paul Martin, Canadian Secre- 
tary of State for External Affairs, regarding 
the reimposition of tolls on the Welland Canal. 
The tolls, which were suspended as of July 18, 
1962, will be reimposed as of April 1, 1964. 

TEXT OF CANADIAN NOTE 

No. 198 

Sib : I have the honour to refer to the exchange of 
notes of March 9, 1959 ! setting out the tariff of tolls 
on the St. Lawrence seaway including the Welland 
Canal, and to the exchange of notes of July 3 and 13, 
1962 2 which varied the tariff of tolls in order to pro- 
vide for the suspension of tolls on the Welland Canal. 
In my predecessor's note number IIS of July 3, 1962, he 
said : 

"I shall of course communicate further with you if 
the Government of Canada subsequently decides that 
it would be advisable to revoke this suspension and 
reimpose tolls on the Welland Canal." 

The Canadian Government has decided that it would 
be advisable to revoke the suspension referred to and 
to reimpose tolls on the Welland Canal as of April 1, 
1964 at the rates and under the terms existing immedi- 
ately prior to the suspension. 

I have the honour to suggest that this note and your 
reply shall constitute an agreement between our two 
Governments to terminate as of April 1, 1964 the ex- 
change of notes of July 3 and 13, 1962 and to restore 
the original provisions of the exchange of notes of 
March 9, 1959 in relation to the Welland Canal. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

Paul Martin 
Secretary of State for External Affairs 

Ottawa, December 19, 1963 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 30, 1959, p. 440. 

'Not printed here. 



68 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



TEXT OF U.S. NOTE 

No. 202 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to your Note 
No. 198 of December 19, 1963 concerning the proposal 
of the Canadian Government that the exchange of 
notes of July 3 and 13, 1962, be revoked and that tolls 
on the Welland Canal be reimposed as of April 1, 1964 
at the rates and under the terms set forth in the orig- 
inal exchange of notes of March 9, 1959. 

I have been instructed by my Government to inform 
you that the proposed reimposition of Welland Canal 
tolls, revocation of the exchange of notes of July 3 and 
13, 1962, and restoration of the original provisions of 
the exchange of notes of March 9, 1959 in relation to 
the Welland Canal are acceptable. 

Accordingly, your note and this reply shall constitute 
an agreement between the Government of the United 
States of America and the Government of Canada to 
terminate as of April 1, 1964 the exchange of notes of 
July 3 and 13, 1962 and to restore the original pro- 
visions of the exchange of notes of March 9, 1959 in 
relation to the Welland Canal. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

w. w. butterwobth 

The Embassy of the United States of America 
Ottawa, December 20, 1963 



Weather 

Agreement on North Atlantic ocean Stations, Dona 
at Paris February 25, 1864. Entered Into force 
ruary 1, 1955. TIAS 3186. 
Accession deposited: Pakistan, November 27, 1963. 



BILATERAL 

Canada 

Agreement regarding reimposition of tolls on the Wel- 
land Canal. Effected by exchange of notes at Ot- 
tawa December 19 and 20, 1963. Entered into force 
December 20, 1963. 

Greece 

Agreement for financing certain educational exchange 
programs. Signed at Athens, December 13, 1963. 
Entered into force December 13, 1963. 

Agreement for the use of funds made available in 
accordance with the letter credit agreements signed 
on May 16, 1946, September 25, 1946, October 4, Hi Hi, 
and January 6, 1948, as amended (TIAS 4087, 3037, 
3280, 4697). Signed at Athens April 23, 1948. En- 
tered into force April 23, 1948. TIAS 1751 
Terminated : December 13, 1963 (superseded by agree- 
ment of December 13, 1963, supra). 

Malagasy Republic 

Agreement providing for the establishment and oper- 
ation of a space vehicle tracking and communica- 
tion station in Madagascar. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Tananarive October 7, 1963. Entered into 
force October 7, 1963. 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 
Done at New York October 26, 1956, as amended. 
Entered into force July 29, 1957. TIAS 3873, 5284. 
Acceptance deposited: Algeria, December 24, 1963. 

Aviation 

Agreement on joint financing of certain air navigation 

services in Iceland ; 
Agreement on joint financing of certain air navigation 
services in Greenland and the Faroe Islands. 
Done at Geneva September 25, 1956. Entered into 
force June 6, 1958. TIAS 4048 and 4049, respec- 
tively. 
Accession deposited: Pakistan, November 27, 1963. 

Coffee 

International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes. 
Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters, 
New York, September 28 through November 30, 1962. 
Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963. 
Ratified by the President: December 20, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, 
in outer space and under water. Done at Moscow 
August 5, 1963. Entered into force October 10, 1963. 
TIAS 5433. 
Ratification deposited: Mexico, December 27, 1963. 



PUBLICATIONS 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, except in the case of free publications, xchicK 
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services, 
Department of State. 

Education— Educational Foundation and Financing of 
Programs. Agreement with Thailand — Signed at 
Bangkok May 24, 1963. Entered into force May 24, 
1963. TIAS 5355. 5 pp. 50. 

Agricultural Commodities— Sales under Title IV. 
Agreement with Ecuador — Signed at Quito April 5, 
1963. Entered into force April 5, 1963. With ex- 
change of notes. TIAS 5356. 11 pp. 100. 

Maritime Matters— Public Liability for Damage 
Caused by N.S. Savannah. Agreement with the Neta- 
erlands — Signed at The Hague February 6. 1963. En- 
tered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5357. 6 pp. 50. 

Maritime Matters— Operational Arrangements for 
Visit of N.S. Savannah. Agreement with the Nether- 



JANUART 13, 1964 



69 



lands— Signed at The Hague May 20, 1963. Entered 
into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 535a. 11 pp. 10*. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Poland- 
Signed at Washington February 1, 1963. Entered into 
force February 1, 1963. With exchanges of notes. 
TIAS 5359. 14 pp. 100. 

Telecommunication — Radio Communications Between 
Amateur Stations on Behalf of Third Parties. Agree- 
ment with the Dominican Republic. Exchange of 
notes — Dated at Santo Domingo April IS and 22, 1963. 
Entered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5360. 4 pp. 
50. 

Defense — Furnishing of Articles and Services. 

Agreement with Jamacia. Exchange of notes — Signed 
at Kingston June 6, 1963. Entered into force June 6, 
1963. TIAS 5361. 4 pp. 50. 

Direct Communications Link. Memorandum of Un- 
derstanding, with Annex, with the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics — Signed at Geneva June 20, 1963. 
Entered into force June 20, 1963. TIAS 5362. 11 
pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Ethi- 
opia — Signed at Addis Ababa June 11. 1963. Entered 
into force June 11, 1963. With exchange of notes. 
TIAS 5363. 7 pp. 10*. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Cyprus. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Nicosia May 29, 1963. 
Entered into force May 29, 1963. TIAS 5364. 4 pp. 

5(*. 

Telecommunication — Radio Communication Facilities 
at or near Embassy Sites for Transmission of Official 

Messages. Agreement with Guinea. Exchange of 
notes— Signed at Conakry February 19 and April 23, 
1963. Entered into force April 23, 1963. TIAS 5365. 
3 pp. 5<f. 

Education — Educational Commission and Financing of 
Exchange Programs. Agreement with the Republic 
of Korea— Signed at Seoul June 18, 1963. Entered 
Into force June 18, 1963. TIAS 5366. 16 pp. 10*. 

Telecommunication — Radio Communication Facilities 
at or near Embassy Sites for Transmission of Official 
Messages. Agreement with Israel. Exchange of 
notes — Signed at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem May 10 and 
21, 1963. Entered into force May 21, 1963. TIAS 
5367. 2 pp. 5*. 

Peace Corps. Agreement with Niger. Exchange of 
notes — Signed at Niamey July 23, 1962. Entered into 
force July 23, 1962. TIAS 536S. 6 pp. 5*. 

Aviation — Joint Financing of Certain Air Navigation 
Services in Greenland and the Faroe Islands and in 
Iceland. Agreement with Other Governments amend- 
ing the Danish and the Icelandic Agreements done at 
Geneva September 25, 1956. Adopted by the Council 
of the International Civil Aviation Organization, at the 
first meeting of the forty-ninth session, Montreal, 
June 4, 1963. Effective January 1, 1964. TIAS 5369. 
2 pp. 5*. 

Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Civil Uses. Agree- 
ment with Panama — Signed at Washington June 24, 
1959. Entered into force June 27, 1963. TIAS 5370. 
11 pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Japan. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Tokyo June 14, 1963. 
Entered into force June 14, 1963. TIAS 5371. 6 pp. 50. 

Tracking Stations. Agreement with Mexico. Extend- 
ing and amending the agreement of April 12, 1960. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Mexico May 16, 1963. 
Entered into force May 16, 1963. TIAS 5372. 4 pp. 50. 



Education — Financing of Exchange Programs. 

Agreement with Ceylon, amending the agreement of 
November 17, 1952, as amended. Exchange of notes — 
Signed at Colombo June 17, 1963. Entered into force 
June 17, 1963. TIAS 5373. 3 pp. 50. 

Aviation — Transport Services. Agreement with New 
Zealand, amending the agreement of December 30, 
1960, as amended, supplementing the agreement of De- 
cember 3, 1946. Exchange of notes — Signed at Wash- 
ington June 28, 1963. Entered into force June 28, 1963. 
TIAS 5374. 3 pp. 50. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Re- 
public of Korea, amending the agreement of November 
7, 1962. Exchange of notes — Signed at Seoul June 17, 
1963. Entered into force June 17, 1963. TIAS 5375. 
2 pp. 50. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Yugo- 
slavia, amending the agreement of November 28, 1962, 
Exchange of notes — Dated at Belgrade April 19 and 
May 9, 1963. Entered Into force May 9, 1963. TIAS 

5376. 3 pp. 50. 

United States Naval Communication Station in Aus- 
tralia. Agreement with Australia — Signed at Canberra 
May 9, 1963. Entered into force June 28, 1963. TIAS 

5377. 6 pp. 5*. 

Use of Veterans Memorial Hospital — Grants-in-Aid 
for Medical Care and Treatment of Veterans. Agree- 
ment with the Philippines, amending the agreement of 
June 30, 1958. Exchange of notes — Signed at Manila 
June 28, 1963. Entered into force June 28, 1963. 
TIAS 5378. 4 pp. 5*. 

Education — Educational Foundation and Financing of 
Exchange Programs. Agreement with India — Signed 
at New Delhi June 19, 1963. Entered ijito force 
June 19, 1963. With memorandum. TIAS 5379. 6 pp. 
5*. 

Northwest Atlantic Fisheries. Declaration of under- 
standing with Other Governments, regarding the con- 
vention of February 8, 1949 — Signed at Washington 
April 24, 1961. Entered Into force June 5, 1963. TIAS 
5380. 5 pp. 5*. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreements with Indo- 
nesia, amending the agreement of February 19, 1962, 
as amended. Exchanges of notes — Signed at Djakarta 
June 21, 1963. Entered into force June 21, 1963. And 
exchange of notes — Signed at Djakarta June 28, 1963. 
Entered into force June 28, 1963. TIAS 5381. 7 pp. 
10*. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Cyprus — 
Signed at Nicosia June 18, 1963. Entered into force 
June 18, 1963. With exchange of notes. TIAS 5382. 
9 pp. 10*. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with the United 
Arab Republic. Exchange of notes — Signed at Cairo 
June 29, 1963. Entered Into force June 29, 1963. 
TIAS 5383. 5 pp. 5*. 

Agricultural Commodities — Barter and Exchange of 
Commodities under Title III. Agreement with India — 
Signed at Washington June 27, 1963. Entered into 
force June 27, 1963. TIAS 5384. 3 pp. 5*. 

Education — Austrian-American Educational Commis- 
sion and Financing of Exchange Programs. Agree- 
ment with Austria. Signed at Vienna June 25, 1963. 
Entered Into force June 25, 1963. TIAS 5386. 12 
pp. 100. 

Claims. Agreement with Bulgaria. Signed at Sofia 
July 2, 1963. Entered into force July 2, 1963. W'th 
exchanges of letters. TIAS 5387. 14 pp. 10*. 



70 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INDEX January 13, 1964 Vol. L, No. 1281 

Asia. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook for 

1964 Over Japanese Television 40 

Brazil. United Slates and Brazil Pledge Con- 
tinued (Mcperation (Goulart, Johnson) . . 47 

Canada. U.S. and Canada To Reimpose YVelland 
Canal Tolls (Butterworth, Martin) .... 68 

China. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook 
for 1904 Over Japanese Television .... 40 

Congress 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy 56 

United States Ratines Chainizal Convention 

(Johnson, Martin) 49 

Death of President Kennedy. U.S. Marks Final 
Day of Mourning for President Kennedy 
(Johnson) 39 

Economic Affairs 

Daniel L. Goldy Named National Export Expan- 
sion Coordinator 56 

Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook for 1904 

Over Japanese Television 40 

U.S. and Canada To Reimpose Welland Canal 
Tolls (Butterworth. Martin) 68 

U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements With Israel 
and U.A.R. (Badeau, Barbour) 51 

Europe. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook 
for 1904 Over Japanese Television .... 40 

International Law. Principles of International 
Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Coop- 
eration Among States : Peaceful Settlement of 
Disputes (Kelly) 57 

Israel. U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements 

With Israel and U.A.R. (Badeau, Barbour) . 51 

Italy. President Exchangee Greetings With 
Prime Minister of Italy 47 

Japan. Secretary Rusk Discusses the Outlook 

for 1964 Over Japanese Television .... 40 

Mexico. United States Ratifies Chamizal Con- 
vention (Johnson, Martin) 49 

Military Affairs. Secretary McNamara Reports 

on Situation in Viet-Nam 46 

Presidential Documents 

The Lighting of the National Christmas Tree . 38 

President Exchanges Greetings With Prime 

.Minister of Italy 47 

United States and Brazil Pledge Continued 

Cooperation 47 

U.S. Marks Final Day of Mourning for Presi- 
dent Kennedy 39 

United States Ratifies Chamizal Convention . 49 

Publications. Recent Releases 69 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 69 

U.S. and Canada To Reimpose Welland 

Canal Tolls (Butterworth, Martin) .... 68 



U.S. Concludes Textile Agreements With Israel 

and U.A.R. (Badeau, Barbour) r.i 

United States Ratifies Chamizal Convenii"u 

(Johnson, .Martini |:i 

United Arab Republic U.S. Concludes Textile 
Agreements With Israel and U.A.R. (Badeau, 
Barbour) r, i 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 67 

Principles of International Law Concerning 
Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among 
Slates: Peaceful Settlement of Disputes 
(Kelly) :,7 

Report on Financial Management and the U.N. 
System Released 67 

Viet-Nam. Secretary McNamara Reports on 
Situation In Viet-Nam 46 

Name Index 

Badeau, John S .". I 

Barbour, Walworth 52 

Butterworth, W. W 69 

Goldy, Daniel L 56 

Goulart, Joao 4s 

Hirasawa, Kazushige 40 

Johnson, President 3S, 39, 47, 49 

Kelly, Edna F r,7 

Martin, Edwin M 50 

Martin, Paul . . 68 

McNamara, Robert S 40 

Moro, Aldo 47 

Rusk, Secretary 40 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 23-29 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C., 
20520. 

Releases issued prior to December 23 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
620 and 621 of December 12. 

No. Date Subject 

*641 12/23 U.S. participation in international 

conferences. 
642 12/23 Reunposition of tolls on Welland 

Canal (rewrite). 
*643 12/24 Cultural exchange (India, Paki- 
stan). 
644 12/27 Report on financial management 
and the U.N. system released 
(rewrite). 



'Not printed. 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE IB«4 



Superintendent of Documents 
u.s. government printing office 

WASHINGTON. D.C., 204O2 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOIO 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE. E900 

»GPO> 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



Foreign Relations of the United States 

1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East 

The Department of State recently released another volume of diplomatic papers relating to World 
War II, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern 
Europe, the Far East. 

The section on the British Commonwealth includes the record on relations with the United King- 
dom and other member states, except India. Documentation on India will be included in Foreign 
Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume IV, The Near East and Africa, presently in preparation. 

The section on Eastern Europe, comprising well over half of volume III, gives the documentation 
on relations with Finland, Poland, and the Soviet Union. The section on the Far East contains the 
record for Japan, Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand. 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, 
Eastern Europe, the Far East may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for $3.50 each. 

PUBLICATION 7601 $3.50 



ORDER FORM 


PUBLICATION 7601 $3.50 


TO: 

SUPT. OF DOCUMENTS 
GOVT. PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON, D.C., 20402 


Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of the United State* 

19$3, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far 
East. 

NAME 


Enclosed And $ 

(cash, check, or money order pay- 


ADDRESS 


able to Supt. of Documents) 


CITY, STATE 







THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. L, No. 1282 




January 20, 1964 



PRESIDENT AND CHANCELLOR ERHARD REAFFIRM COMMITMENT 
TO U.S.-GERMAN COOPERATION WITHIN FREE-WORLD COMMUNITY 74 

SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF JANUARY 2 81 

U.S. PARTICIPATION IN LONG-TERM COTTON TEXTILE ARRANGEMENT 

Statement by Stanley Nehmer 96 

TRADE DEVELOPMENT AM) TRADE POLICY 
Statement by Samuel Z. Westerfield, Jr. 101 



For index see inside back cover 



President and Chancellor Erhard Reaffirm Commitment 
to U.S.-German Cooperation Within Free-World Community 



Chancellor Ludwig Erhard of the Federal 
Republic of Germany, accompanied by Foreign 
Minister Gerhard Schroeder and other advisers, 
was a guest of President and Mrs. Johnson at 
the LB J Ranch, Johnson City, Tex., December 
£8 and 29. Following is the text of a joint com- 
munique released by the President and the 
Chancellor at the conclusion of their talks, to- 
gether with exchanges of remarks made at Berg- 
strom Air Force Base at Austin, Tex., upon the 
Chancellor's arrival and departure, and remarks 
made at a barbecue given in his honor at Stone- 
wall, Tex. 

JOINT COMMUNIQUE 

White House press release (LBJ Ranch, Johnson City, Tex.) 
dated December 29 

President Johnson and Chancellor Erhard 
have held a series of frank and far-ranging 
talks at the President's ranch in Texas in the 
last two days. A number of their discussions 
were private; in other talks they were joined by 
Secretary Rusk, Foreign Minister Schroeder, 
and other advisers. 

The Chancellor told the President of the deep 



sorrow and sense of personal loss which the Ger- 
man people have felt over the death of Presi- 
dent Kennedy. The President expressed deep 
appreciation for himself and for the American 
people for this expression of sympathy. He 
paid a tribute to the late President [Theodor] 
Heuss, the distinguished first President of the 
Federal Republic. 

The President and the Chancellor both em- 
phasized the importance which they attach to 
this opportunity to meet early in their Admin- 
istrations. Their extensive discussions serve to 
confirm the close understanding and high meas- 
ure of agreement between the two governments 
on major international issues. These conversa- 
tions have made it emphatically clear that there 
will be continuity in the policies of the United 
States and the Federal Republic of Germany as 
they work toward common objectives. 

The President and the Chancellor had an ex- 
tended discussion of the current state of East- 
West relations. They were determined that the 
basic rights and interests of the free nations 
must be defended, and in particular they 
agreed that there should be no arrangement that 
would serve to perpetuate the status quo of a 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1282 PUBLICATION 7643 JANUARY 20, 1964 



The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government with Infor- 
mation on developments In the field of 
foreign relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 



ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of international affalrB and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation is Included concerning treaties 
and International agreements to which 
the United States is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial In the field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

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74 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



divided Germany, one part of which is deprived 
of elementary rights and liberties. On this 
basis, the President and the Chancellor agreed 
that it is highly important to continue to explore 
all opportunities for the improvement of East- 
West relations, the easing of tensions, and the 
enlargement of the prospects of a peace that can 
be stable because it is just. They continue to 
hope that this effort of the Western powers will 
meet a constructive response from the Soviet 
Union. 

The President and the Chancellor agreed that 
the central requirement in the policy of the 
West must be to increase the strength and effec- 
tiveness of the emerging Atlantic partnership. 
They reaffirmed their conviction that an increas- 
ingly unified Europe is vital to this effort. 

The Chancellor stated, and the President 
agreed, that efforts to achieve such unity must 
always respect the traditionally open trading 
relationship Europe has enjoyed with the 
United States and the rest of the Free World. 
The President and the Chancellor agreed that 
the forthcoming trade negotiations should be 
guided by the double objective of enlarged in- 
ternational trade and increasing economic inte- 
gration in Europe. They agreed that agricul- 
tural as well as industrial products must be in- 
cluded and that the negotiations should proceed 
without delay. 

The President reviewed the measures being 
taken to stabilize the United States' interna- 
tional payments position, and the Chancellor 
reaffirmed his cooperative support for this 
program. 

The President and the Chancellor emphasized 
the importance of extending effective aid to 
the developing nations. The Chancellor de- 
scribed the progress being made in the work of 
the German Development Aid Service (German 
Peace Corps), and the President responded by 
describing the expansion of the American Peace 
Corps and the wide public support which it 
has won. The President and the Chancellor 
agreed that these two undertakings would gain 
from close cooperation, and as a part of this 
process of cooperation, the President has re- 
quested Mr. Sargent Shriver to make an early 
visit to Bonn to take part with German col- 
leagues in discussions of the work of the two 
programs. 



The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed 
their shared commitment to the peaceful reuni- 
fication of the German people in freedom, by 
self-determination. The Chancellor stressed 
the desire of the Federal Republic to examine 
all paths that might lead to this goal. The 
Chancellor also stated that the Federal Repub- 
lic of Germany would continue its efforts to 
improve its relations with the nations of East- 
ern Europe. 

The President, renewed the commitment 
of the Government and people of the United 
States to maintain the present six-division level 
of combat forces in Germany, as long as they 
are needed. The Chancellor welcomed the 
President's further assurance that the United 
States would continue to meet its commitments 
in Berlin. The President expressed apprecia- 
tion for the cooperative arrangement whereby 
United States dollar expenditures for Ameri- 
can military forces in Germany are offset by 
German purchases of military equipment in 
the United States. It was agreed that this ar- 
rangement should continue. 

The President and the Chancellor agreed on 
the need for all members of NATO to cooperate 
closely in strengthening the ability of the Alli- 
ance to meet all challenges. In particular, they 
expressed their conviction that the proposal for 
a multilateral nuclear force now being discussed 
by several NATO partners would provide a 
new means of strengthening Western defense. 

The President and the Chancellor agreed that 
in all these matters there will be great value 
to both their governments in the maintenance 
of ever closer and more intimate exchanges of 
views and of information. Where common in- 
terest is so great, both sides can only gain from 
the closest cooperation and from the prompt 
and continuous exchange of views by whatever 
means are most appropriate in each case. In 
addition, the President and the Chancellor 
agreed that they themselves would establish 
and maintain the closest personal communi- 
cation. 

Finally, the President and the Chancellor re- 
affirmed their commitment not simply to close 
German-American cooperation, but to the wider 
interest of both countries in the growing part- 
nership of free nations — of the Atlantic and of 
the world. 



JANUARY 20, 1964 



75 



EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS, DECEMBER 28 

White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 28 ; 
as-delivered text 

President Johnson 

Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Foreign Minister, Mr. 
Secretary of State : It is with the greatest pleas- 
ure that we bid you welcome to the United 
States and to my home State of Texas — as a 
good friend, a great European, and as Chancel- 
lor of the Federal Republic of Germany. 

You have come to a part of our country where 
there are many Americans whose forebears came 
from Germany. So while all of us are your 
friends, there are many who feel a very personal 
relationship and who look forward to meeting 
you. 

We shall be working hard while you are here, 
but there will also be time to meet some of our 
neighbors, to see us as we are, and to join us 
in a Texas barbecue. 

It is our duty in these next 2 days to discuss 
the great tasks of the future. It is our good 
fortune to build on the work of great men who 
have gone before — to begin our labor together 
in a time when historic dangers have been 
turned back and hope for the future of freedom 
has been strengthened. 

Two years ago President Kennedy asked me 
to fly to the beleaguered city of West Berlin 
to make plain our determination that freedom 
there could not be strangled by a wall. 1 Today 
the freedom of West Berlin is more secure than 
ever. As we meet, Mr. Chancellor, the people 
of West Berlin for the first time in years are 
able to cross the wall on errands of simple hu- 
manity. Yet the wall itself remains. The 
guards who man it still shoot to kill. Germany 
is still divided. There is work to do for free- 
dom in your land. 

The United States of America remains com- 
mitted to the great peaceful purpose of freedom 
and self-determination for all Germans and for 
all men everywhere. It was a threat to Ger- 
man freedom which took me to Berlin in 1961. 
It was hope and confidence in the future of Ger- 
man freedom that brought John Kennedy to his 
majjnificent welcome in Berlin 2 years later. 2 



1 Bulletin of Sept. 4, 1901, p. 391. 

2 Ibid., July 22, 19G3, p. 123. 



Germans and Americans still stand united 
against danger and strong in hope. 

So in that spirit, Mr. Chancellor, we meet 
today. We have much to do — to strengthen the 
forces of freedom, to reinforce the Atlantic 
partnership, to increase our cooperation with 
all free nations, new and old, and to enlarge 
the prospect of peace everywhere. In all that 
we do, we shall act together as the leaders of two 
free peoples who have proved their friendship 
with each other in trial and in triumph. 

So, Mr. Chancellor, once more let me tell you 
how happy all Americans are to have you here 
and what a very special pleasure it will be for 
Mrs. Johnson and me to have you as our guest at 
our home. 

Chancellor Erhard 

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary of State: 
Thank you from the bottom of my heart for the 
most friendly welcome which you have accorded 
me here today. My partj' and I consider it as 
a privilege during those quiet days of Christ- 
mas to be with you in order to follow the mes- 
sage of Christmas and to do everything in our 
power to deepen and to enlarge the peace all 
over the world. That is our task. 

I am looking forward to this meeting because 
I think that we have to bring a new hope into 
this world, and when I say that I am not only 
speaking on behalf of Germany but I am speak- 
ing for Europe, which has the great task, in the 
closest possible association with the United 
States, to do everything to preserve peace and 
freedom in this world. 

Mr. President, the German people feel closely 
linked with the United States and the American 
people. In these times of fast technology, evil 
things, but also, unfortunately, good things, 
tend to be forgotten very quickly. But there is 
one thing which will be never forgotten, and 
that is the gratefulness which the German peo- 
ple feel — have felt and feel today — toward the 
United States and everything they did after the 
Second World War in order to help this beaten 
Germany, to extend a brotherly hand to the 
German people, and to let the German people 
participate again in the benefits of civilization 
and find peace. 



7fi 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



When I Bay that, I think especially of the 
Marshal] Plan, and I often said thai the Mar- 
shall Plan, in fact, was the date of birth of a 
Europe, the date when the European slates that 
had been caught up in a wrong nationalism 
again were able to move on to a higher level 
and to feel that there is a force which is alive 
La this world, which is borne by the United 
States, and which gave hope to Europe — hope 
for a new and better life. 

During these last 18 years the friendship be- 
tween our I wo peoples and, in fact, between the 
statesmen of our two peoples, lias grown ever 
more and become deeper and deeper. More and 
more we have realized that there are common 
tasks for us. More and more we have felt that 
our faith is a common one, and we in Germany 
know that peace and freedom are indivisible. 
They are not only indivisible insofar as the fears 
of life of the individual peoples are concerned, 
but peace and freedom are indivisible insofar 
as the cohesion of the free world altogether is 
concerned. 

You, Mr. President, in one of the darkest and 
most worrisome hours, have given hope and 
courage and confidence to the people of Berlin, 
and this deed, Mr. President, will never be 
forgotten, in the same way as the hearts of 
the Berliners opened up to the late President 
Kennedy. We, too, in some way, are start- 
ing our work from the same position. We are 
called upon to carry on a great heritage and 
to fructify that heritage. That is the sense 
of this meeting: that we - — you, Mr. President, 
and I myself — should come into close human 
contact so as to have the confidence which exists 
between our two peoples deeply rooted in our 
two persons, and the friendship which has 
borne such rich fruit during the past years, 
and which has brought peace and freedom to 
the world, and very particularly to Germany — 
this friendship gives us the firm hope that the 
right of self-determination of peoples will also 
one day be applied to the German people and 
that the hour of freedom for all Berlin will 
come. May that be the fruit of our common 
work. We want to work hard, Mr. President, 
but it is a fine piece of work which we have 
before us. I am especially glad to have this 
opportunity. 



1 would like to say particularly to Mrs. John- 
son that wo have today the great honor of being 
received as your guests in your home. 

Again, Mr. President, let me tell you of all 
the satisfaction and pleasure which I feel that 
we have so soon an opportunity of meeting and 
the hope which I have that, this meeting will 
be a fruitful one. 

President Johnson 

On behalf of all of us, I want to say to the 
Governor, Senator Yarborough, Congressman 
Pickle, the distinguished Mayor, and all the 
good people of Austin, we thank you so much 
for your warm hospitality. 

We will now go back to the hills to proceed 
with our discussions. We thank you from the 
bottom of our hearts for your warmth, and we 
ask for your prayers in the days ahead. 

REMARKS AT BARBECUE, DECEMBER 29 

Following is the substantive port/on of 
remarks made at a barbecue in honor of Chan- 
cellor Erhard at the Stonewall High School, 
Stonewall, Tex. (White House press release 
(Austin, Tex.) dated December 29). 

President Johnson 

Mr. Chancellor, distinguished guests, and my 
fellow Americans: Last night at the ranch 
house I told Dr. Erhard that I was a politician 
because of tragic circumstances, and fiscal neces- 
sity had forced me to turn from a politician to 
an economist. I have spent the last month 
working on the Federal budget. Dr. Erhard, 
on the other hand, is a most distinguished econ- 
omist who, for other reasons, has had to be- 
come a politician. We also have some other 
things in common. 

I went to Washington 32 years ago as a young 
secretary to a Congressman from south Texas 
named Richard Kleberg, whose father had come 
here from Germany. So the Germans really 
launched me into American political life, and 
Dr. Erhard assured mo that the Americans 
really launched Dr. Erhard into political life. 

Mr. Chancellor, on the basis of the reception 
here today, I hope that your people wdll keep 



JANUARY 20, 19G4 



77 



you busy at home because I would not like to 
have you as an opponent in a free election, either 
in Stonewall or Fredericksburg. 

Mr. Chancellor, in a few moments now I am 
going to turn you over to the American press, 
and then I think you will know how the deer 
feel. 

Others have been writing and talking about 
the new diplomacy. The Chancellor and I have 
been practicing it. We have had a wonderful 
2 days together. We have formed a firm and 
lasting friendship personally. Our talks have 
been full and frank, and full of candor, and, I 
think, have strengthened the bonds that exist 
between our two great countries. 

As I told the citizens of Free Berlin in 1961, 
and as I have pledged again during the last 
2 days, we of the United States have made, and 
intend to keep, our promise that for the integ- 
rity of the people of Free Berlin we will pledge 
our lives, our property, and our sacred honor. 

Mr. Chancellor, we have experienced a season 
of great shock here in America, and great sor- 
row, but we stand before the world this morn- 
ing one nation, indivisible, under God. We 
work for peace as the American people have al- 
ways worked. But like those pioneers who set- 
tled this land not many years ago — pioneers 
who came from Germany, Mr. Chancellor, came 
in search of peace and freedom — we of this gen- 
eration trust in the Lord and keep our powder 

dry. 

Mr. Chancellor, we shall never be too weary, 
never be too tired, never be too content, or 
never too complacent to walk another mile 
toward peace, with honor. But neither shall 
we be too weak, or too uncertain, or too unsure, 
or too reluctant to defend honor or to search 
for peace wherever there is hope to find it. 
We are determined, Mr. Chancellor, that 
neither your children nor ours shall know war 
any more, but we are even more determined 
that never shall they wear the yoke of any 
tyranny. 

So, we work for a world of peace, a world 
of justice, a world of freedom, and we know 
that in this work, you of the Federal Republic 
of Germany are at our side, a strong nation, 
one of the most powerful in the world, work- 
ing with us, walking with us — yes, searching 
with us — hoping with us, praying with us, hav- 



ing faith with us in our success and in our 
yearning for peace on earth, good will toward 
all men. 

So, as we approach the conclusion of a most 
treasured 2 days together, as spokesmen for the 
two great countries, may the good God above 
us guard our people and guide us both, whatever 
the future may betide. 

Chancellor Erhard 

Mr. President, Mrs. Johnson, ladies and gen- 
tlemen: Before concluding this visit with the 
President of the United States, I would like 
to express my deep satisfaction and to tell you 
how happy I am about this meeting. We were 
both faced with the task of carrying on the 
heritage — not only of carrying it on but of 
fructifying it. 

I would like to stress here that in this meet- 
ing we found the same moral views, the same 
spirit that motivated the one and the other of 
us, the same political ideas, and they brought 
lis very close together. The personal friend- 
ship that has grown yesterday and today has 
been a good beginning for a hopeful future for 
our two countries. 

The President has already indicated that I am 
a sort of American discovery, and that is lit- 
erally true, because one day after the occupa- 
tion, after one of the most terrible wars that has 
ever come on this earth, an American officer 
came to my home with the very laconic words, 
"Come on." But as I had a very good con- 
science, I could follow him easily, and it is since 
that time that I feel a deep friendship that ties 
me to all the American people. 

There is something in the nature of man 
which permits immediate, basic understanding, 
and this has been the case in all the meetings 
between the American people and mysel f . This 
friendship with the American people has found 
its correlation today in this friendship that has 
developed with you, Mr. President. 

I am going back to my country firmly con- 
vinced that if we have solidarity, if we stand 
together, if wo share our fate with our friends 
and allies, we have not to be afraid of the fu- 
ture and we have to have no fear about the 
preservation of freedom and peace. 

Ladies and gentlemen — or may I say dear 



78 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



American friends — I am told that more than 
100 years ago many German immigrants came 
to this part of the country and that my country- 
men — many of you are descendants, in fact, of 
those countrymen of mine — helped to develop 
this country. Let me tell you that I am proud 
and happy about this achievement, and I am 
proud and happy when I see that those whose 
forebears were Germans are the most loyal and 
the most faithful citizens of the United States 
of America. 

I also know something about Texas, and I 
think I can say that your President, whom I 
so highly admire — I not only admire him as the 
first citizen of the United States of America but 
as the great son of Texas, or let me say, as the 
great son of the great State of Texas. 

I can only confirm what the President has al- 
ready said, and I am talking very seriously, that 
I think we have put our time to very good use. 
Yesterday we worked from morning until 
night. This morning we have continued work- 
ing, and if I am not mistaken, we are even going 
to continue working after this barbecue. And 
during those talks we have formed a judgment 
on the situation of the world, not only of the 
free world but of East-West relations as a 
whole, and this judgment was a common one. 
I can only say here that we fully share our con- 
victions, that we see matters exactly with the 
same eyes, and I think the secret of this under- 
standing is that each of us has tried to penetrate, 
and has successfully tried to do so, into the very 
soul and tasks and heart and worries of the 
other. 

I think we must not be narrowminded or 
approach matters in an egotistic way, but we 
have to go beyond the individual and see the 
interests of the community, because the common 
fate is as indivisible as freedom is. Freedom is 
indivisible in the economic, in the political, in 
the democratic, in the defense fields — in all the 
fields of life, and as freedom is indivisible, 
peace, too, is indivisible. There is no more 
worthy or higher goal to fight for than to fight 
for peace on earth, and in that fight, we stand 
together without fear. We share the courage 
of exploring new avenues and new ideas. It is 
in that spirit that I shall leave this wonderful 
State of Texas. 

I am deeply impressed with your country, but 



let me, in conclusion of this speech, turn to Mrs. 
Johnson and sing her praise, because with the 
homelike atmosphere which she has created, she 
brought about a spirit for our talks which al- 
ready was a guarantee of success. Mrs. John- 
son, let me tell you I no longer feel as your guest. 
I feel at home with you. I am sure this is not 
going to be the last meeting. 

We stand together, talk with each other, talk 
with our friends, and do everything in our 
power together, to form this community of 
ideas for all the free world, conscious of the 
great responsibility which lies on our shoulders, 
a great responsibility that goes beyond the 
present times and goes far into the future, and 
we do everything in order to be able to stand 
the judgment of history and to create a heritage 
which will insure a safe life to our children. 

Thank you again, Mr. President, for this 
wonderful, this magnificent, welcome. These 
days in Texas will remain un forgotten, person- 
ally and as a political event. They will con- 
tinue to be effective; they will continue to reign 
in our hearts. 

President Johnson 

Ladies and gentlemen, I should like you to 
meet the distinguished Foreign Minister of 
Germany, Mr. Schroeder. 

Dr. Schroeder 

Mr. President, my dear American friends: 
The Chancellor has already so well said every- 
thing which we all have so much at heart, and 
I can only say that all of us share his feelings. 
I would only like to add that we are particularly 
glad to have had, as a conclusion of our visit, 
this wonderful barbecue. 

Thank you again for this great opportunity 
of meeting you all. 

President Johnson 

Keen, analytical, patient, kind, courteous, and 
courageous — one of the greatest men of our 
time — my strong right arm, the distinguished 
Secretary of State. 

Secretary Rusk 

President and Mrs. Johnson: It is a very 
great pleasure, indeed, for me to be here among 



JANTJARY 20, 196 I 



79 



your friends and neighbors, here hi Texas, 
especially at a time when we are receiving in 
your home Chancellor Erhard and his distin- 
guished colleagues from Germany. 

Our talks have demonstrated a solid basis of 
common interest in building a peace, in protect- 
ing the security of the free world, and improv- 
ing the lot of ordinary men and women right 
around the world. Our two countries can 
together make an enormous contribution in all 
of these great directions. 

Let me say, Mr. President, to your own neigh- 
bors here at home, that I have had the oppor- 
tunity and the necessity, in the past several 
weeks, of being in touch with many govern- 
ments in many parts of the world who are 
looking to this country for steadiness, for 
leadership, and for a sense of direction. The 
greatest asset that we have at this moment is 
the courage and the clear view which you 
brought when you took up these great respon- 
sibilities under such tragic circumstances. 

So, for every possible reason, being here to- 
day with you and your neighbors is a very great 
privilege for me. Thank you, sir. 



REMARKS ON DEPARTURE, DECEMBER 29 

White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 29 

Secretary Rusk 

Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Foreign Minister : Presi- 
dent and Mrs. Johnson have already shown you 
how warmly welcomed you have been in their 
home, among their neighbors in Gillespie 
County, and here in their home State of Texas. 
All of the American people have been looking in 
on your visit here. They have greatly appreci- 
ated that you have come to us during Christmas 
week and have appreciated the message of soli- 
darity and friendship which you brought from 
the people of the Federal Republic of Germany. 
We hope you will take back with you that same 
message of solidarity from the American people 
to your people. 

The talks here have been friendly and frank 
and full of understanding on both sides, under- 
standing based upon a full exposition of what 



is in each other's minds, and that lays a basis 
for cooperation for the future, for confidence 
between our chiefs of governments, between our 
peoples, which will be of the greatest possible 
value for the free world. So as you leave for 
your homeland, we wish you Godspeed and 
every possible success. Thank you for coming, 
Mr. Chancellor. 

Chancellor Erhard 

Mr. Secretary, I was deeply impressed with 
this visit which I paid to the United States. 
I knew that our two peoples were friends, but 
in the United States, due to the tragic death 
of President Kennedy, the office of President 
has now a new man, and I, myself, have come 
into the office of Chancellor only a short time 
before that. 

Although there are [many] influences in our 
life, there are still men who shape that life, and 
therefore this meeting was vital and I am very 
happy that there was this human understand- 
ing between the President and myself. When 
I come back to Germany, I feel it is my task 
to see to it that this Europe will grow stronger, 
that we do all to strengthen the European Com- 
munity in the economic, political, and military 
fields so that Europe as a whole can become a 
full partner in the Atlantic community. To- 
gether we need not be afraid of this world; to- 
gether we are strong enough to preserve peace 
and freedom and justice all over the world. 
When we stand together, we can have the cour- 
age of being openminded and of exploring ideas 
and possibilities of a relaxation of tension. All 
these questions were discussed in detail, and we 
have been able to state full agreement and full 
unity of views. This is not just a diplomatic 
statement ; it is just the truth I feel. 

Mr. Secretary, thank you again very much 
for having escorted us here, and would you 
please extend to the President again my and 
my party's cordial greetings and thanks. I 
think upon leaving the soil of the United States 
I shall now greet the whole American people 
and assure them of the full solidarity of the 
German people. 



80 



DEl'AIt'OIENT OK STATK lil'I.I.KTIN 



Secretary Rusk's News Conference of January 2 



Press release 1 (revised) dated January 2 

Secretary Husk: I should like, first, to wish 
each of you a very good year in 1964. I hope 
to have a chance at your reception tomorrow to 
tell most of you personally my good wishes in 
that respect. 

By long tradition, in our own and many other 
countries, the turn of a new year is a period of 
stocktaking and of a systematic look toward the 
future. It is a period when people are lifted up 
by fresh hope in the expectation that perhaps 
a new year can be better than the one just past. 

I think that is true of us this year, as it is on 
most such occasions. 

I shan't try to comment on all of the events 
of 1963, but I would like to say that peace re- 
mains the most urgent business of mankind and 
that it is this urgent business that is very much 
on our minds as we enter 1964. 

Now, the prospects for peace are mixed. We 
have in front of us certain liighly dangerous 
situations, where the remedies appear to us to be 
quite simple. For example, in the troubled area 
of Southeast Asia, if there is no peace there it is 
because there are those who will not leave their 
neighbors alone. I said at the Geneva confer- 
ence on Laos that there is no threat to Southeast 
Asia from across the Pacific. 1 The threat is 
from the north. If the Geneva accord of 1954 
and the later accord on Laos would be respected, 
then those countries can live in peace and there 
would be no problem about any American pres- 
ence or effort in that area. But those countries 
are at the present time not being left alone, and 
the Geneva accords are not being given full 
effect. 

Just before Christmas, for example, a Viet- 
namese Army group seized in the delta area of 
Viet -Nam some 300,000 rounds of small-arms 



ammunition, weapons like mortars, recoilless 
ammunition, made in China. It is quite clear 
that there continues to be infiltration from the 
north across national frontiers and, despite ex- 
isting accords, support and encouragement for 
those who are trying to take over a peaceful and 
friendly country. 

Another dangerous situation is in Cuba. 
Without going into the ramifications of that 
problem, a step which would move us somewhat 
toward peace, of course, would be for Cuba to 
demonstrate by its action that it will leave its 
neighbors alone. The capture of a substantial 
arms cache in Venezuela, 2 clearly of Cuban ori- 
gin, is an example of the sort of thing that will 
not be tolerated in this hemisphere. 

So we have these dangerous questions in front 
of us, and there is the general proposition that, 
if neighbors do not leave their neighbors alone, 
then the chances for peace are diminished. 

In the broad field of East-West relations, 
1963 did see, I think, some improvement. A 
"hot line" was established — a line that we hope 
never has to be used — between Washington and 
Moscow. 3 That was a small step. The nuclear 
test ban treaty * was a more important step but 
a somewhat limited step. The United Nations 
agreed on a resolution prohibiting the weapons 
of mass destruction in orbit. 5 There has been 
opened up the possibility of substantial Soviet 
purchases of wheat in the American market. 6 

As you know, they stopped the jamming of 
Voice of America broadcasts. And there have 
been a number of improvements in relations 



1 Bulletin of June 5, 19(51, p. 844. 



' For a Department statement of Nov. 29. 1963, see 
ibid.. Dec. 16, 1963, p. 913. 

* For test of a U.S.-U.S.R.R. agreement on a direct 
communications link, see ibid., July 8, 1963, p. -~0. 

' For text, see IMd., Ant;. 12, 1963, p. 239. 

■ For text, see Ibid., Nov. 11, V.)i\:>,, p. 764. 

" Fur background, see ibid., Oct. 28, 1963, p. 660. 



JANUARY 20, 1964 



81 



between the West and the small countries of 
Eastern Europe. 

U.S. Interest in Disarmament 

Now, we hope that these moves in 1963 can 
continue to 1964. There will be discussions 
with the Soviet Union on some of the larger as 
well as a number of the smaller questions. I 
think our interest at the moment is very much 
concerned with the general disarmament ques- 
tion. Our Disarmament Agency here, with the 
assistance of the departments concerned, is 
making an intensive review of the disarmament 
situation to see whether additional steps can be 
taken when the Geneva conference convenes 
about the 21st of this month. 

We should like to see some physical disarma- 
ment. We should like to see some important 
steps taken in this field, steps against surprise 
attack, steps which would open the way toward 
a reduction in the armed forces of the respective 
sides. But these are issues that are not likely to 
be resolved easily and quickly. 

On matters like defense budgets, which will 
be discussed perhaps in Geneva, there are some 
important technical questions quite apart from 
the broader political aspects of the matter. 
The Soviet defense budget does not include in 
its published figures all of the same items which 
we include in our defense budget because some 
of their defense effort is included in other budg- 
ets in the Soviet Union. 

The difference in our social system makes 
comparison between budgets somewhat more 
difficult. We pay our private soldier something 
like $120 a month after 2 years' service, whereas 
they pay their soldiers a fraction of that 
amount, and that means that comparing dif- 
ferent budgets in the gross totals is not a very 
simple matter. And then, in the difference be- 
tween a closed and open society, the question 
of assurance and reliability of published de- 
fense budgets necessarily arises— whether agree- 
ments in this field can be verified. So we have 
a range of difficult questions of that sort. 

There is some indication that the two sides 
will not be pressing their defense budgets up- 
ward into new levels of competition during 
this next year, and to that extent that is all 
to the good; but. to bring that sort of thing 



to a point of agreement or formal agreement 
is a somewhat more complex matter. 

On a matter such as the nondissemination 
of nuclear weapons, there again a formal agree- 
ment is being held up, partly because of objec- 
tions raised by the Soviet Union to the 
multilateral nuclear force in NATO and partly 
because there may be some, such as Peiping, 
who have indicated that they would have no 
interest in being a party to an agreement, which 
ought to be as comprehensive as possible if it 
is to achieve its purpose. 

But even there we have no reason to think 
at the present time that any one of the powers 
possessing nuclear weapons has in mind ex- 
tending those nuclear weapons to others; in 
other words, the underlying attitude is against 
the dissemination of nuclear weapons to those 
not having them, even though this is a matter 
which has not been yet brought to a formal 
agreement. 

There may be other questions which can be 
subject to movement in 1964. Certainly an 
intensive review will be made of the complex 
of problems known as the German and Berlin 
issue, to see whether new initiatives might be 
promising in that situation, and that is some- 
thing on which the Allied governments will be 
working intensively in the weeks immediately 
ahead. 

On the bilateral side we will be going ahead 
with such matters as the consular agreement, 
with an exchange agreement on which negotia- 
tions begin this week in Moscow, possible fur- 
ther steps in the trade field — although those 
prospects are somewhat diminished — matters of 
a bilateral character which may help to im- 
prove the situation. 

I can confirm to you that Ambassador 
[Anatoliy F.] Dobrynin handed me today a let- 
ter from Chairman Khrushchev to President 
Johnson on the subject of the peaceful settle- 
ment of territorial disputes. That is a commu- 
nication of some length — about 20 pages — in 
Russian. It is now being translated, and I 
have not had a chance to read it. We will, of 
course, give it very careful study. 

If it suggests that territorial disputes should 
be settled by peaceful means rather than by 
war, it would appear to be consistent with long- 



82 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



established policy and practice by the United 
States. But I should not comment on it today 
until we have had a chance to study it. I 
understand that that message has pone to a 
considerable number of other chiefs of govern- 
ment, and it is my understanding that it will 
shortly be made public, although I have had 
no official and formal word in that regard. It 
is just a conjecture of mine. 

Hope for Settlement of Chronic Disputes 

Now I would like to call your attention to 
another aspect of peace in 1964, which is much 
on our minds, and that is the idea that Presi- 
dent Kennedy used in the General Assembly 
in September of 1963, 7 when he said that 

The task of building the peace lies with the leaders 
of every nation, large and small. For the great powers 
have no monopoly on conflict or ambition. The cold 
war is not the only expression of tension in this 
world, and the nuclear race is not the only arms 
race. Even little wars are dangerous in a nuclear 
world. 

And he continued : 

Chronic disputes which divert precious resources 
from the needs of the people or drain the energies 
of both sides serve the interests of no one, and the 
badge of responsibility in the modern world is a 
willingness to seek peaceful solutions. 

Well, now, we are concerned about the fact 
that there are a great many disputes around 
the world, not necessarily directly involving 
the largest powers but, nevertheless, which are 
troublesome to the peace of their own peoples 
and which open up the prospect of the involve- 
ment of the larger powers unless they are 
settled. I am thinking of such matters as the 
present disturbance in Cyprus, the problems we 
have had in the Yemen, the tensions between 
Algeria and Morocco and between India and 
Pakistan, between Indonesia and Malaya and, 
at the moment, between Dahomey and Niger, 
and between Somali and one or two of its 
neighbors. 

These are matters which arise out of the un- 
settlement of this postwar period, when new 
states have been emerging in large numbers, and 
involve issues or quarrels some of which go back 
hundreds of years into history, and emotions 



7 Ibid., Oct. 7, 1963, p. 530. 



which are deeply rooted among the particular 
peoples, and yet are disputes which are worth 
intensive effort during 1964 in the hope that 
set tlements can be found. 

No Relaxation in U.S. Policy 

Finally, I would say in this preliminary com- 
ment that I see nothing ahead which makes it 
possible for us to think about a serious reduc- 
tion of the United States effort in our foreign 
policy field. We must maintain a very substan- 
tial Defense Establishment. We have almost a 
million men in uniform outside the continental 
United States. We think of those who are 
quietly and steadily serving their country right 
around the world in this effort to keep the peace, 
whether along the DEW line of the frozen 
north or in the ricefields of South Viet-Nam. 
Thinking of the effort we have been making 
over this postwar period to help other countries 
achieve some decent economic life and internal 
stability — such efforts as our foreign aid pro- 
grams — I do not myself believe that we should 
enter 1964 thinking that it is going to be easy 
or that we can suddenly relax and give up what 
we have been trying to accomplish and the 
burdens which it has placed upon us. 

But you will find that President Johnson will 
be determined to explore every possibility of 
achieving a more peaceful world order, of sup- 
porting the kind of world that has been written 
into the United Nations Charter, making our 
alliances as effective as possible, and getting on 
with the help which we industrialized countries 
of the West need to give to the developing coun- 
tries of the Southern Hemisphere. 

But all of this means that there is much un- 
finished business. I think we are entitled to 
enter the new year with a feeling of some confi- 
dence and hope but, more importantly, with 
determination to see our great tasks through 
and do what is required to build that decent 
world order which is our basic and underlying 
objective. 

Now, gentlemen, I will take your questions. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in a practical, even me- 
chanical sense, how do you expect to go about 
exploring the possibilities for what I think 
the President called "breakthroughs to peace y '? 



JANUARY 20, 196 4 



83 



A. Well, I think that that will be approached 
from a number of different directions. For ex- 
ample, in the disarmament field, we will be 
working here in our own Government with our 
allies, particularly in NATO, with a view to- 
ward proposals in the Geneva conference, which 
will be assembling at the end of the month. 
There will be, undoubtedly, other possibilities 
of contact with the Soviet Union on other prob- 
lems. I think the allies responsible for German 
questions will be discussing these matters among 
themselves intensively to see whether there are 
initiatives which ought to be taken in that field. 
On bilateral questions, of course, we will be 
in direct contact with the Soviet Union our- 
selves, and there will be a good deal of contact, 
I am sure, between Western countries and the 
smaller countries of Eastern Europe in this 
next year. 

But there will be a variety of means used, both 
bilaterally and multilaterally ; so I would not 
think that this would be compressed into a sin- 
gle strategy or single method or single forum. 

The Berlin Wall 

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us what is apt 
to develop from the opening of the Berlin wall 
to permit visitors in during the Christmas holi- 
days? There has been considerable speculation 
that there ?night be the possibility of continuing 
that agreement and, also, that the negotiations 
which made that possible may lead on to some 
further negotiations on the German question. 

A. Well, this is something on which it is a 
little difficult for me to comment definitively 
this afternoon because it is a matter that is being 
discussed among the three governments respon- 
sible for Berlin and with the Berlin and Federal 
Republic authorities. Anyone who has visited 
West Berlin and seen the wall, and has recog- 
nized the impact of that wall upon the families 
of Berlin, can, I think, not help but have great 
sympathy with the efforts that were made to 
let these families see each other during the 
Christmas vacation. 

I think it has not been lost upon the rest of 
the world that the visitors have gone from West 
Berlin to East Berlin and that thus far no op- 
portunity has existed for the East Berliners to 
visit in West Berlin. 



If ways could be found to permit that kind 
of visiting to continue, I think we would want 
to give it the most sympathetic and careful con- 
sideration. 

We are, of course, concerned about any effort 
on the part of the authorities in East Germany 
to translate what ought to be considered as a 
humanitarian matter into a matter of high po- 
litical moment. But this is a matter on which 
discussions are going on and on which I think I 
could not usefully comment further today. 

U.S. Relations With Cuba 

Q. Mr. Secretary. Fidel Castro claims that 
just before he died President Kennedy was con- 
sidering the possibility of normalising relations 
between the United States and Cuba. And the 
implication of his remarks is that, if President 
Johnson does not do this, then he will have 
reversed a trend which President Kennedy al- 
legedly set in motion. What can you tell us 
about this? 

A. Well, I would think you would need to 
read any such remark that he might have made 
against the background of other remarks that 
he has been making in the last day or two about 
the United States, some of them aimed per- 
sonally at President Johnson. It is not true 
that President Kennedy foresaw any early im- 
provement of our relations with Cuba. 

If you look at the resolutions s of the inter- 
American system of Punta del Este 2 years ago, 
you will see what the basic requirements of the 
hemisphere are for a restoration of Cuba to the 
family of the Western community. Those have 
to do with the military intrusion into this hemi- 
sphere of an extrahemisphere power, and they 
have a great deal to do with the attempt on the 
part of Castro and his associates to interfere 
with the affairs of other countries in this hemi- 
sphere. 

Now, those are fundamental points, and they 
remain fundamental to us and the other mem- 
bers of the hemisphere. I think the path to 
peace there could be easily delineated if the 
requirements of the hemisphere are acknowl- 
edged and action taken to live in peace with the 
rest of the hemisphere and become a good mem- 
ber of the hemispheric family. 

8 For text, see ihid., Feb. 19, 1062, p. 278. 



84 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



So I would say that Mr. Castro was factually 
wrong in saying that Mr. Kennedy was con- 
templating an early change in the situation with 
regard to Cuba. 

Little Hope for Change in Peiping's Attitude 

Q. Mr. Secretary, at the start of your confer- 
ence, you mentioned the arms supply which 
Communist China had sent into South Viet- 
Nam having been captured. Do you see any 
chance for an easing of tensions or relations 
with Communist China during this coming 
year? And do you see any prospects for the 
pursuit of peace being advanced at all with 
them? 

A. Well, I think we must — 

Q. Cotdd we have the question down here, 
please? 

A. Yes, would you restate your question 
somewhat more loudly, please, sir? 

Q. At the start of the Secretary's conference 
he mentioned the capture of a considerable arms 
supply in South Viet-Nam., which had come 
from Communist China. The question was if 
the Secretary saw any chances for easing ten- 
sions with Communist China during this year. 

A. I believe my remark had to do with the 
capture of ammunition supplies made in China. 
Who actually forwarded them into South Viet- 
Nam is a matter of some speculation, but almost 
certainly the authorities in Hanoi were pri- 
marily responsible for that. 

I think the principal judgment we can make 
on the authorities of Peiping at the present 
time is on the basis of their conduct. I do not, 
myself, see any change in the attitude of Peiping 
toward peace with the rest of the world, regis- 
tered by actions, which can demonstrate any 
attempt to live in solid peace with their neigh- 
bors and with the rest of the world. 

They are not supporting the Geneva accords 
in Southeast Asia. For 8 years they have re- 
jected the renunciation of force in the Formosa 
Straits. They did attack India a year ago. 
They are engaged from time to time in sub- 
versive activity in places like Latin America. 
They refused to sign the nuclear test ban treaty. 
They, in their dispute with Moscow, are press- • lUd., Jan. 13. 10<U, p. 40. 



ing for the militant line, although Mr. Chou 
En-lai has made some remarks about peaceful 
coexistence during his African trip. 

We feel that we have to evaluate Peiping's 
attitude and policy by their deeds and their ac- 
tions. At the present time we are not too 
hopeful about any change from that capital. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your interview with the 
Japanese correspondent the other day B you said 
that Communist China, tvhich had been inter- 
fering in Latin America, now showed indica- 
tions of wanting to interfere in the continent 
of Africa. Did you have in mind only Chou 
En-lai's current trip, or are there other evi- 
dences of their maneuvering in that direction? 

A. I wouldn't want to be too specific on that. 
But it seems to me that they are showing an 
interest in establishing their presence, their in- 
fluence, and I think we'd have to say their rev- 
olutionary influence on the continent of Africa, 
and that they will be competing there for in- 
fluence among Communist parties and, to the 
extent they can, will increase their presence in 
that continent. 

Limitation of Arms Races 

Q. Mr. Secretary? 



A. Yes. 

Q. Folloxoing your stopover in London on 
your way back from NATO, there was a spate 
of stories in the paper under London dates sug- 
gesting that you were considering, or again 
considering, the plan to have a big bonfire and 
set fire to B-lfPs and the equivalent Russian 
jets. Would you put that in perspective for 
us? Have there been any talks on this sub- 
ject ? Where do toe stand with them? 

A. No, there has been some informal discus- 
sion of such a possibility. I indicated earlier 
today that we thought that some physical dis- 
armament, if it could be achieved, would be 
a good step. 

Now, we are moving into a period where, as 
between the major powers of East and West, 
say, between the Soviet Union and the United 
Slates, certainly highly sophisticated weapons 
are in the process of coming out of inventory. 



JANUARY 20. 1904 



We think it would be unfortunate if those 
weapons should be distributed around the 
world by the two sides, because in most sit- 
uations they would represent a sharp in- 
crease in the qualitative arms races in other 
continents. Although they may be becoming 
obsolete in the East-West confrontation, they 
are still highly advanced weapons and are not 
obsolete at all in other contexts. 

Now, it may be that there is some room here 
for discussing some physical disarmament of a 
sort that would be of advantage to the East and 
West, as well as the general problem of limit- 
ing arms races in other continents, with the 
diversion of so many resources in these more 
highly sophisticated weapons. I have been 
told — and I can't confirm this — that the cost of 
a supersonic fighter squadron, for example, is 
of the order of magnitude that could build and 
maintain a university in a developing country. 

Well, this illustrates the point that if other 
arms races can somehow be discouraged, it 
would be a good thing to do so. But this partic- 
ular example has not proceeded very far, and it 
may be that there are other weapons which 
might be approached on that basis. 

Reexamining Areas for East-West Agreement 

Q. Mr. Secretary? 

A. Yes. 

Q. When the President speaks, and when you 
speak, sir, of a minor intensive exploration of 
East-West differences, are you thinking in 
terms of a greater intensity of the number of 
East-West discussions, or of a more fundamen- 
tal reexamination of fixed positions, or perhaps 
both? 

A. I think perhaps a little of both. Because 
if the other side indicates that it is prepared 
to take a look at questions which have not been 
the subject of much movement for a period of 
some years, if there is some flexibility on the 
other side, this opens up the possibility for a 
reexamination of opportunities on our side. 

You remember, at the beginning of 1963 we 
were not at all hopeful that a nuclear test ban 
treaty, even a partial nuclear test ban treaty, 
could be achieved, yet one was reached during 



the summer. Therefore, if the situation is in 
movement — and I have indicated to you before 
that I thought that the general situation is in 
a period of movement — then I think it is a good 
occasion for us to review where we are, to con- 
sider the possibilities, to look at the positions of 
the two sides, to see whether we can find points 
of agreement, some of them new, some of them 
perhaps fresh movement on old questions. 

Now, this is not in the sense of any illusion 
that it will be easy. These matters are going 
to take time, persistence, patience, and we ought 
not to suppose that, just because we have failed 
to get agreement at a particular point, therefore 
there is no possible agreement on any other sub- 
ject. Somewhat like the advance of infantry 
on a broad front, you move forward where you 
can. If you come to a point of hard resistance, 
you take more time with that and see if you can 
manage it. And it may be that the general sit- 
uation could take an adverse turn and make 
these discussions impossible or unprofitable. 
But we want to be certain that, since peace is 
the most, urgent business of mankind, we not 
let opportunities go by to advance the possibili- 
ties of peace and that, if somehow peace fails, 
it will not be through negligence or inaction 
or failure on our part to take advantage of op- 
portunities to build another step toward a 
peaceful solution. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your opening remarks 
you mentioned that the United States — tliat we 
would not tolerate, or that it would not be tol- 
erated in this hemisphere, that there be further 
shipments of arms out of Cuba to countries such 
as Venezuela or elsewhere in Latin America. 
Could you elaborate on that and say how we are 
going to enforce that policy? Would it be 
unilaterally or with the other American 
Republics? 

A. This is a matter which is active in the OAS 
[Organization of American States], and the 
OAS committee has recently been investigating 
one particular instance of the sort of thing we 
are talking about, the arms cache in Venezuela. 
We are working bilaterally with certain govern- 
ments on procedures by which we can anticipate 
or handle attempts of subversion, violence, stim- 
ulated from Cuba. But the OAS will be tak- 



86 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



ing up this question more broadly in the very 
near future. I think we perhaps had better 
leave it for that discussion before getting into 
details. 

Situation in Cyprus 

Q. Mr. Secretary? 

A. Yes? 

Q. A moment ago you listed Cyprus among 
the minor but important issues. Now Arch- 
bishop Makarios announced yesterday that he 
wants to abrogate the Cyprus treaty with the 
three guarantors. How do you view such a 
statement? 

A. Perhaps if I had earlier used the word 
"minor," I misspoke. These were other dis- 
putes not directly involved in the direct East- 
West confrontation. We naturally have been 
very much concerned about, the Cyprus situa- 
tion and have followed it very closely and have 
been in touch with all the governments con- 
cerned. We have been disappointed that the 
two communities on the island have not been 
able to work out their relations with each other 
on a more enduring basis than has appeared 
thus far. 

You will recall this was a matter of highest 
possible tension — fighting — back in '59 and '60, 
where after the most difficult and complex nego- 
tiations the independence of Cyprus was estab- 
lished on the basis of a constitution which gave 
certain positions to the two communities there — 
the Greek and the Turkish communities — and 
at the same time involved joint guarantors — 
guarantee — of the arrangement on the part of 
Britain, Greece, and Turkey. 

Now, we have been encouraged in the last 
few days by the sober and responsible attitude 
of those guarantor powers. We feel that the 
British, who have acted more or less as the 
chairman of the guarantor powers, have done 
a highly responsible job in trying to separate 
the two communities and get the tempers cooled 
and get the matter back into the field of dis- 
cussion. 

We feel that we ourselves should not inject 
ourselves into the specific points that need to be 
talked out, but rather use our maximum influ- 
ence to urge moderation upon the two communi- 



ties, their leaders, and upon the governments 
most directly concerned, so that talks can be 
resumed, that tempers can cool, and some new 
pat bs to solutions might open up. 

But there is great dissatisfaction by both 
tho Greek and the Turkish Cypriote in the pres- 
ent situation. It would be most unfortunate 
if that should flame into further violence. But 
at the moment we are relying upon the leader- 
ship of the two communities and the three 
guarantor powers to try to find an answer. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in discussions and perhaps 
even agreements with the Soviet Union we 
begin to list the peaceful settlement of territo- 
rial disputes. Would the United States consider 
Quemoy, Matsu., and Formosa — Taiwan — as 
such a territorial dispute as ready for negotia- 
tion? 

A. Well, I think that since we have a 20- 
page communication in front of us, which I 
have not yet read, I ought not to talk about 
any specific questions in relation to that subject. 
I'm sorry to duck your question, but I think we 
ought to see what this communication says first. 

The Alliance for Progress 

Q. Mr. Secretory, in the past and in this last 
policy statement on Latin America, you have 
coupled the action to counteract Communist 
subversion in Cuba icith the discussions of the 
positive steps taken to stabilize the governments 
in Latin America through the Alliance for 
Progress program. There has been a great 
deal of discussion on the reorganization, and I 
wonder if yon could, put this into perspective 
for us? 

A. Well, we started from the assumption that 
economic and social change will occur in Latin 
America, that some of the changes that occurred 
in other parts of the world were perhaps over- 
due and were bound to make their impact upon 
Latin America. The Alliance for Progress was 
an effort to put democratic processes and hemi- 
spheric cooperation into the leadership of those 
necessary changes. 

Now, tension is involved — tension within 
countries and tension between Latin American 
countries and the United States — under such 
a program as the alliance. Within countries 



JANUARY 2 0, 1964 



87 



there are tensions because very important in- 
terests, country after country, are going to have 
to adjust to a new situation. Between us and 
some of our Latin American friends there are 
tensions because they will hope that we would 
do more than we feel able to do at a par- 
ticular moment and we would hope that they 
would do more about their own problems than 
they perhaps feel able to do, by democratic 
process or by their own inclination. 

But we have been encouraged by progress 
made in a number of countries. We are anx- 
ious that more progress be made and that it be 
more generally made around the hemisphere. I 
will say that, although the Congress was rather 
stringent in its recent appropriations, we were 
pleased that they did put us in a fairly good 
position to deal with the Alliance for Progress 
matters under the foreign aid bill. 

But we shall stay with it and work at it with 
the closest possible coordination of political and 
economic relationships. Mr. Mann's appoint- 
ment and responsibility in both fields 10 was very 
much of an evidence of that determination. 
And I hope that 1964 will register some im- 
portant additional gains in this whole effort. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, even though you haven't 
read the full text of the message from Premier 
Khrushchev, at first glance does it appear to 
offer anything new or promising? Or is it 
more a restatement of their past position? 

A. Well, it's true that I haven't read it, and 
I haven't read any of it. It was handed to me 
in Russian, and the first glance would have done 
me no good. (Laughter.) So I turned it im- 
mediately over to the translators and haven't 
heard from them since. So I really don't 
know — I really don't know. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is the Sixth Fleet active in 
the vicinity of Cyprus? There have teen some 
rumors abroad that it was being brought into 
that area. 

A. Not to my knowledge. I looked into that 
matter in connection — when the violence first 
occurred in connection with American citizens 
in Cyprus. There is a good deal of American 
shipping in the area, merchant and otherwise. 



10 For background, see ibid., Jan. 6, 19(54, p. 9. 



But the Sixth Fleet, I think, has made no spe- 
cific moves in connection with it. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, without asking you to com- 
ment on a document you Jiave not read, do you 
regard the question of territorial dispute as a 
main question between East and West that is 
susceptible to some of the movement that you 
have discussed at the outset of your remarks? 

A. I mentioned a number of issues earlier 
which do involve territorial disputes, most of 
them in other parts of the world. But when 
you get to East-West relations, I think we had 
better find out what the proposition is, because 
there are territories and territories and disputes 
and disputes and I wouldn't want to marry 
these tilings up without seeing what the pro- 
posal is. 

Steps Toward Solution of East-West Issues 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in view of the present ex- 
tensive peace moves between Washington and 
Moscow, would you tell us more exactly what in 
your opinion — what kind of concrete steps in 
your opinion could be taken in the near future 
to make us move along the road of peaceful solu- 
tion of issues between East and West? 

A. Well, I think there could be some useful 
steps taken on the bilateral side, to start with. 
And we are discussing those with the Soviet 
Government. They may not appear to be large 
and dramatic in character, but nevertheless they 
are useful steps and we would hope that some 
headway could be made on them. 

On the larger, the multilateral problems, 1 
would suppose that disarmament is very high 
on our list of priorities. We would hope that 
some further steps could be taken in the dis- 
armament field. This is partly because here we 
feel there is, objectively considered, a genuine 
common interest between the two sides, an in- 
terest based upon prospects for peace and an 
interest deriving from the diversion of major 
resources on both sides to armaments. 

Both sides have enormous unfinished business 
to which they would prefer to commit their re- 
sources if it were possible. So I think the dis- 
armament questions ought to remain high on 
our list, that both sides should explore even' 



s^ 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



possible way of the possibility of making furt her 
steps. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in the last few days the 
European Community succeeded in overcoming 
a difficult problem. In the climate of hopeful 
expectation for the New Year, how do you look 
upon this development and hoio do you feel it 
may enhance the progress for political unity? 

A. Well, we were pleased that in the broad 
sense the European Community was able to 
handle the problems that were put before them 
at Brussels without major political difficulty. 
But on these trade matters, so much turns upon 
detail. The ministers worked, as you know, 
very late just before the Christmas break, and 
then came the Christmas holidays, and the truth 
of the matter is that no one yet is in full pos- 
session of all the details of what was agreed 
at Brussels. 

The Commission is working on it, and some 
of the experts are working on it, and we have 
not had a foil report yet as to just what 
happened. So that, since it is possible that 
there may be points that we would want to raise 
when we find out more about the details, I 
would prefer not to hide behind some general- 
ization, because we may wish to complain a lit- 
tle here and there. But wait until we see what 
actually occurred. We, in general, though are 
pleased that progress seemed to have been made 
and that the issues that are of interest to us, 
of course, will remain open for discussion. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, we thank you very much. 



President Lopez Mateos of Mexico 
To Meet With President Johnson 

White House press release (LB J Ranch, Johnson City, Tex.) 
dated December 27 

President Johnson has invited President 
Adolfo Lopez Mateos of Mexico to meet with 
him in southern California on February 21-22, 
1964. 

This invitation to the President of Mexico 
followed an invitation to both President John- 
son and President Lopez Mateos to receive 
honorary degrees from the University of Cali- 



fornia at Los Angeles. The invitation for the 
honorary degrees was extended to the two 
Presidents by Edmund G. Brown, Governor of 
California, president of the University of Cali- 
fornia Board of Regents, and the Board of 
Regents. The university plans to hold a spe- 
cial convocation on the morning of February 21 
to confer the honorary degrees. 

Following a luncheon in Los Angeles, which 
is currently in a state of planning, the two 
Presidents will fly to Palm Springs, Calif., 
where they will meet on February 21 and 22. 

President Lopez Mateos has accepted the 
invitation. 



Mr. Moscoso Named Representative 
to Inter-American Economic Units 

White House press release (LB J Ranch, Johnson City, Tei.) 
dated December 27 

The President announced on December 27 
that Teodoro Moscoso will be appointed U.S. 
Representative to the Inter- American Commit- 
tee on the Alliance for Progress and the U.S. 
representative to the meetings of the Inter- 
American Economic and Social Council of the 
Pan American Union. He will also act as Spe- 
cial Adviser, with the rank of ambassador, to 
the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- 
American Affairs, Thomas C. Mann. 1 

Mr. Mann will assume Mr. Moscoso's respon- 
sibilities for administering the Alliance for 
Progress. His first job will be to explore all 
the possibilities for increased efficiency as well 
as operating economies which may be obtained 
through the exercise of his combined respon- 
sibility for the work of inter- American affairs 
and the Alliance for Progress. 

These changes are designed to facilitate bet- 
ter use of U.S. resources, both private and pub- 
lic, in promoting economic development and 
social progress in Latin America. U.S. assist- 
ance programs supplement the self-help meas- 
ures taken in other American Republics. 



1 For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 3 dated Jan. 3. 



JANUARY 20, 1964 

717-2S8 — 63 2 



89 



President Johnson Expresses Hope 
for End of Strife in Cyprus 

Following is an exchange of messages be- 
tween President Johnson and Gen. Cemal 
Gursel, President of Turkey. 

White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 26 

General Gursel to President Johnson 

December 25, 1963 
The President 
White House 

In Cyprus unleashed Greek Cypriots ter- 
rorists helped by the regular law forces com- 
posed of their kinsmen are perpetrating in the 
execution of a prearranged plan atrocities to- 
wards Turks of Cyprus without discrimination 
for women or children. This barbaric assault 
which continued with ever-increasing intensity 
on the Turkish community since Friday eve- 
ning, December 21st, took the dimensions of 
acts of genocide aiming at the annihilation of 
the Turkish Cypriots. The appeals made uni- 
laterally by us or jointly undertaken by the 
signatories of the Cyprus Agreements with a 
view to stopping this massacre proved of no 
avail. The latest action by issuing a joint state- 
ment by the three guaranteeing powers — Tur- 
key, the United Kingdom, and Greece — has not 
been heeded by the Greek Cypriots and, there- 
fore, did not bring about a change in the de- 
plorable situation. I wish to bring to your high 
knowledge these dastardly acts of massacre 
undertakings by the Turks of Cyprus in this 
Twentieth Century where human rights and 
freedoms are enshrined in the most solemn uni- 
versal documents and ask you most earnestly 
to do all in your power in order that this blood- 
shed be stopped forthwith. 

Cemal Guhsel 
President of the Republic of Turkey 

President Johnson to General Gursel 

December 26, 1963 

Dear General Gursel : I have received your 

telegram dated December 25 on the tragic 

events occurring in Cyprus. I, too, am deeply 

concerned, and have sent the following message 



to President Makarios and Vice President 
Kutchuk. This message, I assure you, repre- 
sents my heartfelt feelings. 

You may be sure that I will continue to do 
everything I can to support any and all actions 
proposed by the three guarantor powers which 
offer any reasonable hope of assisting in a 
peaceful solution. 
Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

Deab Friends : My Christmas holiday hours, and 
those of my fellow Americans, are saddened by the 
thought that Cypriots of both communities whose 
hands I have pressed less than eighteen months ago 
are killing and wounding one another. I will not 
presume to judge the root causes, or rights and wrongs 
as between Cypriots of the two communities. This is, 
in any case, inappropriate when innocent human lives 
are at stake. 

I cannot believe that you and your fellow Cypriots 
will spare any efforts, any sacrifice, to end this ter- 
rible fraternal strife. I hope and trust that tomorrow 
will find all Cypriots living at peace with one another 
and with the three nations which have special treaty 
responsibilities for the security of Cyprus. 
Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

88th Congress, 1st Session 

Report of National Advisory Council on International 
Monetary and Financial Problems. Special report 
to the President and to the Congress on increase in 
the resources of the Inter-American Development 
Bank. H. Doc. 153. June 10, 1963. 76 pp. 

U.S. Participation in the International Labor Organi- 
zation. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Inter- 
national Organizations and Movements of the House 
Committee on Foreign Affairs. Part III. Winning 
the Cold War: The U.S. Ideological Offensive. July 
8-October 3, 1963. 149 pp. 

Winning the Cold War: The U.S. Ideological Offensive. 
Hearings before the Subcommittee on International 
Organizations and Movements of the House Commit- 
tee on Foreign Affairs. Part IV, U.S. Cultural and 
Artistic Exchanges, U.S. Student and Leader Ex- 
changes, September 9-10, 1963, 140 pp. ; Part V, The 
Impact Abroad of U.S. Private Information Mass 
Media, the Impact Abroad of Special Activities of 
Selected Private U.S. Organizations, the Problems 
and Techniques of International Communication, 
September 11-13, 1963, 182 pp. 

Operation of Article VII, NATO Status of Forces 
Treaty. Hearing before a subcommittee of the Sen- 
ate Committee on Armed Services. November 26, 
1963. 21 pp. 



90 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings' 



Adjourned During December 1963 

U.N. General Assembly: 18th Session 

12th Pan American Child Congress 

GATT Action Committee: Subcommittee I 

GATT Cotton Textiles Committee • • • • • • 

U.N. ECE/FAO Study Group on Problems of Methodology 
and Definitions in Agricultural Statistics: 3d Session. 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Copyright Committee: 7th 
Session. . 

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions . . 

U.N. ECA Standing Committee on Industry, Natural 
Resources, and Transport. 

UN Seminar on Status of Women in Family Law . . . . 

OECD Development Assistance Committee: Turkish Con- 
sortium. 

OECD Oil and Steel Committee 

FAO Council: 42d Session . ■•■••_• ■ 

U.N. ECE Ad Hoc Group of Experts on Use of Steel in Con- 
struction. 

OECD Joint Working Party on Apples and Pears 

OECD Special Committee for Textiles 

UNESCO Headquarters Committee: 41st Session 

Inter-American Children's Institute: 44th Meeting of Direct- 
ing Council. 

IMCO Expert Group on Facilitation of Travel and .trans- 
port: 3d Session of Subgroup on Customs. 

GATT Committee on Legal and Institutional Framework in 
Relation to Less Developed Countries. 

GATT Working Group on Preferences • 

ILO Tripartite Technical Meeting for the Food Products and 
Drink Industries. 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 36th Session (resumed) . 

U.N. ECAFE Asian Population Conference . . 

NATO Planning Board for European Inland Surface Trans- 
port. 

OECD Tourism Committee • ■ 

OECD Development Assistance Committee: Program Cri- 
teria Meeting. . 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Combined Transport Equip- 
ment. 

OECD Special Committee for Coal and Working Party . . 

NATO Ministerial Council 

OECD Maritime Transport Committee 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party III 

(Balance of Payments). 
GATT Action Committee 



In Recess as of December 31, 1963 

Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarma- 
ment (recessed Aug. 29, 1963). 

GATT Negotiations on United States Tariff Reclassification 
(recessed Dec. 13, 1963). 



New York Sept. 17-Dec. 17 

Mar del Plata, Argentina . . . Dec. 1-7 

Geneva Dec. 2 (1 day) 

Geneva Dec. 2-6 

Geneva Dec. 2-6 

New Delhi Dec. 2-7 

Geneva Dec. 2-13 

Addis Ababa Dec. 3-13 

Bogota Dec. 3-16 

Paris Dec. 5-6 

Paris Dec. 6 (1 day) 

Rome Dec. 6 (1 day) 

Geneva Dec. 9-10 

Paris Dec. 9-10 

Paris Dec. 9-10 

Paris Dec. 9-10 

Mar del Plata, Argentina . . . Dec. 9-12 

London Dec. 9-13 

Geneva Dec. 9-18 

Geneva Dec. 9-18 

Geneva Dec. 9-20 

New York Dec. 10-19 

Manila Dec. 10-20 

Paris Dec - 11-13 

p ari3 Dec. 11 (1 day) 

fE£: : : : : Dec. n-12 

Geneva Dec. 11-13 

Paris Dec. 12-13 

Paris Dec. 16-18 

Paris ' ' ' ' Dec. 16-18 

SS: : : : : . De c. i8(ida y) 

Geneva Dec. 19-20 

Geneva Mar. 14, 1962- 

Geneva Oct. 15, 1963- 



1 Prepared in 



_ the Office of International Conferences, Dec. 31, 1963. Following is Vif ^t^E^Economtc 
Economic"Con mission ^Africa; EC AF^ Economic Commission for Asia „dtte F„ East, BCB^Eoonom.0 
Commission 
Trade; ILO 



; for Eurbp • FAC Food I and Xgr lecture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and 
J, InternEal f L^orTrganizatio^ IMCO Intergovernmental Maritime Consul ^« Orgam»t,on. 
NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, drganiiation for ; Economic .C^^.f"^,, P ' 

U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. 



JANUARY 20, 19G4 



91 



Security Council Again Condemns 
Apartheid in South Africa 

Following is a statement made by Ambas- 
sador Adlai E. Stevenson, V.S. Representative, 
in the Security Council on December 4-, together 
with the text of a resolution adopted by the 
Council on that day. 

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR STEVENSON 

U.S./U.N. press release 4328 

Last Wednesday the new President of the 
United States, speaking to a joint session of 
our Congress, 1 rededicated the Government of 
the United States — and I use his words — "to 
the unswerving support of the United Nations." 

I speak today in the spirit of that rededica- 
tion, in the spirit of his plea for an "end to the 
teaching and the preaching of hate and evil and 
violence," and in the spirit of his determina- 
tion that "It is our responsibility and our trust 
in this Year of Our Lord 1963, to strike the 
chains of bias and prejudice from minds and 
practices as Lincoln, a century ago, struck down 
slavery." 2 

President Johnson's first message to our Con- 
gress included an urgent call for action to wipe 
out the remnants of racial discrimination in 
this country. 

No less firm is our opposition to racial dis- 
crimination anywhere, for we believe that no 
longer can any society long endure in peace, 
really live with itself, really prosper economi- 
cally, if in that society one race denies to another 
human and political rights. My Government is 
dedicated not only to the principle of equal 
rights for all citizens but also to the principle 
of government with the consent of the governed. 

When I last spoke to this Council on the issue 
of apartheid I said : 3 

. . . just as my country is determined to wipe out 
discrimination in our society, it will support efforts 
to bring about a change in South Africa. It is in the 



1 Bulletin of Dec. 16, 1963, p. 910. 

a From an address made by Vice President Johnson at 
Wayne State University, Detroit, Mich., on Jan. 6, 
1963. 

* Bulletin of Aug. 26, 1963, p. 333. 



United States' interest to do this ; it is in the interest 
of South Africa ; it is in the interest of a world which 
has suffered enough from bigotry and prejudice and 
hatred. 

The past two decades have seen an explosion of 
nationhood unequaled in history. Certainly the pace 
of decolonization in Africa has been nothing less than 
phenomenal, and it offers a record of progress far 
beyond what the most optimistic among us could have 
expected in 1945 [when the United Nations Organiza- 
tion was established]. The new states of Africa are 
gaining strength, resolutely fighting to build prosperous, 
dynamic societies and to do this in cooperation with 
other African states. 

But . . . the full potential of this new era cannot 
be realized because of South Africa's self-chosen 
isolation. Worse yet, progress in Africa is overshad- 
owed by the racial bitterness and resentment caused by 
the policies of the South African Government. And 
it is the duty of this Council to do what it can to 
insure that this situation does not deteriorate further 
and that the injustice of apartheid comes to an end — 
not in bloodshed and bondage but in peace and freedom. 

These are still the views of my Government. 

The questions before us here are not, unfor- 
tunately, solved by saying once again how 
thoroughly we reject apartheid. They can be 
resolved only by practical steps that will really 
contribute toward its elimination in conformity 
with the charter. 

Speaking recently in the Special Political 
Committee, Ambassador Plimpton outlined cer- 
tain principles that bear repetition for they are 
the heart of our approach to the impasse in 
South Africa : 

First, an enduring solution cannot be imposed 
from the outside for, in the last analysis, the 
change must be brought about primarily by the 
South Africans themselves, white and black. 

Second, every effort to bring about that 
change should be made by peaceful means. 

Third, the aim of our joint efforts should be 
to create the external conditions most conducive 
to bringing about change, to mobilize world 
opinion in such a way that the South Africans 
will bo left in no doubt that the more they segre- 
gate their neighbors, the more they isolate them- 
selves and the more the links that bind them 
to the outside world will weaken. 

And fourth, these conditions must be created 
within the framework of the charter and must 
take into consideration the effects of our action 
on the situation in South Africa. 



92 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Such considerations as these led the United 
States more than a year ago to announce * a 
policy forbidding the sale to the South African 
Government of arms and military equipment, 
whether from government or commercial 
sources, which could be used to enforce apart- 
lu id. 

And they led to our decision, which I an- 
nounced in this chamber last August, to ter- 
minate all sales of military equipment to the 
Government of South Africa by the end of this 
calendar year, subject to our honoring existing 
contracts and our right, as I then stated, "to 
interpret this policy in the future in the light 
of requirements for assuring the maintenance of 
international peace and security. If the inter- 
ests of the world community 7 require the pro- 
vision of equipment for use in the common 
defense effort, we would naturally feel able to 
do so without violating the spirit and the intent 
of this resolve." 

We believe the Security Council must con- 
tinue to press for a solution to this menacing 
situation, a solution which will lead to the en- 
joyment by all of the people of South Africa of 
their human rights and fundamental freedoms. 

We see two main courses of action which the 
Council might pursue to achieve this objective. 
One is to help bring about a peaceful evolution 
in South Africa toward a free and just society, 
not only through the weight of world opinion 
but also through the various means of investi- 
gation, inquiry, study, and recommendation 
available to the United Nations. The other is 
to make such recommendations to member 
states which will diminish the chance that inter- 
national tensions over apartheid might lead to a 
major explosion. 

The Norwegian resolution 5 now before the 
Security Council contains valuable proposals in 
both these directions, and the United States will 
support it. The Norwegian delegation has 
demonstrated what careful and patient efforts 
can accomplish, and I believe we are all in- 
debted to it and to its distinguished representa- 
tive for helping the Council achieve such a de- 
gree of unanimity. 



'IMA., Nov. 19, 1962, p. 791. 
' U.N. doc. S/5469. 



The United States will, among other things, 
support the recommendation in paragraph five 
that states should cease providing to South 
Africa equipment and materials for the produc- 
tion and maintenance of arms and munitions. 
We believe that this is implicit in the action 
taken by the Council in August, and we hope 
that this step to eliminate a factor which might 
contribute directly to international friction in 
the area will help create the kind of atmosphere 
which must exist if there is to be a peaceful 
settlement of this stubborn situation. We will 
carry it out within the same terms and condi- 
tions of our arms policy as we stated in con- 
nection with the resolution of August 7 and to 
which I have just referred. 

We do not consider that the present situation 
in South Africa falls within the provisions of 
chapter VII of the charter. Accordingly we 
would not consider a recommendation for co- 
ercive action as appropriate under or author- 
ized by the charter. The transformation of the 
resolution of August 7 from chapter VII to 
chapter VI language was the "decisive" step, 
as we said at the time, that made it possible for 
the United States to support the resolution. 
We support the pending resolution for the same 
reasons. 

The United States will carry out the policy 
on restricting arms and equipment to South 
Africa contained in this resolution as a corol- 
lary of the policy which we announced in Au- 
gust, and would do so even in the absence of 
such a resolution. We will act under this para- 
graph of the resolution and in accordance with 
our own law on the basis of materials and 
equipment whose primary uses are connected 
with the manufacture and maintenance of arms 
or ammunition. Thus we will no longer, for 
example, sell or provide to South Africa equip- 
ment such as artillery and ammunition lathes, 
shell tappers, rifle and rifle working machines, 
military type jigs, hydraulic presses equipped 
to manufacture arms, artillery casting ma- 
chines, and equipment for the production of 
military explosives. We do not regard multi- 
purpose items, such as petroleum products or 
raw materials, as being within the scope of this 
policy. 

We do this as a demonstration of our resolve 
that the apartheid policies of the Government 



JANUARY 20. 1964 



93 



of South Africa must be abandoned and as an 
earnest of our intent to cooperate with other 
nations in this same resolve in accordance with 
the provisions of the charter. 

We hope that the Government of South Af- 
rica will understand the full import of that 
resolve and that the people of good will and 
vision in South Africa will see to it that the 
present course of events in their country is re- 
vised before it leads to tragedy. 

The United States also supports paragraph 6 
of the resolution, which looks to a more system- 
atic approach to the search for a realistic 
solution. It is difficult, I know, to speak of 
long-range approaches when the pain and the 
provocation are so present and so intense. But 
in dealing with so intractable an issue there are 
no easy solutions. 

Under such difficult circumstances we see 
merit in the idea of mobilizing the best brains 
we can find and directing at least part of our 
attention to examining how a system of preju- 
dice and discrimination can be in fact dis- 
mantled and new relationships based on equal- 
ity of rights established. That is why the 
United States supports the proposal that a 
study group of experts be set up to conduct 
an inquiry under the direction of the Secretary- 
General. None of us can, nor should we be 
able to, predict with confidence what the re- 
sults of their examination of the problem will 
be. The experts must choose their own ap- 
proaches and reach their own conclusions on 
the basis of the facts as they see them. 

It is because of our belief that such an ex- 
amination and analysis of the possibilities for a 
long-range solution would be helpful that the 
United States supported the Scandinavian in- 
itiative in the General Assembly for an expert 
study of alternative possibilities in the South 
African racial situation. 

As Mr. [Per] Haekkerup, the distinguished 
Foreign Minister of Denmark, told the plenary 
session on September 25: "It is high time for 
the Assembly to give thought to the positive 
policy to be pursued in South Africa and to 
the role which the United Nations should play 
in coming developments. Careful studies to 
this end should be initiated now. If not, we 
may one day be taken by surprise and have 
reason to regret it." 



Now, gentlemen, action by the Security Coun- 
cil and the United Nations generally is only one 
part of the total effort of members of the orga- 
nization to hasten the end of apartheid in South 
Africa. We all have an obligation under the 
charter and in accordance with the resolutions 
of the General Assembly to act individually, 
to use our own influence to bring about a change 
in South Africa. The United States accepts 
that responsibility. We realize that, as one of 
the countries maintaining diplomatic, consular, 
and other relations with South Africa, we bear 
a responsibility. For if the massive change we 
all seek is to come — and come it will — it must 
come from within. It will come when the sup- 
porters of apartheid realize that the way they 
have chosen is, in the eyes of the world in which 
South Africa must live, morally intolerable, 
politically unviable, and economically unprof- 
itable. The conviction that this is so will come 
through more — not less — contact with the reali- 
ties of the modern world, including the realities 
of this organization. 

We are determined to have the Embassy of 
the United States in South Africa represent 
our national principles of racial equality. 
All — white or black — who enter its doors will 
be treated as always in the same dignity and 
respect as they are in our embassies and con- 
sulates in every country. 

This, however, is only one part of the story. 
Another aspect is education. We firmly believe 
that no people can grow and develop without 
the advantages of higher education now denied 
so many South Africans. The United States — 
through both public and private resources — has 
done and will continue to do what it can to help 
provide such education for those permitted to 
seek it. It is a source of pride to me that al- 
ready many young South Africans, not to men- 
tion young people from South-West Africa, 
have availed themselves of these opportunities. 
The number may be small but the impact will 
be great, and both, I hope, will grow. 

These are constructive approaches that I be- 
lieve will also contribute to the solution of this 
problem. 

Mr. President, the struggle before us will not 
be over tomorrow. Would that it were. 

It could if the Government of South Africa 
but heeded the universal conscience of humanity. 



94 



i>r.P\RTMKNT OF STATE BULLETIN 



It could if the Government of South Africa 
put into immediate practice article 55 of the 
charter, which, as we know, calls for "universal 
respect for, and observance of, human rights 
and fundamental freedoms for all without dis- 
l met ion as to race, sex, language, or religion." 

In a few days we will celebrate the 15th an- 
niversary of the adoption of the Universal 
Declaration of Human Rights. I appeal to the 
Government of South Africa to join with us 
in upholding the principles espoused in that 
noble document and to abandon forever its pol- 
icy of discrimination between men because of 
the color of their skin. 

Until it does, it must accept the consequences 
of an aroused world arrayed against it. 

President Kennedy once asked : ". . . is not 
peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of 
human rights?" 6 

The answer we give here is yes, and by our 
action in this Council we shall get on w T ith our 
work of protecting and advancing both. For all 
these reasons the United States will vote for the 
draft resolution now before this Council. 



TEXT OF RESOLUTION 7 

The Security Council, 

Having considered the race conflict in South Africa 
resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of South Africa, 

Recalling previous resolutions of the Security Coun- 
cil and of the General Assembly which have dealt 
with the racial policies of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa, and in particular the Secur- 
ity Council resolution S/5386 of 7 August 1963, 

Having considered the Secretary-General's reports 
contained in S/5438 and Addenda, 

Deploring the refusal of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa as confirmed in the reply 
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of 
South Africa to the Secretary-General received on 11 
October 1963, to comply with Security Council resolu- 
tion S/5386 of 7 August 1963, and to accept the re- 
peated recommendations of other United Nations 
organs, 

Noting with appreciation the replies to the Secretary- 
General's communication to the Member States on the 
action taken and proposed to be taken by their Govern- 
ments in the context of that resolution's operative 



' Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 2. 

'U.N. doc. S/5471 (S/5469) ; adopted unanimously 
on Dec. 4 by the Security Council. 



paragraph 8, and hoping that all the Member states 
as soon as possible will inform the Secretary-General 
about, their willingness to carry out the provisions of 
that paragraph, 

Taking note .it" the reports of the Special Committee 
on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa contained in document 
A r,l97, 

Noting with deep satisfaction the overwhelming sup- 
port for the resolution A/RES/1881 (XVIII) adopted 
by the General Assembly on 11 October 1963, 

Taking into account the serious concern of the Mem- 
ber States with regard to the policy of apartheid as 
expressed in the general debate in the General As- 
sembly as well as in the discussions in the Special 
Political Committee, 

Being strengthened in its conviction that the situa- 
tion in South Africa is seriously disturbing interna- 
tional peace and security, and strongly deprecating 
the policies of the Government of South Africa in its 
perpetuation of racial discrimination as being incon- 
sistent with the principles contained in the Charter 
of the United Nations and with its obligations as a 
Member State of the United Nations, 

Recognizing the need to eliminate discrimination in 
regard to basic human rights and fundamental free- 
doms for all individuals within the territory of the 
Republic of South Africa without distinction as to 
race, sex, language or religion, 

Expressing the firm conviction that the policies of 
apartheid and racial discrimination as practised by 
the Government of the Republic of South Africa are 
abhorrent to the conscience of mankind and that there- 
fore a positive alternative to these policies must be 
found through peaceful means, 

1. Appeals to all States to comply with the provi- 
sions of Security Council resolution S/5386 of 7 Au- 
gust 1963 ; 

2. Urgently requests the Government of the Republic 
of South Africa to cease forthwith its continued im- 
position of discriminatory and repressive measures 
which are contrary to the principles and purposes of 
the Charter and which are in violation of its obliga- 
tions as a Member of the United Nations and of the 
provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights ; 

3. Condemns the non-compliance by the Government 
of the Republic of South Africa with the appeals con- 
tained in the above-mentioned resolutions of the Gen- 
eral Assembly and the Security Council ; 

4. Again calls upon the Government of South Africa 
to liberate all persons imprisoned, interned or sub- 
jected to other restrictions for having opposed the 
policy of apartheid; 

5. Solemnly calls upon all States to cease forthwith 
the sale and shipment of equipment and materials for 
the manufacture and maintenance of arms and ammu- 
nition in South Africa ; 

6. Requests the Secretary-General to establish under 
his direction and reporting to him a small group of 



JANUARY 20, 1964 



95 



recognized experts to examine methods of resolving the 
present situation in South Africa through full, peace- 
ful and orderly application of human rights and 
fundamental freedoms to all inhabitants of the terri- 
tory as a whole, regardless of race, colour or creed, and 
to consider what part the United Nations might play 
in the achievement of that end ; 

7. Invites the Government of the Republic of South 
Africa to avail itself of the assistance of this group 
in order to bring about such peaceful and orderly trans- 
formation ; 

8. Requests the Secretary-General to continue to 
keep the situation under observation and to report to 
the Security Council such new developments as may 
occur, and in any case not later than 1 June 1964, on 
the implementation of this resolution. 



U.S. Participation in Long-Term 
Cotton Textile Arrangement 

Statement by Stanley Nehmer 1 

The period under review by this meeting, the 
12 months ending 30 September 1963, has wit- 
nessed the beginning of a unique international 
experiment. The joint venture of our 24 gov- 
ernments represents the first multilateral effort 
of a group of friendly nations to pursue policies 
which will minimize injury to an important sec- 
tor of our national economies by avoiding dis- 
ruptive trade, while at the same time providing 
for growing trade opportunities. 

When the Long-Term Cotton Textile Ar- 
rangement was negotiated in January and Feb- 
ruary 1962, 2 it was recognized by the 19 govern- 
ments which drew up the arrangement that the 
achievement of this objective was essential, 
however difficult to fulfill. To provide for in- 
creasing trade in cotton textiles from the de- 
veloping countries while avoiding, in the 



1 Made before the Cotton Textiles Committee of the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade at Geneva 
on Dec. 3. Mr. Nehmer is Deputy Director of the Office 
of International Resources, Bureau of Economic Af- 
fairs; he was U.S. representative at the meeting of 
the Committee. 

2 For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 12, 1962, p. 431. 
The governments participating in the Long-Term Ar- 
rangement are Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, 
Colombia, Denmark, France, Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, India, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Luxem- 
bourg, Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Pakistan, Portu- 
gal, Spain, Sweden, United Arab Republic, United 
Kingdom, and United States. 



interest of all, the disruption of the markets 
of the older established cotton textile producing 
countries presented all of us with a complex 
problem of mutual accommodation. 

Yet, despite many problems and unforeseen 
difficulties in implementing a venture as unique 
as the Long-Term Arrangement, we believe that 
for the United States the first year's operations 
have furthered the objectives of the Long-Term 
Arrangement. The meeting this week should 
provide all of us with a better basis for apprais- 
ing how well the objectives have been followed 
for all countries. 

I should like to report on the participation 
of the United States in the first year of the 
Long-Term Arrangement. I should like to tell 
you what has happened to cotton textile trade 
with regard to the United States market and 
what has happened to the cotton textile indus- 
try in the United States in the period under 
review. Also I should like to mention some of 
the problems which the United States has en- 
countered to date in its participation in the 
Long-Term Arrangement. 

United States Trade In Cotton Textiles 

The record of import trade in cotton textiles 
into the United States during the first year of 
the Long-Term Arrangement indicates quite 
clearly that the United States has provided 
growing opportunities for the cotton textiles 
produced and exported to our market by the 
developing countries in accordance with the ob- 
jectives of the Long-Term Arrangement. In- 
deed, I was struck by the statement in the 
forthcoming report of the GATT secretariat on 
International Trade in 1962 that increases in 
exports to the United States (and to a smaller 
extent to Australia and New Zealand) were the 
only bright spots in the sales endeavors of the 
major Asian suppliers of cotton textiles. 

It is important to note that the United States 
entered the Long-Term Arrangement after 
having experienced an increase of 37 percent 
in its imports of cotton textiles during the 
period of the Short-Term Arrangement 3 over 
the base period of that arrangement. 

During the first year of the Long-Term Ar- 
rangement, United States imports of cotton tex- 



3 For text, see ibid., Aug. 21, 1961. p. 3:i7. 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BUrXETIN 



tiles from the developing countries continued 
to rise. They reached a level of 718 million 
square yard equivalents, an increase of more 
than 13 percent from (lie level of such imports 
during the Short-Term Arrangement year (634 
million square yards) and 58 percent more than 
imports from the developing countries during 
the 12 months ending 30 June 1961, the base 
year of the Short-Term Arrangement (455 
million square yards). 

Between the base period of the Short-Term 
Arrangement and the first year of the Long- 
Term Arrangement, developing countries ac- 
counted for 85 percent of the increase in United 
States imports of cotton textiles. In the 
former period, imports into the United States 
from the developing countries accounted for a 
little more, than half of our total cotton textile 
imports; during the first year of the Long- 
Term Arrangement the developing countries 
accounted for almost two-thirds of the total. 

These increases in imports, measured in 
quantitative terms, do not tell the full story, 
particularly for individual countries. Not only 
have imports from the developing countries 
into the United States increased on an overall 
basis; it is important to note that there has 
been a decided trend from the primary stages 
of manufacture to imports of the more ad- 
vanced stages of manufacture. The implica- 
tions to the foreign exchange earnings of the 
developing countries of a combination of an 
increased volume and an increased unit price 
in terms of square yard equivalents are 
apparent. 

It is also important to point out that these 
gains of the developing countries were widely 
distributed among the various low-income re- 
gions of the world. For example, cotton textile 
imports from India increased by almost 200 
percent between the Short-Term Arrangement 
year and the first Long-Term Arrangement 
year. Those from Pakistan by 280 percent; 
from the United Arab Republic, 45 percent : 
from Spain, 60 percent; from Jamaica, 50 per- 
cent. Imports from these important suppliers 
increased in the aggregate from 91 to 194 mil- 
lion square yards. If imports from a few ma- 
jor suppliers among the developing countries 
did not show gains during the first Long-Term 
Arrangement year over the preceding 12-month 



period, all of these countries had previously 
registered impressive increases during the 
Short-Term Arrangement year aud still hail 
substantially higher levels during the first 
Long-Term Arrangement year than they had 
during the base period of the Short-Term 
Arrangement. 

Taking cotton textile imports from the de- 
veloping and the industrialized countries to- 
gether, we find that total imports into t he- 
United States amounted to 1,123 million square 
yards during the first year of the Long-Term 
Arrangement compared to 1,113 million square 
yards during the Short-Term Arrangement and 
813 million square yards during the base period 
of the Short-Term Arrangement, an increase 
of 300 million square yards. 

At the same time United States exports of 
cotton textiles declined by 10 percent during the 
first year of the Long-Term Arrangement and 
reached the lowest level since 1940. 

While there has been an increase in total 
United States cotton textile imports, there has 
been a decline in imports from the industrial- 
ized countries. As a result of market influences 
and in the absence of any restraints under 
article 3, United States imports from these 
countries declined by 16 percent between the 
Short-Term Arrangement and the first Long- 
Term Arrangement year. 

Furthermore, the total figures I have given 
you do not show the substantial increases in 
imports of certain categories or products. 
There were 17 such categories or products 
where imports increased by 15 percent or more. 
During the first year of the Long-Term Ar- 
rangement, imports of these categories in- 
creased by some 100 million square yards equiv- 
alents, a rise of one-third in the import pattern 
for these categories. 

Condition of U.S. Cotton Textile Industry 

The rising level of cotton textile imports into 
the United States from the developing countries 
has represented a significant contribution to 
the strengthening of trade relations with these 
countries and to the expansion of needed for- 
eign exchange earnings of the low-income re- 
gions of the world. However, I would be less 
than candid if I did not point out that this 



JANUARY 20, 1964 



97 



has not been without cost to the United States 
economy. Let me detail some of the elements 
of this cost. 

First, mill consumption of raw cotton — the 
best measures of cotton textile mill activity — 
declined by 6 percent during the 12 months end- 
ing July 1963. 

Second, total domestic consumption of cotton 
textiles has continued to stagnate and has actu- 
ally tended to decline during the first Long- 
Term Arrangement year. 

Third, the ratio of imports to domestic con- 
sumption of cotton textiles continued to rise 
during the first Long-Term Arrangement year, 
reaching 7.6 percent for this period. This com- 
pared with 6.6 percent during the Short-Term 
Arrangement, 5.2 percent during the base period 
of the Short-Term Arrangement, and 3 percent 
in 1958. 

While we recognize that some other countries 
import a larger portion of their total consump- 
tion, these countries either did not have estab- 
lished domestic industries capable of providing 
all their needs or arrived at their higher import 
ratio over a long period of time, in some cases 
resulting from special trade and political ties 
with the exporting countries involved. Not 
only is competition felt directly by the mill 
sector, but the important garment sector is suf- 
fering as well. 

Fourth, the changing pattern of imports to 
the more advanced stages of manufacture has 
compounded the adverse effect of a rising im- 
port level on production and employment. 

Fifth, the United States, which has tradi- 
tionally been a net exporter of cotton textiles, 
has now clearly become a net importer. Since 
1962 the gap between rising imports and de- 
clining exports of cotton textiles has been 
widening rapidly. The ability of the United 
States cotton textile industry to export has been 
increasingly inhibited by restrictions on imports 
and increased tariff protection imposed in 
various other markets. 

Sixth, the textile industry is the largest em- 
ployer of labor in manufacturing in the United 
States. Yet during the first 9 months of 1963 
the number of unemployed in this industry rep- 
resented 9.5 percent of the labor force in ap- 
parel and 6.9 percent in textile mill products, 



levels strikingly higher than the high overall 
national unemployment rate of 5.7 percent. 
Moreover, because textile mills in many small 
towns in the northeastern and southern parts of 
the United States represent the only source of 
factory employment in the community, the de- 
cline of this industry has had particularly 
severe social and economic effects. 

To conclude this brief statement on the con- 
dition of the United States cotton textile indus- 
try, it is important to note that domestic mills 
have continued to operate under the so-called 
two-price cotton system, which forces them to 
pay a substantially higher price for raw cotton 
than foreign mills pay for the same cotton. 
This is a domestic problem which is now being 
considered by the United States Congress. 

Requests for Export Restraint Under Article 3 

Concern has been expressed by some partici- 
pating countries in the Long-Term Arrange- 
ment that the United States has resorted to arti- 
cle 3 4 more often than was envisaged when the 
arrangement was negotiated almost 2 years ago. 
I think it is important to the Committee's re- 
view of the first year of the Long-Term Ar- 
rangement to examine the situation fully and 
to ascertain all of the facts. 

At the present time only five countries which 
are participants in the Long-Term Arrange- 
ment are restraining their exports of cotton tex- 
tiles to the United States pursuant to a request 
from my Government under article 3. In the 
case of four of these countries, an average of 
only three products or categories are under re- 
straint. In the other case, a country which is 
the third largest supplier of cotton textiles to 
the United States market, the number of prod- 
ucts or categories under restraint is more ex- 
tensive. 

In taking action to request restraint from an 
exporting country, the United States has acted 
consistently with the spirit and the letter of the 
Long-Term Arrangement. "We have invoked 
our rights under article 3 only to insure an 
orderly development, of trade where there has 
been disruption or a threat of disruption to a 



' For text, see ibid.. Mar. 12, 11M12, p. 431. 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



particular segment of the United States cotton 
textile market. 

It should be remembered that the United 
States market is an open, highly competitive 
market. Imports are subject only to duties. 
The United States does not follow the practice 
of some other governments of imposing quanti- 
tative restrictions on imports or prohibitive 
import duties, nor is the American textile 
industry permitted by our domestic antitrust 
legislation to enter into industry-to-industry 
agreements which have in some countries taken 
the place of either quantitative restrictions or 
resort to article 3. 

In requesting restraints under article 3, the 
United States Government has been careful to 
safeguard the rights of exporting countries and 
to proceed in an equitable manner toward all 
supplying countries, whether or not these coun- 
tries were participants in the Long-Term Ar- 
rangement. Restraints have often exceeded 
the levels applicable under the formula of annex 
B. 5 No country is denied some access to the 
United States market in a cotton textile product 
merely because the absence of a previous history 
could result in a zero level of restraint under the 
formula of the Long-Term Arrangement. 

The experience of the United States during 
the past year has been that when a request for 
restraint is made to a major supplier in a par- 
ticular product, our importers, in an effort to 
find alternative sources of supply, have gen- 
erally responded by contracting for supplies in 
countries which had not previously been sig- 
nificant sources of imports into the United 
States. Thus the initial restraint request soon 
engenders additional requests to other supply- 
ing countries in order to avoid the circumven- 
tion of the original request and to insure equity 
in accordance with the provisions of the ar- 
rangement. Indeed, at the present time cotton 
textile exports from 10 nonparticipants are 
subject to restraint under articles 3 and 6(c). 

During the course of the negotiation of the 
Long-Term Arrangement, W. Willard Wirtz, 
now Secretary of Labor in the United States 
and spokesman for our delegation at the time, 
said the following: 



6 For text, see ibid., p. 434. 



The United States (iovermm-nt regards a lung-term 
world Cotton Textile Agreement as a means of bringing 
about expansion of world trade in cotton textiles by 
making it possible in the course of expansion to safe- 
guard the legitimate Interests of domestic producers 
in importing countries. 

He also pointed out : 

No one will disregard the inevitability of strong 
domestic pressures being exerted on the governments 
of importing countries to treat the base period import 
levels referred to in the agreement as the measure of 
market disruption. . . . Surely none can have any 
doubt that when imports of a category of textiles ap- 
proach the base period figure there will be close con- 
sideration given the question of whether a situation 
of market disruption exists or is developing. We say 
advisedly that we will propose to initiate proceedings 
under this Agreement when but only when market 
disruption occurs or is imminently threatened. 

We have done just that. Every restraint re- 
quest under article 3 has taken full account of 
the objectives of the Long-Term Arrangement 
and the commitment made bj' the United States 
Government. 

The United States has also been mindful of 
the provisions in paragraph 6 of article 3, which 
calls for the relaxation and elimination of re- 
straints as soon as practicable. The United 
States has, in fact, kept existing article 3 re- 
straints under review and has dropped several 
categories of products from restraint either 
during the initial 12-month period of restraint 
or at the conclusion of such period. 

Often bilateral agreements are used by gov- 
ernments to intensify restrictions on trade. It 
should be noted that the United States has, in a 
number of important cases, moved from article 
3 to article 4 of the Long-Term Arrangement. 
This has been done in an effort not to make more 
restrictive article 3 restraints but rather to lib- 
eralize such restraints. Such agreements have 
thus far been completed with Hong Kong, 
Japan, the Republic of China, Jamaica, Spain, 
Israel, and the United Arab Republic. Other 
agreements are now under discussion with sev- 
eral other important suppliers. These bilateral 
arrangements under article 4 provide assurance 
to the exporting countries as to the future level 
and pattern of trade at the same time that 
growth and flexibility are provided for the ex- 
porting country's cotton textile shipments to 
the United States. 



JANUARY 20, 19C4 



99 



Obligation of Exporters 

In talking about the experience of the United 
States during the first year of the Long-Term 
Arrangement, I think it may be useful to com- 
ment on the position of exporting countries in 
their relations with the United States under the 
Long-Term Arrangement during this period. 
The Long-Term Arrangement is not a one-way 
street. The arrangement, imposes reciprocal 
obligations on both the importing and the ex- 
porting countries. In the case of the exporting 
countries the Long-Term Arrangement clearly 
imposes an obligation to cooperate with the im- 
porting countries in maintaining orderly mar- 
keting patterns. The preamble of the Long- 
Term Arrangement states that the development 
of the trade of exporting countries should 
proceed "in a reasonable and orderly manner so 
as to avoid disruptive effects in individual 
markets and on individual lines of production 
in both importing and exporting countries." 
Conversations which have taken place between 
representatives of my Government and those of 
the governments of exporting countries have 
shown that several of the latter have not given 
sufficient regard to the obligation to avoid undue 
concentration of exports, either within a par- 
ticular period of time or within a given product. 

This is evident by the concentration of im- 
ports into the United States in particular 
products. Imports of only four categories ac- 
counted for 40 percent of total cotton textile 
imports during the first year of the Long-Term 
Arrangement. 

There also have been difficulties with certain 
exporting countries over the obligations im- 
plicit in the procedures of article 3. The 60- 
day period of consultation is not a period for 
exports to be maximized, nor does the 60-day 
consultation period mean that an exporting 
country should wait until the last Meek of the 
period before responding to a request for re- 
straint or beginning serious consultation. 

In some cases we understand that genuine 
problems have made it difficult for exporting 
countries to cooperate. Legal authority to con- 
trol exports may not exist initially. Means of 
communication with the industry and with ex- 
porters may be imperfect. In some cases 
American importers have no doubt contributed 



to the problem. Whatever the reason — and 
there are many others — it has frequently been 
our experience that during the 60-day consul- 
tation period shipments have continued un- 
abated and often have even increased substan- 
tially. 

Difficulties have also been encountered by us 
in administering the exemption in the arrange- 
ment for handloom fabrics of the cottage indus- 
try. It was agreed during the negotiation of 
this exemption in the Long-Term Arrangement 
that a certification procedure would be used to 
exempt handloom fabrics from the provisions 
of the arrangement. Some exporting countries, 
however, have encountered difficulties in estab- 
lishing the procedures that would insure the 
proper certification of shipments, and there 
have been lengthy delays in working out an 
effective system. 

Position of Other Importing Countries 

One of the key elements in the concept of the 
Long-Term Arrangement is that a country such 
as the United States, which has an unrestricted 
market, should not alone be the recipient of 
growing exports of cotton textiles from the de- 
veloping countries. The Long-Term Arrange- 
ment very clearly provides for the sharing 
among the industrialized countries of their col- 
lective responsibility to provide growing op- 
portunities for the cotton textile exports of the 
developing countries. It is understood in the 
Long-Term Arrangement that countries whose 
markets were largely closed to low-cost imports 
of cotton textiles should reduce their restric- 
tions over a period of time. 

Secretary Wirtz, in the same speech to which 
I have already referred, said : 

A constructive long-term multilateral arrangement 
must, as a matter not only of equity but of practicality, 
reflect a willingness on the part of all importing coun- 
tries to share proportionately in absorbing cotton tex- 
tile exports of the less-developed countries. 

The United States delegation will be most 
interested in hearing at this meeting what steps 
other industrialized countries have taken to 
open their doors to the cotton textiles produced 
in the developing countries. To what extent 
has their ratio of imports from the developing 
countries to consumption increased during the 



100 



nKIWRTlMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



course of the Short-Term and the first year of 
the Long-Term Arrangements? Furthermore, 
we would be interested in hearing whether the 

controls on imports which still exist in these 
industrialized countries have been implemented 
in such a manner as to provide equal opportuni- 
ties for all developing countries. 

Conclusion 

These are the facts— the record of the United 
States with respect to the first year of the Long- 
Term Arrangement. During the year we and 
you have had many problems which quite natur- 
ally were to be expected under a new program 
such as the Long-Term Arrangement. This ex- 
perience should be useful in the years ahead, 
and we confidently look forward to a satisfac- 
tory second Long-Term Arrangement year. 

The United States has made a meaningful 
contribution to the expansion of trade through 
the Long-Term Arrangement. Progress has 
been made in meeting our common goals, and 
we expect that this will continue in the future. 



Trade Development and Trade Policy 

Statement by Samuel Z. Westerfeld, Jr. 1 

It is a pleasure to be here at the second meet- 
ing of the Trade Committee and to observe the 
progress made in the work of the committee 
during its short life. 

I am particularly happy that my current 
duties relate directly to the work of the regional 
commissions of the United Nations. I can thus 
pursue my longtime interest in the development 
of Africa. As dean of the School of Business 
Administration at Atlanta University I visited 
most of the colleges and universities in Africa, 
seeking candidates for fellowships at my univer- 
sity in the field of government and business 
administration. 

Over the last 3 years the university has pro- 
vided fellowships to some 15 young men and, I 



' .Made on Nov. 21 before the Standing Committee on 
Trade of the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa, 
which met at Niamey, Niger, Nov. 20-2S. Mr. Wester- 
field, who is Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic 
Affairs, was head of the U.S. observer delegation. 



know, hopes to find the means for continuing 
and expanding this program. A number of 
these young men have now returned and are 

contributing to the growth and developmenl of 

their countries through their work in key gov- 
ernmental agencies or in private industry. 

In studying the excellent documentation pre- 
pared by the secretariat for this meeting, I was 
impressed by the truth of the statement in one 
paper that "There is always a great danger in 
generalizations, and particularly so in Africa." 
Although almost all of the countries of this vast 
continent are in the early stages of development 
relative to the industrialized countries, there are 
very great differences between the most and the 
least developed. Although the broad goals are 
the same, the immediate steps toward the goals 
will be very different. 

The documentation shows, for instance, that 
although the exports of most of the countries 
of the region consist predominantly of primary 
commodities, so does a large portion of imports. 
Some countries are beginning to export proc- 
essed goods and light manufactures. The 
vagaries of the weather and plant disease may 
mean that the trade of one coffee producing 
country declines and another expands. The 
same seems true of cotton. A few fortunate 
countries are developing their petroleum re- 
sources. Mining products are becoming of in- 
creasing importance in the export trade of 
others. 

This diversity is well presented in the docu- 
mentation before us and tends to make our dis- 
cussions more meaningful as we discuss broad 
trade issues. It brings us down to earth. 

In the last few years there has been a great 
stirring of interest and concern about the trade 
situation of the developing countries. The 
world community in designating the sixties as 
the Development. Decade has released forces that 
will not be denied. There will be disappoint- 
ments. The process of development is compli- 
cated and hard to accelerate, but progress is 
being made. 

The urgency of the need of the developing 
countries to expand their export earnings more 
rapidly than in the past is now generally recog- 
nized. There is a growing determination to do 
something about it. A many-pronged attack on 



JANUARY 20, 1964 



101 



this problem — both internationally and within 
each developing country — offers hope for the 
future. 

My Government believes that an immediate 
task is to open markets for the products of the 
developing countries in the industrialized coun- 
tries as fully and as rapidly as possible. We 
generally support, the program of action spon- 
sored by the developing countries in the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. This pro- 
gram calls for a standstill on tariff and non- 
tariff barriers now applied to key products of 
the developing countries and for the progressive 
reduction or elimination of existing barriers 
over a 1- to 3-year period. 

We support efforts to improve conditions in 
individual commodity markets through com- 
modity agreements, study groups, or other 
forms of international cooperation. Where 
prices are too low, efforts must be made to bring 
supply into better balance with demand 
through reductions of obstacles to consumption 
and through production controls. We believe 
that this is the way in which commodity prices 
can be improved on a sound and lasting basis. 

We are taking many steps to increase the rate 
of growth of our economy. I mention this be- 
cause a more rapid growth rate will automati- 
cally result in an expansion of imports and also 
make the adjustment to imports stimulated by 
tariff reductions much easier. 

Our Trade Expansion Act recognizes that 
the increase in imports that can be expected if 
there are substantial tariff reductions may 
threaten or cause serious injury to domestic 
interests and provides for assistance to firms or 
workers in such an eventuality. The purpose 
of such assistance is to enable the firm to mod- 
ernize its plant, to move into other products, to 
become viable. For workers, the assistance 
would be designed to maintain income while be- 
ing retrained or aided in finding other work. 

Prospects in 1964 

19G4 will be a year of trade meetings. The 
most comprehensive trade negotiations ever 
undertaken are scheduled to start on May 4 
under the auspices of the GATT. If these ne- 
gotiations are as successful as my Government 
wants them to be, they will result in substantial 



reductions in existing barriers to all trade, in- 
cluding the export products of the developing 
countries. 

The negotiating plans adopted by the GATT 
ministers last May 2 call for across-the-board 
cuts in tariffs affecting the full tariff schedules 
of the major trading countries, with a mini- 
mum of exceptions. The United States hopes 
this across-the-board reduction will approach 
50 percent. The negotiations will deal with 
nontariff barriers to trade as well as with tar- 
iffs. Acceptable conditions of access to world 
markets for agricultural products is another 
goal of the negotiations. 

The across-the-board plan for the tariff re- 
ductions will in itself result in more benefits to 
the trade of the developing countries than was 
true of the old system of item-by-item bargain- 
ing. In addition, the GATT ministers agreed 
that special attention would be given to reduc- 
ing barriers to the trade of the developing coun- 
tries. Reciprocity in tariff reductions from 
these countries will not be required. Due to 
the widespread application of the most- 
favored-nation principle, the benefits of the 
tariff reductions will be extended to many non- 
GATT countries. 

Most of the countries represented here are 
contracting parties to the GATT or otherwise 
associated with it. I urge that you participate 
as fully as possible in the planning for the 
negotiations and in the negotiations themselves, 
under the special procedures to be worked out. 
Although the full effect of the results of these 
negotiations will not be realized for several 
years, the substantial reduction of tariffs over 
the whole range of commodities entering into 
international trade will open the markets of 
the developed countries to present and future 
manufactures and semimanufactured products 
for the developing countries. In many in- 
stances tariff reductions may be significant for 
trade in primary products. Although the in- 
tent of the negotiators will be to give special 
attention to the tariffs and trade barriers affect- 
ing the exports of the developing countries, 
that intent will be reinforced by your partici- 
pation in the negotiations. 

The other important trade meeting scheduled 



1 Rui.i.ctin of June 24, 1963, p. 990. 



102 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



for 1964 will be considered here — the United 
Nations Conference on Trade and Develop- 
ment. 3 It offers us all the opportunity of con- 
sidering together ways in which the export 
earnings of the developing countries may be 
expanded and protected against, sudden, sharp 
fluctuations, and the steps needed to be taken 
by each country — whether developed or less 
developed — toward this goal. 

My Government has participated in the two 
meetings of the Preparatory Committee and is 
giving concentrated and sympathetic attention 
to the problems that will come before the con- 
ference. We are testing as objectively as pos- 
sible the many suggestions that have been put 
forward as ways to expand the export earnings 
of the developing countries. 

It is our hope that all countries will review 
the documentation prepared by the United Na- 
tions secretariat and the special staff under the 
leadership of Dr. Raul Prebisch, and the re- 
ports of the Preparatory Committee, in the 
light of their own problems; that they will 
come to the conference prepared to judge the 
various recommendations that will be made 
from the point of view of their effect, both im- 
mediate and longrun, on their own trade and 
development interests. Only by such hard- 
headed tests can we hope to arrive at conclusions 
that are sound and in the interests of all. 

Review of Actions Being Taken 

But 19G3 has not been a year of inaction, or 
simply of preparation for 1964. The Interna- 
tional Coffee Agreement is provisionally in 
effect. 4 

The Coffee Agreement was not an easy one to 
negotiate, as the representatives of coffee pro- 
ducing countries among you well know. It is 
not easy to administer, as shown in the meetings 
of the International Coffee Council. For our 
part, we believe it is in the long-term interests 
both of the coffee producing and consuming 
countries and that, with determination to make 
it. work, it icill work. 

The United States had hoped that an agree- 



* For an article by Isaiah Frank, see ibid., July 29, 
1903, p. 173. 

' For background, see ibid., July 15, 19G3, p. 109. 



ment could be negotiated for cocoa. As you 
know, consumers and producers could not, how- 
ever, agree on price, and negotiations have been 
temporarily suspended. Fortunately the cur- 
rent cocoa year is a good one and there appears 
to be no need for an agreement at this time to 
protect producers against a price decline. We 
hope that the conference may be reconvened at 
an early date and that a satisfactory settlement 
of the price issue can be worked out and other 
negotiating problems resolved so that an agree- 
ment may enter into force next year. We ap- 
preciate the desire of producing countries for 
the best possible prices. They must bear in 
mind, however, the consequences of forcing up 
prices above the levels dictated by market re- 
alities: Such prices discourage consumption at 
the same time that they stimulate production 
and thus create conditions that make long-term 
maintenance of the prices well-nigh impossible. 

International consultation and study regard- 
ing the problems of other commodities impor- 
tant to the African area are under way or 
planned, e.g., bananas, hard fibers. 

Earlier in the year the International Mone- 
tary Fund established a new compensatory fi- 
nancing facility to give more ready assistance 
to members experiencing temporary shortfalls 
in export earnings. Two countries to date have 
drawn on the facility— Brazil and the U.A.R. 
We believe that, as policies are perfected with 
experience in the use of the facility, it will prove 
an adequate mechanism for tiding countries 
over short-term losses in commodity trade. We 
shall continue to work for an imaginative and 
liberal use of the facility. 

The GATT is not only involved in prepara- 
tions for the 1964 round of trade negotiations 
but is expanding its work on behalf of the trade 
of the developing countries. 

It is a source of deep gratification to my coun- 
try that there are now 58 countries full partici- 
pants in the GATT, a majority of which are de- 
veloping countries. Seventy-five countries all 
told attend GATT meetings or are associated in 
some way with it. 

The Action Committee authorized by the 
ministers last spring is at work. A working 
party set up to consider the granting of pref- 
erences on selected products exported by the 
developing countries is studying the technical 



JANUARY 20, 1964 



103 



aspects of two possible measures : the granting 
of preferences by industrialized countries to less 
developed countries as a whole, and the grant- 
ing of preferences on selected products by the 
less developed countries to all other less de- 
veloped countries. 

In GATT Committee III, plans for a series 
of studies of the trade and aid relationships in 
individual developing countries are being 
drawn up. Such studies will be made in collab- 
oration with other interested international 
agencies and particularly the lending agencies. 
These studies will analyze the expert potential 
and market prospects of each country and re- 
lated matters. The results should be of great 
assistance in the development planning of these 
countries. 

The rules and procedures of the GATT are 
being reviewed to determine what changes may 
be required to make the GATT a more effective 
instrument for promoting the trade of the de- 
veloping countries. The GATT has special 
rules on the import side for countries in an 
early stage of development. Its extensive work 
on the export side in recent years has not been 
linked to any provisions of the agreement. It 
is the intention to correct this and other possible 
deficiencies in GATT's legal and institutional 
framework for helping the less developed 
countries. 

As the report of the secretariat on "The "Work 
of Other Regional Commissions in the Field of 
Trade" shows, a tremendous amount of work is 
going forward in all of the regional commis- 
sions. There is a high degree of similarity in 
the work of the regional commissions for Latin 
America, the Far East, and Africa. The search 
for ways to expand the domestic market 
through regional trade groupings is a common 
characteristic. Related to this, but with a 
different emphasis and purpose, is exploration 
of ways and means of expanding trade among 
the countries of the region. There is increas- 
ing recognition of the need to mount selling 
programs for the products of these countries 
which should find a market in other countries. 
Trade fairs are increasing in number and sig- 
nificance. The United States participates in 
these to the extent its resources permit. Mar- 
ket analysis, packaging, product standardiza- 
tion, quality control are all receiving attention. 



I believe a great deal more can and should be 
done in this field, and my country is presently 
exploring ways to help in this effort. 

In conclusion I'm glad to note that U.S. 
trade with Africa is expanding — both ways. 
Our trade with Africa in 1962 was approxi- 
mately $1.7 billion. True — cocoa, coffee, dia- 
monds, and minerals constitute the bulk of our 
imports from the continent, but I've been 
pleased to notice that your handicrafts and art 
objects are appearing in many of our stores and 
command a ready market. The fact that cer- 
tain manufactures and semimanufactures are 
now being produced and are entering into ex- 
port trade encourages me to believe that the 
mix of your exports to us will change. 

U. S. investment in Africa quadrupled dur- 
ing the 1950's, rising from $248 million in 1950 
to more than $1 billion in 1961. Investment 
guaranty agreements have been negotiated with 
15 countries. I believe most American busi- 
nessmen investing in Africa are not only in- 
terested in the opportunities for profitable in- 
vestment but in contributing to the development 
of the countries in which they invest. They are 
willing to assume their responsibility for assist- 
ing with nation building. 

This committee has much to do. It has made 
a most promising start. It has a most signifi- 
cant role to play in illuminating the trade 
problems of this diverse continent, in stimulat- 
ing common action toward their solution, in 
providing professional and technical assistance 
in the mechanics of commercial policy imple- 
mentation. My country not only wishes you 
well but recognizes that these problems are not 
just the problems of Africa, or of any one re- 
gion or country, but are ours too. We welcome 
working with you in this committee. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Designations 

Teodoro Moscoso as Special Adviser to Thomas C. 
Mann, Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs 
Mini Special Assistant to the President, effective Jnn- 



KH 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE I5ULLETIN 



uary 3. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 3 dated January 3.) 

Joseph Palmer II to be Director General of the 
Foreign Service. (For biographic details, see Depart- 
ment of State press release C37 dated December 20.) 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Automotive Traffic 

Convention concerning customs facilities for touring. 
Done at New York June 4, 1954. Entered into force 
September 11, 1957. TIAS 3879. 

Notification received- that it considers itself bound: 
Jamaica, November 11, 1963. 

Coffee 

International coffee agreement, 1962, with annexes. 

Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters, 

New York, September 28 through November 30. 1962. 

Entered into force provisionally July 1, 1963. 

Ratifications deposited: Central African Republic, 
December 31, 1963 ; Denmark, December 27, 1963 ; 
Ecuador, December 30, 1963 ; Madagascar, Decem- 
ber 26, 1963; Netherlands, December 30, 1963; 
New Zealand, December 23, 1963; Nicaragua, De- 
cember 31, 1963; Portugal, December 31, 1963; 
Tinted States, December 27, 1963. 

Entered into force definitively: December 27, 1963. 

Customs 

International convention to facilitate the importation 
of commercial samples and advertising material. 
Done at Geneva November 7, 1952. Entered into 
force November 20, 1955 ; for the United States Oc- 
tober 17, 1957. TIAS 3920. 

Notification received that it considers itself bound: 
Jamaica, November 11, 1963. 

Trade 

Declaration on provisional accession of Tunisia to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Tokyo November 12, 1959. Entered into force May 
21, 1960 ; for the United States June 15, 1960. TIAS 
4408. 
Signature: Brazil, November 15, 1963. 

Proces-verbal extending and amending declaration on 
provisional accession of Swiss Confederation to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of Novem- 
ber 22, 1958 (TIAS 4461). Done at Geneva Decem- 
ber 8, 1961. Entered into force December 31. 1961 ; 
for the United States January 9, 1962. TIAS 4957. 
Sir/natures: Dahomey , November 25, 1963; Tangan- 
yika, September 30, 1963. 

Proces-verbal extending declaration of November 12, 
1959, supra, on provisional accession of Tunisia to 



the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done 
at Geneva December 9, 1961. Entered Into force fox 

the United States January 9, 1962. TIAS V.CS. 
si (/mil ii res: Brazil, November 15, 1963 ; Dahomey, 
November 25, 1963. 
Protocol for accession of Portugal to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs anil Trade. Done at Geneva 
April 6. 1962. Entered into force Mm- 6, 1962; for 
the United States July 1, 1902. TIAS 521V 
Acceptance deposited: Pakistan, October 24, 1963. 
Protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade embodying results of 1960-61 tariff conference. 
Done at Geneva July 10, 1962. Entered into force 
for the United States December 31, 1962. TIAS 
5253. 

Signature: Czechoslovakia, October 14, 1963. 
Proces-verbal extending period of validity of declara- 
tion on provisional accession of Argentina to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of Novem- 
ber 18, 1960 (TIAS 5184). Done at Geneva Novem- 
ber 7, 1962. Entered into force January 1, 1963. 
TIAS 5266. 

Signatures: Dahomey, November 25, 1963; Denmark, 
October 10, 1963; Finland, November 26, 1963; 
France, October 7, 1963; Italy, September 30, 
1963; Netherlands, September 19, 1963; Norway, 
November 26, 1963 ; Sweden, October 31. 1963. 
Declaration on provisional accession of the United 
Arab Republic to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva November 13, 1962. 
Entered into force January 9, 1963; for the United 
States May 3, 1963. TIAS 5309. 
Signatures: Brazil, September 30, 1963: Dahomey, 
November 25, 1963 ; Dominican Republic, October 
21, 1963 ; Federal Republic of Germany (subject to 
ratification), October 3, 1963; New Zealand, De- 
cember 4, 1963; Nicaragua, October 14, 1963: 
Pakistan and Peru, October 24, 1963; Federation 
of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, September 19, 1963; 
Trinidad and Tobago, September 24, 1963 ; Tunisia, 
October 21, 1963. 
Protocol for accession of Spain to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva July 1, 
1963. Entered into force August 29, 1963. 
Signatures: Brazil, September 30, 1963; European 
Economic Community and Federation of Rhodesia 
and Nyasaland, September 19, 1963 ; Tunisia. Oc- 
tober 21, 1963 ; Turkey, November 19, 1963 ; United 
Arab Republic, November 26, 1963 : United King- 
dom, September 24. 1963. 



BILATERAL 

Canada 

Agreement concerning air traffic control. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Ottawa December 20 and 27, 
1963. Entered into force December 27, 1963. 

India 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of June 27, 1963 (TIAS 5384), under title 
III of the Agricultural Trade Development and 
Assistance Act of 1954. as amended (68 Stat. 459 ; 72 
Stat. 1791 ; 7 U.S.C. 1902). Effected by exchange of 
notes at Washington December 9 and 20, 1963. 
Entered into force December 20, 1903. 

Israel 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of December 6, 1962 (TIAS 5220). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Washington December 
24 and 30, 1963. Entered into force December 30, 
1963. 



JANUARY 20, 19G4 



105 



Mexico 

Convention for the solution of the problem of the 
Chamizal. Signed at Mexico August 29, 19G3. 
Ratification advised by the Senate: December 17, 

1903. 
Ratified by the President: December 20, 1963. 

Agreement further extending the migrant labor agree- 
ment of August 11, 1951, as amended and extended. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Mexico, December 
30, 1962. Entered into force December 20, 1963. 

Paraguay 

Agricultural commodities agreement under title IV of 
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act of 1954, as amended (08 Stat. 454; 73 Stat. 610; 
7 U.S.C. 1731-1736), with exchange of notes. Signed 
at Asunci6n September 16, 1963. Entered into force 
September 16, 1963. 

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of 
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455 ; 7 U.S.C. 1701- 
1709), with exchange of notes. Signed at Asunci6n 
November 14, 1963. Entered into force November 
14, 1963. 

United Arab Republic 

Agreement concerning trade in cotton textiles. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Cairo December 4, 
1963. Entered into force December 4, 1963. 



PUBLICATBONS 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, except in the case of free publications, which 
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services, 
Department of State. 

Educational and Cultural Exchange Opportunities 

(Revised). A description of how the international 
exchange program works and the kinds of grants avail- 
able to both U.S. and foreign citizens. Pub. 7543. 
International Information and Cultural Series 83. 27 
pp. 15e\ 

The UN . . . action agency for peace and progress. 
A folder briefly summarizing the purposes, functions, 
and accomplishments of the U.N. and its agencies. 
Pub. 7576. International Organization and Confer- 
ence Series 44. 12 pp. lOtf. 

New Opportunities in the Search for Peace. Address 
made by President Kennedy before the 18th session of 
the United Nations General Assembly at Now York, 
N.Y., on September 20, 1903. Pub. 7595. General For- 
eign Policy Scries L89. 20 pp. 15c 1 . 

U.S. Participation in the UN: Report by the Presi- 
dent to the Congress for the Year 1962. Pub. 7010. 
International Organization and Conference Series 45. 
xvii,452pp. $1.2.-i. 

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Protocol to 



the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade embody- 
ing results of the 1960-61 Tariff Conference. Done 
at Geneva July 16, 1960-62. Entered into force with 
respect to the United States December 31, 1962. And 
agreements rectifying Part I of the U.S. Schedule to 
the Protocol. Exchanges of letters between the United 
States and — The European Economic Community — 
Signed at Geneva and Brussels December 11 and 18, 
1962; Japan— Signed at Geneva December 18, 1902; 
Switzerland — Signed at Geneva and Bern December 11 
and 27, 1902. TIAS 5253. 939 pp. $2.75. 

Education — Financing of Exchange Programs. Agree- 
ment with the United Arab Republic, amending the 
agreement of September 28, 1959. Dated at Cairo 
June 28 and 30, 1962. Entered into force June 30, 
1962. TIAS 5302. 3 pp. 5tf. 

Clinical Research Center — Southeast Asia Treaty Or- 
ganization Project in Thailand. Agreement with Thai- 
land. Exchange of notes — Signed at Bangkok April 1 
and 25, 1963. Entered into force April 25, 1963. TIAS 
5340. 7 pp. 10«f. 

Aviation — Joint Financing of Certain Air Navigation 
Services in Greenland and the Faroe Islands. Agree- 
ment with Other Governments, amending the agree- 
ment clone at Geneva September 25, 1956, as amended. 
Adopted by the Council of the International Civil 
Aviation Organization, Montreal, April 10, 1963. En- 
tered into force April 10, 1963. TIAS 5343. 2 pp. 5tf. 

Agricultural Commodities — School Feeding Program. 
Agreement with Israel. Exchange of notes — Signed at 
Tel Aviv February 28 and March 21, 1963. Entered 
into force March 21, 1963. TIAS 5344. 13 pp. 10c 1 . 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales under Title IV. 

Agreement with the Ryukyu Islands, amending the 
Agreement of February 0, 1963. Signed at Nana, Ok- 
inawa, April 17, and at Washington May 1, 1963. En- 
tered into force May 1, 1963. TIAS 5346. 3 pp. 5#. 

Defense — Surface-to-Air Missile Battalions for Air 
Defense of Japan. Agreement with Japan. Exchange 
of notes— Signed at Tokyo April 20, 1963. Entered 
into force April 20, 1963. TIAS 5347. 13 pp. 100. 

Army Mission. Agreement with Costa Rica, extend- 
ing the agreement of December 10, 1945, as amended 
and extended. Exchange of notes — Dated at San 
Jos6 May 16 and 17, 1962. Entered into force May 17, 
1962. Operative retroactively December 10, 1961. 
TIAS 5348. 3 pp. 50. 

Status of United States Forces in Australia. Agree- 
ment and Protocol with Australia. Signed at Can- 
berra May 9, 1963. Entered into force May 9, 1963. 
TIAS 5349. 17 pp. 100. 

Aerospace Disturbances — Research Program. Agree- 
ment with New Zealand. Exchange of notes — Signed 
at Wellington May 15, 1903. Entered into force May 
15, 1903. TIAS 5350. 7 pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Re- 
public of Korea, amending the agreement of November 
7, 1902, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at 
Seoul July 5. 1903. Entered into force July 5, 1903. 
TIAS 5388. 2 pp. 50. 

Education — Financing Exchange Programs. Agree- 
ment with Sweden, amending the agreement of No- 
vember 20, 1952, as amended. Exchange of notes — 
Signed at Stockholm June 28, 1963. Entered into force 
June 28, 1963. TIAS 53S9. 6 pp. 5e\ 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Nepal, re- 
lating to the agreement of May 17, 1900. Exchange of 
notes — Signed at Kathmandu June 4, 1903. Entered 
into force June 4, 1963. TIAS 5391. 3 pp. 50. 



106 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INDEX January 20, 1964 Vol. L, No. 1282 

Africa. Trade Development and Trade Policy 
(Westerfleld) 101 

American Republics 

Hoscoso designated Special Adviser to Assistant 
Secretary for Inter-American Affairs . . . 104 

Mr. Mus., .mi Named Representative to Inter- 
American Economic Units 89 

Asia. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 

January 2 81 

China, Communist. Secretary Rusk's News Con- 
ference of January 2 81 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to 

Foreigu Policy 90 

Cuba. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 

January 2 SI 

Cyprus. President Johnson Expresses Hope for 

End of Strife in Cyprus (Gursel, Johnson) . . 90 

Department and Foreign Service 

Designations (Moscoso, Palmer) 104 

Mr. Moscoso Named Representative to Inter- 
American Economic Units 89 

Disarmament. Secretary Rusk's News Confer- 
ence of January 2 81 

Economic Affairs 

Trade Development and Trade Policy (Wester- 
field) 101 

U.S. Participation in Long-Term Cotton Textile 

Arrangement (Nehmer) 96 

Germany. President and Chancellor Erhard 
Reaffirm Commitment to U.S.-German Coop- 
eration Within Free-World Community (Er- 
hard, Johnson, Rusk, Schroeder, text of 
communique) 74 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 91 

Trade Development and Trade Policy (Wester- 
field) 101 

U.S. Participation in Long-Term Cotton Textile 
Arrangement (Nehmer) 96 

Mexico. President L6pez Mateos of Mexico To 
Meet With President Johnson 89 

Presidential Documents 

President and Chancellor Erhard Reaffirm Com- 



mitment to U.S.-German Cooperation Within 

Free-World Community 74 

President Johnson Expresses Hope for End of 

Strife in Cyprus 00 

Publications. Recent Releases 106 

South Africa. Security Council Again Condemns 
Apartheid in South Africa (Stevenson, text of 

resolution) 92 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 106 

Turkey. President Johnson Expresses Hope for 

End of Strife in Cyprus (Gursel, Johnson) . . 90 

U.S.S.R. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 

January 2 81 

United Nations. Security Council Again Con- 
demns Apartheid in South Africa (Stevenson, 

text of resolution) 92 

Xante Index 

Erhard, Ludwig 74 

Gursel, Cemal 90 

Johnson, President 71. DO 

Moseoso, Teodoro 89, 104 

Nehmer, Stanley 96 

Palmer, Joseph, II 105 

Rusk, Secretary 74,81 

Schroeder, Gerhard 74 

Stevenson, Adlai E 92 

Westerfleld, Samuel Z., Jr 101 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 30-January 5 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C., 
20520. 

No. Date Subject 

1 1/2 Rusk: news conference (revised). 

*2 1/3 Mann sworn in as Assistant Secretary 
for Inter-American Affairs (bio- 
graphic details). 

*3 1/3 Moscoso sworn in as special assistant 
to Mann (biographic details). 

*4 1/3 Itinerary for visit of President of Italy. 



*Not printed. 



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WASHINGTON, D.C.. 20402 



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OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



Foreign Relations of the United States 

1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern Europe, the Far East 

The Department of State recently released another volume of diplomatic papers relating to World 
War II, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, Eastern 

Europe, the Far East. . 

The section on the British Commonwealth includes the record on relations with the United King- 
dom and other member states, except India. Documentation on India will be included in Foreign 
Relations of the United States, 191,3, Volume IV, The Near East and Africa, presently in preparation. 

The section on Eastern Europe, comprising well over half of volume III, gives the documentation 
on relations with Finland, Poland, and the Soviet Union. The section on the Far East contains the 
record for Japan, Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand. 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 1943, Volume III, The British Commonwealth, 
Eastern Europe, the Far East may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for $3.50 each. 

PUBLICATION 7601 $3.50 



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CITY. STATE 



THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 

St ' 



^_ 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 







THE STATE OF THE UNION 

Address of the President to the Congress (Excerpt) 110 

THE FIRST TWENTY-FIVE YEARS OF THE UNITED NATIONS— 

FROM SAN FRANCISCO TO THE 1970's 

Dag Hammarskjold "Memorial Lecture by Secretary Busk 112 

PROFITABLE GROWTH AND OUR WORLD POSITION 

by Under Secretary Ball 123 



PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW CONCERNING FRIENDLY RELATIONS AND 
COOPERATION AMONG STATES: INTERNATIONAL LAW AND NONINTERVENTION 

Statement by Francis T. P. Plimpton 133 



For index see inside back cover 



The State of the Union 



ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE CONGRESS CEXCERPT)' 



We must also lift by legislation the bars of 
discrimination against those who seek entry 
into our country, particularly those with much- 
needed skills and those joining their families. 
In establishing preferences, a nation which was 
built by the immigrants of all lands can ask 
those who now seek admission, "What can you 
do for our country?" But we should not be 
asking, "In what country were you born ?" For 
our ultimate goal is a world without war, a 
world made safe for diversity, in which all men, 
goods, and ideas can freely move across every 
border and every boundary. We must advance 
toward this goal in 1964 in at least 10 different 
ways, not as partisans but as patriots. 

First, we must maintain — and our reduced 
defense budget will maintain— that margin of 
military safety and superiority obtained 
through 3 years of steadily increasing both the 

'Delivered on Jan. 8 (White House press release; 
as-delivered text) ; also available as H. Doc. 251, 88th 
Oong., 2d sess. 



quality and the quantity of our strategic, our 
conventional, and our antiguerrilla forces. In 
1964 we will be better prepared than ever before 
to defend the cause of freedom, whether ft is 
threatened by outright aggression or by the in- 
filtration practiced by those in Hanoi and Ha- 
vana who ship arms and men across interna- 
tional borders to foment insurrection. We must 
continue to use that strength as John Kennedy 
used it in the Cuban crisis and for the test ban 
treaty— to demonstrate both the futility of nu- 
clear war and the possibilities of lasting peace. 

Second, we must take new steps— and we shall 
make new proposals— at Geneva toward the 
control and the eventual abolition of arms. 
Even in the absence of agreement we must not 
stockpile arms beyond our needs or seek an ex- 
cess of military power that could be provocative 
as well as wasteful. 

It is in this spirit that in this fiscal year we 
are cutting back our production of enriched 
uranium by 25 percent. We are shutting down 
four plutonium piles. We are closing many 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1283 PUBLICATION 7647 JANUARY 27, 1964 



The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and Interested 
agencies of the Government with Infor- 
mation on developments In the field of 
foreign relntlons and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin includes (elected 
prmii releases on foreign policy. Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and Statements and addresses made by 
the I'resldent and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 



ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of International affairs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation ts Included concerning treaties 
and International agreements to which 
the United States Is or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national Interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial Id the field of International relations 
are listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 
intendent ,.i Documents. U.S. Govern- 



ment Trintlng Office, Washington, D.C., 
20402. Price : 52 Issues, domestic $8.50, 
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 
1961 i. 

Note : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and Items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
is Indexed in the Headers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



110 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



nonessential military installations. And it is 
in this spirit that we today call on our adver- 
saries to do the same. 

Third, we must make increased use of our 
food as an instrument of peace, making it avail- 
able by sale, trade, loan, or donation to hungry 
people in all nations which tell us of their needs 
and accept proper conditions of distribution. 

Fourth, we must assure our preeminence in 
the peaceful exploration of outer space, focusing 
on an expedition to the moon in this decade — 
in cooperation with other powers if possible, 
alone if necessary. 

Fifth, we must expand world trade. Having 
recognized in the act of 1962 that we must buy 
as well as sell, we now expect our trading part- 
ners to recognize that we must sell as well as 
buy. We are willing to give them competitive 
access to our market, asking only that they do 
the same for us. 

Sixth, we must continue, through such meas- 
ures as the interest equalization tax, as well as 
the cooperation of other nations, our recent 
progress toward balancing our international ac- 
counts. This administration must and will pre- 
serve the present gold value of the dollar. 

Seventh, we must become better neighbors 
with the free states of the Americas, working 
with the councils of the OAS [Organization of 
American States], with a strong Alliance for 
Progress, and with all the men and women of 
this hemisphere who really believe in liberty 
and justice for all. 

Eighth, we must strengthen the ability of free 
nations everywhere to develop their independ- 
ence and raise their standard of living — and 
thereby frustrate those who prey on poverty 
and chaos. To do this, the rich must help the 
poor — and we must do our part. We must 
achieve a more rigorous administration of our 
development assistance, with larger roles for 
private investors, for other industrialized na- 
tions, and for international agencies and for 
the recipient nations themselves. 



Ninth, we must strengthen our Atlantic and 
Pacific partnerships, maintain our alliances, and 
make the United Nations a more effective in- 
strument for national independence and inter- 
national order. 

Tenth, and finally, we must develop with our 
allies new means of bridging the gap between 
the East and the West, facing danger boldly 
wherever danger exists, but being equally bold 
in our search for new agreements which can 
enlarge the hopes of all while violating the 
interests of none. 

In short, I would say to the Congress that we 
must be constantly prepared for the worst and 
constantly acting for the best. We must be 
strong enough to win any war, and we must 
be wise enough to prevent one. We shall neither 
act as aggressors nor tolerate acts of aggres- 
sion. We intend to bury no one, and we do not 
intend to be buried. 

We can fight, if we must, as we have fought 
before, but we pray that we will never have to 
fight again. 

My good friends and my fellow Americans, 
in these last 7 sorrowful weeks we have learned 
anew that nothing is so enduring as faith and 
nothing is so degrading as hate. John Ken- 
nedy was a victim of hate, but he was also a 
great builder of faith — faith in our fellow 
Americans, whatever their creed or their color 
or their station in life; faith in the future of 
man, whatever his divisions and differences. 
This faith was echoed in all parts of the world. 
On every continent and in every land to which 
Mrs. Johnson and I traveled, we found faith 
and hope and love toward this land of America 
and toward our people. 

So I ask you now in the Congress and in the 
country to join with me in expressing and ful- 
filling that faith in working for a nation — a 
nation that is free from want and a world that 
is free from hate — a world of peace and justice, 
and freedom and abundance, for our time and 
for all time to come. 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



111 



The First Twenty-Five Years of the United Nations- 
From San Francisco to the 1970's 



by Secretary Rush 1 



I regard this event as a welcome oppor- 
tunity — and a command performance. Any in- 
vitation bearing the name of Dag Hammar- 
skjold is compelling for me. 

In my job I often think of Hammarskjold's 
reply to a newsman who asked about his interest 
in mountain climbing : "What I know about this 
sport," he said, "is that the qualities it requires 
are just those which I feel we all need today — 
perseverance and patience, a firm grip on 
realities, careful but imaginative planning, a 
clear awareness of the dangers — but also of the 
fact that fate is what we make it and . . . the 
safest climber is he who never questions his 
ability to overcome all difficulties." 

Dag Hammarskjold was an intensely practi- 
cal idealist; and I think this is why his name 
will live. He never wore his devotion to world 
peace as a personal adornment. Instead, he 
worked for peace through action. It was self- 
less and tireless action — and for this we honor 
the man. But it also was rational, considered, 
calculated action — and for this we respect his 
method. 

During the regime of Dag Hammarskjold the 
United Nations found its capacity to act and to 
grow. As the institution grew in stature, so 
did he. But he never subscribed to the idea that 
any man was indispensable to the United Na- 
tions; he knew that what counts is the creation 
and use of the machinery and procedures for 



1 Tbe Dag Hammarskjold Memorial Lecture, pre- 
pared for delivery by Secretary Rusk and read by Har- 
lan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary for International 
Organization Affairs, at Columbia University, New 
York, N.Y., on Jan. 10 (press release 11). 



peaceful settlement and peaceful change. He 
helped build that machinery and passed it on 
to the world when death met him on a mission 
of peace. 

My assignment — to talk about the first 25 
years of the United Nations — is unusual pun- 
ishment for a Secretary of State. It is difficult 
enough to be a reasonably accurate historian of 
world affairs years later, after all the evidence 
is in. It is nothing short of foolhardy to fore- 
tell the future — especially when you are trying 
to tinker with the future to make it come out 
the way you think it should. 

However, the punishment is self-inflicted ; for 
the hazards of my situation tonight I have only 
myself to blame. Andy Cordier [Andrew W. 
Cordier, dean of the School of International 
Relations, Columbia University] gave me a free 
choice of topic. And I decided to try to look 
ahead as well as to look back. For, if we are 
to act wisely in world affairs, we must have 
some sense of direction, some conviction about 
the way human events are moving, some expec- 
tations about the forces and counterforces just 
over the horizon. I do have some expectations 
for the United Nations over the next 5 or 10 
years, and I might as well state them straight- 
away. 

I believe that the influence of the United Na- 
tions will be even greater in the 1970's than it 
is today. 

I believe also that the executive capacity of 
the United Nations to act in support of the 
purposes of the charter will be greater in the 
1970's than it is today. 

I hold these convictions despite valid cause 



112 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



for concern and some necessary reservations. 
I shall try to explain why. 

The U.N. a Necessity for Our Times 

Let me begin by observing that it means little 
to study the performance of an institution 
against abstract standards without reference to 
the realities — and even the illusions — of the 
total environment in which it must operate. In 
that context the first thing that strikes one 
about the United Nations is that international 
organization is a plain necessity of our times. 
This is so for both technical and political 
reasons. 

The technical reasons stem, of course, from 
the headlong rush of scientific discovery and 
technological advance. That process has over- 
run the hypothetical question as to whether 
there is to be an international community that 
requires organization. It has left us with the 
practical question of what kind of international 
community we have the wit to organize around 
the scientific and technical imperatives of our 
time. In the words of Ogden Nash : 

When geniuses all in every nation 
Hasten us towards obliteration, 
Perhaps it will take the dolts and geese 
To drag us backward into peace. 

World community is a fact 

— because instantaneous international commu- 
nication is a fact; 

— because fast international transport is a 
fact; 

— because matters ranging from the control 
of communicable disease to weather reporting 
and forecasting demand international orga- 
nization ; 

— because the transfer of technology essential 
to the spread of industrialization and the mod- 
ernization of agriculture can be assisted by in- 
ternational organizations; 

— because modern economics engage nations 
in a web of commercial, financial, and technical 
arrangements at the international level. 

The advance of science, and the technology 
that follows, create an insistent demand to build 
international technical and regulatory institu- 
tions which lend substance to world community. 



Few people seem to realize just how far this 
movement has gone. The United States is now 
a member of 53 international organizations. 
"We contribute to 22 international operating pro- 
grams, mostly sponsored by these same orga- 
nizations. And last year we attended 547 in- 
ternational intergovernmental conferences, 
mostly on technical subjects. We do these 
things because they are always helpful and 
often downright essential to the conduct of our 
national and international affairs. 

It is obvious that in the 1970's we shall require 
more effective international organization — 
making for a more substantial world commu- 
nity — than we have today. We already know 
that in the next decade we shall become accus- 
tomed to international communication, includ- 
ing television, via satellites in outer space. We 
shall travel in aircraft that fly at speeds above 
a thousand and perhaps above two thousand 
miles per hour. Industrialization will pursue 
its relentless course. Cities and their suburbs 
will keep on growing. The world economy will 
become increasingly interdependent. And sci- 
ence will rush ahead, leaving to us the task of 
fashioning institutions — increasingly on the in- 
ternational level — to administer its benefits and 
circumscribe its dangers. 

So, while nations may cling to national values 
and ideas and ambitions and prerogatives, sci- 
ence has created a functional international so- 
ciety, whether we like it or not. And that so- 
ciety, like any other, must be organized. 

Anyone who questions the need for interna- 
tional technical organizations like the United 
Nations agencies dealing with maritime matters, 
civil aviation, telecommunications, atomic en- 
ergy, and meteorology simply does not recog- 
nize the times in which we live. 

In a world caught up in an urgent drive to 
modernize areas containing two-thirds of the 
human race, there is need also for the United 
Nations specialized agencies dealing with 
health, agriculture, labor standards, education, 
and other subjects related to national develop- 
ment and human welfare. A massive effort to 
transfer and adapt modern technology from the 
more to the less advanced areas is a part of the 
great drama of our age. This sometimes can be 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



113 



done best through, or with the help of, the insti- 
tutions of the international community. 

And the international organizations con- 
cerned with trade and monetary and financial 
affairs are important to the expanding pros- 
perity of the world economy. 

Adjustment to Reality of Political World 

The need for political organs at the interna- 
tional level is just as plain as the need for tech- 
nical agencies. 

You will recall that the decision to try to form 
a new international organization to preserve 
peace grew out of the agonies of the Second 
World War. The United States took the lead 
in this enterprise. President Franklin D. 
Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull 
sought to avoid repeating what many believed to 
have been mistakes in political tactics which 
kept the United States from joining the League 
of Nations. They consulted at every stage the 
leaders of both political parties in both Houses 
of Congress. They insisted that the formation 
of this organization should be accomplished, if 
possible, before the end of the war. 

Most of our allies readily endorsed this objec- 
tive and cooperated in achieving it. You will 
recall that the charter conference at San Fran- 
cisco convened before the end of the war against 
Hitler and that the United States Senate con- 
sented to ratification of the charter in July 1945, 
before the end of the war in the Pacific. The 
vote in the Senate was 89 to 2, reflecting a na- 
tional consensus bordering on unanimity. The 
significance of that solemn action was especially 
appreciated by those of us who were in uniform. 

The commitment of the United States to the 
United Nations was wholehearted. We threw 
our best efforts and some of our best men into 
getting it organized and moving. We set about 
binding the wounds of war. We demobilized 
our armed forces and drastically reduced our 
military budget. We proposed— not only pro- 
posed but worked hard to obtain agreement — 
that atomic energy should be put under control 
of an agency of the United Nations, that it 
should be devoted solely to peaceful purposes, 
that nuclear weapons should be abolished and 
forever forbidden. 

What happened ? Stalin refused to cooperate. 



Even before the guns were silent, he set in mo- 
tion a program of imperialistic expansion, in 
violation of his pledges to the Western Allies 
and in contravention of the principles of the 
United Nations. 

You will recall that the United Nations was 
designed on the assumption that the great pow- 
ers in the alliance destined to be victors in the 
Second World War would remain united to 
maintain the future peace of the world. The 
United Nations would be the instrument 
through which these powers, in cooperation with 
others, of course, would give effect to their mu- 
tual determination to keep the peace against any 
threats that might arise from some future Mus- 
solini or Hitler. World peace was to be en- 
forced by international forces carrying the flag 
of the United Nations but called into action 
and directed by agreement among the major 
powers. Action without big-power agreement 
was not ruled out by the charter, but such agree- 
ment was assumed to be the prior condition of 
an effective peace organization. Indeed, it was 
stated repeatedly by early supporters of the 
United Nations that the organization could not 
possibly work unless the wartime Allies joined 
in collective action within the United Nations 
to exert their combined power to make it work. 

That view of the postwar world rapidly 
turned out to be an illusory hope. One might 
well have expected — as many good people did — 
that when the conceptual basis for the United 
Nations fell to the ground, the organization 
would fall down beside it. 

But all great institutions are flexible. The 
United Nations adjusted gradually to the po- 
litical and power realities of the quite different 
world that came into being. In the absence of 
major-power agreement in the Security Council, 
it drew on the charter's authority to balance 
that weakness with a greater reliance upon the 
General Assembly. 

By adapting to political reality the United 
Nations lived and grew in effectiveness, in pres- 
tige, and in relevance. It could not act in some 
of the ways the founding fathers intended it to 
act, but it went on to do many things that the 
founding fathers never envisaged as being nec- 
essary. The most dramatic reversal of its 
intended role is seen in the fact that, while the 



111 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



United Nations could not bring the great powers 
together, it could on occasion keep them apart 
by getting between them — by becoming the 
"man in the middle" — as it did in differing ways 
in the Middle East and in the Congo. 

In short, the political organs of the United 
Nations survived and did ell'ective work under 
the shadow of a nuclear arms race of awesome 
proportions, despite the so-called cold war be- 
tween the major powers whoso unity was once 
presumed to be its foundation. 

This was not bound to happen. It is evident 
that in the political environment of the second 
half of the 20th century both technical and po- 
litical reasons dictate the need for large-scale 
and diversified international organizations. 
But it does not necessarily follow that the 
United Nations was destined to work in prac- 
tice — or even to survive. Indeed, its very sur- 
vival may be more of an achievement than it 
seems at first blush. That it has steadily grown 
in its capacity to act is even more remarkable. 

It has survived and grown in effectiveness 
because a great majority of the nations of the 
world have been determined to make it work. 
They have repulsed those who sought to wreck 
or paralyze it. They have remained deter- 
mined not only to keep it alive but to improve 
and strengthen it. To this we owe in part the 
peace of the world. 

Preserver and Repairer of World Peace 

Indeed, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion 
that the existence of the General Assembly and 
the Security Council these past 18 years was a 
plain necessity for the preservation and repair 
of world peace. The failures would still have 
been failures, but without the U.N. some of the 
successes might not have been possible. 

In the world of today any breach of the peace 
could lead to the destruction of civilization. In 
the thermonuclear age any instrumentality with 
a potential for deterring war can hardly be de- 
scribed as less than indispensable to mankind. 
In 18 brief years the United Nations has helped 
to deter or to terminate warfare in Iran and 
Greece, in Kashmir and Korea, in the Congo 
and the Caribbean, and twice in the Middle 
East and twice in the Western Pacific. It is 
not fanciful to speculate that any or all of us 



may owe our lives to the fact that these dangers 
were contained, with the active and persistent 
help of the processes of the United Nations. 

With half a dozen international disputes 
chronically or repeatedly at the flash point, 
with forces of change bordering on violence 
loose in the world, our very instinct to survival 
informs us that we must keep building the 
peacekeeping machinery of the United Na- 
tions — and keep it lubricated with funds and 
logistical support. 

And if we are to entertain rational hopes for 
general disarmament, we know that the U.N. 
must develop a reliable system for reconciling 
international conflict without resort to force. 
For peace in the world community — like peace 
in smaller communities — means not an end of 
conflict but an accepted system of dealing with 
conflict and with change through nonviolent 
means. 

"Switchboard for Bilateral Diplomacy" 

Traditional bilateral diplomacy — of the quiet 
kind — has a heavier task today than at any time 
in history. But with the annual agenda of ur- 
gent international business growing apace, with 
the birth of more than half a hundred new na- 
tions in less than two decades, an institution 
that can serve as an annual diplomatic confer- 
ence becomes almost a necessity. As a general 
manager of our own nation's diplomatic estab- 
lishment, I cannot imagine how we could con- 
duct or coordinate our foreign affairs if we were 
limited to dealing directly through bilateral 
channels with the 114 nations with which we 
have diplomatic relations tonight. 

At the last General Assembly representatives 
of 111 countries met for more than 3 months 
to discuss, negotiate, and debate. Two more 
countries became U.N. members, to make it 113. 
When the tumult and the shouting had died, 
the General Assembly had adopted, curiously 
enough, 113 resolutions. This is what we have 
come to call parliamentary diplomacy. 

But outside the formal agenda the General 
Assembly also has become the world's greatest 
switchboard for bilateral diplomacy. For 
many of the young and small nations, lacking a 
fully developed diplomatic service, the United 
Nations is the main, sometimes the only, gen- 



JANUARY 27, 19G4 



115 



eral mechanism available for the conduct of 
their diplomacy. 

Without formal decision the opening of each 
new Assembly has turned into something like 
an informal conference of the foreign ministers 
of the world community. In New York last 
fall, in a period of 11 days, I conferred with 
the foreign ministers or heads of government 
of 54 nations. 

I believe that too many items are placed on 
the agenda of the General Assembly. Too many 
issues are debated and not enough are nego- 
tiated. I feel strongly that members should 
take more seriously article 33 of the charter 
which pledges them to seek solutions to their 
disputes "first of all ... by negotiation, en- 
quiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judi- 
cial settlement, resort to regional agencies or 
arrangements, or other peaceful means of their 
own choice" before bringing disputes to the U.N. 
at all. 

But the point here is that it is hard to imagine 
the conduct of diplomacy throughout the year 
without a meeting of the General Assembly to 
deal in one forum and, in a more or less sys- 
tematic manner, with subjects which demand 
widespread diplomatic attention among the 
members of the world community. 

The need for an annual diplomatic confer- 
ence, the need for a peacekeeping deterrent to 
wars large and small, and the need for an inter- 
national monitor of peaceful change are plain 
enough. They seem to me to warrant the con- 
clusion that the political organs as well as the 
technical organs of the United Nations have 
been very useful to the world at large for the 
past decade and a half. Common sense in- 
forms us that they can be even more useful in 
the years ahead. 

Recognizing the Peacekeeping Capacity of U.N. 

I suspect that the near future will witness an- 
other period of adjustment for the United Na- 
tions. Some adjustments are, indeed, required — 
because the political environment is changing 
and so is the structure of the U.N. itself. 

For one thing the cobweb syndrome, the illu- 
sion that one nation or bloc of nations could, by 
coen •ion, weave the world into a single pattern 
directed from a single center of power, is fading 



into limbo. That other illusion, the bipolar 
theory, of a world divided permanently between 
two overwhelming centers of power with most 
other nations clustered about them, is fading 
too. The reality of a world of great diversity 
with many centers of power and influence is 
coming into better focus. 

Meanwhile, a first brake has been placed on 
the nuclear arms race, and the major powers 
are searching for other agreements in areas of 
common interest. One is entitled to hope that 
the major power conflicts which so often have 
characterized U.N. proceedings in the past will 
yield more and more to great-power coopera- 
tion ; indeed, there was some evidence to sustain 
such a hope in the actions of the 18th General 
Assembly. 

As long as a member possessing great power 
was intent on promoting conflict and upheaval — 
the better to coerce the world into its own 
image — that member might well regard the 
United Nations as a threat to its own ambi- 
tions. But suppose it is agreed that all mem- 
bers, despite their deep differences, share a 
common interest in survival and therefore a 
common interest in preventing resort to force 
anywhere in the world. Then the peacekeeping 
capacity of the United Nations can be seen 
realistically for what it is: an indispensable 
service potentially in the national interest of all 
members — in the common interest of even rival 
states. 

If this reality is grasped by the responsible 
leaders of all the large powers, then the peace- 
keeping capacity of the United Nations will 
find some degree of support from all sides, not 
as a rival system of order but as contributor to, 
and sometimes guarantor of, the common inter- 
est in survival. 

It would be a great service to peace if there 
could develop common recognition of a common 
interest in the peacekeeping capacity of the 
United Nations. That recognition is far from 
common now. My belief that it will dawn is 
based on the fact that it would serve the national 
interests of all nations, large and small, and 
because sooner or later nations can be expected 
to act in line with their national interests. 

Peace will not be achieved by repeating worn- 
out propaganda themes or resetting rusty old 
traps. But if our Soviet friends are prepared 



11G 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



to act on what Chairman Khrushchev says in 
part of his New War's message — thai war over 
territorial questions is unacceptable, thai na- 
tions should not be the targets of direct or indi- 
rect aggression, that we should use the United 
Nations and every other means of peaceful set- 
tlement — then let us together build up the peace- 
keeping machinery of the United Nations to 
prevent even small wars in our flammable world. 
For small wars could too easily, too quickly, 
lead to nuclear war, and nuclear war can too 
easily, too quickly, prove fatal to friend and 
foe alike. 

Problems Affected by Growth 

Meanwhile the internal structure of the 
United Nations has been changing radically over 
the past several years. The United Nations be- 
gan life with 51 members. When its head- 
quarters building was designed, United Nations 
officials believed they were foresighted in plan- 
ning for an eventual membership of 75. This 
year major alterations will be undertaken to 
make room for the present 113 members and 
more. It is a fair guess that membership of the 
U.N. will level off during the next decade at 125 
to 130 members. 

This more than doubling of the U.N.'s mem- 
bership is proud testament to the tidal sweep 
through the old colonial areas of the doctrine of 
self-determination of peoples. It is a triumph 
of largely peaceful change. It is a tribute to 
those advanced countries which have helped 
bring dependent areas to self-government and 
independence and made possible their free 
choice of their own destiny. It is a striking and 
welcome result of the greatest wave of national 
liberation in all time. It also has important 
implications for all U.N. members — the new 
members and the older members too — and for 
the U.N. itself. 

The most prosaic — but nonetheless impor- 
tant — implication is for methods of work in the 
General Assembly. With more than twice as 
many voices to be heard, views to be reconciled, 
and votes to be cast and counted, on a swelling 
agenda of business, there is obvious danger that 
the General Assembly will be swamped. 

I already have suggested that the agenda may 
be unnecessarily bloated, that in many cases 



private discourse and real progre are prefer- 
able to public debate and symbolic resolution 
and thai the U.N. might well be used more as a 
court of last resort and less as a forum of origi- 
nal jurisdiction. 

But I think still more needs to be done. If 
the expanded Assembly is to work with reason- 
able proficiency, it must find ways of delegat- 
ing some of its work to units less cumbersome 
than committees of 113 members. The General 
Assembly is the only parliamentary body in 
the world that tries to do most of its business in 
committees-of-the-whole. The Assembly has, 
in fact, moved to establish several subcommit- 
tees, including one to consider financing peace- 
keeping operations, and perhaps more thought 
should now be given to the future role of such 
committees in the work of the organization. 

The radical expansion of the membership 
raises problems for the newer and smaller na- 
tions. They rightly feel that they are under- 
represented on some organs — notably the Se- 
curity Council and the Economic and Social 
Council — whose membership was based on the 
U.N.'s original size and composition. 

The growth of membership also raises prob- 
lems for the middle-range pow T ers, who were 
early members and have reason to feel that they 
are next in line for a larger voice. 

And it raises problems — or potential prob- 
lems — for the larger powers too. 

The rapid and radical expansion of the Gen- 
eral Assembly may require some adaptation of 
procedures if the U.N. is to remain relevant to 
the real world and therefore effective in that 
world. 

Theoretically, a two-thirds majority of the 
General Assembly could now be formed by na- 
tions with only 10 percent of the world's popu- 
lation, or who contribute, altogether, 5 percent 
of the assessed budget. In practice, of course, 
this does not happen, and I do not share the 
dread expressed by some that the General As- 
sembly will be taken over by its "swirling ma- 
jorities." 

But even the theoretical possibility that a 
two-thirds majority, made up primarily of 
smaller states, could recommend a course of 
action for which other nations would bear the 
primary responsibility and burden is one that 
requires thoughtful attention. 



JANUARY 27, 19G4 



117 



There are two extreme views of how national 
influence should be expressed in the work of the 
United Nations. At one extreme is the conten- 
tion that no action at all should be taken by 
the United Nations without the unanimous ap- 
proval of the permanent members of the Secu- 
rity Council. This is a prescription for chronic 
paralysis. The United Nations was never in- 
tended to be kept in such a box. The rights and 
duties of the General Assembly are inherent in 
the charter. The United Nations has been able 
to develop its capacity to act precisely because 
those rights were not blocked by the requirement 
of big-power unanimity. 

At the other extreme are those few who feel 
that nothing should matter except the number of 
votes that can be mustered — that what a major- 
ity wants done must be done regardless of what 
states make up the majority. This notion flies 
in the face of common sense. The plain fact 
of the matter is that the United Nations sim- 
ply cannot take significant action without the 
support of the members who supply it with re- 
sources and have the capacity to act. 

Some have suggested that all General As- 
sembly votes should be weighed to reflect popu- 
lation, or wealth, or level of contributions, or 
some combination of these or other factors. 
I do not believe that so far-reaching an answer 
would be realistic or practical. The equal vote 
in the General Assembly for each member — 
however unequal in size, wealth, experience, 
technology, or other criterion — is rooted in the 
idea of "sovereign equality." And that idea is 
not one which any nation, large or small, is 
eager to abandon. 

I do not pretend to have the final answer, 
nor is it timely or appropriate for any member 
to formulate the answer without wide and care- 
ful consultations with others in the world com- 
munity. However, extended discussions lie 
ahead on such questions as expanding the coun- 
cils, scales of payment for peacekeeping, and 
procedures for authorizing peacekeeping opera- 
tions. 

I shall not discuss U.N. finances in detail 
tonight. But let me say that the first principle 
of :i health; organization is that all its members 
take pari in its work and contribute their proper 
share to its financial support. Two years ago 



more than half the U.N. members were behind 
in their dues — some because of political objec- 
tions but many simply because they were not 
paying. I am glad to see that most members 
are now beginning to act on the principle of 
collective financial responsibility. But there 
remains a serious problem of large nations that 
have not been willing to pay for peacekeeping 
operations. 

I would hope that the discussions which lie 
ahead will not only strengthen the financial 
underpinnings of the U.N. but, among other 
things, develop an acceptable way for the Gen- 
eral Assembly to take account of capacity to 
act, of responsibility for the consequences, and 
of actual contributions to the work of the U.N. 
Such a way must be found if the United Nations 
machinery is to be relevant to the tasks that lie 
ahead— in peacekeeping, in nation building, and 
in the expansion of human rights. 

All adjustment is difficult. Adaptation of 
the U.N. to recent changes in the environment 
may take time. It will require a shift away 
from some hardened ideas and some rigid pat- 
terns of action and reaction — perhaps on all 
sides. It will require — to come back to Ham- 
marskjold's words — "perseverance and patience, 
a firm grip on realities, careful but imag- 
inative planning, a clear awareness of the 
dangers . . . ." 

To ask all this may seem to be asking a great 
deal. But I am inclined toward confidence be- 
cause the U.N. already has demonstrated a ca- 
pacity to adapt under the flexible provisions of 
the charter to the realities of international 
politics. 

I am further persuaded that all, or most, of 
the smaller members are realistic enough to 
know: 

— that their own national interests lie with, 
not against, an effective United Nations; 

— that the U.N. can be effective only if it has 
the backing of those who have the means to 
make it effective; 

— that the U.N. is made less, not more, effec- 
tive by ritualistic passage of symbolic resolu- 
tions with no practical influence on the real 
world ; 

— that only responsible use of voting power 
is effective use of voting power; 



118 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



— that true progress on behalf of the world 
community lies along the path on which the 
weak and the strong find ways to walk to- 
got her. 

The Greatest Goal — Extending Human Rights 

These are some of the reasons, derived from 
analysis of the current state of world a Hairs, 
why I export the United Nations to evolve and 
to grow in executive capacity to act in support 
of its goals. 

And apart from the issue of human survival, 
the greatest of these goals is, of course, the 
steady extension of human rights. 

Dedication to the principle of the universal- 
ity of fundamental human rights collides in 
practice with dedication to the principle of na- 
tional sovereignty. For most violations of hu- 
man rights are committed within the confines 
of national societies, often by the very govern- 
ments that have ratified the charter's prescrip- 
tion for "fundamental freedoms for all." Yet 
securing equal rights for all individual mem- 
bers of the human race is the ultimate goal of 
world community — and the ultimate challenge 
to the United Nations as the elementary but 
principal expression of that community. Some- 
how the United Nations must learn how to in- 
crease respect for the rights of the human per- 
son throughout the world. 

It is here that we sense the permanent value 
and the final force of the basic principles of a 
charter which dares to speak for "We the peo- 
ples of the United Nations." Sometimes I feel 
that we talk too much about the universality 
and brotherhood of man and too little about the 
valuable and interesting differences that dis- 
tinguish all brothers. But the lessons of re- 
corded history, and the teachings of the world's 
great teachers, make clear the basic wants of 
mankind. 

Men and women everywhere want a decent 
standard of material welfare for themselves and 
their children. They want to live in conditions 
of personal security. They want social justice. 
They want to experience a sense of achievement, 
for themselves and for the groups with which 
they identify themselves. 

But men and women everywhere want more. 
They want personal freedom and human dig- 
nity. 



Individuals ami societies place differing 

values on these aspirations. Bui sorely these 

are universal de8ires, shared by all races in all 
lands, interpreted by all religions, and given 
concrete form — or lipservico — by leaders and 
spokesmen for every kind of political, economic, 
and social system. 

Peace and security, achievement and welfare, 
freedom and dignity — these are the goals of 
the United Nations for all peoples. And any 
nation which questions for long whether we 
should seek these aims is destined to become a 
pariah of the world community. 

Because the kind of world projected in the 
charter is the kind of world we want, the 
United Nations — despite its quarrels and its 
shortcomings — commands our continuing sup- 
port. As President Johnson said to the Gen- 
eral Assembly on December 17 : 2 ". . . more than 
ever we support the United Nations as the best 
instrument yet devised to promote the peace of 
the world and to promote the well-being of man- 
kind." 

And because the kind of world projected in 
the charter is the kind most people everywhere 
want, I believe that others will join with us in 
improving and strengthening the United Na- 
tions. That is why I am confident that the ex- 
ecutive capacity of the United Nations — its 
machinery for keeping peace, building nations, 
and promoting human rights — will be greater 
on its 25th birthday than on its 18th. 



William C. Foster Named To Head 
Delegation to Disarmament Talks 

White House Statement 

White House press release dated January 9, for release 
January 10 

The President has instructed "William C. 
Foster, Director of the Arms Control and Dis- 
armament Agency, to lead the United States 
delegation to the 18-Nation Disarmament Con- 
ference at Geneva when discussions resume on 
January 21. 

In so doing, the President said that he views 
the negotiations as one of the most important 



■ Bulletin of Jan. 6, 1904, p. 2. 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



119 



way stations in this nation's priority efforts to 
strengthen the peace. 

He said that as the United States enters these 
negotiations in a new year, we harbor no illu- 
sions of quick or easy success. But he said we 
do take encouragement from developments in 
the recent past and look to new opportunities 
in this nation's search for agreement on sound 
and significant arms limitation and reduction 
measures. 

He told Mr. Foster that he will take a deep 
and continuing personal interest in the negotia- 
tions as they proceed. 



Committee To Study Economic 
Impact of Defense and Disarmament 

White House press release dated December 21 
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT 

The President on December 21 announced the 
formation of a high-level Government commit- 
tee to coordinate the work of Federal agencies 
in appraising the economic impacts of disarma- 
ment and changes in defense spending. It will 
be chaired by a member of the Council of Eco- 
nomic Advisers and will replace an informal 
group that began work on this problem last 
spring. The President noted that changes in 
the composition or total level of defense spend- 
ing can significantly affect jobs and incomes in 
particular communities or in the Nation as a 
whole. He stated : 

I am confident that our economy can adjust to 
cbanges in defense spending or arms reduction that 
may occur. Our experiences after World War II and 
the Korean conflict prove that. But the Nation as a 
whole and the communities with heavy concentrations 
of defense industry deserve assurance that any changes 
will be made with as little dislocation as possible. This 
Committee's work will contribute to the process of 
smooth and speedy changeover when such changes 
occur. 

The President asked to be kept personally in- 
formed of the results of the Committee's work. 
His memorandum establishing the Committee 
is attached. 



TEXT OF MEMORANDUM 

Decembeb 21, 1963 

Memorandum fob 

The Hon. Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of Defense 

The Hon. Luther H. Hodges, Secretary of Commerce 

The Hon. W. Willard Wirtz, Secretary of Labor 

The Hon. Glenn T. Seaborg, Chairman, Atomic Energy 
Commission 

The Hon. James E. Webb, Administrator, National 
Aeronautics and Space Administration 

The Hon. William C. Foster, Director, U.S. Arms Con- 
trol and Disarmament Agency 

The Hon. Edward McDermott, Director, Office of 
Emergency Planning 

The Hon. Kermit Gordon, Director, Bureau of the 
Budget 

The Hon. Walter W. Heller, Chairman, Council of 
Economic Advisers 

Subject : Formation of a Committee on the Economic 
Impact of Defense and Disarmament 

As you are aware, on July 10, Chairman Heller or- 
ganized an informal committee to review and coor- 
dinate the work of Federal agencies relating to the 
economic impact of defense and disarmament. Based 
on the preliminary work of this informal committee, 
it seems desirable that it be given a more formal and 
permanent status. 

I am therefore requesting you to designate a senior 
official in your department or agency to serve on this 
committee on a continuing basis. A Member of the 
Council of Economic Advisers will serve as Chairman 
of this Committee. 

The Committee will be responsible for the review and 
coordination of activities in the various departments 
and agencies designed to improve our understanding 
of the economic impact of defense expenditures and of 
changes either in the composition or in the total level 
of such expenditures. 

Federal outlays for defense are of such magnitude 
that they inevitably have major economic significance. 
In certain regions of the Nation and in certain com- 
munities they provide a significant share of total em- 
ployment and income. It is therefore important that 
we improve our knowledge of the economic impacts of 
such spending, so that appropriate actions can be 
taken — in cooperation with State and local govern- 
ments, private industry and labor — to minimize po- 
tential disturbances which may arise from changes in 
the level and pattern of defense outlays. 

I know that your agencies have already initiated a 
number of activities which will improve our ability to 
assess the economic consequences of the defense pro- 
gram. I do not expect this Committee to undertake 
studies of its own, but rather to evaluate and to co- 
ordinate these existing efforts, and, if it seems desir- 
able, to recommend additional studies — subject, of 
course, to appropriate review and authorization 
through established channels. 



120 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



The Committee may wish to add representatives 
from other Federal agencies, and it is hereby author- 
ized to do so. 

As work in this area produces results of interest to 
the Congress and the general public, they should be 
made available in appropriate form. 

This is an important subject and I wish to be kept 
personally informed as your work progresses. 

Lyndon B. Johnson 



President and Soviet Leaders 
Exchange New Year's Messages 

The "White House released at Austin, Tex., on 
January 1 the texts of the following messages 
exchanged on December 30 between President 
Johnson and Nikita Khrushchev, Chairman of 
the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R., and 
Leonid Brezhnev, Chairman of the Presidium 
of the Supreme Soviet. 

President Johnson to Soviet Leaders 

Dear Chairman Khrushchev and Chair- 
man Brezhnev: The old year has brought 
significant breakthroughs in many areas of hu- 
man endeavor. But all the work of the chemist 
in the laboratory, the scientist in space, and the 
agronomist in the field will be in vain unless we 
can learn to live together in peace. No feat of 
physical science can compare to the feat of 
political science which brings a just peace to 
earth. 

The American people and their government 
have set the strengthening of peace as their 
highest purpose in the New Year. I myself am 
wholly committed to the search for better under- 
standing among peoples everywhere. "Peace 
on Earth, Good Will Toward Men" need not be 
an illusion ; we can make it a reality. The time 
for simply talking about peace, however, has 
passed — 1964 should be a year in which we take 
further steps toward that goal. In this spirit 
I shall strive for the further improvement of 
relations between our two countries. In our 
hands have been placed the fortunes of peace 
and the hope of millions; it is my fervent hope 
that we are good stewards of that trust. 

On behalf of the American people and my- 



self, I extend cordial greetings and bed wishes 
for the coming year to you and your families 
and to the peoples of the Soviet Union. 
Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

Soviet Leaders to President Johnson 

My dear Mr. President: On the eve of the 
New Year 1964, we want to extend to the Ameri- 
can people and you and your family personally 
on behalf of the people of the Soviet Union and 
ourselves New Year's greetings and very best 
wishes. The past year was marked by a signifi- 
cant improvement in the approach to the solu- 
tions of urgent international problems and in 
the development of Soviet-American relations. 
The conclusion of the Moscow treaty limiting 
nuclear testing was a good beginning, and 
demonstrable evidence of the fact that, given a 
realistic assessment of the actual world situa- 
tion, cooperation of governments in resolving 
urgent international problems and achieving 
mutually satisfactory agreements is entirely 
possible. We would like to hope that the com- 
ing year will be marked by further significant 
successes, both in the resolution of important 
international problems and the improvement of 
relations between our countries, in the interest 
of the Soviet and American peoples and the 
interests of strengthening world peace. 

N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev 

Moscow, The Kremlin 



President Pledges Continuing 
Support to Republic of Viet-Nam 

Following is the text of a message from Presi- 
dent Johnson to Gen. Duong Van Minh, Chair- 
man of the Military Revolutionary Council of 
the Republic of Viet-Nam. 

White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated January 1 

December 31, 1963 
Dear General Minh : As we enter the New 
Year of 1964, 1 want to wish you, your Revolu- 
tionary Government, and your people full suc- 
cess in the long and arduous war which you are 
waging so tenaciously and bravely against the 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



121 



Viet Cong forces directed and supported by the 
Communist regime in Hanoi. Ambassador 
[Henry Cabot] Lodge and Secretary [of De- 
fense Kobert S.] McNamara have told me about 
the serious situation which confronts you and 
of the plans which you are developing to enable 
your armed forces and your people to redress 
this situation. 

This new year provides a fitting opportunity 
for me to pledge on behalf of the American 
Government and people a renewed partnership 
with your government and people in your brave 
struggle for freedom. The United States will 
continue to furnish you and your people with 
the fullest measure of support in this bitter 
fight. We shall maintain in Viet- Nam Ameri- 
can personnel and material as needed to assist 
you in achieving victory. 

Our aims are, I know, identical with yours : 
to enable your government to protect its people 
from the acts of terror perpetrated by Com- 
munist insurgents from the north. As the 
forces of your government become increasingly 
capable of dealing with this aggression, Amer- 
ican military personnel in South Viet-Nam can 
be progressively withdrawn. 

The United States Government shares the 
view of your government that "neutralization" 
of South Viet-Nam is unacceptable. As long 
as the Communist regime in North Viet-Nam 
persists in its aggressive policy, neutralization 
of South Viet-Nam would only be another name 
for a Communist takeover. Peace will return 
to your country just as soon as the authorities 
in Hanoi cease and desist from their terrorist 
aggression. 

Thus, your government and mine are in com- 
plete agreement on the political aspects of your 
war against the forces of enslavement, brutal- 
ity, and material misery. Within this frame- 
work of political agreement we can confidently 
continue and improve our cooperation. 

I am pleased to learn from Secretary Mc- 
Namara about the vigorous operations which 
you are planning to bring security and an im- 
proved standard of living to your people. 

I wish to congratulate you particularly on 
your work for t lie unity of all your people, in- 
cluding the Hoa Ilao and Cao Dai, against the 
Viet Cong. I know from my own experience in 



Viet-Nam how warmly the Vietnamese people 
respond to a direct human approach and how 
they have hungered for this in their leaders. 
So again I pledge the energetic support of my 
country to your government and your people. 

We will do our full part to ensure that under 
your leadership your people may win a vic- 
tory — a victory for freedom and justice and 
human welfare in Viet-Nam. 
Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 



88th Congress, 1st Session 

Economic Policies and Practices. Paper No. 1, Com- 
parative Features of Central Banks in Selected 
Foreign Countries, October 15, 1963, 36 pp. [Joint 
Committee print] ; Paper No. 2, Governmental 
Policies To Deal With Prices in Key Industries in 
Selected Foreign Countries, October 31, 1963, 16 pp. 
[Joint Committee print.] 

The United States Balance of Payments — Perspectives 
and Policies. Staff materials and other submissions 
prepared for the use of the Joint Economic Commit- 
tee. November 12, 1963, 164 pp. [Joint Committee 
print.] 

Amendments to Inter-American Development Bank 
and International Development Association Acts. 
Hearings before the Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations on H.R. 7406 and S. 2214. November 15- 
December 4, 1963. 80 pp. 

Foreign Agents Registration Act Amendments. Hear- 
ings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela- 
tions on S. 2136. November 19-21, 1963. 123 pp. 

Government Guarantees of Credit to Communist Coun- 
tries. Hearings before the Senate Committee on 
Banking and Currency on S. 2310, a bill to prohibit 
any guaranty by the Export-Import Bank or any 
other agency of the Government of payment of obli- 
gations of Communist countries. November 20-22, 
1963. 275 pp. 

The Eighth Special Report of the National Advisory 
Council on International Monetary and Financial 
Problems. H. Doc. 175. November 25, 1963. 39 pp. 

Convention With Mexico for Solution of the Problem 
of the Chamizal. Hearings before the Senate Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations on Executive N, 88th 
Congress, 1st Session. December 12-13, 1963. 134 
pp. 

Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration 
and Field Inspections of Operations Under P.L. 86- 
648 (Fair Share Refugee Act). Report of the House 
Committee on the Judiciary, transmitting a report 
of a special subcommittee pursuant to H. Res. 36 and 
H. Res. 510. H. Rept. 1034. December 12, 1963. 
25 pp. 

Increasing U.S. Participation in the Inter-American 
l>evelo|inient Hank. Report to accompany II. R. 
7406. S. Rept- 777. December 13, 1903. 9 pp. 

Amendment of International Development Association 
Ac t. Report to accompany S. 2214. S. Rept. 779. 
December 13, 1903. 7 pp. 



122 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Profitable Growth and Our World Position 



by Under Secretary Ball x 



For the past few days you have been meeting 
here in New York to discuss, in all of its aspects, 
"The Challenge of Profitable Growth." This 
is a central question for you in its application 
to retail merchandising. It is a central ques- 
tion for all of American business and for Amer- 
ica itself. If our system is to work, business 
must grow and, at the same time, it must make 
profits. 

In fact, we must make our whole economy 
grow at an adequate rate, not merely to guar- 
antee the well-being of our people at home but 
so that we may be able to meet the world re- 
sponsibilities with which history has entrusted 
us — responsibilities on which we dare not de- 
fault if we wish free societies, including our 
own, to survive. 

Four Areas of National Growth 

In the brief but concentrated 49 days that 
President Johnson has led this nation, he has 
been particularly concerned with what one 
might call the challenge of profitable growth in 
its larger implications. I mean by this the 
growth of our nation — not only in quantity but 
in quality ; growth for the profit of our people — 
not merely in material terms but also in moral 
strength and spiritual well-being. 

To this end the President has moved with 
special urgency in four areas of policy: first, 
the passage of civil rights legislation that will 
enable us to make a great stride toward the 
elimination of racial inequality; second, the 
improvement of living conditions in areas of 
special hardship, such as the Appalachian 



region, as a campaign in a nationwide war 
against poverty ; third, the advancement of edu- 
cation and the provision of educational oppor- 
tunities to more young Americans; and fourth, 
the assurance of continued and more rapid 
growth for our whole economy through enact- 
ment of the tax reduction bill now pending 
before Congress. 

Domestic Issues and Foreign Policy 

Each of these measures, to which the Presi- 
dent directed much of his state of the Union 
message yesterday, 2 has a special relevance to 
your business. 

As retail merchants, you are especially af- 
fected by the question of racial discrimination. 
Many of you have shown impressive leadership 
in your own communities in helping to find 
local solutions to this major national problem. 

As retail merchants, you are also necessarily 
concerned with the elimination of poverty at 
the lowest levels, where any increase in income 
has an immediate and dramatic impact on con- 
sumer spending. 

As businessmen, you know the importance of 
education for your employees and for the 
strength of our nation. The measures to assist 
education will make it possible for more Amer- 
icans than ever before to attend school and 
college. 

And, of course, you have a vivid interest in 
the pending tax bill, which, when enacted, 
should produce a surge of purchasing power 
that should enable you to sell more goods — and 
sell them at a profit. 

Apart from your direct concern with these 



1 Address made before the National Retail Merchants 
Association at New York, N.Y., on Jan. 9 (press 
release 8). 



' For an excerpt from the state of the Union message, 
see p. 110. 



JANXTARY 27, 1964 



123 



problems, stemming from the nature of your 
vocation, you have an interest, as responsible 
Americans, in improving our national life and 
in creating a global environment in which it can 
flourish. 

It is with regard to this last point that I 
would like to make some comments tonight. 
The four issues that I have mentioned have 
traditionally been thought of as domestic issues, 
as indeed they are. But they also deeply affect 
our foreign policy. They are profoundly re- 
lated to our ability as a nation to lead the 2 
billion people of the free world — a leadership 
which we must provide to assure our own 
security. 

The End of Colonialism 

Consider first the question of civil rights. 
We live in a multiracial country. It is our job 
to make our multiracial society work if we are 
not to mock deeply held principles — the great 
commitments that we have proclaimed to man- 
kind since the birth of our nation. 

But we also live in a multiracial world — a 
world in which less than one-quarter of the 
population is white. A large part of the non- 
white population has only recently gained self- 
governing status, thus ending an epoch in which 
a handful of industrial countries— mainly Eu- 
ropean — controlled much of Asia and most of 
Africa. The new nations that have now been 
created contain a billion people. 

Colonialism, from which these billion people 
have now emerged, was by no means an inven- 
tion of the modern age but is as old as recorded 
history. Colonialism was not by any means 
uniform in its application. Some colonial ad- 
ministrations, in all periods of history, were 
marked by cruelty, oppression, and exploitation. 
In other cases there was a significant degree of 
generosity not untouched with idealism. In the 
language of my topic this evening, many col- 
onies never paid off for their rulers in terms of 
"profitable growth." 

But the essence of the colonial system con- 
sisted of a group that ruled and a group that 
was ruled. In its worst manifestations this was 
the bleak relationship of master and slave; in 
oilier cases, of first- and second-class citizens. 



This transition of a billion people from co- 
lonial status to independence and equality has 
occurred within less than two decades since the 
Second World War. Colonialism as an arrange- 
ment by which a metropolitan power could rule 
a territory for its own advantage is giving way 
to progress. In all the less developed areas of 
the free world nationalism is the order of the 
day. The principal areas in which colonialism 
and colonial exploitation can still be seen in 
brutal manifestations lie behind the Iron and 
Bamboo Curtains, and these, also, are threat- 
ened by the inexorable march of the new order. 

The end of colonialism means more than the 
achievement of independence by the former co- 
lonial subjects. The principle which underlay 
most colonial arrangements was the arrogant as- 
sumption of the "white man's burden," an atti- 
tude which for generations misled the governors 
and offended the governed. But now the notion 
of white supremacy is nearing its final days in 
international relations. And it is essential that 
the last vestiges of that discredited doctrine be 
eradicated from our domestic affairs, that it be 
purged completely from our American way of 
life. 

Civil Rights and Foreign Policy 

Its lingering evidences cost us dearly. 

Those of us who live with the everyday busi- 
ness of foreign policy are made constantly aware 
of the heavy handicaps we Americans impose on 
ourselves because we have not yet eliminated 
racial injustice from our own land. The pic- 
tures of dogs and firehoses, the visual symbols of 
man's inhumanity, have done lamentable dam- 
age to our standing in many parts of the world. 

But we would pay a far heavier cost in pres- 
tige and influence did the other nations of the 
world not believe that our Government and our 
people are actively working to remove this can- 
cer of injustice — that the events that produce the 
dogs and firehoses are, in fact, marks of prog- 
ress. Most of those who observe us from abroad 
continue to have faith not merely in our inten- 
tions but also in the ultimate success of our ef- 
fort. They take much of their inspiration from 
the great documents of our history : the Decla- 
ration of Independence, the Constitution with 



124 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



its Bill of Rights, the utterances of Jefferson, 
Lincoln, Wood row Wilson, Franklin 1). Roose- 
velt, John F. Kennedy, and other great Presi- 
dents. They have high expectations that we as 
a nation will live up to the principles we have so 
eloquently affirmed. Enactment of the civil 
rights legislation now before Congress will help 
make clear to all the world that the United 
States means what it says and that we practice 
at home what we preach abroad. 

The Relief of Poverty 

Associated with the problem of racial injus- 
tice is the problem of relieving poverty. 

We Americans lead a full life — on the whole 
a good life. In the main we do have an afflu- 
ent society. But our economic complexion is 
marred by pockmarks of poverty. Many Amer- 
icans find this hard to believe because they don't 
see much poverty around them. I recall Presi- 
dent Kennedy's mentioning to me his experience 
in the West Virginia primary in 1960 — how 
shocked he had been by some of the poverty he 
saw there. In his years in public life he had not 
only campaigned intensively in his home State 
but had visited many other States. He had 
seen city slums. But he was unprepared for 
the misery he found in the depressed areas of 
West Virginia. 

I suspect a good many of us in this room 
would be surprised and shocked if we took a 
really close look at some of the slums and de- 
pressed areas in our own home States. And let 
us remember that poverty anywhere in our own 
country impoverishes all of us — whether or not 
it directly affects our own personal way of life. 

Economic Growth and Foreign Policy 

But to remove poverty — to declare "all-out 
war" upon it, as President Johnson said yester- 
day — it is not enough to deal with special local 
conditions. We must achieve a climate of over- 
all economic progress that will keep the growth 
curve of our economy moving steadily upward. 
To merchants like yourselves, the business cycle 
is not just an aggregation of statistics. Each 
of you, in the past, has seen and felt the conse- 
quences of a downward trend in our national 
economic activity. You have measured it in 



lost sales, lost markets, lost opportunities, the 
resulting squeeze on your profits and the need 
to reduce staff. Equally, yon know thai the 
consumer purchasing power flowing Erom a 
vigorous upsweep in our economy can be trans 
luted by astute merchants into rising Bales fig- 
ures and heart-warming profit statement -. 

Economic growth for America is not merely 
a domestic need. Severe cyclical recessions in 
our great country beat on the shores of all the 
world. Even where the direct impact is small. 
the psychological shock can be very great. 
Throughout the world we are seen as the 
owners and operators of the preeminent eco- 
nomic system organized on the principles of 
private enterprise. Any faltering in our econ- 
omy is viewed as a reflection on those principles. 

The most urgent piece of business to keep our 
economy health}' is prompt passage of the tax 
bill now pending in Congress. 

Expanding Educational Opportunities 

In the field of education, too, it is important 
to achieve steady growth, not just to afford 
greater opportunities for self-improvement to 
individual Americans but also to live up to 
the high expectations that others have of us. 
Our ideal of universal education, a goal that 
in some quarters is now approaching the ideal 
of universal higher education, has spread 
throughout other lands. 

What we invest now in education will pro- 
foundly shape our national future — both at 
home and in the world. As Walter Lippmann 
put it, "As we fail to educate adequately one 
generation of school children, the evil results 
of this failure do not appear fully until these 
children grow up and become the uneducated 
parents of a still less educated generation." 

Most of the new countries that have been 
born in this turbulent postwar period have vast 
educational needs — for professional men and 
administrators, for a wide range of technical 
skills, and for basic literacy. These newly in- 
dependent people recall Thomas Jefferson's 
advice: "Liberty and learning — each must lean 
on the other for their mutual and surest sup- 
port." In practical t ernis t hey know, as we have 
learned before them, that an educated popula- 



JANUART 2 7, 1964 
717-789 — 64 3 



125 



tion is the surest foundation for economic 
growth and political freedom. 

The Economic Morass in Red China 

Other nations as well as our own are seeking 
economic growth- — including countries that do 
not have freedom. 

In Bed China, for example, the "great leap 
forward" ended in a great stumble backward. 
The recent New Year's editorial in the Peiping 
People's Daily was a sober document — in 
marked contrast to the exuberant boasting of 
prior years. Recovery from the "great leap" 
has not been swift. A high percentage of Chi- 
nese industry remains inoperative, and the food 
problem is, as always, a nightmare. Agricul- 
tural output is now at about the 1957 level, 
although the population has grown by 50-70 
million people. The purchases of grain and 
other foodstuffs required by these somber facts 
currently sop up one-half of available foreign 
exchange. 

Disenchantment has set in and, with it, pas- 
sivity, apathy, and withdrawal. Certainly this 
does not lead to the dynamic economy needed 
for economic growth in our age. 

The economic morass in Red China contrasts 
vividly with the situation on Taiwan, where 
under the leadership of the Chinese Republican 
Government a striking growth rate of 7 per- 
cent per annum has been sustained for the past 
10 years. 

Economic Growth and the Soviet Union 

At the moment, also, the Soviet Union is suf- 
fering what we Americans would call a reces- 
sion. The Russians have experienced a succes- 
sion of bad harvests culminating in a disastrous 
one this year. Their rate of economic growth 
overall has steadily sagged since 1958 to the 
point where, in the last 2 years, it has averaged 
less than 2.5 percent annually. In absolute 
terms the gap between our output and that of 
the Soviet Union has grown wider; in the past 
12 years the excess of our gross product over 
that of Soviet Russia has risen from $245 bil- 
lion to $290 billion — a gain of 19 percent. Even 
if the U.S.S.R. were to double its output in the 
next decade — which it cannot do — its produc- 
tion in 1972 would still be less than ours in 1962. 



Much of the Soviet growth over the past three 
decades was the result of shortcuts borrowed 
from technological skills developed in leading 
nations of the free world, and without question 
Russia has built a complex modern economy. 
But now it has exhausted much of the advantage 
it can gain in this manner. 

The troubles of the Soviet experience today 
pose questions that go to the heart of the ideolog- 
ical argument. Can a complex modern econ- 
omy be effectively operated under the restrain- 
ing hand of Communist doctrine — a system 
without a market mechanism, a system that, in 
other words, lacks competitive pricing and the 
related automatic compensatory processes 
which provide an efficient means of allocating 
resources correctly and swiftly ? Today in the 
Soviet Union the problems of managing a cen- 
trally planned economy appear to be piling up, 
and even the new tools of the planners and 
managers — computer technology, linear pro- 
graming, and input-output analysis — may not 
prove adequate to solve them. 

The Soviet leaders are urgently debating 
these problems. During the past 5 years they 
have shifted their emphasis from centraliza- 
tion to decentralization and back again to a 
centralized control. The hard decision they are 
facing today may well present itself in these 
terms : Should they move farther in the direc- 
tion of some kind of market economy with all 
of the ideological compromise which that im- 
plies, or strive still harder to achieve produc- 
tivity through even more elaborate and com- 
prehensive planning and controls? 

Expansion of Trade 

But the misfortunes of the Communist nations 
are no excuse for smugness on our part. Our 
task is to make sure that our own system works 
even more effectively. Then, by contrast, the 
deficiencies of the Communist system will be- 
come even plainer to people everywhere, includ- 
ing those who presently are ruled by the 
Communists. 

There are, of course, many reasons why we 
must move toward a full use of our resources. 
I shall not list all of them tonight. 

Certainly our ability to put our resources to 
full use will profoundly affect our position in 



126 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



world affairs. It will determine whether we 
can continue to assure our own security while 
still providing amply for the well-being of the 
American people. It will determine the extent 
to which we can assist the less favored nations 
of the world to move toward economic and po- 
litical independence as an essential step in the 
creation of a more stable world. 

In addition it will add a new dimension of 
flexibility to our own economic life. It will en- 
able us to make the structural adjustments at 
home that are required of a dynamic economy — 
adjustments of our production to changing con- 
sumer demand, to the new technology, to auto- 
mation, and to substantial shifts in trading pat- 
terns with our world trading partners. 

This last point is, I think, of special impor- 
tance at the present time. We shall begin late 
in the spring with an unprecedented trade nego- 
tiation, looking toward the substantial expan- 
sion of United States trade with Europe and 
the rest of the world. "We need this negotiation 
to open new markets for our products and to 
protect existing markets. As a nation which 
exports substantially more than it imports, we 
have a substantial interest in the expansion of 
world trade. I can make this statement to you 
knowing that you will regard it with under- 
standing, for I have been long aware of the 
forthright and constructive stand which the Re- 
tail Merchants Association has consistently 
taken in support of reciprocal trade negotia- 
tions. 

You have recognized with great perception a 
fact too often overlooked — that a people profit 
by imports as well as exports and that free men 
should be able to buy the best and cheapest 
goods that are available anywhere. The more 
the great trading nations come to accept this 
simple proposition, the more efficiently will the 
world be able to utilize the rich resources which 
are everyone's heritage. 

Techniques of American Merchandising 

One of the arts which we Americans have 
carried to the highest point of development is 
the art of buying, selling, and distributing 
goods — the art your fraternity of retail mer- 
chants has developed to such a high point. 
Your techniques of distribution have contribu- 



ted greatly to the richness of our economic lift'. 
They are, in fact, the envy of the world. 

Those techniques invariably fascinate the 
peoples of the Iron Curtain countries, where 
merchandising still smacks of an earlier century. 
It is no accident that the American supermarket 
is a spectacular attraction at every trade fair 
where American exhibits have been shown with- 
in the bloc. For, after all, the slogan "From 
each according to his ability, to each according 
to his need" is no great help in an economy of 
relative scarcity. 

American retail merchandising also has 
much to offer the less developed countries, where 
modern life as we would define it is character- 
istically confined to a few cities. I think it can 
be said that many of the less developed nations 
of the world are most backward precisely in the 
field in which you are most skilled — the theory 
and the practice of buying and selling. 

One hard task these countries face is to make 
their rural areas part of their national life, not 
merely by improving the level of agricultural 
output but by using modern distribution tech- 
niques to incorporate those areas in the national 
economy. The dimensions of this task are sug- 
gested by the results of a recent survey in one 
less developed country. There it was found that 
90 percent of the goods sold to consumers are 
bought by the 39 percent of the population that 
live in towns and cities, while the 61 percent w r ho 
live in the coimtryside buy only 10 percent of the 
available consumer goods. The implicai ions of 
these statistics for the health of the economy as 
a whole are obvious. 

This is a problem that has been seen before in 
other countries — including our own. It is only 
since the 1930's that substantial sections of the 
United States have become actively partici- 
pating parts of our total economy. The impact 
of rapid industrialization — to a large extent re- 
sulting from the manufacturing requirements of 
World War II — coupled with modern tech- 
niques of distribution, including national adver- 
tising, multioutlet selling and diversification, 
has produced a revolution in the economic life 
of many parts of our country, especially the 
South. This transformation, occurring in the 
context of rapid economic growth in a free- 
enterprise economy, is one that many nations 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



127 



hope to emulate, and it is experts like yourselves 
who can help them. 

Building a Peaceful World 

I return, therefore, to the central theme of my 
observations to you this evening. It is that what 
we do in this country, how we conduct our in- 
ternal affairs, how effectively we apply our ener- 
gies and resources to the building of a strong and 
proud America — all of these things are basic to 
our position in the world. It is a fatuous vocab- 
ulary that distinguishes foreign policy from our 
domestic affairs. 

We Americans have much to be proud of. We 
were given a land bountifully endowed, and we 
have over the generations of our national life 
employed those endowments to good ends. But 
the tasks that lie ahead are very great, and the 
hazards of this nuclear age are always with us. 
Thus we face more than ever the imperative to 
build solidly at home so that we may play our 
proper role in the building of a peaceful world. 



President Appoints Committee 
To Review Foreign Aid Programs 

Statement by President Johnson 

White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 26 

I have appointed an interdepartmental com- 
mittee to make an intensive review of our pro- 
grams of foreign economic and military assist- 
ance and means of strengthening them. I have 
asked the committee to report its recommen- 
dations to me by January 15th. The committee 
is under instructions to approach the problem 
of foreign aid with fresh minds not bound by 
precedent or by existing procedures or arrange- 
ments. I have asked members of the commit- 
tee to give serious study to the following 
approaches : 

(1) They should seek all possible ways to 
simplify procedures and to render the admin- 
istration of foreign assistance as speedily and 
as effectively as possible. 

(2) They should consider steps to enlist in 
our foreign assistance efforts, to a much greater 
extent, the energy, initiative, and resources of 



private business, labor organizations, coopera- 
tives, universities, cities and States, and other 
non- Federal institutions. 

(3) They should examine ways of encourag- 
ing more self-help on the part of recipient 
countries. 

(4) They should consider means of persuad- 
ing other developed countries to increase aid to 
underdeveloped countries, both bilaterally and 
through international machinery. 

(5) They should seek all possible means to 
achieve economies and efficiencies in the admin- 
istration of our aid program and to reduce to 
a practical minimum the number of personnel 
employed in those programs at home and 
abroad. 

(6) They should give most serious considera- 
tion to the suggestions made by the Senate For- 
eign Eelations Committee for the improvement 
of foreign assistance. 

(7) They should recommend the arrange- 
ments by which the Assistant Secretary of State 
for Inter- American Affairs will give policy di- 
rection to the Alliance for Progress. 

My action in appointing this committee, far 
from reflecting any lack of conviction in the 
necessity for foreign assistance, demonstrates 
my strong determination that those programs 
be so administered as to yield the greatest bene- 
fit to our country and to the free world. 

This nation has now been engaged in peace- 
time programs of economic and military assist- 
ance for 16 years, since President Truman's 
decision in 1947 to aid Greece and Turkey. 
Over the years these efforts have yielded enor- 
mous dividends to the United States and other 
free nations. In that period we have several 
times changed our methods of administering 
foreign assistance. This is only natural, for 
two reasons. First, history holds no precedent 
for such a large national undertaking as the 
United States foreign assistance program : Its 
administrators have had few examples or ex- 
periences to guide them. Second, the condi- 
tions and the needs for such assistance are sub- 
ject to rapid change. Since 1947 our European 
allies have achieved prosperity, and many of 
them are now conducting substantial foreign 
assistance programs. Since the war, 48 coun- 
tries have achieved independence, each with its 



128 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



own set of problems and needs. We have over 
the years altered earlier programs and insti- 
tuted new ones. The Alliance for Progress is a 
major example of a new initiative to meet spe- 
cial needs. It is the mandate of this new com- 
mittee to examine recent changes, to anticipate 
the needs and demands of the future, and to 
recommend measures and methods that will 
assure the most efficient and most effective use 
of all our foreign assistance resources. 

The committee will consist of the Under Sec- 
retary of State George W. Ball, the Adminis- 
trator of the Agency for International Devel- 
opment David E. Bell, the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget Kermit Gordon, the As- 
sistant Secretary of Defense for International 
Security Affairs "William P. Bundy, the Assist- 
ant Secretary [of the Treasury] for Interna- 
tional Affairs John C. Bullitt, and the Special 
Assistant to the President Ralph Dungan. 
The Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- 
American Affairs Thomas C. Mann will serve 
as a member of the committee with respect to 
all matters affecting the Alliance for Progress. 
I have asked Under Secretary Ball to serve as 
chairman. 



President Disapproves Legislation 
on Import Marking Requirements 

White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated December 31 

Memorandum of Disapproval 
I am withholding my approval from H.R. 
2513, a bill to require, with respect to every im- 
ported article removed from its container and 
repackaged, that the new package be marked 
with the name of the country of origin if, under 
present law, the original container must be so 
marked, with failure to do so subjecting the 
repackager — regardless of whether he is the im- 
porter, the distributor, the retailer or any other 
handler of the merchandise — to fine, imprison- 



ment, and seizure and forfeiture of the article. 
Such a bill was vetoed by President Eisenhower 
in I960. 1 A second provision of the bill would 
require that all sawed lumber and wood prod- 
ucts be marked with the country of origin, a 
provision which specifically violates our long 
standing trade agreement with Canada. 

This bill would raise new barriers to foreign 
trade and invite retaliation against our exports 
at a time when we are trying to expand our 
trade and improve Western unity. 

This bill would impose new costs upon our 
merchants and consumers at a time when we are 
trying to keep all costs and prices down. 

This bill would saddle new and unworkable 
burdens upon our Bureau of Customs at a time 
when we are trying to reduce Government ex- 
penditures. 

This bill would encourage new price increases 
in lumber and home-building at a time when 
we are trying to expand our housing oppor- 
tunities. 

This bill would aggravate our relations with 
Canada at a time when we are trying to improve 
those relations at every level. 

There is no need for this bill. The Federal 
Trade Commission already has authority to re- 
quire disclosure of the foreign origin of articles 
offered for sale where there may be danger of 
deception of the purchaser. The Federal Tariff 
Commission already has authority to protect 
domestic industries against serious economic in- 
jury resulting from imports. A unanimous 
Commission decision last February, in fact, 
found that the facts did not entitle the soft wood 
lumber industry to such protection. 

Approval of this bill, in short, is clearly not 
in the best interests of all the United States. 



Lyndon B. Johnson 



The White House 
December 31, 1963 



1 For text of a memorandum of disapproval of Sept. 
6, 1960, see Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1960, p. 500. 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



129 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Accomplishments of 18th Session of U.N. General Assembly 



Statement by Adlai E. Stevenson 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly * 



This is the third year in a row that I have 
had the pleasure of meeting with you ladies and 
gentlemen of the United Nations press corps 
to discuss the work of the General Assembly. 

There is no need to tell you again how much 
store we set by the United Nations. President 
Johnson made that clear yesterday both in what 
he said 2 and equally in what he did — the fact 
that he thought it important to come here and 
meet personally with the delegates to the Gen- 
eral Assembly. I think we should underline 
here the President's declaration : 

The United States wants to see the cold war end ; 
we want to see it end once and for all. 

We have seen very clearly in this Assembly 
how much can be accomplished when there is 
even a small rise in the political temperature. 
The declaration against placing nuclear 
weapons in orbit ; 3 the declaration of the legal 
principles in the use of outer space; 4 the sharp 
reduction in cold-war polemics — all these are 
welcome progress, welcome steps on that long 
road called general and complete disarmament 
which can only be traversed one step at a time. 

In this respect, the 18th session is well de- 
scribed as a transitional session — part of a 



1 Made at a press conference at U.N. headquarters 
on Dec. 18 (U.S. delegation press release 4349) at the 
close of the 18th session. A question-and-answer 
period followed Ambassador Stevenson's statement. 

* For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 6, 1964, p. 2. 

' Ibid., Nov. 11, 1963, p. 753. 

' Ibid., Dec. 30, 1963, p. 1012. 



worldwide shift from arguing about peace in 
the abstract to building the machinery of peace 
in a very practical organization called the 
United Nations. If we are in a time of transi- 
tion, let us hope it is transition to a world of 
diversity in which no nation or bloc thinks of 
itself as presently or potentially in charge of the 
world. Certainly the tightest bloc, which we 
have called the monolithic Communist world, is 
full of cracks, and diversity is no longer a mo- 
nopoly of any region or grouping. A world 
more safe for diversity is not yet a world more 
safe with diversity. 

There are dangers, of course, when any big 
iceberg begins to crack. The fissures in the 
Communist world have caused the aggressive, 
lone-wolf foreign policy of Communist China 
to stand out as both more obvious and more 
threatening to the rest of the world. 

Easing of Cold-War Dangers 

All in all, this Assembly has both reflected 
and contributed to the easing of cold-war dan- 
gers which started with President Kennedy's 
speech at American University last June 6 and 
the coming into force of the limited nuclear test 
ban treaty this autumn. 6 

Now, as the disarmament negotiators go back 
to their tasks in Geneva next month, 7 coopera- 



' Ibid., July 1, 1963, p. 2. 

" For background, see ibid., Oct. 28, 1963, p. 658. 

7 See p. 119. 



130 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



tion comes in for a now lost. They will talk 
of technical problems like static observation 
posts and nuclear production controls, but the 
big question is wholly nontechnical: It is 
whether each military power is willing enough 
and bold enough and imaginative enough to 
find agreed ways of slowing the arms race to a 
halt and building simultaneously the interna- 
tional peacekeeping machinery which will per- 
mit the first steps toward practical arms control 
and reduction. 

Colonial and Racial Issues 

The Assembly's record on colonial and racial 
questions is a paradoxical mixture of strong, 
sometimes unfair and provocative words and, 
for the most part, sober actions. We hope that 
the Kepublic of South Africa takes careful note 
of the unanimity and force of world opinion. 8 
Policies of government-sponsored racial dis- 
crimination are contrary to the charter and 
the universal elementary principles of freedom. 

There is still a sincere desire in the United 
Nations membership to make the inevitable 
change peaceful, but the other side of the coin 
is that the maintenance of peace requires will- 
ingness to change. 

On the Portuguese territories, a resolution 
of the Security Council 9 has asked the Secre- 
tary-General to continue efforts to get the Por- 
tuguese and interested African states to work 
through negotiations toward self-determination 
for the Portuguese territories in Africa. 

The United Nations' biggest contribution on 
any really difficult issue is to start a process of 
quiet diplomacy looking toward a solution, and 
not merely to raise the dust of mutual 
recrimination. It is certainly not too late to 
talk, as some would contend, about the growing 
political conflict in the southern third of Africa. 
It is also not too early for positive action to 
move toward equality of rights and equality of 
treatment, in Africa and elsewhere. 

The Africans who feel strongly about their 
grievances have not followed hot words with 
irresponsible action. The intemperate scenes 

"For text of a statement regarding apartheid in 
South Africa made by Ambassador Stevenson in the 
Security Council on Dec. 4, see Bulletin of Jan. 20, 
1964, p. 92. 

• Ibid., Aug. 19, 1963, p. 309. 



and walkouts which characterized some United 
Nations conferences last summer have not been 
repeated in this Assembly. The good sen <•, 
restraint, and orderly procedure which they 
have evidenced here is a favorable augury for 
the future handling of these difficult colonial 
and racial issues, which will continue to occupy 
an important place on the United Nations ac- 
tion agenda. 

Peacekeeping Activities 

Support for United Nations peacekeeping 
activities was reaffirmed when the Assembly 
overwhelmingly endorsed a 6 months' extension 
of the United Nations Operation in the Congo 
and a year's financing on an equitable basis of 
the United Nations Emergency Force in the 
Middle East. 

The United Nations is helping maintain the 
peace in Yemen, in Kashmir, in Korea, and 
throughout the Middle East under continuing 
Security Council and General Assembly man- 
dates. Thus in a practical way experience is 
being gained and procedures are being devel- 
oped that can be used in restoring and maintain- 
ing peace in future security crises in other parts 
of the world. 

But the steady development of the United 
Nations peacekeeping capacities requires a solu- 
tion to familiar problems — the payments past 
due from some members, and arrangements for 
financing future peace and security operations. 
The United Nations peacekeeping capacities — 
indeed its future as an action agency — are 
threatened by the refusal of the Soviet Union 
and some other countries to pay their assessed 
share of legally constituted operations. 

The law on this subject is clear. The Inter- 
national Court of Justice has ruled, and the 
General Assembly has accepted the ruling, that 
members have charter obligations to pay their 
assessments for peacekeeping as well as for the 
regular budget. 10 The proper solution is for the 
Soviet Union and other debtors to pay up. 
This is what we would like to see happen. If it 
does not, if the delinquent countries insist on 
challenging the charter, it would be a grievous 

"Ibid., July 2, 1962, p. 30; Aug. 13, 1962, p. 246; Jan. 
7, 1963, p. 30. 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



131 



blow to this organization because it would erode 
the support of some large and loyal contributors 
to its growth. We believe that if the other 
members want to preserve the organization they 
must preserve its charter. 

So I want to say once more on behalf of the 
United States that we regard financial support 
of the United Nations peacekeeping operations 
as an essential obligation of the member states. 
And I think I have already made it plain that 
I feel just as strongly about the United States of 
America's own financial contributions to the 
United Nations. 

Trade and Development 

Coming up over the horizon is a series of 
issues in the field of trade and development. 
As the President said yesterday, one of our 
urgent tasks is "the steady improvement of col- 
lective machinery for helping the less developed 
nations build modern societies." This means 
the streamlining of technical assistance and pre- 
investment work at United Nations headquar- 
ters and the strengthening of the resident repre- 
sentatives of the United Nations in many 
countries, to enable the United Nations family 
of nation-building agencies to act more like a 
family. 

Strengthening the United Nations in the 
development field is urgent because of the dan- 
ger of rising tensions between poor countries 
and rich countries — and the possibility that 
these tensions could merge with racial tensions 
that sometimes divide the world along similar 
lines. The rich and the poor could work more 
effectively together, and as the United Nations 
itself is effectively organized for this purpose, 
it can be enormously helpful to both by pro- 
viding a political framework for mutual 
assistance. 

Question of Improving Representation 

We are glad that the 18th General Assembly 
began to get down to cases on the enlargement 
of the Security Council and the Economic and 
Social Council, to achieve better representation 
for member states that did not exist when the 
original agreements were made on the distribu- 
tion of seals. 

The United States abstained on the final vote 



because, for a permanent member of the Security 
Council, this is an especially serious business 
that requires full consultation through our own 
constitutional processes between the executive 
and legislative branches of our Government. 
But we would like to see something worked out 
on this and regret the rigidity which still char- 
acterizes the voting of our Soviet friends in this 
matter. If you ask me whether they are using 
the Chinese Communists to conceal their own 
attitude, I cannot answer. 

Failures of the Membership 

Now before anyone accuses me of radiating 
only sweetness and light — to which no U.N. am- 
bassador should plead guilty — I want to point 
out that the spirit of detente I noted earlier was 
not present in every area of the Assembly's 
work — particularly in the Third [Social, Hu- 
manitarian and Cultural] and Sixth [Legal] 
Committees. 

There the cold war did not thaw as much as 
elsewhere. 

I need hardly say that this 18th session of the 
General Assembly was not an unqualified suc- 
cess in other ways too. It did not, for example, 
see the end of the Russian veto — indeed it saw 
one more added to make a total of 101 in the 
Security Council ; 21 it still saw some abuse of 
the principles of free and open debate; it still 
saw a tendency, although less than in previous 
sessions, to introduce unrealistic resolutions that 
have little chance of implementation; and it 
still saw needless inscription of items on an al- 
ready overburdened agenda. 

But, let me emphasize, these are not failures 
of the organization as such. They are failures 
of the membership. 

Certainly the Secretary-General and his staff 
deserve our thanks and admiration for the 
splendid manner in which they have carried on 
their work. And here, too, let me say a word 
about the splendid performance of the President 
of the Assembly, Dr. Carlos Sosa-Rodriguez. 

This was an orderly, well-run session, and it 
marked a still further improvement in the gen- 
eral status and accomplishment of the Assem- 
bly, which can only enhance respect for the 
organization. It was, I think, one of the least 

u Ibid., Sept. 30, 1963, p. 520. 



182 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



contentious sessions in recent United Nations 
history. Much of this is due to Dr. Sosa- 
Bodriguez, and he deserves and has our con- 
gratulations and thanks. 

Perhaps the ISth session will not go down as 
one in which miracles were worked, hut I believe 
it may well he remembered as the session that 
proved that great and small powers do have the 
ability to look in the same direction and to 
labor together for the benefit of all. We must 
remember that the history of the United Na- 
tions consists largely of problems, pitfalls, and 
progress. As we have had occasion to say, the 
U.N. was built for trouble and thrives on it. 

This fact, plus the improved disposition of 
our Communist friends to cooperate and to use 
the U.N. machinery instead of abusing it, en- 
courages our hope that the prophets of doom 
and gloom will again be proven wrong, together 
with the derisive critics of the U.N. who usually 



see it ;is either dangerously effective or innocu- 
ously ineffect ive. 

And now before we part I would like to ex- 
press my warmest compliments to all of you 
here today for your conscientious and distin- 
guished efforts to keep the world informed 
about what is happening behind the draperies 
of this house of glass. Let me assure you 1 do 
not compliment you with any hopes that you 
will make your cross-examination any easier. 
But I want to emphasize my high regard and 
appreciation of the day-in-day-out excellence 
of your coverage. 

Yesterday someone wished me a Merry Christ- 
mas and a Happy New Year. Let me wish 
all of you a Merry Christmas and a Happy New 
Year. May you have safe journeys back to your 
homes wherever they may be. While our world 
is not yet one, it is surely unique and precious 
to us all alike. 



Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations 

and Cooperation Among States: International Law and Nonintervention 



Statement by Francis T. P. Plimpton 

UjS. Representative to the General Assembly 1 



The delegation of the United States will 
address itself today to the third of the four 
principles under study : 2 nonintervention in 
matters within the domestic jurisdiction of any 
state, in accordance with the charter. Certain 
basic assumptions underlie the approach of the 
United States delegation to an analysis of this 
legal principle. 

It should initially be noted that intervention 
by states is to be distinguished from interven- 
tion by the United Nations. The United Na- 



'.Made in Committee VI (Legal) on Dec. 3 (U.S. 
delegation press release 4324) . 

' For U.S. statements on the threat or use of force 
and on the peaceful settlement of disputes, see Bul- 
letin of Dec. 23, 1963, p. 973, and Jan. 13, 1964, p. 57. 



tions is not a sovereign state, or, in the words 
of the International Court of Justice, not " 'a 
super-State', whatever that expression may 
mean." 3 Its functions are performed with a 
view to the establishment and maintenance of 
international peace, security, and justice. The 
actions of the organization assume significance 
in the light of their purposes; they cannot be 
judged on the same basis as those of states. 
With regard to intervention by the United Na- 
tions, article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter 
articulates the limitation on the organization's 
actions. That paragraph does not, by its own 
terms, regulate the actions of states; other pro- 



* Reparation for injuries suffered in the service of 
the United Nations. I.C.J. Reports, 1949, p. 179. 



JANUARY 27, 1904 



133 



visions of the charter, notably article 2, para- 
graph 4, encompass intervention by states. Ac- 
cordingly, while the United States delegation 
will discuss intervention by both states and the 
United Nations, it will do so separately. It will 
endeavor, in its presentation, to remain mind- 
ful of the differences, as well as the similarities, 
in the legal regime governing intervention by 
states and by the United Nations. 

I observed a moment ago that intervention by 
states is encompassed by article 2, paragraph 
4, and that intervention by the United Nations 
is regulated by paragraph 7 of that article. 
Neither provision can be read in isolation ; both 
must be considered in the context of related 
charter provisions. To illustrate — in no sense 
exhaustively — intervention by the United Na- 
tions raises issues not only under article 2, para- 
graph 7, but also under provisions of the char- 
ter establishing the competence of United 
Nations organs. Similarly, intervention by 
states raises issues not only under article 2, 
paragraph 4, of the charter; other provisions, 
such as the duty of states to settle their disputes 
by peaceful means, are also relevant. Other 
illustrations will be offered later in this state- 
ment. 

Finally, we must recognize that what is in- 
volved in the articulation of the concept of "in- 
tervention in domestic affairs" is to a consider- 
able extent a question of balance and degree. 
We cannot insulate states from each other or 
the United Nations — nor should we wish to do 
so. 

In the case of the United Nations, whether 
it be a binding decision of the Security Council, 
pursuant to article 25, or a recommendation by 
another organ of the United Nations, such as 
the General Assembly, with moral force but 
without a legally binding character, the actions 
of the United Nations often have domestic con- 
sequences for members. 

Similarly, in conditions of world interde- 
pendence which exist today, many actions of 
states have consequences in other states. To 
deny this interrelationship would be to turn our 
backs on the nature of the international com- 
munity which began to emerge even before the 
San Francisco Conference and which has ma- 
tured and developed within the framework of 



the charter. To attempt to prohibit all state 
acts whose consequences touch the domestic life 
of other states would be a practical impossi- 
bility. Many such activities have tradition- 
ally been recognized as those which states are 
entitled to pursue. 

Accordingly, our task is not to prohibit all 
actions by the United Nations or individual 
states which may have consequences within the 
territory of member states. Our task is rather 
to illuminate which of such actions are permis- 
sible and even desirable in recognition of the 
interdependence of states in the modern world 
and which of such actions represent impermis- 
sible intervention in the domestic affairs of 
states. 

Developments in Concept of Nonintervention 

Today when one approaches the question of 
intervention by states in matters within the do- 
mestic jurisdiction of other states, he is at once 
impressed with the extent to which classical 
conceptions have been altered. Before this cen- 
tury there was little restraint upon the employ- 
ment of military force to accomplish national 
objectives. 

In the 19th century the practice of the Con- 
cert of Europe was evolved in a context far 
different from that in which today's interstate 
relations are worked out. By the Protocol of 
Troppau in 1820 the members of the Great 
Alliance bound themselves to exclude from the 
European alliance those states which had under- 
gone a change of government by a revolution 
the results of which were deemed by them to 
threaten other states. If the states parties to 
the protocol considered that there existed an 
immediate danger to other states, they under- 
took, and I quote, "by peaceful means, or if 
need be by arms, to bring the guilty state into 
the bosom of the Great Alliance." 

The interventions in the 19th century in 
the name of humanitarian considerations — in 
Greece in 1827, in Poland in 1860 — are seen in 
the perspective of history as reflecting not only 
humanitarian but political objectives. 

It would not be accurate, however, to infer 
that contemporary international law concern- 
ing nonintervention by states sprang into being 
with the adoption of the Charter of the United 



134 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Nations. The charter was the culmination and 

articulation of a process of development of 
international law during the l'.Mh century and 
the first half of the 20th. This process well 
illustrates the dynamic character of interna- 
tional law. New rules were established, and 
old claims to the use of national power were 
abandoned, in response to the changing char- 
acter of the world and international society. 

In the Western Hemisphere this process may 
be discerned in a series of landmarks. They 
have been discussed already in the distinguished 
statements of our Latin American colleagues, 
whose interest in this field is generally recog- 
nized. More recently the states of the Western 
Hemisphere joined together in the prohibition 
of intervention in notable treaties which have 
been amply referred to in earlier statements. 
Accordingly, I shall not dwell on their pro- 
visions. 

The development of international law relat- 
ing to nonintervention was also carried forward 
on a global scale, though with less thrust than 
characterized the effort of the Western Hemi- 
sphere. 

What is the present state of the law of non- 
intervention by states to which this historical 
development, so thinly sketched, has led? 

Of fundamental importance is the fact that 
the classical conception of intervention involved 
dictatorial interference; that is, it involved 
measures of compulsion. The use of force, or 
the threat to use it, was a principal element in 
the classical conception of intervention. Under 
the charter much of the classic conception of 
intervention has accordingly been absorbed by 
the prohibition of the threat or use of force 
against the political independence and terri- 
torial integrity of states, and by the organs 
whose purpose it is to insure that that obligation 
is fulfilled. The fact that the principal aspect 
of intervention by states in the past is the sub- 
ject of charter regulation today does not, how- 
ever, divest our study of utility or difficulty. 
On the contrary, it requires the greater per- 
ception on our part, since intervention may be 
pursued in more subtle modes designed to escape 
the charter's prohibition. 

Over the years there has been much debate 
as to what constitutes intervention contrary to 



the pn>\ isionsof the charter. Many dcl'mii 

bave been proposed, bul none bas received uni- 
versal or even general acceptance, Rather than 

make any further attempts at formulating a 

del in it ion at this t imc, I suggest that we consider 
different elements and aspects of the principle 
of nonintervention. 

The first of these relates to the nature of the 
act which is asserted to constitute intervention. 
Is that act generally recognized as possessing 
an international character for the purposes of 
the doctrine of nonintervention? As I have 
already suggested, many acts by states have 
consequences in the internal affairs of other 
states. These acts cannot, merely by virtue of 
this consequential relationship, be considered 
intervention. 

The economic policies of states, for instance, 
in such forms as tariffs, taxes on international 
transactions, the fixing of prices at artificial 
levels, the establishment of import and export 
limitations, and even policies regarding immi- 
gration, necessarily affect the internal economy 
of other states. But such actions are generally 
recognized as lying within the discretion of the 
state taking them, unless that state has volun- 
tarily accorded an international character to 
them by the conclusion of a treaty, or unless 
those policies fall within the area in which cus- 
tomary international law has recognized the 
obligation of states to protect the persons or 
property of foreign nationals. 

A second aspect worthy of closer analysis re- 
lates to the interest which the complainant state 
asserts to have been injured. Is that interest 
an exclusively domestic one? Or has it ac- 
quired an international character? Matters 
lying within the domestic jurisdiction of states 
are, as we all know, continually being reduced in 
number as the growth of customary interna- 
tional law and international agreements adds 
to the network of international rights and 
duties. International law, for instance, has 
long recognized the right of states to take meas- 
ures permitted by international law to protect 
their nationals and their property in foreign 
states. Other examples would not be difficult 
to find. 

A third aspect relates to the mode of inter- 
vention. Is the means by which one state has 



135 



acted to produce a certain effect within another 
stale appropriate to the particular problem? 
For instance, international practice recognizes 
many areas where appropriate communications 
on the diplomatic level may be exchanged re- 
garding subjects which could not properly be 
dealt with by the threat or use of force. The 
legitimate functions of consuls customarily and 
properly take them into matters internal to the 
receiving state. 

As previously suggested, the classical concep- 
tion of intervention involved, to a predominant 
extent, the presence of the threat or use of force, 
though "i her measures of compulsion were also 
comprehended. It is a regrettable fact of con- 
temporary international life that clandestine 
activities are not infrequently carried on by one 
state within the territory of other states for the 
purpose of overthrowing existing governments, 
or even of radically altering the, political and 
economic structure of those states. Such ac- 
tivities generally involve open and concealed 
affiliations with domestic political movements, 
which are encouraged, if not financed, by the 
intervening state. This kind of intervention, 
is. indeed, in certain quarters glorified as a 
means of world domination. No sophisticated 
observer can fail to see, and no candid spokes- 
man can refuse to acknowledge, that this prac- 
i ice constitutes one of the major forms of illegal 
intervention by which the political independ- 
ence of states is violated. 

Now, Mr. ( 'hairman, these factors, and others 
which could be suggested, must be considered 
by states in evaluating their own actions and the. 
actions of other states which affect them. But 
it would he a misconception to assume thai they 
■ their major purpose in guiding (he de- 
cisioi lies alone. For iii modern inter- 

national society, intervention is not a matter 

simply of unilateral slate response, except to 
i he 1 1 in i led extenl necessary to deal with an ur- 
gent and immediate danger. It is within the 
mi of collective security embodied in the 
1 liarter that we must determine 
-ns that intervention has oc- 
d are v. irranted. li is pursuant to the 
''!' ! " I' he taken to deal with 

fence has been e: lab 



Intervention may well entail a situation the 
continuance of which is likely to endanger the 
maintenance of international peace and security. 
It accordingly may be within the competence of 
the Security Council. Intervention even more 
surely involves a situation likely to impair the 
general welfare or friendly relations among 
nations, with which the General Assembly may 
deal under article 14. Intervention may also 
be the subject of action by regional organiza- 
tions within the terms of reference established 
by their own constituent instruments and by 
chapter VIII of the charter. 

The obligation of a state which considers that 
it has been the victim of an act of intervention 
is, without prejudice to its right of self-defense, 
to seek its remedy within the system of collective 
security — including regional security — of the 
charter. That obligation finds its counterpart 
in the obligation of a state against which such 
charges have been made to respond to inquiry 
and other action by the appropriate organ of the 
international community. 

Intervention by the United Nations 

Let us turn now to intervention by the United 
Nations. It should be noted that the authors of 
the charter were clear that the provisions of 
article 2, paragraph 7, should not be read as 
applying directly to the United Nations ex- 
isting principles of international law relevant 
to nonintervention by states. The rapporteur 
of the First Committee of Commission I of the 
San Francisco Conference, in reporting on the 
draft provision which was to become article -, 
paragraph 7, of the charter, articulated the 
relevant distinction. Referring to drafl para- 
graph 8 of chapter 1 I. he declared : 4 

it is evident that the subject we are dealing with is 
nn( the intervention of one state in matters which 
fall within the domestic jurisdiction of another, hut 
licit we .-Hi- dealing with the relations of the Organiza- 
tion and iis members with respect to domestic ami 
internal ional jurisdict ion. 

The Organization we are developing is assuming, 
under the present charter, functions wider in their 
scope than these previously assumed by the League of 
Nations or other international bodies ami even wider 
than those which were (list contemplated at Dumbarton 
Oaks, especially in the economic, social, and cultural 



* United Nations Conference on International Organi- 
zmI ion, Put-unit )ils. vol. 0, p. 48C. 



!:..; 



Id l'\KI Ml s 1 OF STATE BULLETIN 



Holds. The tendency to provide the United Nations 
with a broad Jurisdiction is. therefore, relevant and 

founded. The necessity, on the other hand, to make 
sure that the United Nations under prevalent world 
conditions should not go beyond acceptable limits 
or exceed due limitation called for principle 8 as an 
instrument to determine the scope of the attributes 
of the Organization and to regulate its functioning in 
matters at issue. 

The practice of the organization has shown 
the validity of this distinction between the au- 
thority of states and the authority of the United 
Nal ions. Thus questions concerning the scope 
and import of article 2, paragraph 7, have 
arisen in connection with the competence of 
United Nations organs to discuss and adopt 
resolutions, a function essentially foreign to 
the traditional concept of intervention by states. 

United Nations practice might usefully be 
studied in the context of three questions. First, 
what meaning has the term "intervention" in 
article 2, paragraph 7? Second, in the age of 
the charter, what matters lie "essentially within 
the domestic jurisdiction of any state"? And 
third, what procedure should the organization 
follow when the effect of article 2, paragraph 
7, has been placed in issue ? 

In using the term "intervention" the authors 
of the charter and, for that matter, the authors 
of the Covenant of the League of Nations, since 
a comparable provision appeared in article 15, 
paragraph 8, of the covenant, used a term rich 
in historical connotation. Historically the term 
denoted interference of an imperative character, 
depriving a state of its customary discretion. 
The late Judge Sir Hersch Lauterpacht has held 
that it should be so regarded in its charter 
context. 5 

The United States delegation shares this con- 
ception and agrees with that great jurist that 
to give the term "intervention" a loose meaning 
embracing all actions which have an impact 
within member states would have the drastic 
consequence of nullifying significant provisions 
of the charter — a consequence which could not 
have been contemplated by the authors of the 
charter. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, what are the legal rules 
governing nonintervention by the United 
Nations? 



To begin with, recognition thai the concept 
of intervention denotes imperative interfei 
leads to the conclusion thai article 2, paragraph 
7, cannot have the effect of limiting the com- 
petence of an organ of the United Nations to 
discuss any question within its jurisdiction 
under the governing articles of the charter. 
These powers are not impaired by the provisions 
of article 2, paragraph 7. 

The contrary proposition has, of course, been 
argued. The inscription of items on the agenda 
has not infrequently been opposed on the basis 
of article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter: at the 
third session of the General Assembly in con- 
nection with the questions of the treatment of 
people of Indian origin in the Union of South 
Africa and of the observance of human rights 
in Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania; at the 
seventh session in connection with the question 
of apartheid; at the ninth session in connection 
with the question of Cyprus; at the tenth ses- 
sion in connection with the question of Algeria. 
In no case were these challenges to competence 
on the basis of article 2, paragraph 7, upheld. 

My delegation has had occasion to address 
itself to this point. For example, in responding 
to an assertion by the Czechoslovak representa- 
tive that article 2, paragraph 7, precluded the 
Assembly from discussing the question of the 
observance of human rights in Bulgaria, Hun- 
gary, and Rumania, Mr. Benjamin Cohen of 
the United States delegation stated : 6 

Article 2(7) of the Charter regarding noninterven- 
tion in matters of domestic jurisdiction was not in- 
tended to preclude, in appropriate cases, discussion in 
the Assembly concerning the promotion of human rights 
and fundamental freedoms. . . . Nor is the Assembly 
barred under appropriate circumstances from express- 
ing an opinion or making a recommendation when there 
is a persistent and willful disregard for bnman rights 
in any particular country. Moreover, in determining 
the applicability of article 2, paragraph 7, we must 
not lose sight of the important fact that in the case 
before us, Bulgaria and Hungary have assumed in the 
treaties of peace special obligations under interna- 
tional law to secure human rights and fundamental 
freedoms. . . . 

Under what circumstances, then, may United 
Nations intervention arise? The problem may 
be viewed as a kind of spectrum whose extremes 
alone are clear. At one extreme, intervention 



° Lauterpacht, International Law and Human Rights 
(1950), p. 168. 



• Bulletin of May 1, 1949, p. 556. 



JANUARY 27, 10G4 



137 



must cover more than the application of en- 
forcement measures, since it is plain that mere 
discussion of a question by an organ of the 
United Nations does not constitute intervention. 
At the other extreme, the very terms of article 
2, paragraph 7, make it plain that that clause 
shall not prejudice the application of enforce- 
ment measures under chapter VII. What 
about the areas in between ? 

As to these areas, my delegation, at this initial 
stage of the committee's study of the principle 
of nonintervention, wishes to raise questions 
rather than give answers. The problems are 
complex, and they are important. They do not 
admit of easy answers. Still less do they admit 
of facile reformulations of principle. 

A few of the relevant questions are these. If 
it may be said that intervention draws from 
interstate relations the connotation of the im- 
perative, does it follow that a mere recommen- 
dation by a United Nations organ, which nor- 
mally lacks such imperative connotation, does 
not constitute intervention? Does a recom- 
mendatory resolution which is directly spe- 
cifically to a state, and calls upon it to take 
measures in a sphere essentially within its do- 
mestic jurisdiction, constitute intervention? 

By way of shedding some light upon the latter 
question, I may note that it is the view of the 
delegation of the United States that the injunc- 
tion of article 2, paragraph 7, extends further 
than decisions of a legally binding character 
under article 25. Any other position would 
render article 2, paragraph 7, applicable only 
to the Security Council, and to only a part — 
and the less frequently exercised part — of the 
Council's functions. Such a conception, though 
supported by such authorities as Professor 
[Julius] Stone and, with some reservation, Sir 
Hersch Lauterpacht, would, arguably, view the 
role of the various organs of the United Nations 
as they may have been originally conceived but 
not as they have developed in practice. 

The functions of United Nations organs are 
not static, frozen as of the date the charter 
entered into force. The response of those 
organs to new challenges — recent history to us 
now— were, in 1945, veiled by the future. 

Weakening of the Security Council by (he 
abuse of the veto has thrust upon other organs 



of the United Nations considerable responsi- 
bilities. Those organs, notably the General 
Assembly, have sought and found means to give 
their actions effectiveness commensurate with 
the organization's responsibilities. To assert 
that resolutions of the General Assembly are 
necessarily devoid of any element of the impera- 
tive even where such resolutions, as to states 
members, are only recommendatory is to shut 
our eyes, for example, to General Assembly 
resolutions establishing and regulating mili- 
tary-type forces. There is, of course, the 
imperative financial aspect authorized by 
article 17 and sustained by the International 
Court of Justice. There is, moreover, an imper- 
ative element insofar as instructions are given 
to the Secretary-General. Moreover, even 
where such mandatory aspects are not present 
in a resolution of the General Assembly, it may 
be asked — to raise another question — whether 
the recommendations of that organ may not 
assume fresh emphasis because of the compe- 
tence of that organ to take imperative measures 
within a related administrative and financial 
sphere. Whatever the answer to this question, 
it should be noted that, if the General Assembly 
makes recommendations to members which 
plainly will not be followed, it runs the risk of 
debasing its currency. 

We also should note the tendency of organs 
of the United Nations to recognize and accept 
determinations of fact and policy by other 
organs. The resolutions of the Security Coun- 
cil not uncommonly give a certain weight to 
previous resolutions of other organs. In some 
cases this result appears to have been fully in- 
tended. However, in any case the Security 
Council remains master of its own judgment, 
and it is important and right that this be so. 

It should be added that, in the original Dum- 
barton Oaks proposals, the provision which be- 
came article 2, paragraph 7, related to the Secu- 
rity Council alone. During the consideration 
at San Francisco it was placed in a broader 
context, relating to the organization as a whole, 
as the functions of the other organs assumed a 
greater significance in the minds of the charter's 
drafters. This change supports the proposi- 
tion, if reinforcement were needed, that article 
2, paragraph 7, was intended by the authors of 



138 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



the charter to apply to organs other than the 
Security Council. 

Consideration of these factors leads to the 
conclusion that the determination whether ac- 
tion by a United Nations organ has the impera- 
tive element which is important to the concept 
of "intervention" is necessarily one to be an- 
swered in the context of a sophisticated analysis 
of the language of the resolution and the attend- 
ant circumstances. There can be no pat and 
automatic answer to the complex question of 
the relationship of this organization to its mem- 
ber states in diverse political situations. In 
short, not only the Security Council can be 
guilty of intervention. 

From what has been said it will be clear that 
the United States delegation would reply nega- 
tively to a further question which certain dele- 
gations have raised, namely, is the test of 
whether or not a recommendation constitutes 
intervention whether the recommendation is ad- 
dressed to all members of the organization or 
merely to one or a few of them ? The addressees 
of a recommendation are logically determined 
by the scope of the situation under considera- 
tion. Where the situation in a single state, or 
a few states, is at issue, no logical consideration 
would be served, and no legal aspect would be 
altered, by casting the resolution in general 
rather than specific form. 

Question of Domestic Jurisdiction 

Let us turn now to the question of what mat- 
ters lie "essentially within the domestic juris- 
diction of any state." The change from the 
term "solely," which was used in article 15, para- 
graph 8, of the Covenant of the League of 
Nations, does not, in the view of my delegation, 
have substantive effect. In saying this, my dele- 
gation is not unaware that this difference in 
language was emphasized, to another effect, in 
the opinion of Judge [Sergei B.] Krylov in the 
advisory opinion of the International Court 
of Justice on the Interpretation of the Peace 
Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. 
Suffice it to say that his opinion represented a 
minority dissent from the majority opinion, and 
a small minority at that. 

Whether a matter lies essentially within the 
domestic jurisdiction of a state depends in the 



first instance on the scope and content of inter- 
national law. As the International Court of 
Justice staled in tin- Peace Treaties ca 

The Interpretation of the terms of a treaty for this 
purpose could not be considered as a question e 
tially within the domestic jurisdiction of a State. 
It is a question of international law which, by its very 
nature, lies within the competence of the Court. 

These considerations also suffice to dispose of the 
objection based on the principle of domestic juris- 
diction and directed sjiecifieally against the compe- 
tence of the Court, namely, that the Court, as an 
organ of the United Nations, is bound to observe 
the provisions of the Charter, including Article 2, 
paragraph 7. 

Characteristic of contemporary international 
society is a growing network of legal rules. 
They complement the practice of states which 
reflects a recognition of international obliga- 
tions as to matters previously considered within 
their unfettered discretion. There is, more 
particularly, a marked growth of treaty rela- 
tionships by which states voluntarily assume 
international obligations concerning, and thus 
grant international character to, matters which 
may previously have been within their domestic 
jurisdiction. That the international character 
of a question is a consequence of the acceptance 
of international obligations concerning it was 
recognized by the Permanent Court of Inter- 
national Justice in its opinion concerning the 
Nationality Decrees Issued in Tunis and 
Morocco : s 

The words "solely within the domestic jurisdiction" 
[appearing in article 15(8) of the covenant] seem . . . 
to contemplate certain matters which, though they may 
very closely concern the interests of more than one 
State, are not, in principle, regulated by international 
law. As regards such matters, each State is sole 
judge. 

The question whether a certain matter is or is not 
solely within the jurisdiction of a State is an essen- 
tially relative question; it depends upon the develop- 
ment of international relations. Thus, in the present 
state of international law, questions of nationality are, 
in the opinion of the Court, in principle within this re- 
served domain. 

For the purpose of the present opinion, it is enough 
to observe that it may well happen that, in a matter 
which, like that of nationality, is not. in principle, 
regulated by international law, the right of a State 



'I.C.J. Reports. I960, pp. 70-71. 

8 P.C.I. J., Series B, No. 4 (1923) , p. 23. 



JANUARY 2-i 



139 



to use its discretion is nevertheless restricted by obli- 
gations which it may have undertaken towards other 
States. In such a case, jurisdiction which, in prin- 
ciple, belongs solely to the State, is limited by rules 
of international law. Article 15, paragraph 8, then 
ceases to apply as regards those States which are en- 
titled to invoke such rules, and the dispute as to the 
question whether a State has or has not the right to take 
certain measures becomes in these circumstances a 
dispute of an international character .... 

It must again, in this context, be recalled that 
efforts to distinguish this case on the basis of the 
difference in wording between article 15, para- 
graph 8, of the covenant and article 2, para- 
graph 7, of the charter were not accepted by the 
majority of the Court in its advisory opinion in 
the Peace Treaties case. 

In any event, in the area of most immediate 
concern, namely, the maintenance of interna- 
tional peace and security, it is clear that the 
provisions of the charter have placed within the 
international sphere the full competence neces- 
sary for effective action by United Nations 
organs. In becoming parties to the charter, the 
members of the organization have assumed the 
obligations contemplated in paragraphs 3, 4, 
and 5 of article 2. Matters relating to those 
provisions could, accordingly, not lie essentially 
within the domestic jurisdiction of states. 

Thus the Security Council acts with regard to 
disputes or situations whose continuance is 
likely to endanger the maintenance of interna- 
tional peace and security, under chapter VI. 
It also acts with regard to threats to the peace, 
breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression, 
under chapter VII. The General Assembly may 
discuss and make recommendations as to any 
questions or matters within the scope of the 
charter, as stated in article 10, except that, while 
the Security Council is exercising its functions 
in respect of a dispute or situation, the General 
Assembly, as provided in article 12, may not 
make any recommendations as to that dispute or 
situation unless the Council requests. Neither 
organ, acting within the scope of its assigned 
competence under the charter, may intervene in 
matters essentially within the domestic juris- 
diction of states. The, authors of the charter 
recognized this rule. The rapporteur of Com- 
imltee 1 of Commission I at San Francisco ob- 
served that "Roth the rule and the exception can 
be looked upon as being really implicit in any 



organization which is genuinely international in 
character." 9 

Kecognition of the fact that a matter cannot 
lie essentially within the domestic jurisdiction 
of a state if it, or its continuation, would be 
likely, in the words of chapter VI, article 33, 
to endanger the maintenance of international 
peace and security has received repeated reaffir- 
mation in the practice of the United Nations 
from its earliest years. The organization has, 
on a number of occasions, dealt with questions 
which might, under other circumstances, have 
"been considered essentially within the domestic 
jurisdiction of the state concerned. Objections 
to competence have been rejected, the organ 
concerned basing its actions on its responsibility 
'for keeping the peace. It need not be added 
that the determination of whether a matter is 
likely to endanger the maintenance of inter- 
national peace and security is an important 
question, which must be answered, in good faith, 
with a regard for the facts. Merely saying 
that a matter is likely to endanger the main- 
tenance of international peace and security, or 
in the words of chapter VII, article 39, is a 
threat to the peace does not in fact make it so. 
Here, too, loose and emotional usage could 
weaken the credit and creditability of the orga- 
nization's holdings — could debase the currency 
of international confidence which the organiza- 
tion must maintain. 

Determination of Competence 

A third aspect of the study of the import and 
scope of article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter 
relates to the procedures by which that pro- 
vision has been and should be implemented by 
organs of the United Nations. Here we find 
that the difference in wording between article 
15, paragraph 8, of the Covenant of the League 
and article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter has 
been reflected in a perceptible difference in 
practice. Article 15, paragraph 8, of the 
covenant provided : 

If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one 
of them, and is found by the Council, to arise out of a 
matter which by international law is solely within the 
domestic jurisdiction of that party, the Council shall 



* United Nations Conference on International Orga- 
nization, Documents, vol. 6, p. 487. 



140 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



so report, mul shall make no recommendation as to Its 
settlement. 

Article 15, paragraph 8, of the covenant thus 
explicitly contemplated a finding by the League 

Council responsive to the assertion thai ;i matter 
lay solely within the domestic jurisdiction of 
a state. 

In practice the League Council appears to 
have taken the position that, in view of the legal 
issues raised, that determination should be made 
by a body possessing special legal competence. 
In the Aaland Island Question the League 
Council appointed a three-member committee 
of jurists to consider and decide the Finnish 
assertion that consideration of the status of 
those islands was precluded by article 15, para- 
graph 8, of the covenant. The League Council 
indicated, however, that the preliminary ques- 
tion of domestic jurisdiction would have been 
referred to the Permanent Court of Interna- 
tional Justice had that body been constituted at 
the time. 

The question of the competence of the League 
Council to consider the dispute between Franco 
and the United Kingdom concerning the nation- 
ality decrees in Tunis and Morocco was accord- 
ingly referred to the Permanent Court of 
International Justice in 1922. The only other 
dispute in which the prohibition of article 15, 
paragraph 8, of the covenant was raised in the 
League Council was the dispute between Greece 
and Turkey concerning the Ecumenical Patri- 
arch. Prompt settlement of that dispute by 
the parties obviated the need for a determi- 
nation of the League Council's competence. 

In implementing article 2, paragraph 7, of the 
charter, however, the organs of the United Na- 
tions have followed a less formal course. The 
determination of competence has frequently 
been made by the organ involved, in the context 
of substantive action. In adopting a resolution 
after objections based on article 2, paragraph 
7, had been raised, organs of the United Nations 
have implicitly rejected those objections. On 
other occasions the organ concerned has either 
rejected motions that it lacked competence on 
grounds of article 2, paragraph 7 (as the Ad 
Hoc Political Committee of the General Assem- 
bly did at the seventh and eighth sessions in con- 
nection with the question of apartheid) or has 



affirmatively decided in favor of its compel 

(as the First Committee of the General Assem- 
bly did at t he third and fourl I as in con- 
nection with the question of t he threat to the 
political independence and territorial integrity 
of Greece). Both the Security Council (in 
connection with the Indonesian question in 
1947) and the General Assembly (at the first 
session in connection with the question of the 
treatment of people of Indian origin in the 

Union of South Africa) have rejected pr<.| I 

that an advisory opinion on the question of com- 
petence be sought from the International Court 
of Justice. 

In the view of the United States delegation, 
this less formal procedure is not, in principle, 
objectionable. It comports, as we have indi- 
cated, with the terms of article 2, paragraph 7. 
Moreover, it appears to have been contemplated 
by the authors of the charter that organs of the 
United Nations would, at least where no com- 
pelling controversy was raised, interpret the 
charter. In answering the question of which 
organ or organs of the United Nations should 
be entrusted with the responsibility of inter- 
preting the charter, Committee 2 of Commission 
II at San Francisco stated : 10 

In the course of operations from day to day of the 
various organs of the Organization, it is inevitable that 
each organ will interpret such parts of the Charter as 
are applicable to its particular functions. This process 
is inherent in the functioning of any body which oper- 
ates under an instrument defining its functions and 
powers. It will be manifested in the functioning of 
such a body as the General Assembly, the Security 
Council, or the International Court of Justice. . . . 
Difficulties may conceivably arise in the event that 
there should be a difference of opinion among the 
organs of the Organization concerning the correct 
interpretation of a provision of the Charter. ... It 
would always be open to the General Assembly or to 
the Security Council, in appropriate circumstances, 
to ask the International Court of Justice for an advi- 
sory opinion concerning the meaning of a provision of 
the Charter. 

However, it may well be that the practice of 
the organization reflects some instances in which 
an advisory opinion could usefully have been 
requested from the International Court of Jus- 
tice. And this, too, as the foregoing quotation 



'Ibid., vol. 13, p. 709. 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



141 



indicates, was contemplated by the authors of 
the charter. Certain benefits flow from a re- 
quest for an advisory opinion in cases where the 
issue of competence has been persuasively chal- 
lenged on the ground of article 2, paragraph 7. 
Not only would subsequent action by the Gen- 
eral Assembly or the Security Council proceed 
with greater clarity on the basis of the Court's 
opinion, but it is possible to anticipate greater 
cooperation on the part of the state raising the 
jurisdictional objection if its juridical anxieties 
have been allayed or authoritatively dealt with. 
Moreover, we all would benefit from a lucid 
exposition by the Court of the complex prob- 
lems inherent in article 2, paragraph 7. 

In suggesting that the International Court 
of Justice might, in appropriate cases, be asked 
to pass upon the question whether a matter 
before a United Nations organ lies essentially 
within its domestic jurisdiction, the United 
States delegation is not unaware that article 
2, paragraph 7, of the charter, unlike article 
15, paragraph 8, of the covenant, contains no 
reference to international law. This omission 
is not inadvertent. The rights and obligations 
of states, and the competence of international 
organizations brought into being by a multi- 
lateral treaty, must be interpreted in the light 
of international law. No express reference is 
necessary in the charter's text to establish that. 
At the San Francisco Conference the representa- 
tive of Australia stated, in this connection, that 
he saw no possible criterion other than interna- 
tional law which could be used and that ac- 
cordingly he saw no need for including a 
reference to it in the article. And if these legal 
characteristics are recognized, there can be little 
question that a case where a substantial question 
exists would warrant a resort to the advisory 
jurisdiction of the International Court of 
Justice. 

The preceding discussion has focused on the 
United Nations because of its primary role in 
the galaxy of international organizations. But 
the problem may arise in other international 
organizations, for example in the specialized 
agencies or the International Atomic Energy 
Agency. Some of these, such as the Agency, 
have constitutional provisions equivalent to 
article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter. Issues 
such provisions present may be dealt with by 



criteria similar to those applied to the United 
Nations. Some of these organizations do not 
have the authority to take action with that de- 
gree of compulsion normally necessary to con- 
stitute intervention, and the issue, consequently, 
may be said not to arise. As to other organiza- 
tions which have such authority but are not 
barred by a provision equivalent to article 2, 
paragraph 7, of the charter, the issue may be 
posed as a basic question of competence. In 
such cases the issue will be whether the com- 
plainant state has exclusive competence over 
the subject matter or, to put it differently, 
whether the subject matter has an international 
character. And in these cases it will be recog- 
nized that the most significant legal obligations, 
and thus the most significant source of an inter- 
national character, may well be the constitu- 
tional instrument of the international organi- 
zation concerned. 

Contributing to Development of Law 

Mr. Chairman, in reviewing the present state 
of international law relevant to noninterven- 
tion, and the political and legal factors of the 
past which have shaped it, my delegation has 
done no more than to scratch the extensive sur- 
face of the problem. This has been a prelimi- 
nary attempt to examine elements of a signifi- 
cant aspect of international law which must, 
in large measure, sustain the just and ordered 
international society to which we aspire. The 
evolutionary character of that international 
law, as reflected in its response, in the 19th and 
20th centuries, to the growing recognition of the 
needs of an increasingly interdependent inter- 
national community, has given pertinence to the 
legal concept of nonintervention in a multi- 
plicity of temporal and factual contexts. To 
contribute, in the continuity of that evolutionary 
process, to the development of an international 
law responsive to present and future needs 
will constitute the ultimate justification of our 
efforts in the Legal Committee of the United 
Nations. 

Such a contribution will not come from facile 
formulations. It will not come from partisan 
proclamations. It will not come from declara- 
tions which, in denying the difficulties and depth 
of the subject before us, do scant credit to our 



142 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE Brjni^ETIN 



legal insight or political acumen. We rather 
can significantly contribute to the progressive 
development of international law by the pro- 
gressively more profound study and analysis of 
the complexity and challenge of the law. 
Through such study and analysis there may 
emerge that enhanced understanding and ap- 
preciation of the law which may promote its 
more effective application. 



U.S. To Propose Action To Halt 
Rise in Coffee Prices 

Department Statement 

Press release 14 dated January 10 

The Department of State today [January 10] 
advised diplomatic representatives of countries 
that are members of the Executive Board of the 
International Coffee Agreement of action the 
United States Government will recommend to 
the International Coffee Organization at the 
January 27 meeting of the Executive Board to 
halt a rise in coffee prices. 

In late September, as a consequence of an 
unprecedented combination of natural disasters 
that severely damaged coffee plantations in 
Brazil, green coffee prices began to rise. In the 
past 2 weeks the rise has assumed disturbing 
proportions. (Spot prices for Brazil Santos 4's 
reached 46.25 cents a pound yesterday com- 
pared to 33 cents in September and 38.75 cents 
2 weeks ago. Latin American "milds" and Af- 
rican "robusta" coffees have also made sharp 
advances, as have coffee futures.) 

In this situation the United States Govern- 
ment believes that corrective action must be 
taken by the International Coffee Organization 
to insure that the agreement does not restrict 
supplies necessary to meet the full needs of the 
market. The United States Government will, 
therefore, recommend a radical upward adjust- 
ment in export quotas. These quotas have been 
set under the International Coffee Agreement 
at a level that is ample to meet normal consump- 
tion requirements. However, in today's ab- 
normal market in which traders and roasters 
are buying heavily as a safeguard against the 



possibility of future supply shortages, a major 
increase in quotas clearly is called for. 

Last November, when the United States pro- 
posed an increase in export quotas, some produc- 
ers were reluctant to support the action, believ- 
ing the price increase to be only a temporary 
flurry. The intervening weeks have made it 
clear that prompt corrective action is needed to 
reassure the market there is no coffee short ago. 
The United States Government is confident that 
the members of the International Coffee Or- 
ganization will support such action. 



President Names Ellsworth Bunker 
Ambassador to OAS 

Statement by President Johnson 

White House press release (Austin, Tex.) dated January 2 

I am very pleased to announce the appoint- 
ment today [January 2] of Ellsworth Bunker 
as our Ambassador to the Organization of 
American States. 

Ambassador Bunker is an experienced diplo- 
mat who has served the Nation well in a variety 
of difficult assignments. His assignment to this 
post is in line with our desire to carry on and 
strengthen this Government's relations with the 
countries of the hemisphere. The OAS is an 
important instrument in the maintenance of 
political and economic stability in the hemi- 
sphere. We intend to give every support to the 
Organization of American States, and I look 
forward to Ambassador Bunker's contribution 
to this end. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those 
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries 
in the Unitt rf States. V.N. printed publicatUms may be 
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Nations, 
United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 

General Assembly 

Question of South West Africa. Special Educational 
and Training Programmes for South West Africans. 
Report of the Secretary-General. A/552G/Add.l. 
October 22, 1963. 2 pp. 



14.", 



The Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa : 

Report of the Special Committee on the policies of 
apartheid of the Government of the Republic of 
South Africa. A/5497/Add.2. October 31, 1963. 
18 pp. 
Report of the Secretary-General. A/5614, Novem- 
ber 19, 1903, 14 pp.; A/5614/Add.l, December 2, 
1963. 5 pp. ; A/5614/Add.2. December 6. 1963, 2 pp. 
Note by the Secretariat containing a brief indication 
of measures reported bv member states pursuant 
to Resolution 1761 (XVII). A/SPC/94. No- 
vember 22, 1963. 29 pp. 
Report of the Special Committee on the Situation With 
Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on 
the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries 
and Peoples. A/5446, October 30, 1963, 381 pp., and 
Corr. 1, December 6, 1963, 1 p. 
Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. 
Observations from Governments. A/5411/Add.2. 
October 25, 1963. 3 pp. 
Technical Assistance To Promote the Teaching, Study, 
Dissemination and Wider Appreciation of Interna- 
tional Law. Report of the Secretary-General with a 
view to the strengthening of the practical applica- 
tion of international law. A/5585, October 29, 1963, 
45 pp., and Corr. 1, November 11, 1963, 1 p. 
Special Training Programme for Territories Under 
Portuguese Administration. Report of the Secre- 
tary-General. A/5531/Rev.l, October 30, 1963, 25 
pp. ; A/5531/Rev.l/Add.l, November 27, 1963, 2 pp. ; 
A/5531/Rev.l/Add.2, December 3, 1963, 1 p. 
Question of Oman. Cable dated October 26, 1963, from 
the Sultan of Muscat and Oman to the President of 
the General Assembly. A/C.4/619. October 31, 
1963. 1 p. 
Manifestations of Racial Prejudice and National and 
Religious Intolerance. Report of the Secretary- 
General. A/5473/Add.2. November 7, 1963. 14 pp. 
Territories Under Portuguese Administration. Re- 
quests for hearings. Letter dated November 4, 1963, 
from Mr. Henrique Galvao addressed to the Chair- 
man of the Fourth Committee. A/C.4/600/Add.5. 
November 11, 1963. 2 pp. 
Denuclearization of Latin America. Letter dated No- 
vember 14, 1963, from the representatives of Bolivia, 
Chile, Ecuador, and Mexico to the Secretary-General. 
A/5415/Rev. 1. November 14, 1963. 2 pp. 
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. In- 
formation on space launehings : Letter dated No- 
vember 7, 1963, from the representative of the United 
States to the Secretary-General, A/AC.105/INF.50, 
November 14, 1963, 2 pp. ; letter dated December 5, 
1963, from the representative of the U.S.S.R. to the 
Chairman of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses 
of Outer Space, A/AC.105/INF.51, December 5, 1963, 
2 pp. 
United Nations International School. Report of the 
Secretary-General. A/5607. November 15, 1963, 
23 pp. 
Human Rights Day : Observance of the 14th anni- 
versary of the adoption of the Universal Declara- 
tion of Human Rights. Report of the Secretary- 
General. A/INF/105. November 18, 1963. 11 pp. 
International Co-Operation in the Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space. Additional report of the Committee 
on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. A/5549/ 
Add.l. November 27, 1963. 42 pp. 
Question of South West Africa. Report of the Secre- 
tary-General. A/5634. December 2, 1963. 4 pp. 
Review of the Pattern of Conferences. Report of the 
Secretary-General. A/5638, December 3, 1963, 25 pp. ; 
Corr. 1, December 4, 1963, 1 p. ; Corr. 2, December 9, 
1968, 1 p. 

1 Not in force. 



Note Verbale dated November 29, 1963, from the repre- 
sentative of the United States transmitting a report 
of the Unified Command regarding the detention 
of two officers of the U.N. Command by the 
Korean People's Army/Chinese People's Volunteers 
in North Korea. A/5641. December 4, 1963. 3 pp. 

Letter dated December 2, 1963, from the representa- 
tives of several countries to the Secretary-General 
requesting inclusion in the agenda of the 18th ses- 
sion of the General Assembly of an additional item 
entitled : Admission of New Members to the United 
Nations. A/5640. December 4, 1963. 2 pp. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Automotive Traffic 

Customs convention on the temporary importation of 
private road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 
1954. Entered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 
3943. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Jamaica, 
November 11, 1963. 

Diplomatic Relations 

Optional protocol to Vienna convention on diplomatic 
relations concerning compulsory settlement of dis- 
putes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961. 1 
Ratification deposited: Switzerland, November 22, 
1963. 

International Court of Justice 

Statute of the International Court of Justice (59 Stat. 
1055). 

Declarations recognizing compulsory jurisdiction 
deposited: Somali Republic (with conditions), 
April 11. 1963; Uganda (with a condition), Oc- 
tober 3, 1963. 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos- 
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at 
Moscow August 5, 1963. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 10, 1963. TIAS 5433. 
Ratifications deposited: Rwanda, December 27, 1963; 

Guatemala (with a statement), January 6, 1964; 

Finland, Ghana, January 9, 1964. 

Patents 

Agreement for the mutual safeguarding of secrecy of 
inventions relating to defense and for which applica- 
tions for patents have been made. Done at Paris 
September 21, 1960. Entered into force January 12, 
1961. TIAS 4672. 

Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Germany, 
January 6, 1964. 

Trade 

Proces-verbal extending declaration on provisional ac- 
cession of Tunisia to the General Agreement on 



144 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Tariffs and Trade of November 12, 1969 (TIAS 
4498). Done at Geneva December 12, 1063. 1 
Signature: United States, January G, 1904. 

Whaling 

International whaling convention with schedule of 
whaling regulations. Signed at Washington De- 
cember 2, 1946. Entered into force November 10, 
1948. TIAS 1S49. 

Notification of withdrawal: Sweden, December 18, 
1963, effective June 30, 1964. 



BILATERAL 



Mexico 

Agreement extending the air transport agreement of 
August 15, 1960 (TIAS 4675). Effected by exchange 
of notes at Mexico August 14, 1963. Entered Into 
force provisionally August 15, 1963. 
Entered into force definitively: January 6, 1964. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement continuing in force for Southern Rhodesia, 
Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland individually in- 
come tax convention of April 16, 1945, as modified 
and extended to certain overseas territories of the 
United Kingdom (TIAS 1546, 3165, 4124, 4141). 
Effected by exchange of notes at Washington De- 
cember 31, 1963. Entered into force December 31, 
1963. 

Venezuela 

Agreement relating to effectiveness of the United States 
revised tariff schedules to the trade agreement of 
November 6, 1939, as supplemented (54 Stat. 2375; 
TIAS 2565). Effected by exchange of notes at 
Caracas July 15 and 23, 1963. Entered into force 
July 23, 1963. 



PUBLICATIONS 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Consulates Established 
at Blantyre and Lusaka 

Department notice dated January 2 

Effective January 1, 1964, the Office of Resident Con- 
sul at Blantyre, Nyasaland, will be superseded by the 
establishment of Consulate Blantyre. Edward W. 
Holmes will be Principal Officer. 

Effective January 1, 1964, the Office of Resident Con- 
sul at Lusaka, Northern Rhodesia, will be superseded 
by the establishment of Consulate Lusaka. Robert C. 
Foulon will be Principal Officer. 



1 Not in force. 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, D.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.O., 20402. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, except in the case of free publications, which 
may be obtained from the Office of Media Services, 
Department of State. 

High Seas Fisheries of the North Pacific Ocean. 
Amendments to the annex to the convention of May 9, 
1952, with Canada and Japan. Recommendations re- 
lating to halibut and to herring adopted at the ninth 
annual meeting of the International North Pacific 
Fisheries Commission, at Seattle, November 17. 19(12, 
and amended, with respect to herring. January 25, 1963. 
Notifications of acceptance received by the Commis- 
sion from Japan on February 26, 1963, from the United 
States of America on March 23, 1963, and from Canada 
on May 8, 1963. Entered into force May 8, 1963. TIAS 
5385. 4 pp. 50. 

Defense — Loan of Additional Vessel. Agreement with 
Pakistan. Exchanges of notes — Signed at Karachi 
and Rawalpindi April 22 and June 9, 14. and 29. 1963. 
Entered into force June 29, 1963. TIAS 5390. 3 
pp. 50. 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with Portugal, amending the agreement of 
November 28, 1961. Exchanges of notes — Dated at 
Lisbon June 5 and 26, 1963. Entered into force June 
26, 1963. TIAS 5392. 3 pp. 5tf. 

Tracking Stations. Agreement with Spain, extending 
and amending the agreement of March 11 and 18, 19G0. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Madrid June 27 and 28, 
1963. Entered into force July 1, 1963. TIAS 5393. 
3 pp. 54. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Guinea. 
Signed at Conakry May 22, 1963. Entered into force 
May 22, 1963. With exchange of notes. TIAS 5394. 
14 pp. 10*. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Jordan re- 
lating to the agreement of July 10 and September 24, 
1956, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Am- 
man June 25, 1963. Entered into force June 25, 1963. 
TIAS 5395. 4 pp. 5*. 

Trade. Agreement with Paraguay, terminating parts 
and amending and continuing parts of the agreement 
of September 12, 1946, as amended. Exchange of 
notes — Signed at Asunci6n June 26, 1963. Entered 
into force June 26, 1963. TIAS 5396. 3 pp. 54. 

Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Civil Uses. Acree- 
ment with United Kingdom, amending the agreement 
of June 15, 1955, as amended. Signed at Washington 
June 5, 1963. Entered into force July 31, 1963. TIAS 
5397. 3 pp. 5*. 

Agricultural Trade. Agreement with the Dominican 
Republic. Signed at Washington August 13, 1963. 
Entered into force August 13, 1963. TIAS 5398. 4 pp. 

Mutual Defense Assistance — Cash Contribution by- 
Japan. Arrangement with Japan relating to the 
agreement of March 8, 1954. Exchange of notes — 



JANUARY 27, 1964 



145 



Signed at Tokyo July 19, 1963. Entered into force 
July 19, 1963. TIAS 5399. 5 pp. 54- 

Trade. Agreement with Switzerland relating to 
United States schedules to the agreements of Janu- 
ary 9, 1936, and June 8, 1955. Exchange of notes- 
Dated at Bern July 10 and 11, 1963. Entered into 
force July 11, 1963. TIAS 5400. 3 pp. 54. 
International Labor Organization— Amendment of the 
Constitution, 1962. Instrument of amendment adopted 
by the General Conference of the International Labor 
Organization, at the forty-sixth session, Geneva, June 
22, 1962. Entered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5401. 
7 pp. 10(f. 

Trade. Agreement with Argentina relating to United 
States schedules to the agreement of October 14, 1941. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Buenos Aires July 24, 
1963. Entered into force July 24, 1963. TIAS 5402. 
4 pp. 54. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Re- 
public of Korea, amending the agreement of November 
7, 1962, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at 
Seoul August 16, 1963. Entered into force August 16, 
1963. TIAS 5403. 2 pp. 5<f. 

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Tenth 
Protocol of supplementary concessions to the agree- 
ment of October 30, 1947. Done at Geneva January 28, 
1963. Entered into force August 15, 1963. TIAS 5404. 
14 pp. lOtf. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Colombia, 
amending the agreements of June 23, 1955, April 16. 
1957, and March 14, 195S, as amended. Exchange of 
notes — Signed at Washington August 14, 1963. En- 
tered into force August 14, 1963. TIAS 5405. 3 pp. 
54. 

Air Service — Lease of Equipment. Agreement with 
the Federal Republic of Germany, extending the agree- 
ment of August 2, 1955, as extended. Exchange of 
notes — Dated at Bonn/ Bad Godesberg and Bonn July 
1 and 24, 1963. Entered into force July 24, 1963. 
TIAS 5406. 4 pp. 50. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with the Malagasy 
Republic. Exchange of notes — Signed at Tananarive 
July 26, 1963. Entered into force July 26, 1963. TIAS 
5407. 5 pp. 50. 

Trade in Cotton Textiles. Arrangement with Japan. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington August 27, 
1963. Entered into force August 27, 1963. Operative 
retroactively January 1, 1963. With exchanges of let- 
ters. TIAS 5408. 23 pp. 150. 

Trade — Zipper Chain. Understandings with Japan. 
Exchange of letters — Signed at Washington August 28, 
1963. Entered into force August 28, 1963. TIAS 5409. 
3 pp. 50. 

Neutrality of Laos. Declaration and protocol be- 
tween the United States and Other Governments. 
Signed at Geneva July 23, 1962. Entered into force 
• inly J.',. 1962. With United States letter— Signed at 
Geneva July 18, 1!M»2. TIAS 5410. 64 pp. 250. 

Cultural Relations. Agreement with Iraq. Signed at 
Baghdad January 23, 1961. Entered into force August 
13, 1903. TIAS 5411. 6 pp. 50. 

Education — Financing of Exchange Programs. Agree- 
ment with Brazil, amending the agreement of Novem- 
ber 5, 1957, as amended. Exchange of notes — Signed 
al Kio de Janeiro May 20 and June 6, 1963. Entered 
into force June C, 1963. TIAS 5412. 4 pp. 50. 

Mutual Defense Assistance — Disposition of Equipment 

and Materials (Machine Tools). Agreement with the 

■I Kingdom. Exchange of notes— Signed at Lon- 



don August 28, 1963. Entered into force August 28, 
1963. TIAS 5413. 3 pp. 50. 

Defense — Loan of Aircraft. Agreements with Saudi 
Arabia. Exchange of notes — Signed at Jidda Novem- 
ber 10 and 13, 1962. Entered into force November 13, 

1962. And signed at Jidda May 1 and 22, 1963. En- 
tered into force May 22, 1963. TIAS 5414. 6 pp. 54. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreements with Paki- 
stan, amending the agreement of October 14, 1961, as 
amended. Exchanges of notes — Signed at Karachi 
May 31, 1963. Entered into force May 31, 1963. TIAS 
5415. 4 pp. 54. 

Visas — Abolition of Fees. Agreement with the United 
Arab Republic. Exchange of notes — Dated at Cairo 
June 3 and August 1, 1963. Entered into force Au- 
gust 1, 1963. TIAS 5416. 4 pp. 54. 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 
Agreement with Iraq. Signed at Baghdad August 27, 

1963. Entered into force August 27, 1963. With ex- 
change of notes. TIAS 5417. 11 pp. lOtf. 

Visas — Extension of Validity of Diplomatic and Official 
Visas for Accredited Officials. Agreement with Spain, 
amending the agreement of January 21, 1952. Ex- 
change of notes — Dated at Madrid Mav 11 and July 5, 
1963. Entered into force July 5, 1963. TIAS 5418. 
4 pp. 54. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with Viet-Nam, 
relating to the agreement of November 5, 1957. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Saigon August 8, 1963. 
Entered into force August 8, 1963. TIAS 5419. 3 pp. 
54. 

Education — Commission for Educational Exchange 
and Financing of Exchange Programs. Agreement 
with Afghanistan. Signed at Kabul August 20, 1963. 
Entered into force August 20, 1963. TIAS 5421. 13 
pp. 104. 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 6-12 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C., 
20520. 

No. Date Subject 

* 5 1/6 U.S. -Japan Committee on Trade and 

Economic Affairs. 

* 6 1/6 U.S. participation in international 

conferences. 

* 7 1/6 Rusk biography. 

8 1/9 Ball: "Profitable Growth and Our 
World Position." 

* 9 1/8 Retirement of Ernest R. Perkins. 
flO 1/8 Rostow: "Shaping the Future." 

11 1/10 Rusk: "The First 25 Years of the 

U.N. — From San Francisco to the 

1970's." 
*12 1/9 Blair House reopened. 
tl3 1/10 Removal of restrictions on U.S. 

exports. 
14 1/10 Recommendation for action to check 

coffee price rise. 
*15 1/10 Program fur visit of President Segni 

of Italy. 



♦Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



1 Hi 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INDEX January 27, 1964 Vol. L, No. 1283 

American Republics. President Names Ells- 
worth Bunker Ambassador to OAS (Johnson) . 143 

Congress 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy 122 

President Disapproves Legislation on Import 

Marking Requirements (Johnson) 120 

The State of the Union (excerpt from Presi- 
dent Johnson's message) 110 

Department and Foreign Service 

Consulates Established at Blantyre and Lusaka . 145 

President Names Ellsworth Bunker Ambassador 
to OAS (Johnson) 143 

Disarmament 

Committee To Study Economic Impact of De- 
fense and Disarmament (text of memoran- 
dum) 120 

William C. Foster Named To Head Delegation 

to Disarmament Talks 110 

Economic Affairs 

Committee To Study Economic Impact of De- 
fense and Disarmament (text of memoran- 
dum) 120 

President Disapproves Legislation on Import 

Marking Requirements (Johnson) 120 

Profitable Growth and Our World Position 

(Ball) 123 

U.S. To Propose Action To Halt Rise in Coffee 

Prices 143 

Foreign Aid. President Appoints Committee To 
Review Foreign Aid Programs (Johnson) . . 128 

International Law. Principles of International 
Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co- 
operation Among States : International Law 
and Nonintervention (Plimpton) 133 

International Organizations and Conferences 

President Names Ellsworth Bunker Ambassador 

to OAS (Johnson) 143 

U.S. To Propose Action To Halt Rise in Coffee 

Prices 143 

William C. Foster Named To Head Delegation 

to Disarmament Talks 110 

Military Affairs. Committee To Study Economic 
Impact of Defense and Disarmament (text of 
memorandum) 120 



Northern Rhodesia. Consulates Established at 

Blantyre and Lusaka L40 

Nyasaland. Consulates Established at Blantyre 
and Lusaka 146 

Presidential Documents 

Committee To Study Economic Impact of De- 
fense and Disarmament 120 

President and Soviet Leaders Exchange New 
Year's Messages 121 

President Appoints Committee To Review For- 
eign Aid Programs 128 

President Disapproves Legislation on Import 

Marking Requirements 120 

President Names Ellsworth Bunker Ambassador 

to OAS 143 

President Pledges Continuing Support to Re- 
public of Viet-Nam 121 

The State of the Union (excerpt) 110 

Publications. Recent Releases 145 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 144 

U.S.S.R. President and Soviet Leaders Ex- 
change New Year's Messages (Johnson, Brezh- 
nev, Khrushchev) 121 

United Nations 

Accomplishments of 18th Session of U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly (Stevenson) 130 

Current U.N. Documents 143 

The First Twenty-Five Years of the United Na- 
tions — From San Francisco to the 1970's 
(Rusk) 112 

Principles of International Law Concerning 
Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among 
States : International Law and Noninterven- 
tion (Plimpton) 133 

Viet-Nam. President Pledges Continuing Sup- 
port to Republic of Viet-Nam 121 

Name Index 

Ball, George W 123 

Brezhnev, Leonid 121 

Bunker, Ellsworth 143 

Foster, William C 119 

Johnson, President . . . .110,120,121,128,120,143 

Khrushchev, Nikita 121 

Plimpton, Francis T. P 133 

Rusk, Secretary 112 

Stevenson, Adlai E 130 



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Foreign Relations of the United States 

1941, Volume VI, The American Republics 

The Department of State recently released Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941, Volume VI, 
The American Republics, which completes the documentary record on relations with the other American 
Republics in 1941. 

This volume contains a "General" section on U.S. multilateral relations and country sections 
on bilateral relations with Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, and Chile. The documentation on bilateral rela- 
tions with the other individual American Republics in 1941 is contained in volume VII, published in 
December 1962. 

The subjects treated in this volume relate primarily to problems of continental solidarity and 
defense created by World War II and the reactions upon inter- American relations of the attack at 
Pearl Harbor and the declarations of war between the United States and the Axis powers. Other topics 
treated include trade relations, the protection of American business interests, and good offices of the 
United States in boundary and territorial disputes. 

Copies of Foreign Relations of the United States, 194-1, Volume VI, The American Republics (pub- 
lication 7(518) and Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941, Volume VII, The American Republics 
(publication 7447) may be obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing 
Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, for $2.75 and $3.25, respectively. 



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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 




ADVANCING THE FRONTIERS OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE 
FOR THE BENEFIT OF ALL MANKIND 

Remarks by President Johnson 160 

PRESIDENT JOHNSON CALLS UPON SOVIET UNION FOR CONCRETE ACTIONS 

TO PROMOTE PEACE 

Texts of U.S. and Soviet Letters 157 

THE MAKING OF FOREIGN POLICY 
Interview With Secretary Rusk on "The Open Mind" 16£ 

SHAPING THE FUTURE 
by W. W. Rostow, Counselor 177 

THE SITUATION IN PANAMA 

UjS. Statements and Related Documents 152 



For index see inside back cover 



Advancing the Frontiers of Human Knowledge 
for the Benefit of All Mankind 



Remarks by President Johnson * 



Dr. [Melville Bell] Grosvenor, Mr. Chief 
Justice, members of the Society, my fellow 
Americans: This is a very proud and happy 
occasion. 

In the homes of our land and in all lands 
around the world, the National Geographic So- 
ciety and its magazine are old friends and a very 
welcome companion. You have broadened the 
horizons and narrowed the misunderstandings 
of many generations — and you have helped us 
all to be better citizens of the world and better 
citizens of our times. 

It is gratifying today to now join in welcom- 
ing the Society and its magazine into this new 
and magnificent home. This imposing home for 
the National Geographic stands not as a monu- 
ment to the past but as a testament of confidence 
in and enthusiasm for the future. 

For free men, whatever lands they may call 
home, these qualities are indispensable. The 

1 Made at the dedication ceremony of the National 
Geographic Society Building at Washington, D.C., on 
Jan. 18 (White House press release; as-delivered text). 



future is the special trust of the free. We are 
not likely to keep that trust or likely to keep our 
freedom unless we keep our confidence in the 
future and unless we maintain our enthusiasm 
for always meeting new challenges and new 
opportunities. 

The last four centuries of human experience 
have been centuries of exploration, discovery, 
and advancement of the frontiers of man's 
knowledge. We of this strong and still devel- 
oping young nation are more than any others 
children of those explorations. 

America as we know it, and freedom as we 
know it, could well not exist tomorrow for either 
our children or their children if we should lose 
from our national life that confidence in the 
future and that enthusiasm for exploration 
which has brought us to this high moment of 
history and high moment of hope. 

All the seas have been sailed, and all of the 
continents have been explored. The highest 
mountains have been scaled, and the darkest 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1284 PUBLICATION 7650 FEBRUARY 3, 1964 



The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
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not copyrighted and Items contained 
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source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
Is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



150 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



jungles have been penetrated. We have reached 
into the realms of space and out toward the 
domain of the stars. Yet our work is not com- 
plete, our race is not yet won. 

This generation of Americans is challenged 
to live a life of high adventure. If we are to 
keep our trust in freedom, we must in these last 
four decades of this century undertake explora- 
tions in many realms, realms which dwarf all of 
those of the last four centuries. 

"We must participate in the high adventure of 
advancing man's knowledge of both the universe 
about us and the capacities within us. 

We of this land must commit ourselves to a 
demanding life of dedicated participation in 
the forward movement of the times in which 
we live. 

We are called to the greatest works that man 
has ever done. If we are to live as free men in a 
world of danger, we must explore for new and 
better ways to maintain our security without 
impairing our solvency. 

If we are to live at peace in a world of peril, 
we must set forth to discover the secrets of 
peace just as we long ago discovered the awe- 
some secrets of war and devastation. 

If we are to live with pride in a world of 
decency, we must commit ourselves to removing 
from the earth the scars and scourge of human 
poverty, disease, ignorance, and intolerance. 

These works are not and can never be the 
works of one nation or one people alone. These 
works will be accomplished when they become 
the joint works and the common labors of na- 
tions and peoples everywhere. 

If that is to come to pass, nations must have 
more than common forums in which to meet. 
They must have common enterprises on which 
they can work together for the common good. 

We of the United States believe today, as we 
have long believed, that the realms of scientific 
explorations offer this opportunity for common 
enterprises and endeavors. 

Scientific exploration and research knows no 
national boundaries. Human knowledge is 
never the captive of international blocs. Com- 
mon sense dictates that all nations lend their 
learning to other nations. This is a loan in 
which the science of all nations is the bene- 
ficiary and the good of all mankind is advanced. 



The more that we share wit h each other, the less 
we misunderstand each other. 

Today, in this house of exploration, let us 
invite exploration by all nations, for all nations. 

The only way to begin is to begin. What 
greater challenge can there be for the National 
Geographic Society to take the initiative in this 
endeavor? Why should not the National Geo- 
graphic in this land and around the world serve 
as a clearinghouse for knowledge, to bring 
together men of science of every land, to share 
and to spread their knowledge and their talents. 
Where they begin, others will follow. So let us 
renew our hope that all nations with the interest 
and the capacity for scientific exploration unite 
in mutual enterprises of discovery to the benefit 
of their neighbor nations. 

As the late beloved President Kennedy said 
one month before his death : 2 

Recent scientific advances have not only made inter- 
national cooperation desirable but they have made it 
essential. The ocean, the atmosphere, outer space, be- 
long not to one nation or one ideology but to all 
mankind. . . . 

This is the principle upon which we stand. 

Explorations and discoveries of centuries past 
were most often meant to serve the interest and 
the advantage of individual nations. Today, 
as we meet here, we believe that the explorations 
and the discoveries of decades ahead must be 
meant to serve the aspirations and the well- 
being of individual men in all nations. 

This nation is committed now to the most in- 
tensive effort ever made by any peoples to ad- 
vance the frontiers of human knowledge. We 
shall remain committed. The cost of knowl- 
edge, whatever its price, is small against the 
price mankind has already paid throughout all 
history for his ignorance and for the darkness. 

The United States shall welcome any who 
wish to join with us in seeking to serve the com- 
mon good of mankind. But if others are not 
willing or if they are not able to join with us, 
our own endeavors will not slacken. 

I will have more to say about that in the early 
part of the week, which I hope you will follow, 
in an exchange I have with some other nation.' 

With confidence in the future and in our- 
selves, with enthusiasm for the opportunities 



2 For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 18, 1963, p. 778. 
• See p. 157. 



FEBRUARY 3, 19C4 



151 



that the future presents to us, we therefore wel- 
come the privilege of leading this century's 
great explorations to find a better life, to build 
a better world for all the races of man. 

So in this spirit, then, it is my very proud 
privilege now, on this 18th day of January in 



the year one thousand nine hundred sixty-four, 
to dedicate this beautiful new home of the great 
National Geographic Society: to the increase 
and diffusion of geographic knowledge, to man's 
eternal quest for knowledge of earth, sea and 
space. 



The Situation in Panama 



BACKGROUND 

In January 1963 the Governments of the 
United States and Panama agreed that the Pan- 
amanian flag would be flown on land in the 
Canal Zone where the U.S. flag is flown officially 
by civilian authorities. 1 In implementing this 
agreement, the Canal Zone Governor reviewed 
all flag sites on land where the U.S. flag is flown 
and decided to eliminate some. Outdoor flags 
at schools were among those eliminated. On 
January 7, 1964, students at Balboa High 
School hoisted a flag on their own in defiance 
of the Governor's orders. Two days later Pan- 
amanian students attempted to display their 
flag, and disorders ensued. 



WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT, JANUARY 102 

The President has this morning reviewed the 
situation in Panama with his senior advisers. 
lie has ordered the Assistant Secretary of State, 
Mr. [Thomas C] Mann, to proceed at once to 
the Canal Zone. The United States Govern- 
ment greatly regrets the tragic loss of life of 
Panamanians and Americans. The President 
has given most earnest instructions to General 
[Andrew P.] O'Meara, Commander in Chief, 
Southern Command (CINCSOUTH) , to do all 
that is within his power to restore and to main- 
tain peace and safety in the Canal Zone. 

The President has noted President Chiari's 



1 For text of a joint communique, see Bulletin of 
Kcli. 4, 1963, p. 171. 

* Read to news correspondents by Pierre Salinger, 
Press Secretary to the President. 



appeal to the citizens of Panama to join in the 
restoration of peace, and the President is mak- 
ing a similar appeal to the residents of the Canal 
Zone. The path to a settlement can only be 
through peace and understanding and not 
through violence. 



INTER-AMERICAN PEACE COMMITTEE 
COMMUNIQUE, JANUARY 10 

His Excellency the President of the Inter- 
American Peace Committee convened a special 
meeting today at 3 p.m. at the joint request of 
the Governments of Panama and the United 
States. 

The Committee forms part of the inter- Amer- 
ican system for the preservation of peace and 
it met in order to consider the events which had 
occurred in Panama during the night of 9 to 
10 January. It agreed to take up the problem 
immediately and, with the consent of the inter- 
ested parties, it decided to study the case and 
to go to Panama the same evening in order to 
investigate the situation and recommend meas- 
ures for the settlement of the dispute. 

The Committee, which is composed of Argen- 
tina, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, the 
United States, and Venezuela — the presiding 
country — decided to request the Organization of 
American States, under articles 10 and 11 of the 
Committee's Statutes, to designate a substitute 
for the United States, 3 which is a party to the 
dispute. 

* The OAS Council elected Chile to serve on the Com- 
mittee in connection with this matter. 



152 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



DEBATE IN U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL, 
JANUARY 10 

Following are statements made by Adlai E. 
Stevenson, UjS. Representative to the United 
Nations, on January 10 daring debate on the 
Panama complaint * in the Security Council. 

First Statement 

U.S. /U.N. press release 4352 

I must confess that it is with a very heavy 
heart and deep distress that I speak here to- 
night. The incidents of yesterday and today in 
the Canal Zone and in the Republic of Panama 
are a matter of extreme concern to the United 
States Government. 

My Government and the people of this coun- 
try are distressed at the tragic and the needless 
loss of human life — both Panamanian and 
American. The riots and the violence are of 
special regret since they blot the record of the 
long and friendly and improving relationship 
between our Government and that of Panama. 
Indeed, with the signature of a new treaty be- 
tween our Governments in 1955 5 and the con- 
tinuing discussions which have taken place be- 
tween our officials since that time, we had 
embarked on a new, and a more satisfactory, 
phase of our historical and friendly relation- 
ship. 

My Government is doing everything humanly 
possible to restore the situation. Before noon 
today President Johnson telephoned President 
Chiari to discuss the situation, and the two 
Presidents agreed that there had to be a stop 
to violence in the Canal Zone. 

President Jolinson also has given most em- 
phatic instructions to United States authorities 
to do everything within their power to restore 
and maintain peace and order in the Canal 
Zone. United States officials are exerting every 
effort to assure that restraint and good judg- 
ment are exercised. 

In addition, to prevent further incidents, all 
of the residents of the Canal Zone not engaged 
in official duties have been ordered to remain 
in their homes. 

I devoutly hope that the Panamanian author- 



' U.N. doc. S/5509. 

For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 7, 1955, p. 237. 



itics are being equally rigorous in their efforts 
to restrain lawlessness and to maintain order 
and prevent further incidents <>f violence and 

bloodshed. 

I also hope that efforts by any lawless ele- 
ments hostile both to Panama and the United 
States to exploit, this sit nation for their own 
special purposes will be fully exposed and 
thwarted. 

As further evidence of our concern and of 
our desire to do the utmost to restore order and 
to contribute to a peaceful adjustment of the 
problem, President Johnson dispatched this 
morning several of our most expert and com- 
petent officials to the area, headed by the As- 
sistant Secretary of State for Latin American 
Affairs. 

In addition, Mr. President, the Organization 
of American States lias moved with great ra- 
pidity. This afternoon the Inter-American 
Peace Commission of the OAS met at the re- 
quest of Panama and of the United States to 
consider the situation. The Commission unani- 
mously agreed, pursuant to the request of both 
Governments to go to Panama immediately to 
ascertain the facts. I understand that this 
group leaves for Panama at midnight tonight. 
Under these circumstances, Mr. President, I 
will not attempt to give the Council a detailed 
account of the facts surrounding these riots as 
we understand them. It is precisely for this 
purpose that the Inter-American Peace Com- 
mission is going to Panama. 

That the distinguished Ambassador of Pan- 
ama presumes to make charges of aggression, I 
must say, surprises me, because his knowledge 
of the facts can be no better than mine. But 
from what I already do know, I can categori- 
cally deny his allegations of aggression by the 
United States. The incidents of violence, ac- 
cording to our information, started when a 
group of Panamanian high school students 
were permitted by United States zone authori- 
ties to move peacefully to the Balboa High 
School within the zone for the purpose of rais- 
ing the Panamanian flag. On the way out of the 
zone some of these students got unruly and 
damaged property by throwing Btones and by 
other means. The zone police continued to 
escort them to the zonal boundary, and most of 
the students peacefully withdrew. Subse- 



153 



quently, however, disorderly crowds of people 
came back into the zone, destroying property 
and attacking American citizens. At the same 
time rioters within Panama itself attacked 
United States citizens and property. These 
lawless assaults were accompanied by sniper fire 
across the boundary and the use of Molotov 
cocktails, those familiar stimulants of mob vio- 
lence. 

The zone police, who were few in number, at- 
tempted to stop a further penetration into the 
Canal Zone by the use of tear gas and even- 
tually by small-caliber fire when it became 
necessary to protect human life. But still the 
police were unable to restore order. The Act- 
ing Governor then requested the Commander 
of the Army forces to assume responsibility for 
the protection of the zone. And thereupon 
Army elements took up positions along the 
boundaries of the zone to prevent further incur- 
sions from outside. 

United States Army forces, I am informed, 
have acted with the greatest restraint. In fact, 
they have already suffered many casualties 
without using the full means of defense avail- 
able to them. 

While I do not purport to know all of the 
facts — any more, I believe, than does Ambas- 
sador [Aquilino] Boyd — I do know that there 
is no evidence that either the police of the zone 
or the United States Army ever went outside 
the zone, that their only use of firearms was 
inside of the zone to protect the lives and prop- 
erty of American citizens residing there against 
an onrushing crowd of several thousand and 
against snipers. And yet my distinguished 
friend, the Ambassador of Panama, calls this 
act of self-defense within the boundaries of the 
Canal Zone an act of aggression. 

I mention these facts, as they are reported to 
me, not as a complete account of these unhappy 
events but only to show that, instead of ag- 
gression by the United States against Panama, 
the fact is that only the minimum measures 
have been taken to insure the safety of the zone 
and its inhabitants. 

Moreover, it was the United States that pro- 
posed that the Inter- American Peace Commis- 
sion should move at once to ascertain the facts. 
We were pleased that the Panamanian Govern- 



ment agreed that this would be the proper step. 
There is, I am informed, very good cooperation 
between the Panamanian National Guard and 
the United States forces, both in controlling 
sniping and in safeguarding the lives of Ameri- 
can citizens. 

Looking beyond this tragic day, Mr. Presi- 
dent, it is our earnest hope that this episode will 
constitute only a temporary obstacle in the con- 
tinuing development of friendly relations be- 
tween my country and the Republic of Panama. 
The way to resolve differences, as the Presi- 
dents of our two Republics have agreed, is not 
by violence but by peaceful means. We are 
ready through direct discussions with the Pana- 
manian Government to try to resolve such dif- 
ferences as may exist. And, indeed, I am 
advised that the Assistant Secretary of State 
for Latin American Affairs and the Secretary 
of the United States Army [Cyrus R. Vance] 
have met with the President of Panama this 
very evening. 

Mr. President, we might well, given these 
circumstances, ask ourselves what the Security 
Council itself should do with this problem. I 
believe there will be general agreement around 
this table that, in view of the fact that the Inter- 
American Peace Commission is about to leave 
for Panama, the problem should continue to be 
pursued in the regional forum which was estab- 
lished precisely to deal with situations arising 
among states in the Western Hemisphere. 

The United Nations Charter, both in article 
33 and in article 52, provides for pacific settle- 
ment of local disputes through regional agen- 
cies as does the Charter of the Organization 
of American States in article 20. Without der- 
ogating from the responsibilities of the Council, 
we believe that such local disputes can most 
effectively be dealt with through regional pro- 
cedures. The decisive and rapid action of the 
Organization of American States this afternoon 
indeed shows that this is the case. 

I would conclude merely by saying once more 
how deeply my Government regrets that such 
a tragic incident has taken place to mar the 
cordial relations with a good neighbor. There 
is no question about the old affinity of the people 
of my country for the people of Panama, and I 
am confident that transcending this one un- 
happy chapter there will be a progressive de- 



ir.i 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



velopment of cordial relations between our two 
Governments. 

The United States-Panamanian treaty of 
friendship and cooperation of 1936 6 defined 
the overriding goal of our relations as "a per- 
fect, firm and inviolable peace and sincere 
friendship between the United States of Ameri- 
ca and the Republic of Panama and between 
their citizens." 

Mr. President, my Government continues un- 
reservedly to adhere to that goal. 

Second Statement 

U.S./U.N. press release 4353 

Regarding the proposal by our distinguished 
colleague, the representative of Brazil, that the 
President of the Security Council address an 
appeal to the Governments of the United States 
and of Panama to impose the utmost restraint 
upon the military forces and civilians of both 
countries in order to bring an end to the dis- 
order and violence, we welcome this suggestion 
and think that such an appeal coming from the 
Security Council would be helpful. I can as- 
sure the members of the Security Council that 
the United States will comply in letter and spirit 
with any such representation. 

And we would respectfully suggest that in 
his appeal the President of the Security Council 
take note of the action already taken by the 
Organization of American States. 

Further, Mr. President, I also agree with 
what the delegate of Brazil said that no further 
action or resolution of the Security Council is 
necessary at this time. 

EXCHANGE OF LETTERS WITH PEACE COM- 
MITTEE, JANUARY 12-13 

Committee Chairman to U.S. Representative 

Panama, Republic of Panama, 

12 January 1964. 

His Excellency Ambassador Edwin Martin, 
Representative of the Government of the United 
States to the Inter- American Peace Committee 

Mr. Ambassador : The Inter- American Peace 
Committee, over which I have the honor of 
presiding, has received from the Governments 

• 53 Stat. 1807. 



of the United States and Panama, a urances 
that they will intensify their efforts to maintain 
order within their respective jurisdictions, in 
the Canal Zone and the Republic of Panama, 
particularly in the areas contiguous to the 
boundary line. 

To facilitate that objective, I point out the 
necessity of paying special attention to those 
places which, while located in the Canal Zone, 
remain subject to the vigilance of the National 
Guard of Panama, and which will require spe- 
cial measures. 

This Committee suggests the creation of a 
Joint Cooperation Committee. It would have 
the specific purpose of ascertaining the prob- 
lems which might arise in the execution of the 
task of maintaining order, and it would agree 
upon measures to prevent and resolve any inter- 
ruption of the same. It would also designate 
the places that will be subject to the vigilance 
of the National Guard of Panama as mentioned 
in paragraph 2 of this note. The Joint Co- 
operation Committee would be made up of a 
civilian and military representative on behalf 
of each one of the Governments. They would 
work together with a representative of the Inter- 
American Peace Committee who will be the 
president. 

I beg Your Excellency to advise me of the 
acquiescence of your illustrious Government 
and, at your convenience, to advise me of the 
names of your representatives. 

Said Joint Cooperation Committee will go 
into session as soon as the favorable replies of 
both Governments are received and their rep- 
resentatives are designated. Please receive, 
Excellency, the expression of my highest con- 
sideration. 

E. Tejera P. 

U.S. Representative to Committee Chairman 

Quarry Heights, Canal Zone, 

13 January 196J h 

The Honorable Enrique Tejera Paris, 
President, Peace Commission, Organization of 
American States, Panama, R.P. 

My dear Mr. Ambassador: Thank you for 
your letter relating the proposal of the Inter- 
American Peace Commission, of which you are 
chairman, to set up a committee for dealing 



FEBRUARY 3, 1964 



155 



with the public order aspects of the present 
emergency. On behalf of the United States 
Government, I accept the proposal to set up 
such a committee and nominate Mr. William 
Belton and Brigadier General George L. Mabry, 
Jr., to serve as the U.S. members. 

In doing so, I wish to state that the United 
States is pleased to continue to cooperate with, 
and has in fact already invited the cooperation 
of, the Panamanian authorities for dealing with 
the problems of public order in certain areas 
calling for special vigilance. 

With respect to the arrangements mentioned 
in the second paragraph of your letter it is our 
understanding : 

1. Such arrangements in no way change the 
jurisdiction of either the Government of the 
Canal Zone or the Panama Government. 

2. They are only for the duration of the pres- 
ent emergency. 

3. These arrangements will apply to 4th of 
July Avenue, and its extension as Kennedy Av- 
enue, and Shaler Triangle; and in Colon, part 
of Eleventh Street, part of Bolivar Avenue; 
part of Calle 14 ; part of Avenida Herrera and 
Boundary Street, and the Colon Corridor, all 
of which areas are public thoroughfares or 
gathering places directly adjacent to heavily 
populated areas of Panama or the Canal Zone. 

4. The areas mentioned in the last preceding 
paragraph can only be extended by unanimous 
agreement of the joint committee. 

It would be helpful to my Government if you 
could confirm to me in writing that the above 
arrangements are consistent with the views of 
the Inter- American Peace Commission. 
Very truly yours, 

Thomas C. Mann 

Assistant Secretary of State 



WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT, JANUARY 14 » 

The President received a full report on the 
situation in Panama from Mr. Mann. Mr. 
Mann emphasized that United States forces 
have behaved admirably under extreme provo- 
cation by mobs and snipers attacking the Canal 

7 Read to news correspondents by Andrew T. Hatcher, 
Associate Press Secretary to the President. 



Zone. The President continues to believe that 
the first essential is the maintenance of peace. 
For tliis reason, the United States welcomes 
the establishment of the Joint Cooperation 
Committee through the Inter- American Peace 
Committee. 

The United States tries to live by the policy 
of the good neighbor and expects others to do 
the same. The United States cannot allow the 
security of the Panama Canal to be imperiled. 
We have a recognized obligation to operate the 
Canal efficiently and securely. And we intend 
to honor that obligation in the interests of all 
who depend on it. The United States continues 
to believe that when order is fully restored it 
should be possible to have direct and candid dis- 
cussions between the two governments. 

INTER-AMERICAN PEACE COMMITTEE 
COMMUNIQUE, JANUARY 15 

The Inter-American Peace Committee, based 
on its statutes which authorize it to offer its 
good offices to the states requesting them, has 
carried on conversations with representatives 
of the Republic of Panama and the United 
States and notes with satisfaction the re-estab- 
lishment of peace which is an indispensable 
condition for understanding and negotiation be- 
tween the parties. 

As a consequence, the Inter- American Peace 
Committee has invited the parties to re-estab- 
lish their diplomatic relations as quickly as pos- 
sible. The parties have agreed to accept this 
invitation and as a consequence thereof have 
agreed to begin discussions which will be 
initiated thirty days after diplomatic relations 
are re-established by means of representatives 
who will have sufficient powers to discuss with- 
out limitations all existing matters of any na- 
ture which may affect the relations between the 
United States and Panama. 8 

WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT, JANUARY 16 ° 

The United States Government is ready and 

8 A disagreement regarding the Spanish translation 
of the communique arose after it was issued, and rela- 
tions between Panama and the United States were 
not reestablished. 

' Read to news correspondents by Pierre Salinger, 
Press Secretary to the President. 



15G 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



willing to discuss all problems affecting the re- 
lationship between the United States and Pana- 
ma. It was our understanding that the Govern- 
ment of Panama was also willing to undertake 



these discussions. Our position is unchanged. 
We feel in this time of difficulty between I h<> 
two countries that it is time for the highest exer- 
cise of responsibility by all those involved. 



President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet Union 
for Concrete Actions To Promote Peace 



Following is an exchange of letters between 
the United States and the Soviet Union. The 
Soviet message was sent simultaneously to 
heads of state, or government, throughout the 
world. 

U.S. LETTER OF JANUARY 18 

White House press release dated January 20 

Dear Mr. Chairman: I welcome the stated 
objective of your December 31 letter and agree 
with much of its contents. It is my hope that 
we can build on these areas of agreement in- 
stead of merely emphasizing our well-known 
disagreements. This Nation is committed to 
the peaceful unification of Germany in accord- 
ance with the will of the people. This Nation, 
which has fundamental commitments to the Ke- 
public of China, has for many years sought 
the renunciation of force in the Taiwan Strait. 
This Nation's forces and bases abroad are for 
collective defense, and in accordance with 
treaties and agreements with the countries 
concerned. 

Let us emphasize, instead, our agreement on 
the importance your letter places on preserving 
and strengthening peace — and on the need to 
accompany efforts for disarmament with new 
efforts to remove the causes of friction and to 
improve the world's machinery for peacefully 
settling disputes. In this spirit, let us both 
present new proposals to the Geneva Disarma- 
ment Conference * — in pursuit of the objectives 
we have previously identified : 



See p. 163. 



— to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons ; 

— to end the production of fissionable mate- 
rial for weapons; 

— to transfer large amounts of fissionable ma- 
terials to peaceful purposes ; 

— to ban all nuclear weapons tests; 

— to place limitations on nuclear weapons 
systems ; 

— to reduce the risk of war by accident or 
design ; 

— to move toward general disarmament. 

I am sure you will agree that our task is to 
work hard and persistently on these and other 
specific problems and proposals — as you ami 
President Kennedy did on the Test Ban 
Treaty — instead of confining ourselves to vague 
declarations of principle that oppose some wars 
but not all. 

Your letter singles out the problem of terri- 
torial disputes and concludes that "the use of 
force for the solution of territorial disputes is 
not in the interest of any people or any coun- 
try." I agree ; moreover, the United States pro- 
poses guidelines to implement this principle 
which are even broader and stronger than your 
own. 

First, all governments or regimes shall ab- 
stain from the direct or indirect threat or use 
of force to change 

— international boundaries; 

— other territorial or administrative demar- 
cation or dividing lines established or con- 
firmed by international agreement or practice; 

— the dispositions of truce or military armi- 
stice agreements; or 



FEBRUARY 3, 19G4 



157 



— arrangements or procedures concerning ac- 
cess to, passage across or the administration of 
those areas where international agreement or 
practice has established or confirmed such ar- 
rangements or procedures. 

Nor shall any government or regime use or 
threaten force to enlarge the territory under its 
control or administration by overthrowing or 
displacing established authorities. 

Second, these limitations shall apply regard- 
less of the direct or indirect form which such 
threat or use of force might take, whether in the 
form of aggression, subversion, or clandestine 
supply of arms; regardless of what justification 
or purpose is advanced; and regardless of any 
question of recognition, diplomatic relations, or 
differences of political systems. 

Third, the parties to any serious dispute, in 
adhering to these principles, shall seek a solu- 
tion by peaceful means — resorting to negotia- 
tion, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judi- 
cial settlement, action by a regional or 
appropriate United Nations agency or other 
peaceful means of their own choice. 

Fourth, these obligations, if they are to con- 
tinue, would have to be quite generally observed. 
Any departure would require reappraisal ; and 
the inherent right of self-defense which is recog- 
nized in Article 51 of the United Nations Char- 
ter would, in any event, remain fully operative. 
You will note the basic similarities in our 
position. Agreement should not be impossible 
on this or other propositions — and I share your 
hope that such agreement will stimulate dis- 
armament and peaceful relations. 

The prevention of wars over territorial and 
other disputes requires not only general princi- 
ples but also the "growth and improvement" to 
which you refer regarding the machinery and 
methods for peaceful settlement. The United 
States believes that the peace-keeping processes 
of the United Nations — and specifically its Se- 
curity Council— should be more fully used and 
strengthened and that the special responsibili- 
ties and contributions of the larger countries — 
particularly the permanent members of the 
Security Council — deserve greater attention in 
solving its financial problems. 

In consultation with our allies, we shall offer 
specific proposals along these lines in the weeks 



ahead. Both the Geneva Disarmament Confer- 
ence and the United Nations are appropriate 
places for such discussions. 

Mr. Chairman, let me assure you that practi- 
cal progress toward peace is my most fervent 
desire. This requires, not only agreements in 
principle but also concrete actions in accord 
with those principles. I believe this exchange 
of letters offers real hope for that kind of prog- 
ress—and that hope is shared by all peace-loving 
men in every land. 
Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson 



SOVIET LETTER OF DECEMBER 31 

Unofficial translation 

I am sending you this message in order to draw your 
attention to one of the problems which in my opinion 
is of particularly great significance for strengthening 
peaces — the question of territorial disputes between 
countries and the ways of settling them. I should 
like to explain first of all the reason why the Soviet 
Government is raising this question precisely at this 
moment and why it regards it as one of great urgency 
and significance. 

I hope you will agree that life itself has now implac- 
ably placed the problem of maintaining and strengthen- 
ing peace in the center of attention of all people, regard- 
less of their nationality and race, of their political and 
religious convictions. 

By the combined efforts of many states it has been 
possible of late to achieve a certain success in reducing 
international tension. By common opinion, the signing 
of the treaty banning nuclear weapons tests in the 
atmosphere, in outer space, and under water, which 
has been warmly acclaimed by the peoples, is a major 
forward step toward a peaceful settlement of urgent 
international problems. The agreement between the 
U.S.S.R. and the United States, sealed by the unani- 
mous resolution of the United Nations to keep vehicles 
with nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass de- 
struction out of orbit, has also been positively acclaimed 
by all those who want to strengthen peace. These steps 
have made a good beginning and now must be pur- 
sued further. 

In recent months, it will be recalled, opinions have 
been exchanged between the governments of several 
states concerning the possibility of carrying out a num- 
ber of further measures toward the relaxation of inter- 
national tension and the strengthening of peace. 
Agreement on such measures would naturally have 
a positive effect on the international situation. The 
Soviet Government proceeds from the assumption that 
the search for agreements on rii>e international ques- 
tions will be continued. 

Making due appraisal of what it is customary to call 



158 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



the realities of the atomic age, one would have to ac- 
knowledge thai ii is the common duty of statesmen 
bearing a high responsibility tor the destinies of the 
world and the future of the peoples to agree to even 
more radical steps capable of eliminating the danger 
of another war. 

Seeking to contribute to the accomplishment of this 
great task, the Soviet Government made a proposal 
for general and complete disarmament. It is gener- 
ally recognized today that realization of this proposal 
would secure a genuinely stable and inviolable peace. 
The trouble, however, is that when the matter comes 
to specific negotiations on general and complete dis- 
armament and drafting an appropriate international 
treaty — and such talks have oeen going on for some 
years — it turns out that far from all states are ready 
to take practical steps in this direction. 

They evidently have their own reasons for this, but it 
is not my intention to analyze them here or, the less 
so, to start polemics on this question. The only thing 
I want is to state the fact that talks on general and 
complete disarmament have so far practically yielded 
no tangible results. 

Struggle for the implementation of the idea of gen- 
eral and complete disarmament, which embodies the 
most cherished aspirations of the peoples, continues 
and will continue until agreement is reached, until it 
is implemented. The Soviet Union for its part is 
doing, as before, and will continue to do everything 
necessary to promote its success. Fresh steps in this 
direction, it will be recalled, were undertaken by the 
Soviet Government at the 18th session of the U.N. 
General Assembly which recently ended. 

Analyzing the present situation, the Soviet Govern- 
ment came to the conclusion that it would be advis- 
able, while tirelessly working to settle the problem of 
general and complete disarmament, to step up our 
efforts for removing friction in the relations between 
states and the breeding grounds of tension. 

I think that you will agree with me that if we try 
to pick out the questions which most often give rise 
to dangerous friction between states in different parts 
of the world, these undoubtedly will be territorial 
disputes, the problems of frontiers between states, 
mutual or unilateral claims of states to each other's 
territory. Here are the factors which lead us to this 
problem. All this is taken from life and one cannot 
but ponder over this, I think. 

The question of boundaries or, to be more specific, 
of territorial claims and disputes is not new, of 
course. It has existed practically through the entire 
history of humanity and not infrequently caused sharp 
conflicts between states, mutual mistrust and enmity 
among the peoples. The seizure of foreign territories 
was the invariable attendant of wars of conquest 
waged by many rulers in ancient times, in the Middle 
Ages, and in the course of modern history. And the 
numerous colonial wars? Their main aim also invari- 
ably was to seize other peoples' territories, to enslave 
other peoples. No one can deny this now, no matter 



bow the colonialists In iin-ir time covered up i in-ir 
sinister deeds by talk about a "civilizing mission." 

in our century too, territorial claims of states have 
caused a number of armed conflicts. The desire to 
seize foreign territories played a great part in the 
two World Wars which were engendered by imperial- 
ism. Tens of millions of lives wire sacrificed to the 
Moloch of war. The strivings of those who in Kaiser 
Germany, on the one hand, and in the Entente coun- 
tries on the other, hatched plans for recarving the 
map of Europe and other parts of the world in I heir 
favor gave impetus to events which resolved into World 
War I. The claims of Hitlerite Germany and its 
allies in aggression to Lebensmiim at the expense of 
other nations paved the way for World War II. 

But while it is true that territorial claims in many 
cases have led to wars and armed conflicts, it is also 
equally true that wars as means of settling territorial 
disputes have always been very costly to the peoples. 
No sooner had one state seized by armed force the 
disputed territory from another state, than the latter 
began to prepare a new war to regain the lost terri- 
tory. After that the cycle repeated itself. Suffice 
it to recall, for instance, how Alsace and Lorraine 
changed hands and how rivers of blood were shed 
at each change. After each war for territories, the 
territorial disputes between states proved to be per- 
haps even more, not less, acute than before the war. 

Many of these territorial disputes were inherited 
by our generation, too. Now the number of such 
disputes and reciprocal claims has increased even 
further. One of the reasons for this is that many 
young sovereign states which have recently won na- 
tional independence have inherited from the colonial 
regimes a large number of artificially embroiled border 
problems. A glance at the political map of the world 
today will show scores, if not hundreds, of districts 
which are disputed by various states. 

Of course territorial claims and disputes between 
states are different in character. There are some that 
are associated with the completion of the liberation 
of this or that people from colonial oppression or 
foreign occupation. 

It is well known that not all young national states 
by any means managed to liberate from the power of 
the colonialists all the territories that are theirs by 
right immediately after they became independent 

Taiwan is a case in point. This island has since 
time immemorial been an integral part of the Chinese 
state. Taiwan's unlawful occupation by American 
troops should be terminated. The island is an inalien- 
able part of the Chinese People's Republic and would 
have long since been reunited with It but for outside 
interference by another state. 

If other examples were needed, they are there for all 
to see. Take, for instance, such a recent case as West 
Irian's reunification with Indonesia. The demands of 
the liberated states for the return of territories that 
are still under the colonial yoke or under foreign occu- 
pation are unquestionably just 



FEBRUARY 3, 190 4 



159 



Of course all this also applies to the territories of 
the peoples who have not yet achieved national inde- 
pendence and whose status is still colonial. One can- 
not recognize the casuistry of the colonialists who still 
hold colonies and contend that these colonial territories 
are component parts of the metropolis. There should 
be no ambiguity about that : the right of all colonial 
peoples to liberation, to freedom and independence, 
proclaimed in the U.N. declaration to give independence 
to colonial countries and peoples, cannot be questioned 
by anyone. 

I should like to say that the role of all those who are 
sincerely interested in the earliest completion of the 
liquidation of the disgraceful colonial system, the 
remnants of which still poison the atmosphere of our 
planet, is to help these peoples to shake off colonial 
oppression most quickly. 

The quicker and more completely it is done, the bet- 
ter for the cause of world peace. The peoples still un- 
der colonialist domination are striving to achieve their 
freedom and independence by peaceful means. But 
these means do not always prove adequate, be- 
cause those who are interested in preserving and per- 
petuating the remnants of the colonial system 
frequently reply by force of arms to the legitimate 
demands of these peoples for the abolition of colonial 
regimes. In this event the oppressed peoples have no 
other choice but to take up arms themselves. And this 
is their sacred right. 

War bases established on foreign territories alienated 
from other states should be liquidated in the same way. 
And no one should be misled by the arguments that the 
land on which such bases are built and foreign troops 
stationed was leased under some treaty or agreement 
some time in the past. 

The way such agreements were concluded in the past 
is no secret to anyone : the stronger imposed his will on 
the weaker. At present, the countries which were 
compelled at one time to lease their territories for the 
construction of foreign bases find it difficult to tolerate 
them on their territories and demand the dissolution 
of the treaties on war bases, the restoration of these 
territories to them, and the dismantling of bases and 
withdrawal of foreign troops. These just demands 
should be satisfied. 

There is one more problem, that of unification of 
Germany, Korea, and Viet-Nam, which is associated 
to a certain degree with the territorial question. In 
the postwar period each of these countries was divided 
into two states with different social systems. The de- 
sire of the peoples of these countries for unification 
should be treated, of course, with understanding and 
respect. 

It gees without saving, however, that the matter of 
reunification should be settled by the peoples of these 
em, i, tries and their governments themselves, without 
any Interference or pressure from the outside and cer- 
tainly without foreign military intervention — occupa- 
tion, as is actually the case, for instance, in South 
Korea and South Viet-Nam. 



No force should be used in settling this matter, and 
the peoples of these countries should be given an op- 
portunity to solve the problems of unification by peace- 
ful means. All other states should contribute to this. 

But this is not the question we are examining here. 
The question before us is how to deal with territorial 
disputes and claims which arise over the presently ex- 
isting well-established frontiers of states. Let us have 
a look, first of all, into the nature of these disputes and 
claims. 

A special class among such claims are the demands 
of the revenge-seeking circles of certain states which 
were the aggressors in the Second World War. These 
circles craving revenge for the lost war are harboring 
plans for a revision of the just postwar territorial set- 
tlement. In the first place they want to get hold of 
those territories which went to other states by way 
of eliminating the consequences of the aggression and 
providing guarantees of security for the future. Such 
territorial "claims" must be resolutely rejected as in- 
compatible with the interests of peace, because nothing 
but a new world war may grow out of these claims. 

There exist, however, other territorial claims and 
border disputes, and they are perhaps the most numer- 
ous. These disputes have nothing to do with the post- 
war settlement. To justify their claims the parties to 
these disputes advance arguments and considerations 
relating to history, ethnography, blood affinity, religion 
and so forth. 

It often happens that one state justifies by such argu- 
ments its territorial claim to another state, and the lat- 
ter in turn finds other arguments of the same kind but 
of an absolutely opposed nature, and itself advances 
a territorial counterclaim. The result is the kindling 
of passions and deepening of mutual strife. 

How can one tell which side is right, whose position 
is just and whose unjust? In some cases this is very 
difficult because the existing borders came into being as 
a result of the influence of many factors. 

In many cases, references to history are of no help. 
Who can affirm that, say, a reference to the 17th cen- 
tury which one state puts forward in substantiation 
of its territorial claim is more valid than, for instance, 
the reference to the ISth or 19th century by which the 
other state tries to bolster its counterclaim? And if 
one were to take as the basis for the solution of a 
border dispute the entire history spread over several 
millennia, all would agree, one should think, that in 
many cases no real solution could be found. Nor can 
we forget the fact that references to history are not in- 
frequently used to provide a cover for overt aggression, 
as was the case, for instance, with Mussolini's refer- 
ences to tile borders of the Koni.in Empire to substan- 
tiate his territorial grabs in the Mediterranean, which 
the Italian Fascists even christened marc nostrum, in 
other words, "our sea," in an effort to present them- 
selves as the heirs of the ancient Romans. 

Occasionally it is difficult to get one's bearings among 
numerous "arguments" based on national, ethno- 
graphic, or blood affinity grounds. The development 



L60 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



of mankind was such that some peoples are now living 
on the territories of several states. On the other hand 
there exist states of the multinational type Inhabited 
sometimes by dozens of peoples belonging even to dif- 
ferent races. 

Unfortunately, disputes about borders take place not 
only between historians and ethnographers but also 
between states each of which possesses armed forces 
and quite big ones sometimes. Life shows that the 
majority of territorial disputes are fraught with the 
danger of complication of relations between the parties, 
with the possibility of a serious armed conflict, and 
consequently constitute a potential threat to universal 
peace. This means that one has to display due under- 
standing of boundaries as they have been formed in the 
course of history. 

There may perhaps be some naive people who would 
say that since the majority of territorial disputes con- 
cern the relations between small states, which do not 
possess nuclear weapons, nothing terrible can come of 
it. So a couple of small countries do have a quarrel or 
fight it out between themselves, if worst comes to 
worst. What of it? This will not have any terrible 
consequences for mankind. 

But such views are wrong and harmful. Can one 
remain indifferent if the blood of peoples is shed over 
border disputes? Moreover, one should be a realist in 
this matter. In our time, when the development of 
international relations has resulted in the situation in 
which the interests of states — economic, political, 
strategic, and others — have become closely intertwined, 
when ramified systems of alliances are in existence, a 
clash that occurs in some one place and would seem to 
be purely local in nature might quickly escalate to in- 
volve many other states. 

This would bring into play the allied commitments 
and the fears, real or imaginary, of other states con- 
cerning their security, both adjoining the area of the 
conflict and those thousands of kilometers away from 
it, and — we shall say it straight — it would bring into 
play simply the desire of certain states to take ad- 
vantage of a local conflict to achieve their special preda- 
tory aims. At the same time one cannot fail to reckon 
with the fact that wars which begin with the use of 
conventional weapons may in our time develop into a 
world war with the use of thermonuclear weapons. 

I believe you would agree with me that especially 
dangerous to all humanity would be an armed conflict 
over borders in the area of the world where both World 
Wars started in the past and where at the present 
time are concentrated great masses of troops and 
armaments of states belonging to the two principal 
antagonistic military groupings. Europe is such an 
area — this is undeniable. 

Undoubtedly if a world thermonuclear war breaks 
out over a local clash of states striving to settle their 
territorial disputes by armed forces, it will spare no 
one. No one would be able to shun it. No one except 
madmen or political figures blinded by hatred can 
resign themselves to such a prospect. 



I should like to say quite definitely and iirmiy thai In 

the Soviet I Dion then' :ire no BUCl political liuure.. and 

had they appeared they would certainly bare bean 
committed to a madhouse. The main line of the policy 

of the socialist states aimed at strengthening peace 
and preventing war is exactly the earnest of the fad 
that on our side armed force will not and cannot be 
used to settle any territorial dispute in our favor. 
One should like to think that the statesmen of other 

countries. Including the member countries Of the North 
Atlantic' alliance and other military blocs created by 
the Western Powers, realize the formidable dangers 
involved in our time In any attempts to use force for 
the settlement of territorial issues. 

It is our deep conviction that the use of force for the 
solution of territorial disputes is not in the interest 
of any people or any country. It is not in the interest 
Of the European peoples inhabiting countries where 
almost every inch of soil is drenched witli blood shed 
in past wars. It is not to plunge headlong into fateful 
military adventures for the sake of seizing a strip 
of land from their neighbors that these peoples by their 
labor created their economy, built factories and mills, 
plowed land. 

And is it not dangerous for the peoples of Asia to 
use force for the purposes of revising the state borders 
existing in this part of the world? Of course they 
don't need that. Is it not a fact that the border con- 
flicts existing between some states of Asia even now 
have a most adverse effect on their life? The people a 
of the Asian Continent face great tasks. It is exceed- 
ingly important for them to raise their national econ- 
omy, lay the groundwork for a modprn industry, 
bring about a turning point in the efficiency of their 
agriculture so as to deliver the population of their 
countries from age-old poverty and want. This calls 
for great efforts and above all for peace and tran- 
quillity on the borders. Now that border conflicts not 
only exist but sometimes are even aggravated between 
Asian states, they are compelled to maintain and even 
increase their armed forces and spend their resources 
unproductively. Who is to profit by this? Certainly 
not the peoples of the countries which have liberated 
themselves from colonial oppression. 

The question of frontiers between African states is 
a very complicated and knotty question they inherited 
from colonialism. But despite the complexity of terri- 
torial problems the summit conference of African 
states, in its charter of the Organization of African 
Unity adopted in May lf)f!o. unanimously stressed the 
impermissibility of settling territorial differences and 
disputes between African states by force and the neces- 
sity of resolving such questions exclusively by peaceful 
means. 

Africa is throwing off the last colonial fetters. The 
young African states still have much to do to liquidate 
the dire consequences of colonialism, to stand up 
firmly on their own feet. The carrying out of this 
task requires the exertion of all forces and means. 

Recent events in North Africa leave no doubt that 
the cause of strengthening and developing the inde- 



FEBRETART 3, 1964 



161 



pendent African states is harmed substantially when 
one of them embarks upon the road of using armed 
forces against another in the attempt to satisfy its 
territorial claims. One should also not forget that 
conflicts between African states over territorial ques- 
tions may prove to be a find for the stronger states, 
which have not yet abandoned their hopes of getting 
back in this or another way some of what they have 
lost. 

And what about Latin America? To this day some 
of the Latin American countries are unable to recover 
from the consequences of military clashes caused by 
territorial disputes which occurred in the past. Suffice 
it to recall the war between Paraguay and neighboring 
countries at the end of the 19th century, in which so 
much blood was spilled that the population of Paraguay 
is still smaller than before this war. Is it worth it for 
the Latin American countries to sharpen knives against 
each other in our days, when there is so much they 
yet have to do at home? 

I do not know what words I should choose, but it is 
my desire to express with utmost clarity the thought 
that there are not nor can there be such territorial 
disputes in our time between the already formed states, 
such unresolved frontier questions, for the solution of 
which it is permissible to use armed force. No, this 
cannot be allowed to happen, and we must do every- 
thing possible to rule out the possibility of such a 
development of events. 

One may ask — and I reckon this question has already 
come to your mind — is it that the Soviet Union pro- 
poses to cross out with one stroke all territorial issues 
between states, to abandon all attempts to settle them, 
as if these issues do not exist at all? No, this is not 
the point. We realize that some countries have weighty 
reasons for their claims. In all current frontier dis- 
putes between states the sides must of course study 
the matter thoroughly in order to settle these issues. 
We are wholly for this. The only thing we are against 
are the military methods of solving territorial dis- 
putes. This is what we should agree upon, precisely 
upon this. 

As for peaceful means of settling territorial disputes, 
experience proves them to be feasible. Even the ex- 
istence of different social systems and forms of state 
power in the modern world need not be an obstacle 
to peaceful solution of territorial problems, provided 
of course it is sincerely desired by both sides. Life 
shows that whenever states firmly abide by the prin- 
ciples of peaceful coexistence and display good will, 
restraint, and due regard for each other's interests, 
they are quite capable of extricating themselves from 
the maze of historical, national, geographical, and 
other factors and finding a satisfactory solution. 

It is also important to stress that while the military 
road, that is, the use of force, does not lead at all to 
the ending of territorial conflicts but rather deepens 
and aggravates them, the peaceful road, on the con- 
trary, liquidates such conflicts and eliminates to a 
considerable extent the very source of the dispute, be- 



cause more chances for solution are offered by the 
level-headed consideration of issues than in the case 
where the disputing sides are ready to start a shooting 
war against each other. 

Everything, including the tremendous changes which 
have lately occurred in the world and which throw 
a new light on many international questions, the ter- 
ritorial problem among others, shows that at present 
we have a situation where it is possible to set and 
solve in a practical way the task of ruling out from 
international life the use of force in territorial disputes 
between states. 

The possibility of a radical turn in the solution of 
these questions by peaceful means is also facilitated by 
the increasing recognition of the idea of the peaceful 
coexistence of states with different social systems. 
The idea of peaceful coexistence, which lies at the root 
of our Leninist foreign policy, found expression in the 
decisions of the historic Bandung conference, the char- 
ter of the African unity organization, and in many 
other international documents. More and more gov- 
ernments in the world are coming firmly to the con- 
clusion that, in the nuclear age, war can no longer be 
a means of settling international disputes and that 
peaceful coexistence is the only foundation on which 
relations between states can and should be built. 

Neither can one fail to see that the present onrush 
of science and technology, which opens enormous pros- 
pects for increasing industrial and agricultural pro- 
duction in all territories, exposes still further the 
falsity of the arguments of those who are wont to refer 
to overpopulation or inadequate economic productivity 
of their own territory to justify their territorial 
claims. 

A peaceful settlement of territorial disputes is also 
favored by the fact that in the practice of international 
relations there already exists a store of improved meth- 
ods of peaceful settlement of outstanding issues — 
direct negotiations between the states concerned, use 
of good offices, request of assistance from international 
organizations, etc. Although in my opinion the United 
Nations in its present form is far from being an ideal 
instrument of peaceful cooperation of states, even this 
organization, granted an impartial approach, can make 
a positive contribution to the cause of peaceful settle- 
ment of territorial and border issues. 

Considering this, the Soviet Government, guided by 
the interests of strengthening peace and preventing 
war, is submitting the following proposal to the con- 
sideration of the governments of all states : to conclude 
an international agreement — or treaty — on the renun- 
ciation by states of the use of force for the solution of 
territorial disputes or questions of frontiers. In our 
opinion such an agreement should include the following 
principal propositions : 

First, a solemn undertaking by the states that are 
parties to the agreement not to resort to force to alter 
existing state frontiers, 

Second, recognition that the territory of states should 
not even temporarily be the object of any invasion, 



162 



DEPARTMENT OF 6TATE BULLETIN 



attack, military occupation, or any other forcible meas- 
ure directly or indirectly undertaken by other states 
for whatever political, economic, strategic, frontier, or 
any other considerations, 

Third, a linn declaration that neither differences In 
social or political systems, nor denial of recognition or 
the absence of diplomatic relations, nor any other pre- 
texts can serve as a justification for the violation by 
one state of the territorial integrity of another, 

Four, an undertaking to settle all territorial disputes 
exclusively by peaceful means, such as negotiations, 
mediation, conciliatory procedures, and also other 
peaceful means at the option of the parties concerned 
in accordance with the U.N. Charter. 

Needless to say, such an international agreement 
should cover all territorial disputes concerning the 
existing borders between states. The proposed 
agreement would be a confirmation, specification, 
and development of the principles of the U.N. Char- 
ter concerning the relations between states on ter- 
ritorial matters, an expression of good will and the 
determination of states firmly to abide by these 
principles. 

The Soviet Government is deeply convinced that 
the undertaking by states to settle territorial dis- 
putes by peaceful means only would go a long way 
toward putting international relations in order. 
Conclusion of an international agreement by states 
renouncing the use of force for the solution of ter- 
ritorial disputes would dispel like a fresh wind many 
of the things in international life that are artificial- 
ly exaggerated and create obstacles to the relaxa- 
tion of tension in the world and to the consolida- 
tion of peace. It would bring about a considerable 
new improvement of the international climate and 
create a good basis for greater confidence among 
states. 

One can say with confidence that, in the new 
situation which would be created by the conclusion 
of an agreement on the renunciation by states of 
the use of force for the solution of territorial ques- 
tions, it would be much easier to find a solution 
to other basic international problems, too. This 
refers primarily and mainly to the problem of dis- 
armament. 

Indeed, the desire of some states to resort to force 
against other states in order to settle border dis- 
putes in their favor has always been and remains 
one of the main factors stimulating the arms race. 
Territorial disputes between states is a nutrient 
medium for militarism as well as for fanning up 
passions which are so willingly exploited by those 
who regard an unbridled arms race as a source of 
their profits. In conditions in which states will no 
longer have to worry about their frontiers and in 
which any plans for changing these frontiers by 
force are banned by international law, many of the 
motives by which the states were guided in increas- 
ing their armed forces must disappear. 

This will expose still more the insolvency of those 



who either hesitate to agree to disarmament or, 

trying to conceal their unwillingness lo reach iik'r 

ment on this question, point to difficulties nrlsing 
from the present situation in view of the unsettled 
territorial disputes. The great powers must set an 
example in disarmament. 

It is also clear that opportunities for large-scale 
peaceful international cooperation will Immeasurably 
increase in conditions in which the states have no 
grounds for mutual suspicions with regard I" fron- 
tiers. A powerful impetus will be given t < > the de- 
velopment of trade and transport, communications, 
cultural exchanges, and scientific contacts for the 
good of the peoples. Every state, every people, and 
the whole world will stand to gain from all this. 

As to the forms of a future international agree- 
ment on the renunciation by states of the use of 
force for the solution of territorial disputes, and 
also the order of conducting talks on the conclu- 
sion of this agreement, it seems to me that it would 
not be very difficult to reach agreement on this, If 
of course the sides concerned will show interest in 
this. The Soviet Government, for its part, is ready 
to do everything possible to facilitate the solution 
of these questions. 

In conclusion I would like to express the hope 
that you will study attentively the considerations of 
the Soviet Government set forth in the present 
message and that they will meet with your favor- 
able response. These considerations are dictated by 
the interests of peace, by a desire to contribute to 
the prevention of war. 
Sincerely, 

N. Khrushchev 
Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers 



Mr. Foster Leaves for Disarmament 
Conference at Geneva 

White House Statement 

White House press release dated January 16 

The President met with William C. Foster 
on the eve of his departure for Geneva, where 
Mr. Foster will lead the United States delega- 
tion to the 18-Nation Disarmament Conference, 
which convenes on January 21. 1 

In wishing Mr. Foster every success, the Pres- 
ident emphasized his determination that the 
United States will take every opportunity to 



•For a White House statement of Jan. 10, see 
Bulletin of Jan. 27, 1964, p. 119. 



FEBRUARY 3, 1064 



163 



seek out possible new areas for agreement. 
He stated that he has been encouraged by de- 
velopments in this area over the past year and 



that Mr. Foster will carry with him to Geneva 
proposals aimed at further controlling the weap- 
ons of war. 



The Making of Foreign Policy 



Following is the transcript of a television 
interview between Secretary Rush and Profes- 
sor Eric Frederick Goldman of Princeton Uni- 
versity, filmed at the Department of State on 
January 11 and first broadcast on January 12 
on the WNBO {New York) program "The 
Open Mind." 

Q. Hello, ladies and gentlemen. As you 
know, occasionally "The Open Mind" departs 
from its usual panel discussion to do a profile 
of some one important American. Today we 
have a distinguished guest, indeed, the Secre- 
tary of State of the United States, Mr. Dean 
Rusk. A very warm welcome to "The Open 
Mind," sir, and it is particularly pleasant to be 
talking with you in this lovely John Quincy 
Adams Room of the State Department. 

Mr. Secretary, as one reads through the 
things written about you, you are struck by the 
fact that you do have a very clear-cut definition 
of the role of the Secretary and that it is a 
definition which has its very definite limits, it 
seems to me. I think characteristic, at least in 
my impression of your attitude, is this quota- 
tion from you, where you say, "Former Presi- 
dent Truman's remark that l the President 
makes foreign policy^ is not the whole story, 
but it will serve well enough if you want to say 
it all in five words." 

A. That is correct, Mr. Goldman. The Presi- 
dent, under our constitutional system, is pri- 
marily responsible for the conduct of our rela- 
tions with the rest of the world. The Secretary 
of State is the President's principal assistant 
in this task. But the President is our principal 
spokesman ; he is our Commander in Chief, who 
disposes of our Armed Forces; he is our prin- 



cipal legislative leader and, in that regard, has 
a major role to play in our foreign relations, be- 
cause almost everything that we do, requiring 
men or money, requires our legislation. The 
Secretary of State is his right arm in this 
respect. 

There is another role which the public prob- 
ably doesn't know too much about. And that 
is the sheer management of the daily relation- 
ships between us and other governments. We 
get about 1,300 incoming cables a day in this 
Department, in every working day throughout 
the year. We send out about a thousand cables 
a day. Now, these have to do with the entire 
range of the contacts of the American people 
with other nations; the protection of American 
interests — whether it is tourists traveling 
abroad or businessmen taking part in the $20 
billion of exports and the $15 billion of im- 
ports — as well as the political relations with the 
other governments, make up a vast amount of 
business here in this Department. And, ob- 
viously, the Secretary of State must direct that 
process, under the general policy direction of 
the President. 

Q. In this function — the first function you 
described — did you use the word "adviser" 
there — chief adviser in foreign policy? Or 
would you use it? 

A. Yes. I think that one would have to say 
"advise," because a President must be free to get 
ideas about foreign policy from many different 
directions: from his legislative leaders, from 
his party leaders, from the press, from repre- 
sentatives of foreign governments. So that the 
Secretary of State tries to pul] together all of 
the elements that the President needs to have 



K.I 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



in his mind before the President can make a 
considered decision or judgment about foreign 
policy matters. 

The Decisionmaking Process 

Q. ~\Yell, / brought up that -ward because it 
seems to tin-, as a historian, that there hare been 
Secretaries of State who have defined that ward 
"ai/r/s," in different ways. That is, you can 
press for policy, so to speak, to a greater or lesser 
/. And I take it that your conception of 
the role of the Secretary of State is that he 
should be somewhat limited in the degree to 
which he presses? 

A. No. I think that depends entirely upon 
the issue. A Secretary of State should not be 
timid about giving advice, nor should he be 
timid about pressing a point of view very 
strongly. Because he must, as a part of his duty 
to the President — must insure that the Presi- 
dent lias before him the elements, and many of 
them are difficult and disagreeable elements, 
that go into a situation and the making of a 
decision about that situation. 

Now, I think that a Secretary of State has a 
responsibility, for example, not to screen out 
differences of view so that, when advice goes 
to the President, the President will know that 
here is a situation requiring a decision, that 
there are alternatives, there are choices to be 
made — including doing nothing — and that these 
may very well be on-balance judgments — here 
are the considerations pointing in one direc- 
tion, here are those pointing in another. 

Q. You do exercise, then, this restraint, so 
to speak. That is, I can think of Secretaries 
in the past who, when they were convinced that 
so-and-so policy was correct, took to the Presi- 
dent what amounted to a brief specifically di- 
rected toxoard their own — 

A. Well, that, then, throws upon the Presi- 
dent the responsibility for doing his own staff 
work. And it seems to me that a Secretary of 
State can combine his own strong recommenda- 
tion about a particular course of action and, at 
the same time, call to the President's attention 
the fact that there are alternatives and that 
there may be important people who prefer those 
alternatives. You see, in this postwar world a 



President and a Secretary of State never gel 
simple or easy questions. 1 think Presidenl 
Kennedy and Presidenl Johnson have them- 
selves pointed this out Thai means thai most 
of the questions they get arc quest ions requiring 
finesse, requiring balanced judgments, requir- 
ing choices among alternatives no one of which 
is entirely pleasant or comfort able. 1 mean, if 
it were quite clear that there is an easy answer, 
that question would have been taken up and 
disposed of down the line. 

Q. A colleague of mine says, "If the question 
gets as high as the Secretary or the President, 
it is insoluble anyway." 

A. Well, there is a good deal to that — a good 
deal to that. 

Q. Well, this process of making the deci- 
sion — it is always something that has fascinated 
me. Could you give us the major elements? 
Something happens out there in the world; a 
decision is going to be made. 

A. Well, I think that there are many elements 
that go into every important decision. In the 
first place, you must try to grapple with the 
facts. What is the actual situation ? And, try 
as you might, you cannot be sure that you have 
all of the relevant facts in front of you. 

Q. Frequently the first facts are wrong, 
aren't they? I noticed the otlier day the first 
facts — according to the Times — which came 
into the Panama situation were incorrect. 

A. Well, the first, immediate reports are only 
fragmentary, and it takes a little time to build 
up the entire nexus of the factual circumstances. 
Those first flashes did, I think, lead to some 
early misunderstanding. And one of the chief 
advantages of this Peace Committee's investiga- 
tion is to get a balanced report on the entire 
episode. 

But, after the facts have been reasonably 
established, then it is necessary to try to define 
what the question is, because frequently, by the 
way in which you pose the question, you tend 
to tilt the answer. You see, for example, in con- 
nection with our relationship to Americans em- 
ployed in the United Nations Secretariat, one 
can say, "Do we want disloyal Americans work- 
ing in the United Nations Secretariat?" But 
you could put another question, and that is, "Do 



FEBRUARY 3, 196 4 

718-451—64 S 



165 



we want the Soviet Union or other Communist 
countries to have a veto on their nationals em- 
ployed in the U.N. Secretariat?'' So that the 
way in which the question is posed has a good 
deal to do with framing the answer. And accu- 
racy in finding out what the real question is 
often does, of course, give you a lead to the 
answer. Then there are many other — 

Q. Excuse me, sir. In terms of the role of 
the Secretary of State, is it frequently he who 
frames that question, so to speak, in his rela- 
tions with the President? 

A. Well, he has to keep searching for it. 
And, in terms of consulting his own colleagues, 
he has to grope for an accurate identification 
of the question itself. 

Now, General Marshall used to try to get us 
to concentrate on the essence of the question by 
saying to us, "What do you want me to do now ? 
What am I supposed to do about it ? Let's don't 
have a seminar. Let's don't speculate. What 
must someone do about this situation today, 
this morning, while we are talking ?" 

Now, that's one way of getting at it. There 
are other ways of getting at it. But on most 
of these important questions there are political 
factors, security and defense factors, economic 
factors, the attitudes of 114 governments with 
whom we do business. 

In the case of a particular question, the atti- 
tudes of certain governments are far more im- 
portant than others. Eelations arising out of 
international law, questions of precedent — what 
will happen if we do the same thing here and in 
a dozen other similar situations in other places? 
So that — 

Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy 

Q. When you say "-polit'icaV in that, you are 
referring to politics in the larger world sense, or 
are you referring to domestic politics? 

A. Well, both. Because at least when these 
questions get to the level of Presidential ap- 
pointees, Cabinet level, or discussions with the 
President, the domestic support for a particular 
policy is an important element of the decision. 
It can't help but be. 

Q. I read a quotation the other day from 
John 17 ay, who argued that he thought the Sec- 



retary of State should ignore political questions 
in the domestic sense — that that was for the 
President to worry about, that the Secretary 
ought to be the man who sticks strictly to what 
is good in foreign policy. This seemed to me 
a little academic in approach. 

A. Well, I remember — if I could quote some- 
one later than Mr. Hay— Mr. Truman used to 
tell us, when I was an Assistant Secretary, more 
junior than now — he used to tell us that he pre- 
ferred that we put our recommendations up in 
foreign policy terms and not take into account 
prematurely what we consider to be the domes- 
tic political reaction. "In the first place," he 
said, "you people are amateurs in domestic poli- 
tics and I am an expert." And, he said, "At 
least the President ought to know what, from 
a foreign policy point of view, would be the 
most sensible course for us to adopt. Then he 
will take that matter up and think about it in 
terms of mobilizing public support for it, con- 
sulting with congressional leaders." 

The President, I think, does have the primary 
responsibility for making those broad judg- 
ments. 

Now, it is also true — and I think this is rele- 
vant — that more recent Presidents have taken 
special steps to insure that the Secretary of 
State, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of 
the Treasury, stand away from partisan politics, 
so that there is an easier opportunity to discuss 
these matters on a national basis, or with the 
leaders of both parties, or without premature 
regard for the more controversial aspects of 
politics here at home. 

Q. Could you think of an instance where, 
without talking about things you shouldn't be 
talking about, you could give us a few of the 
details of decisionmaking — some instance in 
your own experience? 

A. Well, there have been many, of course. I 
think perhaps one of the cases that occurs to 
me is a decision that we had to come to in the 
early part of the Kennedy administration as 
to how we would handle the Congo situation. 
That matter had come up during the last year 
of (lie Eisenhower administration. President 
Eisenhower had been faced with, in effect, civil 
war in the Congo. The Belgians were pulling 
out much more rapidly than they had expected 



lOf, 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



to, disorders spread throughout the country, 
there was a danger that the Soviet Union and 
the Communist bloc might intrude into this 
great country in the very heart of Africa and 
pose far-reaching securit} - and political ques- 
tions for the free world. So President Eisen- 
hower made the decision to try to handle this 
problem in the United Nations. 

Now, when we took a look at that in early 
1961, we had to review t hat decision in great de- 
tail and to take a look at it in terms of the 
known difficulties of pursuing it through the 
United Nations : particularly the financial prob- 
lem, mobilizing support in the United Nations 
for a reasonable allocation of the expenses; 
problems of domestic support here in the United 
States ; the possibilities of a sharp confrontation 
with the Soviet Union in the Congo despite the 
fact that the United Nations was taking it under 
control. And we boxed the compass on the fi- 
nancial, the security, the political aspects of it 
and concluded that President Eisenhower's 
decision was right and that the Kennedy ad- 
ministration should take it up and pursue it 
even more vigorously perhaps, because some 
important decisions had to be made at that point 
about the Congo in order to drive that U.N. 
operation through to a successful conclusion. 

Now, this involved thinking about the atti- 
tudes of maybe 50 or 60 governments. It in- 
volved whether we should go into a great deal 
of U.S. financing, because U.N. financing of it 
was very difficult. Now, that kind of a decision 
brings in almost all elements of your national 
policy and brings in quite a few agencies of 
Government before you are through. 

Q. Yes. Mr. Secretary, you have served in 
this decisionmaking process, of course, with 
President Kennedy and now with President 
Johnson. Is there anything appropriate, in 
your position, which you could say in comparing 
and contrasting the two Presidents in their 
functioning as foreign policy leaders? 

A. Well, I think the two of them actually 
were very much alike in the more fundamental 
aspects — both of them very much concerned 
about what is required to be done. They were 
men of action, they were very conscious of the 
unfinished business before the United States. 
more interested in what is required of us in a 



particular situation than in the long-range, 
broad, philosophical aspei ituation. 

Now, we can recall a iiumlier of occasions 

where President Kennedy acted immediately 
and with dispatch on particular issues. 

Lasl Thursday night, in the middle of the 
night, we began to get reports from Panama. 1 
We kept the President informed in the course 
of the night, and then early the next morning 
he made certain important decisions for action 
on that one day — before all the facts had come 
in. For example, that we send — 

Q. Well, before that question had been 
framed, so to speak, the one — 

A. Before we could be completely clear about 
exactly what the question was, he, for example, 
dispatched Mr. Mann and Secretary Vance to 
Panama, to have two of his top representatives 
right there on the scene to deal with the 
situation on the spot. He made immediate ar- 
rangements for this to be considered by the Or- 
ganization of American States and a decision as 
to how to deal with it in the United Nations 
Security Council. He gave other instructions 
about the security of American life and prop- 
erty in the zone itself. He telephoned Presi- 
dent Chiari to get agreement that this is a 
matter that ought to be settled by discussion 
and not by violence. 

Now, that was in the very first few hours of 
the crisis. Because events move so fast these 
days that when something like this comes up, 
it is important to begin to take the first steps 
to bring it under control, rather than let it drift 
and by indecision or inaction become much more 
explosive than it really is. 

Staffing Problems 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in trying to reach that 
question, of course, you are dealing with your 
own Department. And this Department is one 
of the favorite whipping boys and always has 
been, for years, for newspapermen to bring up 
a series of criticisms over and over again. I 
would like you to comment on them. 

One of them — just to run down the list — one 

of them is that this place is overstaffed, the 

• nt bureaucratic curse of overstating, yet, 

1 See p. 152. 



FEBRUARY 3, 1064 



167 



really, nothing can be done about it. People 
are locked in here by Civil Service, veterans' 1 
legislation, et cetera, et cetera. And when the 
St-ate Department is hit by a reduction in force, 
the good people go while the drones are protected 
by veterans'' legislation and seniority, and they 
stay on while the good people go, et cetera, 
et cetera. This is one of them. 

A. Well, it is one that is fashionable. And 
I am not sure that it is necessarily bad to keep 
raising the question as to whether Government 
bureaus or departments are overstaffed. That 
is, I think, a wholesome question. But I must 
say that I think the Department of State is 
getting to be pretty lean. 

We, for example, since 1950 have doubled the 
number of countries that we have relations 
with, and we have fewer people today in the 
Department of State than we had in 1950. 

We have about twice as many international 
conferences today, say, as we had 10 years ago. 
But we hold those conferences on about the same 
appropriations that we used 10 years ago for 
international conferences. 

We, I suppose, have more unpaid overtime in 
this Department per man than at least any large 
organization that I know of, either inside or 
outside of Government. 

Now, our problem, really, is that we cannot 
always know where the crises are going to occur 
and where additional personnel will be required. 
Now, we can't, on the one side, staff every part 
of the Department on the assumption that crises 
will occur in those particular sections of respon- 
sibility. So we have been moving toward more 
flexible assignment of personnel, in effect, some 
reserves to move into crisis situations. We do 
that through the Operations Center ; we do it in 
our intelligence work; we do it in a variety of 
ways. And we can beef up one of our embassies 
or posts overseas temporarily to help out during 
a particular period of tension. 

Q. What about this charge which some people 
make, that your difficulty lies in the seniority 
protection and so forth? 

A. Well, I think that this is something that 
arises wherever there is a tenure system. 

Q. Like universities? 



A. You gentlemen in the universities know 
something about this. 

Q. Yes. I will be very quiet. 

A. But I think this is a matter that has to 
be worked at all the time. Our Selection 
Boards, for example, not only look down the 
lino to see who are the youngsters who are going 
to move forward fast, and should move forward 
fast, in terms of high ability, but they also rec- 
ommend certain ones for selection out because it 
is discovered, for reasons which are not neces- 
sarily blameworthy, that individuals quit grow- 
ing before their time, or they demonstrate that 
they are unsuitable for the higher echelons of 
the service, and so they are simply advised that 
their career ought to be somewhere else. 

But you can't be completely arbitrary about 
that sort of thing, because we are interested also 
in recruitment. And when we recruit people 
to commit their lives to service in far-off and 
disagreeable and sometimes dangerous places, 
we have got to give them some assurance of con- 
tinuity on the job. We just can't go in with 
knives and cut people off here and there friv- 
olously. 

So, on the one side, we have got to maintain 
our capacity to recruit for a genuine career serv- 
ice and, on the other, try to find the ways and 
means of keeping that service honed up to its 
top responsibilities. 

Now, in addition to that, diplomacy has 
changed, at least as far as the United States is 
concerned — has changed dramatically since 
World War II. We have been thrown into a 
new world situation and a new responsibility 
toward it. And the demands on our diplomats 
are different in kind from those that were 
thrown upon them during our period of isola- 
tion, say, in the 1920's and 1930's. So the entire 
career service has had to grow and expand, and 
expand its horizons, and develop new talents 
and new executive abilities. And I think they 
have responded magnificently to it. 

Q. The State Department is really a creed 
or a product, isn't it, of the last 30 years or so? 
I think I remember reading about an editorial 
in the New York Sun, about 1903, which pro- 
posed abolishing the State Department. I 
mean, this represented some public opinion at 
that time. 



168 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



A. Well, it is interesting to me, in terms of 
the rigors of our jobs, seen from the point of 
view of the professional service, that we have 
very, very few applications for jobs on a politi- 
cal basis. Now, there was a time when an am- 
bassadorship abroad was sought after as a po- 
litical matter; it was a social accolade. But 
these jobs have become tough, and exact ing, and 
demanding, and, as I say, sometimes dangerous. 
And we have very, very few what might be 
called political applications for appointments 
in our diplomatic work right around the world. 

Improving Administrative Procedures 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there is another kind of 
criticism xvhich, as you well know, is frequently 
made. One gentleman puts it that your prob- 
lem, really, here in the State Department is 
complicated by the very intelligence and ability 
of your people. When something important 
is afoot, everybody wants to get into it; they 
are all so good that you have to have endless 
committees. And then the committee system, in 
turn, produces— I think it was Secretary 
Acheson who called it "the waffle paper'''' — the 
endless memos and waffle papers. And here is 
a quote from George Kennan, who says, "The 
result''' — of government by committee and waffle 
papers — "is compromised language, obscurity, a 
hodgepodge inferior to any of the individual 
views out of which it teas brewed." 

A. This is not a new problem. I remember 
a dispatch from Benjamin Franklin to the 
Secret Committee on Correspondence, when 
Benjamin Franklin was representing the Colo- 
nies in Paris, when he said, "Twelve months ago 
I asked you gentlemen a question, and I have 
heard nothing from you. If your committee 
can't agree on an answer, would one of you 
please sit down and tell me what is going on?" 

Now, this is a problem in any large organiza- 
tion, again whether in Government or in the 
private field. "We have been trying to work at 
it in a variety of ways — one of them to substi- 
tute consultation for committee structures, so 
that you do not leave dangling vetoes all over 
town — leaving the responsibility for action in 
the hands of the Departmental officers who 
must act, or thereby make a decision, you see. 

Now, we do — I think we are moving some- 



what more toward a day when, if there is delay, 

it is intentional; if there is obscurity, it is on 
purpose. 

Q. Well, how much papi r, .!//-. s, ,-,-, tary, 
tually comes across your desk m a given 
That is, are these various divisions of the State 
Department actually reporting directly to you, 
so to speak, on a piece of paper? 

A. Well, I get a considerable flow of paper 
across my desk. But on the more important 

decisions, the paper is usually brought to me, 
with three or four of my close colleagues, for 
discussion. Very seldom do I make an impor- 
tant recommendation or a decision without 
actually discussing the matter with the individ- 
uals concerned. In the first place, it tends to 
reduce the length of papers if you do it thai 
way. 

Q. Yes. 

A. But nevertheless there is a steady flow of 
information. For example, I suppose in the 
course of a day I would see 20 or 30 incoming 
cables. I would see perhaps up to a dozen out- 
going cables for my own personal approval. 

Q. These aren't, of course, from your own 
State Department operation here — they are 
from out there? 

A. That's correct. And I also get a great 
many informational bulletins, that is, very short 
notes telling me about a development in a par- 
ticular part of the world or what is happening 
in a particular country. And I find those in- 
valuable. And there is always the briefes 
be gone through in so-called off-duty hours. 
There is a great deal of reading in this job. 

Q. What is a typical division doing on a 
given day wlien their section is not "hot" so to 
speak? Are they sending you a memo? Is the 
Far Eastern division — if the Far East is fairly 
quiet at a given moment, do they conceive it to 
be their function to be communicating with you 
in any given week? 

A. Well, we have a regular procedure for 
keeping in touch on the daily flow of business. 
For example, I have a staff meeting with my 
senior colleagues every day. 

Q. This would have each part of the world, 
so to speak, represented? 



FEBRUARY 3, 1964 



1G9 



A. That is correct. On 3 days of the week 
this staff meeting is large enough to include all 
the geographic bureaus and the principal parts 
of the Department. Twice a week there may 
be half a dozen of us at the very top of the De- 
partment. Then, I get a daily roundup of in- 
formation about what is coming in in the cables, 
both incoming and outgoing. And so we get a 
pretty good fill-in every day — so that I can have 
a chance to ask questions, or to make sugges- 
tions, by phone or otherwise to my colleagues, 
about things which seem to me to be worth 
attention. 

Then I, in turn, give the President a daily 
rundown on what is going on. He, too, gets a 
daily intelligence briefing, and he is in a position 
then, by telephone or otherwise, to raise ques- 
tions and make suggestions which might be in 
his mind. 

Now, this does not mean, however, that I feel 
that I must necessarily know about everything 
that is going on before it happens. Today a 
desk officer must act upon questions which 
before World War II would have gone to the 
Secretary of State ; otherwise the business can't 
be transacted. 

So that my general approach has been that 
each officer of the Department should occupy 
the horizons of his responsibility and that he 
should go ahead and take decisions that are 
within that responsibility so long as he is com- 
fortable about it and willing to live with the 
results; otherwise — 

Q. Actually, hoio many memos then are being 
written? I mean is there anything to this kind 
of criticism at all? Are the divisions ex- 
changing memos with each other? Not much 
is coming up to you in the way of memos? 

A. Well, there is. I suppose from the point 
of view of the historian, who loves to have the 
maximum amount of material at his disposal to 
sort these things out later, that there is going to 
be a deficiency of paper on particular issues. 
But I must say, given the mass of our business 
and the complexity of it, it still appears that 
there is a blizzard of paperwork necessaiy. 
Now, again, we have been trying to reduce this. 
We have eliminated about 120 routine reports 
from our missions overseas, and we have saved 



over half a million dollars a year by the elimi- 
nation of reports which simply came into Wash- 
ington and sat here in stacks without anything 
necessarily being done about them. So we are 
fighting this battle of paperwork all the time. 

Q. I take it, you really feel you are winning 
on this one. 

A. We are making some headway. I won't 
say we are winning; but we are not losing. 

Question of Extent of Authority 

Q. The critics really, I think, like to hit you 
hardest on this maiter of how independent a 
Foreign Service officer can be — an ambassador 
or Foreign Service officer. I notice — reading 
up for this program — one after the other says 
that the man out there simply doesn't have 
enough independence, whether he is the ambas- 
sador or the lower Foreign Service officer. And 
an Alsop article quotes one officer saying, "/ 
have to get permission from the State Depart- 
ment even to go to the bathroom" 

A. Well, that is a rather dramatic way of 
stating an untruth, but nevertheless it is true 
that complete independence, as some people 
might want it, is not possible in our system. 

In the first place, everyone must adjust him- 
self to the policies of the President and the 
Secretary of State and must know what those 
are on important questions. 

But secondly, we are talking about the alloca- 
tion of men and money, and these resources are 
limited. So we are trying to allocate limited 
resources to almost unlimited problems. And 
that means that we have to give instruction 
from Washington on a great many questions 
that otherwise we could give them freedom of 
action about. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I want to press you a bit 
on this point of the independence of our man 
out there. Kerens another critic icho says, "A 
Soviet ambassador can on his own authority 
offer bribes, scholarships, laws, or anything else 
he needs to fight the cold war.''' I don't know 
what that "laws" means in there. "At least 
until recently an American ambassador had to 
In/re Washington's permission to send one boy 
back to America on a scholarship, to send one 
of his men out for treatment in an emergency, 



170 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



or even to redecorate his living room." This is 
the kind of thing one finds in the criticism. 

A. Well, a part of this problem again is the 
shortage of resources. Now, we could not easily 
make broad allocations of money for the refur- 
nishing of embassies because we haven't got that 
much money to go around. We have to ration 
this out, as the most urgent needs come up. I 
do think we can go further in allocating ex- 
change funds for students and things of that 
sort. But I think one would have to look at the 
particular question that is involved. 

For example, if a particular ambassador 
thinks that the chief of the government where 
he is accredited ought to visit Washington, ob- 
viously this is a matter that we have to take into 
account and apportion these visits over a period 
of time. 

An ambassador in one particular capital may 
be at great, variance in his view with our own 
ambassador in a neighboring capital, because 
these two countries may have an important dis- 
pute between them, and we can't give either one 
of those ambassadors too much freedom of 
action in pursuing a policy aimed solely at the 
country in which he is stationed. 

Q. But these critics feel that other countries — 
of course that citation of the Soviet is not partic- 
ularly appropriate, but I have read some 
criticisms which argue, for example, that the 
British give their men in the field far more au- 
thority than we do, which tends first of all to 
attract better men and secondly to permit them 
to perform their responsibilities more satis- 
factorily. 

A. This is one side of it. The other side of 
it is encouraging all our people, whatever their 
posts, or however senior they might be, fullj- 
to exercise the responsibilities that they already 
have. And my guess is that our problem is not 
so much a straining for independence — al- 
though I think that is wholesome — but rather 
a reluctance to occupy fully the horizons of 
one's power and responsibility. 

I don't think that I have complained in 3 
years to any colleague about having exceeded 
his authority. But this is a point that any bu- 
reaucratic organization — again, Government or 
private — has to keep constantly in front of it, 



to see whether it is giving its people sufficient 
policy direction and sufficient freedom of action 
to get on with the execution of that policy. 

This is one of the arts of government thai 
we are working on all the time. 

Q. I wonder — as you speak, it occurs to me — 
/ wonder whether getting men to use the in- 
dependence that they have might have some- 
thing to do toith the kind of people who tradi- 
tionally have gone into the Foreign Service. 
Thinking of other fields, it seems to me that the 
men tend to want to exceed their authority. 

A. I am not convinced that that is so in the 
private field any more than it is in Government, 
really. I have had many contacts with people 
in business and large organizations outside. 
And those who are in top authority tell me that 
they have the same problem that I am just 
talking about. 

Foreign Policy and American Public Opinion 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I have to worry about the 
time here. May I switch this over to something 
quite different? 

Of course, one of the problems of a Secretary 
of State is to deal with the American people, to 
have their support for what he wants to do, and, 
as a historian, in the last 5 or 6 years I have 
read colleague after colleague of mine who has 
said that the American people have an idea 
about America's role in the world which creates 
a terrible problem for a Secretary of State. 
And I want to read a couple of what seem to me 
characteristic sentences from the well-known 
American historian, Mr. Henry Commager, 
writing in the London Observer. 

lie is talking about what we Americans — 
that is, the public — believe, and he says, "We 
think that we can bestride the stream of his- 
tory, that we can indeed command that stream, 
even when its swift and turbulent. We think 
that there is a special destiny for lis, special 
rules, special laws. . . ." et cetera. He goes on 
here and says, '■'■What we have here is deeply in- 
grained vanity and arrogance, vanity and ar- 
rogance fed by isolation, by our school histo- 
ries. . . ." et cetera. "Of course, in some ways 
we have been a peculiar people, more successful 
than others, more fortunate than others. But 



FEBRUARY 3, 1964 



171 



has this not been in large fart a function of the 
wonderful bounty of nature, and should it not 
induce humility rather than the arrogance and 
pride that we exhibit?" 

A. Well, I think that we do have some prob- 
lems in the conduct of our foreign relations that 
arise from the nature of our debate on these 
matters here at home. And we have extreme 
views here, as other countries have. We have a 
special problem in talking about particular for- 
eign policy issues — because we can't talk about 
them just among Americans. There are three 
other large audiences listening in to everything 
we say: our allies, the unalined countries, the 
Communist bloc. And it's very difficult to know 
how best to discuss these things with four audi- 
ences at the same time. 

Now, I think that it's proper for a writer to 
put pungently and in such sharp fashion some 
of the weaknesses in some parts of opinion here 
in this country, but if I could be a little provin- 
cial, perhaps a little presumptuous, I'd like to 
express my own tremendous respect for the 
quality of the American attitude toward for- 
eign policy since World War II. 

I say that because the record of the American 
people in this period has really been quite ex- 
traordinary: this solid decision in 1945 to try 
to work toward the kind of world outlined in 
the United Nations Charter, the willingness to 
come up with more than a hundred billion dol- 
lars of aid to rebuild a war-torn world and to 
build a peaceful world, the readiness to have up 
to a million of our men stationed in uniform 
outside the continental United States, in all 
parts of the world — and let. me say also the 
readiness to do all these things with a certain 
modesty and restraint. I put it to you, as a 
distinguished professor, that Lord Acton prob- 
ably has to be reexamined, because we did come 
out of World War II with an unimaginable 
amount of power and yet that power was com- 
mitted to purposes which by and large are 
congenial to the basic wishes of men and women 
in all parts of the world. We have not exploited 
that power for purely national or jingoistic 
self-interests of our own. It has been a most 
fxl inordinary achievement. 

Now, it is sometimes said that the Depart- 
ment of State has no constituency. In a sense, 



that is true. But on the other hand, our real 
constituency is in every home and in every com- 
munity. Because foreign policy does touch 
every home and every community. 

These million men in uniform outside the 
United States are a direct contact between 
American foreign policy and every community 
in the country. Indeed, one out of every seven 
Americans is a veteran. And on April 15th I 
think everyone fully understands the connec- 
tions between foreign policy and their own pri- 
vate business. 

In many ways everything that we do — and 
we are very conscious of it here in the Depart- 
ment of State — everything that we do has a 
direct effect upon individuals and their own pri- 
vate activities throughout the year. This is re- 
flected in polls. It's reflected in steady support 
for the United Nations, in, broadly speaking, 
60 percent support year after year after year 
for the necessary foreign aid expenditures. 

I don't find that I have to make too much of 
an argument away from Washington, in the 
local communities, on the question as to whether 
they are willing to pay three or four cents of 
their Federal tax dollar for foreign aid to try to 
get this job done in the world without commit- 
ting these men to combat that we have stationed 
all over the world. 

So that I think this is a matter that ought 
to be discussed, and vigorously, but I don't think 
we ought to sell the American people short in 
the decency and responsibility of their general 
attitude toward the rest of the world. 

Q. Well, I too have certainly been struck by 
the extraordinary willingness of the American 
people since World War II to change a number 
of their foreign policy ideas, and I don't par- 
ticularly share this hind of feeling. But it is, 
as you know, very strong in intellectual circles. 

A. You see, Professor Goldman — if I could 
interrupt, for just a second — one of our prob- 
lems is that in our own affairs here at home we 
can pretty much control what we do here in this 
country ; that is, we the American people can do 
so. In our foreign relations we are dealing 
with a world that we can only influence, we can't 
control. And so it's filled with tumultuous 
events which we can't necessarily shape and de- 
termine. During the last calendar year, 1963, 



172 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



there were elections and changes of government 
in more than 50 of the 114 countries that we do 
business with, and 12 or 15 of those changes 
were unscheduled in character, if I might say 
so. This included 10 of the 15 NATO countries. 

So this creates frustrations. Why does this 
particular country seem to act so unreasonable 
despite everything we have tried to do for it? 

Well, all 1 can say is that we too have our 
frustrations and I suppose every foreign office 
does. But the steady progress toward the U.N. 
kind of world order I think is marked and is 
there to be found. And I think thoughtful peo- 
ple will see that we are making headway toward 
some notions of law in this international scene. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, may I stay with this for a 
moment, because a number of the kind of people 
who watch our program, I am sure, feel that 
this kind of criticism, such as Commager was 
making, is of great importance. I take it from 
what you say— and you have been Secretary of 
State for quite a while — you don't really feel 
that your work is seriously — let me put it this 
way — seriously hindered by problems of public 
opinion? 

A. Not seriously hindered by the problem of 
the extreme elements in public opinion. For 
example, I don't believe that the American peo- 
ple want us to rush over the precipice into a 
nuclear war. I don't think the American peo- 
ple want us to quit the international scene and 
turn the whole world scene over to those who 
don't have a commitment to freedom. 

There are extreme statements, and sometimes 
there are extreme debates on some of these 
issues. But perhaps you would be interested in 
this observation: I suppose in the course of 3 
years I have sat in executive committees, exec- 
utive meetings of congressional committees, per- 
haps over a hundred times, to talk about some 
of these difficult and frustrating problems of 
foreign policy. I can't recall at the moment an 
instance where in executive session the dis- 
cussion turned on partisan lines. In other 
words, there may be differences of view in the 
committee about what we ought to do in a par- 
ticular situation, because most of these questions 
are questions that call for on-balance judg- 
ments — no particular line of action is entirely 



comfortable. But these differences of view 
normally don't fall on partisan grounds, on 
partisan lines. So that we gel relatively little 
partisanship as such in these committeee when 
we can sit down with them quietly and go ■ 
the full implications and agonies of sonic of 
these difficult questions we have. 

Q. If you take this matter of public opinion 
off extreme views which exist in some parts of 
our public and hold it to what intellect >/„/., 
frequently talk about; namely, the general feel- 
ing on the part of Americans, since we are peo- 
ple of action, that we ought to get things settled 
abroad, these more general propositions, and of 
course the Secretary of State necessarily gen- 
erally pursuing the patient policies of adjust- 
ment and negotiation in the world— this still to 
you presents no really serious problem? 

A. Well, I think there is a problem which is 
present in public opinion and present for us, 
and that is a certain impatience about getting 
the job done. 

Q. Which is supposed to be characteristically 
American. 

A. That is right. And we ourselves are im- 
patient about these matters. Now, a question 
like Kashmir has been with us since 1947. We 
would like to get it settled. Three administra- 
tions have suffered with that one and have 
agonized about it. I am sure that the American 
people would like to see this issue settled so that 
our relations with Pakistan and India can be 
on a much more solid and intimate basis of com- 
plete friendship. 

But some of these problems just don't yield 
that easily. Some of them have a thousand 
years of history behind them. Some of them are 
out of a context with winch we as a people have 
had relatively little contact in the past. And, 
in any event, we don't own these countries, we 
can't buy them with less than one percent of 
their gross national product in aid, and they 
are not going to click their heels and salute us 
just because we tell them what we think about 
a particular problem. 

But nevertheless there is a respect right 
around the world for what this country is gen- 
erally all about, and our influence is very, very 
substantial. And we do have, and will have for 



FEBRUARY 3, 19G4 



173 



the indefinite future, a chance to build toward 
this decent community that I was talking about. 

A Personal View 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in the course of these pro- 
file programs we like to pause for just a few 
moments and drop back, before the gentleman's 
present position, and talk for a moment about 
your life before you were Secretary of State. 
Born in — / love the name of this county, Chero- 
kee County, Georgia, the son— I think your 
father was both a schoolteacher and a farmer, 
wasn't he? 

A. Yes, he was a graduate of Davidson Col- 
lege, in North Carolina, my own college. And 
we had a little 40-acre tenant farm in Cherokee 
County, just north of Atlanta. 

Q. It was a tenant farm? 

A. Yes, it was. 

Q. Then, Davidson College, this brilliant 
record of yours — Phi Beta Kappa and a Rhodes 
Scholar. You taught for a while at Mills Col- 
lege, out in California — 

A. That is correct. 

Q. — taught government, international rela- 
tions. The years in the State Department, par- 
ticularly the Far Eastern Division, as I have it 
here. And then of course from '52 to 'GO, the 
head of the Rockefeller Foundation. 

I don't think an academic like me should let 
you off his program without bringing up one 
thing in connection with that past career. 

Here you were the head of a very powerful 
foundation, and you are now out of it and can 
look at it with some perspective. If there is 
anything bothering the university world, it is 
the question, are the foundations stripping the 
independent scholar of his desire to go off in a 
corner and do what he wants to do regardless 
of what the foundation wants him to do, and 
are they really beginning to seriously interfere 
with the ultimate independence of universities? 

Now, I am not raising those as questions. I 
would be very much interested, and I am sure 
our audience would, if you would, looking now 
from the perspective of having been out of that 
world for a while, comment on this in any way 
you care to. 



A. Well, I don't want to appear to be speak- 
ing for any organization with which I am no 
longer connected. 

Q. No, of course not. 

A. So I'd like to just speak generally on 
this. 

I think that it would not be right for a 
foundation to attempt to determine university 
policy. But on the other hand, a foundation 
should determine its policy — its own policy. 

Q. Yes. 

A. Now, my guess is that there have been 
more individuals given a chance to go off and 
do what they wanted to do through foundation 
funds in this country than from any other 
source, except — unless it be, in more recent 
years, through the Government's ventures in 
science and things of that sort. 

Q. You knoio the point that is always made. 
The foundation wants — the scholar wants to 
write about bees, and the foundation says, u But 
if you write about flowers, here is the money, 
because we want floioers." 

A. I think an offer of that sort would be 
pretty unwise, because the man who knows 
about bees wouldn't do very well about flowers. 

Q. What about the university end of it, sir? 
You look at these budgets of universities. More 
and more, of course, they are involved with the 
foundations and with the Government. There 
are people who worry about that. 

A. Well, I think the foundation side of it is 
still a very relatively tiny part of the university 
budget. The Government side of it has become 
more and more important. But the relative po- 
sition of the foundation financing in the uni- 
versity-college field in the last 40 years has 
dropped tremendously in proportion, because 
colleges and universities have just expanded 
enormously. For example, I suppose when the 
Rockefeller Foundation was first established 
there was no university that had an annual in- 
come equivalent to that of the Rockefeller 
Foundation. But I suppose now there must be 
60 or 70 universities whose annual income is 
larger than that of the Rockefeller Foundation. 

As a matter of fact, when I was there, I made 
a proposal to one of our great university presi- 



171 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



dents, whose endowment at that point had just 
exceeded that of the Rockefeller Foundation, 
that 1 wouldn't ask him for any money if he 
wouldn't ask us for any money. But he 
wouldn't accept t hat proposal. 

Working Toward a Rule of Law 

Q. Mr. Secretary, we are in the -final 10 or 15 
minutes of this program, and I wonder if we 
could use them to look forward to what kinds 
of things you would like to see introduced into 
our foreign policy as general themes. I have 
triiii to put down here some of the things that 
people who have studied your work have said 
you are particularly interested in introducing 
into our foreign policy, giving more emphasis 
to. May I bring some of them up here and get 
you to comment on them? 

One of them is a greater acceptance and per- 
haps I should say even welcoming of neutral 
regimes and policies in less developed countries, 
as long as neutralism, does not mean procom- 
munism. 

A. Well, we have a basic commitment to the 
notion that the international community should 
be made up of independent states working out 
cooperation across their national frontiers on 
the basis of common interest with other coun- 
tries, and working toward, in effect, a ride of 
law in the international scene. Now, we 
formed alliances after World War II. When 
it became clear that that U.N. system was going 
to need a good deal of shoring up, we formed 
alliances, in order to sustain the notion of the 
independence of states, with countries whose 
independence was being threatened. 

Now, our interest in the so-called nonalined 
countries is exactly the same underlying interest 
in their independence and their capacity to co- 
operate in this international community along 
with the rest of us. So that there is not that 
sharp a distinction in our basic interest in the 
situation of an ally and a so-called unalined 
country. 

Further than that — and this is something that 
involves simply a personal judgment that would 
just have to be talked out — I am convinced there 
is something pretty universal about the basic 
political notions of the American people and 



their ideas about a tolerable world order thai 
we have seen written into the Charter of the 
United Nations. 

Now, if we could sit down with the maximum 
number of these 114 countries that we have re- 
lations with, if we limit ourselves just to two 
questions — What are the basic interests of the 
United States in this relationship? What are 
the basic interests of country x in this relation- 
ship? — we usually find that there is an enor- 
mous underpinning of common interest and 
purpose between us and almost any other coun- 
try we do business with, except those commit t a 1 
to a Communist world revolution, where the 
common interests are more related to the avoid- 
ance of nuclear war and certain things of that 
sort. So that between ourselves and the un- 
alined there is a range of common interests 
which supports a good and friendly relation- 
ship. 

Then I would add a further comment : I think 
the long-term purposes of the American people 
are held in pretty high regard right around 
the world, whether by allies or by neutrals, and 
in moments of crisis there are not as many neu- 
trals as one thinks. 

I remember at the time of President Tru- 
man's decision to go into Korea, in that first 
week, when the danger was there and it wasn't 
clear that the danger was going to be met, there 
weren't any neutrals. And again in the mis- 
sile crisis in Cuba in 1962, there were very few 
neutrals until it became clear that the danger 
was going to be met. 

Q. I wish — / just got the 5-minute signal — 
/ wish I hadn't because I was very struck by 
that statement of yours. Actually there is a 
kind of fundamental faith beneath your policy, 
isn't there, that in the long run around the world 
the general postulates of our society are really 
what are wanted by people? 

A. Well, Professor Goldman, this is, I sup- 
pose, a matter of faith, because you could attack 
it from so many different directions. But I feel 
that these very simple but fundamental polit- 
ical ideas of the American people are a part 
of a 2,000-year discussion that has been going 
on about the political implications of the nature, 
of man, and that when we talk about individual 



FEBRUARY 3, 1964 



175 



rights, and when, we talk about opportunities 
for a decent life, and when we talk about re- 
spect for each other and things of that sort, 
we are talking about something that immedi- 
ately puts us in touch with ordinary people in 
almost every other country in the world, in- 
cluding the Communist countries. 

Q. You would add to that list — it was simply 
accidental that you left end political rights? 
You would put them in? 

A. I would include political rights with the 
reservation that our own way of giving insti- 
tutional form to these ideas may not be those 
that others feel comfortable about, or may not 
want to use in exactly the same way. But 
broadly speaking the political rights are pretty 
much the same. 

We don't know anyone who likes to face the 
possibility that there will be a knock on the 
door at midnight and he will be taken off to 
jail arbitrarily. And in most of the villages in 
the world the villagers themselves determine 
who their leaders are going to be. 

These are things that are pretty universal, 
and this gives us a kinship and a common tie 
that I think are far more important in our 
foreign relations than appears on the surface. 

Q. May I bring up another one of these things 
which I think I detect as a kind of summary of 
people's comments upon what you would like 
to see us move toward in foreign policy. I have 
it here as active support for relatively demo- 
cratic movements around the world, involving 
some implicit abandonment of the U.S. policy 
of nonintervention in other nations' internal af- 
fairs and some implicit support for so-called 
"good" revolutions? 

A. Well, I think the American capacity to 
act, whether through aid or security matters or 
just in the exercise of influence, means that in 
a certain sense we cannot avoid intervening in 
the affairs of other countries. To withhold our 
interest is itself a form of intervention in many 
situations. 



But I think that we are in a situation where 
there are going to be dramatic changes. Those 
dramatic changes are in process — political, eco- 
nomic, and otherwise. We feel that it would be 
important for us to help those who are trying 
to direct those changes into the constitutional 
and democratic processes on which can be built 
the possibilities of a greater degree of law in the 
international scene. 

Because those changes are going to happen, 
and if they happen through violent means and 
they simply shore up aggressive or hostile 
dictatorships of one type or another, in country 
after country, then the prospects for peace and 
for the protection of American interests 
throughout the world are greatly diminished. 

Q. There are four or five more of these, but toe 
have about Ifi or 50 seconds, and one I wish you 
would close with, a comment on this: There is 
implicit in what you have said, as Secretary of 
State, that you want some kind of greater, I 
think, identification of the U.S. with social and 
economic reform around the world, something 
more than we have had in the past. Is this 
righ t? And if so, is there anything specific you 
have in mind? 

A. I think that, if one looks back and brings 
it up to the present, President Roosevelt's at- 
tempt to do something about this country gave 
him an enormous influence in other parts of 
the world. President Kennedy's known desire 
for economic and social improvement in this 
country made a powerful impression in other 
countries. President Johnson's own personal 
background of rural populism and the feeling 
that these things that he is talking about with 
the Congress are very deep in his own inner sys- 
tem give him an influence that is greatly appre- 
ciated among other people in other parts of the 
world. 

Q. I am very sorry, sir, we are cut off. 
Thank you very much for taking time to come 
and be with us an) id some very, very busy days. 
Thank you for being with us, ladies and gentle- 
turn, inn/ goodhyt for this week. 



176 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Shaping the Future 



by W. W. Rostoio 

Counselor of the Department and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council l 



It is peculiarly appropriate for a State De- 
partment planner to share this occasion with 
you. In this 2-day meeting you are peering 
ahead, t rying to feel your way toward the future 
environment in which American business will 
have to operate on the international scene. 

None of us, of course, can know the future, 
but it is essential that we try to peer through 
the fog for two simple reasons: First, our cur- 
rent actions are based on one assumption or 
another about what the future will be like; 
second, what we do now will, in some degree, 
determine what the future, in fact, will be. "We 
live and work within the framework of large 
historical forces, but we are also the makers of 
history. Whether we like it or not, whether 
we are conscious of it or not, our day-to-day 
actions cast long shadows forward. 

In the course of planning foreign policy our 
working definition of the task tries to cover 
both aspects of the problem. We examine, with 
all the insight of which we are capable, the 
forces and trends at work at the moment and 
those which are likely to emerge in the period 
ahead ; then we try to answer this question : In 
the light of these forces and trends, what spe- 
cific actions, in specific fields, should be under- 
taken now to make the Nation's future on the 
world scene better? 

Planning combines, therefore, reflection and 
action, invention and innovation. In the wid- 
est sense we in the State Department, like your- 
selves, are concerned with investment deci- 



1 Address made before the Business International 
Chief Executives' Roundtable at New York, N.Y., on 
Jan. 9 (press release 10 dated Jan. 8). 



sions — in our case, how should the Nations pres- 
tige, influence, and resources be disposed on the 
world scene. 

Historic Interval of Opportunity 

Before one can peer ahead and make plans, 
one must, of course, try to understand where 
one is in the sweep of history. 

At the moment I believe we are in the midst 
of an interval of pause, and it is my thesis to- 
night that where this pause leads is not a matter 
wholly in the lap of the gods. It is not merely 
a question of abstract historical forces. The 
future will be determined substantially by what 
Americans, in and out of Government, decide 
to do. 

To understand this pause one must look back 
to the day in October 1957 when the first Sput- 
nik was launched. Heartened by that powerful 
symbolic event, the Communists launched 
against the free world a major offensive, whose 
main lines had begun to emerge in the several 
previous years. The confident mood through- 
out the Communist Moc was caught up by Mao 
Tse-tung's post-Sputnik statement: "The east 
wind is prevailing over the west wind." 

It was in 1958 that the ultimatum on Berlin 
was launched by Moscow ; Ho Chi Minh, in vio- 
lation of the 1954 Geneva agreements, began to 
press down hard in South Viet-Nam and into 
central Laos. At the end of 1958 Castro took 
over in Cuba and began to press out into the 
Caribbean with subversion and propaganda. 
The Communists vigorously sought to exploit 
the aftermath of independence in the Congo, 
as well as opportunities in Indonesia and else- 



FEBRUART 3, 19G4 



177 



where in the developing areas. This post- 
Sputnik offensive aimed to gain ground in Eu- 
rope by the application of nuclear blackmail 
against Berlin, and in the developing areas by 
a mixture of subversion and guerrilla warfare, 
aid and trade, and the projected image of com- 
munism as the wave of the future. 

Although this offensive was set back in two 
areas — by the Lebanon-Jordan and Quemoy- 
Matsu crises of 1958 — it had real momentum 
when President Kennedy came to office. The 
first task of his administration was to deal with 
it. 

Eoughly between May of 1961 and October 
1962, under President Kennedy's leadership, 
this offensive was halted. Dangerous Commu- 
nist actions have by no means ceased, but the 
momentum of the post-Sputnik offensive 
drained away. The offensive was halted not by 
a single event but by the protracted application 
of diplomacy, backed by radically increased 
American force and the evident will to use it, 
if necessary, to defend vital interests of the free 
world. This was the pattern in Southeast Asia, 
Berlin, and, above all, in the Cuba missile crisis 
of October 1962. 

In the foreword to his Public Papers of 1962, 
President Kennedy wrote : 

Future historians, looking back at 1962, may well 
mark this year as the time when the tide of inter- 
national politics began at last to flow strongly toward 
the world of diversity and freedom. Following the 
launching of Sputnik in 1957, the Soviet Union began 
to intensify its pressures against the non-communist 
world — especially in Southeast Asia, in Central Africa, 
in Latin America and around Berlin. The notable 
Soviet successes in space were taken as evidence that 
communism held the key to the scientific and techno- 
logical future. People in many countries began to 
accept the notion that communism was mankind's in- 
evitable destiny. 

1962 stopped this process .... 

Sensing this historic interval of opportunity, 
President Kennedy in June 1963, in his Ameri- 
can University speech, 2 moved from the position 
of equilibrium and strength, which had been 
created under his leadership, in the direction of 
peace. 

Whether, in fact, the turning point of 1961-62 
becomes a watershed in human history, in which 

2 For text, see Bulletin of July 1, 1963, p. 2. 



the cold war gradually gives way to the organi- 
zation of a peaceful and progressive community 
of nations, or whether it leads merely to a paren- 
thesis between two Communist offensives, de- 
pends primarily on what we in the free world 
make of this interval and, in particular, what we 
Americans make of it. It is evident — in South- 
east Asia and in the Caribbean, for example — 
that the Communist danger remains acute. 
Peace has not broken out. We face danger as 
well as opportunity. Nevertheless, the initiative 
is in our hands if we have the will and the vision 
to seize it. 

We by no means fully control the forces at 
work in the world about us ; but, at this time in 
history, our behavior — what we do and what we 
fail to do — will substantially influence the course 
of events. 

In the balance of my talk to you this evening 
I should like to illustrate and make concrete this 
proposition by talking about some of the tasks 
before us, at home and on the world scene, which 
are likely to prove important to the outcome. I 
shall not talk about our full national agenda — 
which covers the whole field of military and for- 
eign policy — but I should like to consider with 
you a few items which bear on issues you have 
discussed today and will be discussing to- 
morrow. 

Maintaining American Leadership 

As President Johnson made clear in his state 
of the Union message yesterday, 3 our ability to 
influence the course of events abroad depends 
mightily on how we handle our affairs at home. 
A United States which fails to face and deal 
with its problems of race relations, education, 
health, and unemployment is not likely to be 
accepted for long as leader on the world scene. 

But even more is involved in maintaining a 
role of world leadership. It requires that we be 
able to support military forces in many parts of 
the world and that we be able to invest both 
public and private capital abroad, notably in the 
developing areas. This, in turn, requires that 
we maintain a substantial surplus on current 
account in our balance of payments. 



" Ibid., Jan. 27, 1964. p. 110. 



178 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



I shall not enter into the details of our present 
balance-of-payments position or discuss the im- 
mediate measures which are under way to keep 
that position sound. In the context of this ses- 
sion it is more appropriate to focus on the long- 
run problem of maintaining the United States 
as a front-runner on the world scene. 

Put simply, our longrun balance-of-payments 
position depends primarily on the relative pro- 
ductivity of our economy. "Wage-price policy 
and exchange-rate policy are, of course, also 
relevant. But we are committed to hold to the 
present gold value of the dollar, as befits a gov- 
ernment responsible for the world's reserve cur- 
rency; and the possibility of holding wage in- 
creases within the limit of the average increase 
in the Nation's productivity is strongly affected 
by the rate of increase in productivity itself. 

Historically, our productivity advantage 
flowed not merely from our favorable balance 
between population and natural resources but 
from our leadership in certain specific fields of 
industry. For example, the fact that we were 
the first to enter the age of mass production of 
automobiles gave us an important lead in the 
production of strip steel, petroleum and petro- 
chemicals, light electronics, and so on. 

At the present time Western Europe and Ja- 
pan are moving toward — or have achieved — 
technological equality with us in the production 
of a number of industrial products in which we 
had an initial lead. Meanwhile, we have had 
to put a great deal of our best research and de- 
velopment talent and managerial skill into the 
arms race and into the exploration of space. 
Our research and development talent and man- 
agerial skill are unevenly spread throughout 
the economy. There is a high concentration of 
the best talent in three industries: chemicals, 
electronics, and the aerospace industry. 

The challenge before us can, I believe, be 
stated in some such terms as these : If we are to 
remain in the next generation a front-runner 
on the world scene, we must learn to bring to 
bear our highest skills in research, develop- 
ment, and management on sectors of our econ- 
omy which have in the past been neglected. 
After all, it is into construction, transport, 
metals and metalworking, and textiles that the 
bulk of our industrial resources still go; and 



these industries have fallen behind in the use of 
thetoolsof modern science and technology. We 
must, I believe, pioneer the application to i 
industries of the same kind of scientific, tech- 
nical, and managerial skill that we have brought 
to bear in the chemicals, electronics, and aero- 
space industries. 

Much the same can be said about services 
which absorb and will continue to absorb a ris- 
ing proportion of our national income. I sus- 
pect that there are real possibilities for the 
imaginative use of new methods in health and 
in education. 

One basic challenge at home is, then, to bring 
to bear methods, now applied over a narrow 
front, over the whole broad front of the na- 
tional economy. This, I believe, will prove an 
essential condition for maintaining a foundation 
for continued American leadership abroad. 

A particular circumstance makes this prob- 
lem germane. Barring some unforeseen new 
circumstance, it may be that our military ex- 
penditures have reached a peak. In certain im- 
portant sectors they may level off or even 
slightly decline. This process should release 
important industrial talents and resources for 
civil purposes. The longrun problem I am 
raising is thus practical and urgent, not distant 
and abstract. You will have noted that Presi- 
dent Johnson has recently put a team to work 
on this question within the Government.* 

Like most of the great problems we face at 
home and abroad, a solution to this one requires 
a spirit of partnership between Government and 
private enterprise, although the principal acts 
of imagination and initiative must come from 
the vital private sector of our economy and from 
private institutions. 

Private Enterprise and the Developing Nations 

Private enterprise has, I believe, an equally 
exciting challenge in the developing areas. 
Surveying the position of the countries in Asia, 
the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America, 
it is clear that a great many of them — embrac- 
ing perhaps 70 percent of the population of the 
developing areas— have passed through a first 
phase of modern development. They have built 



* Ibid., p. 120. 



FEBRUARY 3, 1964 



179 



great cities, learned something about the ad- 
ministration of modern government, and ac- 
quired a wide range of industrial skills. Their 
industry, however, has been mainly built up by 
the production of consumers goods in substitute 
for imports for a small, urban, middle-class 
market. They still need to plow a good deal 
of their capital into roads, power stations, edu- 
cation, and other infrastructure projects; and 
these needs justify continuing development 
loans and technical assistance on a government- 
to-government basis. 

But the great challenge to the private enter- 
prise sectors within those countries — and to pri- 
vate enterprise abroad — is to do what private 
enterprise has succeeded in doing in the United 
States, Western Europe, and Japan, that is, to 
produce and market efficiently to all the people, 
not merely to a small, urban middle class, the 
things that modern industrial skills can pro- 
duce: cheap farm equipment, textiles, shoes, 
transistor radios, household utensils, sewing ma- 
chines, bicycles, and all the rest. All of you 
who have traveled in developing nations must 
have been struck by the gap between the cities 
and the countryside — the cities with their jet 
airports, big highways into town, luxury hotels, 
and upper middle-class suburbs, while many 
rural areas have been barely touched by mod- 
ernization. It is no wonder that the more en- 
terprising country folk take to the roads and 
gather in the slums which ring the modern 
cities. 

The next great job in the developing areas 
is to narrow this rural-urban gap by creating 
truly national markets. Specifically, there are 
four major jobs that must be done, and they 
should be done simultaneously as part of a con- 
scious national strategy, shared by the public 
and private authorities. The four elements are 
these: a buildup of agricultural productivity, 
a revolution in the marketing of agricultural 
products in the cities, a shift of industry to the 
production of simple agricultural equipment 
and consumers goods for the mass market, and 
a revolution in marketing methods for such 
cheap manufactured goods, especially in rural 
areas. 

If I am correct, what is involved are two dis- 
tinct revolutions in marketing — one urban, the 



other rural — plus a shift in public and private 
resources to agriculture, plus a shift in the di- 
x*ection of industrial output to meet the require- 
ments of a mass market. 

Efforts to create such national markets must 
begin within the developing countries them- 
selves, but American, European, and Japanese 
private enterprise have major creative roles to 
play in helping bring about this next stage in 
the development process. 

Let me underline one implication of this argu- 
ment which bears directly on your discussions 
here. The question is asked : What is the future 
of private enterprise in the developing nations? 
My answer would be as follows: It was alto- 
gether natural, if not inevitable, that in the first 
phase of modern economic development the gov- 
ernment in many countries should dominate the 
economic scene. In the first place, the private 
sectors were weak, often lacking the traditions 
and experience with which we are familiar in 
the United States and Western Europe. In the 
second place, a great deal of investment had to 
flow into education, roads, and other elements in 
the basic infrastructure of the economy where 
only governments could undertake the initia- 
tive. But many of these countries now have the 
basis for vital private enterprise systems. 
Their younger men have often been trained 
abroad or have had the experience of working 
with modern business organizations within 
their own countries. 

I firmly believe that if private enterprise, 
domestic and foreign, now purposefully goes 
about the job of assuming leadership in the 
making of national markets — making available 
the goods that the poorer folk would buy or 
work harder to get if they were efficiently pro- 
duced and marketed — the future of private en- 
terprise in the developing nations can be 
assured. There will, of course, be problems. 
As nationalism grows, there is often a pressure 
to alter old arrangements, notably where for- 
eign firms have owned and managed basic na- 
tional resources; but if private enterprise can 
begin to do in these countries what it has done 
for all the people in the United States, Western 
Europe, and Japan, I believe that the govern- 
ments and peoples in these areas will recognize 
its virtues and accept its legitimacy. 



180 



1>I IWKTMKXT OF STATE liUIXETIN 



Organization of the Atlantic Partnership 

The future will be shaped by still another 
enterprise in which collaboration and mutual 
understanding will be required between our 
public and private sectors. Beneath the surface 
of sometimes noisy debate about the future of 
the Atlantic community, the elements of part- 
nership across the Atlantic — and across the 
Pacific, too — are slowly being built. Europe 
and Japan, emerging from postwar reconstruc- 
tion and a decade of remarkable growth, are 
shifting from dependence on the United States 
to a sharing of responsibility and authority in 
all the great affairs of this decade and beyond. 

How this partnership shall be organized is, in 
fact, the subject of the debate : What degree of 
unity should Europe develop? How should 
European unity be organized? What shall be 
the relations between a uniting Europe and the 
United States — military, political, and eco- 
nomic ? 

Great national interests and traditions are 
involved here for all the nations engaged, and 
we should not be surprised that the process 
moves slowly, with some grinding of gears. 
Nevertheless, it is moving. In the last few 
years, for example, in quiet ways the monetary 
authorities of the more advanced nations of the 
free world have developed practical methods of 
day-to-day collaboration which would have 
seemed impossible only a short while ago and 
might have saved us much difficulty if they had 
existed in the 1930's. 

In the field of assistance to developing na- 
tions we have been gradually learning to concert 
our efforts through the IBRD [International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development] 
and the Development Assistance Committee of 
the OECD [Organization for Economic Coop- 
eration and Development] in ways which in- 
creasingly reflect a recognition of shared 
interests and shared responsibilities in many 
parts of the world. Contrary to a popular im- 
pression, the United States is not alone in the 
foreign aid business. The assistance to devel- 
oping areas is increasingly recognized as a com- 
mon responsibility of all the more advanced 
nations. 

In the field of political consultation we are 
learning within NATO how to consult together, 



not merely on problems <>f defense bul <>\, prob- 
lems of negotiation with the Soviet Union. 

Above all, we face this year ;i test of « hethor 
we can take advantage of the Trade Ivxpan 
Act of 1962 to negotiate a lowering of trade 
barriers across the Atlantic and throughout ! lie 
world. Every nation will bring to those nego- 
tiations strongly felt special interests, charge. I 
with political meaning. This will be true of 
the United States as well as of our European 
negotiating partners. 

I would make only two observations about 
these forthcoming negotiations. First, it will 
be necessary for all the participants to bear in 
mind the large common interests involved in 
their success. No country is going to be able 
to get all that it would like ; but the vital eco- 
nomic interests of many nations, including our 
own, will have to be respected in bringing the 
negotiations to successful completion. We 
should expect hard bargaining by our own ne- 
gotiators as well as by others. The greatest 
stake in these negotiations, however, will not lie 
in this or that particular advantage gained — or 
in this or that disadvantage avoided ; it will lie 
in creating a general world environment of low- 
ered barriers to trade. It will lie in moving 
toward, rather than away from, the concept of 
an Atlantic partnership as the core of a pros- 
perous free-world community of nations. 

The second observation is that the higher the 
degree of prosperity a nation enjoys, the wiser 
it is likely to be in its policy toward trade 
barriers. Relatively small margins of unem- 
ployment produce a disproportionate protec- 
tionist reaction in all countries. Quite aside 
from the many other reasons which justify a 
prompt tax reduction in the United States and 
a determined effort to reduce the level of un- 
employment, we need an environment of vigor- 
ous expansion so that we can handle with wis- 
dom and perspective the trade negotiations that 
lie ahead. 

As I say, the building of the great northern 
partnership across the Atlantic and across the 
Pacific proceeds simultaneously on many front s ; 
but no single ad of collaboration would move 
it more substantially forward than a success for 
the negotiations in which Governor Herter 
[Christian A. Herter, the President's Special 



FEBRUARY 3, 19C4 



181 



Representative for Trade Negotiations] 
shortly be engaged. 



will 



Economic Problems in Communist Bloc 

The future will be shaped, of course, not only 
by what we do within the free world but also 
by the course of events within the Communist 
bloc. In the nations now governed by Com- 
munist regimes a quiet drama is taking place. 
The essence of it is simply this: Can nations 
committed to communism, as we have known it, 
solve their fundamental economic problems? 

In China the issue centers on the inability to 
grow sufficient food to feed the people, to supply 
working capital for industry, and to earn for- 
eign exchange. The fact of the matter is that 
a very high proportion of foreign exchange 
the Chinese Communists earn must go to buy 
food from the West to feed China's coastal cities. 
This weakness stems in part from an unwilling- 
ness of the Chinese Communists to concentrate 
their resources in such a way as to manufacture 
or to buy the chemical fertilizers on which the 
development of modern China will depend over 
the next several generations. But it flows also 
from the simple fact that the Communists in 
China, as in most other places, have, by their 
methods, destroyed the incentive of the peasant 
to produce efficiently. Communist methods of 
control can be tolerably efficient in a factory; 
but there are simply not enough policemen in 
the world to follow peasants about to make sure 
they do the things necessary to make food grow 
efficiently. 

Only a few years back there was real anxiety 
that leaders in the underdeveloped areas would 
take the view that, while communism was ruth- 
less and inhumane, it represented a system for 
mobilizing resources more efficiently than any- 
thing free societies could offer and that, per- 
haps, even with regret, it would be necessary to 
adopt such methods to get quick modernization. 
That view is fading. Communist China, now 
trapped in industrial stagnation, is demonstrat- 
ing that no amount of force can substitute for 
the individual commitment of human beings 
and their families to their own interests and to 
the development of their society. No one can 
now predict the outcome of this deep crisis of 
communism in China, concealed as it is to a de- 



gree by the debates and maneuvers that accom- 
pany the Sino-Soviet split. But we should be 
clear that history is being made by the Chinese 
Communist demonstration that an underdevel- 
oped nation, with three-fourths of its people 
still engaged in rural life, cannot steadily move 
forward with the dead hand of communism 
weighing upon its agriculture. 

Meanwhile, in the Soviet Union and Eastern 
Europe another more subtle demonstration is at 
work. I do not refer here to the well-known 
agricultural difficulties of the Soviet Union but 
to a phenomenon which is not yet widely recog- 
nized ; namely, the deceleration in its industrial 
economy. 

The high rates of industrial growth in the 
Soviet Union and the more advanced parts of 
Eastern Europe in the 1950's were based on the 
forced-draft expansion of heavy industry ca- 
pacity : coal, steel, cement, general purpose ma- 
chine tools, and so on. It was predictable (and 
predicted in Soviet forward projections) that 
these heavy industry sectors would slow down in 
the course of the 1960's. That is now happening. 
An economy maintains its momentum by 
bringing in new sectors as the old leading sectors 
decelerate. The natural leading sectors for na- 
tions at the average level of income attained in 
the Soviet Union and most of Eastern Europe 
would be those which sparked the extraordinary 
surge of growth in Western Europe and in 
Japan in the 1950's; that is, those linked to the 
expansion of automobiles and other durable con- 
sumers goods on a mass-market basis. 

But quite aside from such inhibitions as the 
Soviet regime may have about accepting con- 
sumers goods production as the central task of 
development, Moscow faces expensive prior 
tasks. Having cheated on allocations to agri- 
culture in the past and maintained an inherently 
inefficient method of organization, vast outlays 
are now required to assure a minimum food sup- 
ply of indifferent quality. Somewhat similarly, 
there are enormous backlogs in housing to be 
met. Neither agricultural nor housing invest- 
ment on the Soviet scene is likely to prove highly 
productive in terms of its impact on the overall 
rate of Soviet growth. 

The prospect is, therefore, that Soviet growth 
rates over coming years will remain distinctly 
unglamorous and that the allocations struggle 



182 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



now evidently taking place in Moscow will con- 
tinue. It is altogether possible that, if we do a 
reasonably good job in the West, the average 
growth rates in the United States and Western 
Europe during the 1960's will exceed those in 
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. 

A Future of "Diversity and Freedom" 

The deep economic problems in the nations 
ruled by communism are, in themselves, no cause 
for rejoicing, nor do they eliminate the dangers 
we face. Guerrilla warfare and subversion do 
not require great resources, and the Soviet nu- 
clear delivery capability is substantial and ex- 
panding. 

We were never threatened by Soviet growth 
rates in themselves. The danger always lay in a 
possible failure of the West to allocate its own 
ample resources wisely and to deal in concert 
with the threats and opportunities we all have 
confronted and still confront. 

The conclusion to be drawn from these Com- 
munist economic difficulties is the point at which 
I began : We in the United States — and through- 
out the free world — should face the future with 
confidence and determination, not with fear or 
complacency. We have every reason to believe 
that the principles in which our society is rooted 
are historically viable: that the combination of 
personal freedom and personal responsibility on 
which successful democracies are erected is valid 
for the second half of the 20th century as it has 
been in the past ; that we have the resources of 
mind and talent to maintain a position of world 
leadership ; that private enterprise is on the eve 
of a great and expanding future in the develop- 
ing areas, if private enterprise learns in those 
set tings to serve all the people ; that we have the 
opportunity to weave together a great partner- 
ship, stretching from Japan to Berlin, which 
would combine the diverse resources, energies, 
and moral commitment of the advanced nations 
of the free world ; and that, from such a base, we 
can patiently and confidently search for a peace- 
ful resolution to the cold war on terms which 
would enlarge the area of human freedom and 
national independence. 

None of this will happen automatically — 
without great public and private effort, here 
and abroad. There may well lie dangerous crises 



s( ill to surmount. There will certainly be long, 
difficult tasks of construction to cany forward 
stubbornly, day after day, mouth after month, 
year after year. But I deeply believe that it lies 
within the grasp of this generation to make tin' 
years 1961-19G3 the hinge of history in the sec- 
ond half of this century — the interval of into 
crisis, surmounted with strength and modera- 
tion, which opened the way to peaceful victory 
for the forces of "diversity and freedom." 



United States and Japan Reschedule 
Meeting of Cabinet Officials 

Press release 17 dated January 14 

The third meeting of the Joint United States- 
Japan Committee on Trade and Economic Af- 
fairs will be held at Tokyo on January 27 and 28. 
This Committee was established as a result of 
the talks held by the late President Kennedy 
with Prime Minister Ikeda during his visit to 
Washington in 1961. 1 The first and second 
meetings of the Committee were held respec- 
tively in Hakone in November 1961 2 and in 
Washington in December 1962. 3 The third 
meeting of the Committee, which was originally 
scheduled to be held at Tokyo in Novem- 
ber 1963," had long been anticipated. The 
meeting was postponed because of the tragic 
death of President Kennedy. Notwithstanding 
heavy legislative demands on the Cabinet mem- 
bers, both in Tokyo and in Washington, it was 
found possible to reschedule this session at the 
end of January. 

The United States will be represented by 
Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of 
Commerce Luther Hodges, Secretary of Labor 
W. Willard Wirtz, Chairman of the President's 
Council of Economic Advisers Walter W. 
Heller, Under Secretary of the Interior 
James K. Carr, Under Secretary of Agriculture 
Charles S. Murphy, and Assistant Secretary of 
the Treasury John C. Bullitt. 

At the forthcoming meeting of the Commit- 
tee, Japan will be represented by Minister of 

1 For background, see Bulletin of July 10, 1961, p. 57. 
■ Ibid., Nov. 27, 1961, p. 891. 
> Ibid,, Dec. 24, 1962, p. 969. 

*For an announcement of the meeting, see ibid., 
Nov. 25, 1963, p. 833. 



FEBRUARY 3, 19G4 



183 



Foreign Affairs Masayoshi Oliira, Minister of 
Finance Kakuei Tanaka, Minister of Agricul- 
tm - e and Forestry Munenori Akagi, Minister of 
International Trade and Industry Hajime 
Fukuda, Minister of Labor Takeo Ohashi, Min- 
ister of Transportation Kentaro Ayabe, Direc- 
tor of the Economic Planning Agency Kiichi 
Miyazawa, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasumi 
Knrogane. 

The meeting will take place in the morning 
and afternoon of the 27th and 28th of January 
at the auditorium of the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs. Agenda of the meeting will be as 
follows: 

(1) Economic situation in the United States 
and Japan. 

(2) Financial, monetary, and balance-of- 
payments situation. 

(3) Developments in trade and economic rela- 
tions between the United States and Japan. 

(4) Developments in international trade and 
economic relations. 

( 5 ) Cooperation in the economic development 
of the less developed countries. 

(6) Ad hoc matters. 

The U.S. delegation will arrive by special 
plane at Haneda on the evening of January 25 
and will be welcomed by the Japanese Cabinet 
Ministers. On January 26 Secretary Eusk will 
visit Foreign Minister Ohira. On January 27 
Prime Minister Ikeda will entertain the U.S. 
delegation at luncheon at the Prime Minister's 
residence. In the evening Foreign Minister 
Ohira will entertain the U.S. delegation at 
dinner. 

On the 28th, the Japanese Cabinet Ministers 
will meet with the respective U.S. principal 
delegates at breakfast. Secretary Eusk will 
entertain the Japanese delegation at luncheon, 
following which he will call on Prime Minister 
Ikeda. His Imperial Majesty The Emperor is 
expected to receive in audience the U.S. Cabinet 
Secretaries and other representatives on the 
afternoon of the 28th. In the evening the 
Japan-America Society and American Chamber 
of Commerce will cosponsor a dinner in honor 
of the delegations. 

Senior advisers on the U.S. side will be: 

State: Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Af- 
fairs Philip H. Trezise 



Treasury: Deputy Assistant Secretary Merlyn N. Trued 
Interior: Deputy Director, Resources Program Staff, 

Harry Shooshan, Jr. 
Agriculture: Director, Procurement and Sales Division, 

Clifford G. Pulvermacher 
Commerce: Deputy Assistant Secretary for Trade 

Policy Robert L. McNeil 
Labor: Louis Silverberg, labor attache^ American 

Embassy, Tokyo 
Council of Economic Advisers: Robert Solomon 

Other members of the U.S. delegation will be 
Ambassador to Japan Edwin O. Eeischauer, 
Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs 
Eobert J. Manning, Special Assistant to the 
Secretary of State Edward S. Little, Deputy 
Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern 
Economic Affairs Eobert W. Barnett, and 
Special Assistant to the Director for East Asian 
Affairs, Department of State, Thelma E. Vettel. 

Deputy Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs 
Takio Oda, Vice Minister of Finance Shinichi 
Ishino, Vice Minister of International Trade 
and Industry Zenei Imai, Director of the Eco- 
nomic Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of Agri- 
culture and Forestry Makoto Matsuoka, Vice 
Minister of Labor Hideo Hori, Vice Minister of 
Transportation Satoru Okamoto, and Vice Di- 
rector of Economic Planning Agency Keiichi 
Matsumura will also attend the meeting as senior 
advisers to the respective Ministers on the Japa- 
nese side. Ambassador to the United States 
Eyuji Takeuchi will also attend. 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

88th Congress, 1st Session 

Cuban Refugee Problem. Hearings before the Sub- 
committee To Investigate Problems Connected Witb 
Refugees and Escapees of the Senate Committee on 
the Judiciary- Part 2 — Grand Rapids, Mich. Octo- 
ber 14, 1003. 60 pp. 

The United States Balance of Payments. Hearings 
before the Joint Economic Committee. Part 3. The 
International Monetary System : Functioning and 
Possible Reform. November 12-15, 19(53. 293 pp. 

Expanding the Resources of the International Devel- 
opment Association. Hearings before the Subcom- 
mittee on International Finance of the House 
Committee on Banking and Currency on H.K. 9022. 
December 3-16. 81 pp. 

('(invention Adopted by Ibp International Labor Con- 
ference at Its 40th Session at Geneva. Letter from 
the Assistant Secretary of State transmitting the 
text of a convention (No. IIS) concerning equality 
of treatment of nationals and nonnationals in social 
security. H. Doc. 183. December 13, 1963. 11 pp. 



184 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings 1 

Scheduled February Through April 1964 

IMCO Working Group on Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Sea: 5th London Feb. 3- 

Session. 

U.N. Conference on Trade and Development: 3d Session of Preparatory New York Feb. 3- 

Comniittee. 

GATT Expert Group on Trade Information Geneva Feb. 4- 

OECD Committee for Scientific Research Paris Feb. 4- 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 16th Bangkok Feb. 10 

Session. 

ITU Extraordinary Administrative Radio Conference: 1st Session on Geneva Feb. 10- 

the Preparation of a Revised Allotment Plan for the Aeronautical Mobile 

(R) Service. 

U.N. ECLA Committee of the Whole Santiago Feb. 12- 

ITU CCIR Study Group XI: Subgroup on Color Television Standards . London Feb. 14- 

U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space New York Feb. 17- 

U.N. ECOSOC Ad Hoc Committee on Coordination of Technical New York Feb. 17- 

Assistance Activities. 

OECD Agriculture Committee: Ministerial Meeting Paris Feb. 26- 

North Pacific Fur Seal Commission: 7th Meeting Moscow February 

U.N. Economic Commission for Africa: 6th Session Algiers February 

FAO Working Party on Rice Soils, Water, and Fertilizer Practices: 9th Philippines February or 

Session. March 

IMCO Working Group on Watertight Subdivision and Damage Stability London Mar. 2- 

of Passenger and Cargo Ships: 3d Session. 

U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 20th Session . . Tehran Mar. 3- 

17th World Health Assembly Geneva Mar. 3- 

Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission: 5th Meeting Santiago Mar. 5- 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Nongovernmental Organizations .... New York Mar. 9 

IMCO Working Group on Intact Stability of Ships: 3d Session .... London Mar. 9- 

U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space: Legal Subcommittee . Geneva Mar. 9- 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Industrial Development New York Mar. 9- 

IM CO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement: 4th Session London Mar. 16- 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Construction of Vehicles Geneva Mar. 16- 

OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee Paris Mar. 17- 

U.N. Conference on Trade and Development Geneva Mar. 23- 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 31st Session Geneva Mar. 25- 

FAO Working Party on Agricultural Engineering Aspects of Rice Pro- Philippines March 

duction, Storage, and Processing. 

11th Inter-American Conference Quito Apr. 1- 

U.N. ECE Working Group on Public Sector Statistics Geneva Apr. 6- 

ICAO Panel on Holding Procedures: 2d Meeting Montreal Apr. 6- 

ITU Administrative Council: 19th Session Geneva Apr. 6- 

FAO/WHO Conference on Nutrition Problems in Latin America . . . Montevideo Apr. 10- 

NATO Planning Board for Ocean Shipping Washington Apr. 13- 

SEATO Council of Ministers: 9th Meeting Manila Apr. 13- 

U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 19th Session Geneva Apr. 13- 

IMCO Group on Facilitation of Travel and Transport: 4th Session . . London Apr. 14- 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II (Economic Paris Apr. 15- 

Growth). 

International Cotton Advisorv Committee: 23d Plenary Meeting . . . New Delhi Apr. 16- 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 8th Session London Apr. 20 

ICAO All- Weather Operations Panel: 1st Meeting Montreal Apr. 27- 

CENTO Ministerial Council: 12th Meeting Washington Apr. 'JS - 

17th International Film Festival Cannes Apr. 29- 

1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Jan. 17, 1964. Following is a list of abbreviations: 

CCIR, Comity consultatif international des radio communications: CENTO, Central Treatv Organization; 
ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, 
Economic Commission for Latin America; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture 
Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; 
IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; 

NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; 
SEATO, Southeast Asia Treatv Organization; U.N., United Nations; WHO, World Health Organization. 



19C4 



185 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Chamizal Convention With Mexico 
Enters Into Force 

Press release 18 dated January 14 

On January 14, 1964, the Convention Be- 
tween the United States of America and the 
United Mexican States for the Solution of the 
Problem of the Chamizal, 1 concluded at Mexico 
City on August 29, 1963, was brought into force 
by the exchange in Mexico City of instruments 
of ratification. The instruments were ex- 
changed by C. A. Boonstra, Charge dAffaires 
ad interim of the United States, and Manuel 
Tello, Secretary for Foreign Eelations of 
Mexico. 

The convention was transmitted by the Presi- 
dent to the Senate on October 7, 1963, for advice 
and consent to ratification. On December 17, 
1963, the Senate gave its advice and consent to 
ratification. The United States instrument of 
ratification of the convention was signed by the 
President on December 20. 2 

Enabling legislation and appropriations will 
be sought from the U.S. Congress to provide for 
execution of the terms of the convention so far 
as the United States is concerned. 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Diplomatic Relations 

Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at 
Vienna April 18, 1961." 
Accession deposited: Panama, December 4, 1963. 

Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplo- 
matic relations concerning the compulsory settle- 
ment of disputes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961." 
Accession deposited: Panama, December 4, 1963. 



1 For background and text of convention, see Bulle- 
tin of Sept. 23, 1963, p. 480. 

' For remarks made by President Johnson on Dee. 20, 
together with a statement made by Assistant Secretary 
Martin before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
on Dec. 12, see ibid., Jan. 13, 1964, p. 49. 



International Court of Justice 

Statute of the International Court of Justice (59 Stat. 

1055). 

Notice of withdrawal of November 26, 1958, declara- 
tion accepting compulsory jurisdiction: Unite*! 
Kingdom, November 27, 1963. 

Declaration recognizing compulsory jurisdiction de- 
posited: United Kingdom, November 27, 1963.* 

Nuclear Test Ban 

Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmos- 
phere, in outer space and under water. Done at 
Moscow August 5, 1963. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 10, 1963. TIAS 5433. 

Ratifications deposited: Denmark, Israel, Jan- 
uary 15, 1964; Switzerland, January 16, 1964; 
United Arab Republic, January 10, 1964. 6 

Oil Pollution 

International convention for the prevention of pollu- 
tion of the sea by oil, with annexes. Done at Lon- 
don May 12, 1954. Entered into force July 26, 1958; 
for the United States December 8, 1961. TIAS 4900. 
Acceptance deposited: Venezuela, December 12, 1963. 

Amendments to the international convention for the 
pollution of the sea by oil, 1954 (TIAS 4900). Done 
at London April 11, 1962." 

Acceptance deposited: Netherlands, December 23, 
1963. 



BILATERAL 

Australia 

Agreement concerning a program of research on aero- 
space disturbances (Project High Noon). Effected 
by exchange of notes at Canberra January 3, 1964. 
Entered into force January 3, 1964. 

Ireland 

Amendment to the agreement of March 16, 1956, as 
amended (TIAS 4059, 4690), for cooperation con- 
cerning civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at 
Washington August 7, 1963. 
Entered into force: January 10, 1964. 

Mexico 

Convention for the solution of the problem of the 
Chamizal. Signed at Mexico August 29, 1963. 
Ratifications exchanged: January 14, 1964. 
Entered into force: January 14, 1964. 

Somali Republic 

Agreement extending the technical cooperation pro- 
gram agreement of January 28 and February 4, 
1961, as extended (TIAS 4915, 5332). Effected 
by exchange of notes at Mogadiscio December 24 
and 29, 1963. Entered into force December 29, 1963. 

Tunisia 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of December 19, 1963, as amended (TIAS 
5190, 5430). Effected by exchange of notes at 
Tunis December 19, 1963. Entered into force Decem- 
ber 19, 1963. 



3 Not in force. 

'Applicable to disputes arising after Feb. 5, 1930. 

5 With a statement. 



186 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INDEX February 3, 196J,. Vol. L, No. 1281t 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating 

to Foreign Policy 184 

Department and Foreign Service. The Making 

of Foreign Policy (Goldman, Rusk) .... 104 
Diplomacy. The Making of Foreign Policy 

(Goldman. Rusk) 164 

Disarmament 

Mr. Foster Leaves for Disarmament Conference 

at Geneva 163 

President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet Union for 

Concrete Actions To Promote Peace (exchange 

of letters) 157 

Economic Affairs 

Shaping the Future (Rostow) 177 

United States and Japan Reschedule Meeting of 

Cabinet Officials 183 

International Organizations and Conferences 
Calendar of International Conferences and 

Meetings 185 

Mr. Foster Leaves for Disarmament Conference 

at Geneva 163 

The Situation in Panama 152 

Japan. United States and Japan Reschedule 

Meeting of Cabinet Officials 183 

Mexico. Chamizal Convention With Mexico 

Enters Into Force 186 

Panama. The Situation in Panama 152 

Presidential Documents 

Advancing the Frontiers of Human Knowledge 
for the Benefit of All Mankind 150 

President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet Union for 

Concrete Actions To Promote Peace .... 157 

Public Affairs. The Making of Foreign Policy 

(Goldman, Rusk) 164 

Science. Advancing the Frontiers of Human 
Knowledge for the Benefit of All Mankind 
(Johnson) 150 



Treaty Information 

Chamizal Convention With Mexico Enters Into 

Force i8C 

Current Actions ] •, 

U.S.S.R. President Johnson Calls Upon Soviet 
Union for Concrete Actions To Promote Peace 

(exchange of letters) ir.7 

United Nations. The Situation in Panama . . 152 
Name Index 

Foster. William C 163 

Goldman, Eric Frederick 164 

Johnson, President 150, 157 

Khrushchev, Nikita 158 

Mann, Thomas C 152 

Rostow, W. W 177 

Rusk, Secretary i($4 

Stevenson, Adlai E 153 

Tejera Paris, Enrique 155 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 13-19 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Washing- 
ton, D.C., 20520. 

Release issued prior to January 13 which 
appears in this issue of the Buixetin is No. 10 
of January 8. 

No. Date Subject 

*16 1/13 U.S. participation in international 

conferences. 
17 1/14 U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and 

Economic Affairs. 
IS 1/14 Entry into force of Chamizal Con- 
vention with Mexico. 
*22 1/18 Program for visit of Prime Minister 
of Canada. 



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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. /.. No. 1285 




February 10, 1964 



THE PRESENT PROSPECT 
Address by Secretary Rusk 190 

AMERICAN POLICY IN THE NEAR EAST 

by Deputy Under Secretary Johnson SOS 

PRESIDENT SEGNI OF ITALY VISITS THE UNITED STATES 196 

CANADIAN PRIME MINISTER VISITS WASHINGTON; U.S. AND CANADA AGREE ON 

COLUMBIA RTVER DEVELOPMENT AND ESTABLISHMENT OF CAMPOBELLO PAKK 

Joint Communique, Joint Statements, and Texts of Agreements 199 



For index see inside back cover 



The Present Prospect 



Address by Secretary Busk '■ 



President Park [Eosemary Park, president 
of Barnard College], Your Majesty [Queen 
Frederika of Greece], President Kirk [Grayson 
L. Kirk, president of Columbia University], 
distinguished guests : I suppose I owe the honor 
of being here tonight to the fact that I began 
my career as a teacher in a woman's college. 
Indeed, it was in that capacity that I began to 
practice the art of diplomacy. I had one nota- 
ble success — I persuaded a former student to 
marry me. I understand that a former dean of 
your faculty scored a similar diplomatic 
triumph. 

No one can spend 6 years teaching in a 
woman's college, as I did, without sharing Pres- 
ident Barnard's audacious view that "in the 
interest of society, the mental culture of women 
should not be inferior in character to that of 
men." Although this view "failed to attract 
the serious attention of the Trustees" of Colum- 



1 Made at the Barnard College 75th anniversary 
dinner at New York, N.Y., on Jan. 22 (press release 
25). 



bia in 1879, we are here this evening to celebrate 
the fact that they were wise enough to change 
their minds 10 years later. 

Seventy-five years of distinction in teaching 
the liberal arts is a record of which Barnard 
women are justifiably proud. Dean Gilder- 
sleeve used to tell Barnard students to "repre- 
sent Barnard on every occasion." The more 
than 13,000 graduates who have represented 
Barnard have enriched this country by the har- 
vest of their education on Morningside Heights. 
For the discipline of a good liberal arts educa- 
tion helps to arm the individual against un- 
thinking emotion, demagoguery, and extremism. 
You are committed to "Following the Way of 
Reason. " You have offered the opportunity 
of your liberal arts training not only to Ameri- 
cans but to students from overseas, in this 
manner helping both yourselves and them, our 
country and their countries. 

All of us feel especially honored by the pres- 
ence of your newest Doctor of Laws, Her Majes- 
ty The Queen of the Hellenes. Man's long fight 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN VOL. L, NO. 1285 PUBLICATION 7654 FEBRUARY 10, 1961 



The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office 
of Media Services, Bureau of Public Af- 
fairs, provides the public and interested 
agencies of the Government with Infor- 
mation on developments In the field of 
foreign relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The Bulletin Includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, Issued 
by the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made by 
the President and by the Secretary of 
State and other officers of the Depart- 



ment, as well as special articles on vari- 
ous phases of international affairs and 
the functions of the Department. Infor- 
mation Is Included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United States la or may become a 
party and treaties of general Inter- 
national interest. 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative mate- 
rial In the field of international relations 
are listed currenUy. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Govern- 



ment Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 
20402. Price : 52 issues, domestic $8.50, 
foreign $12.25 ; single copy, 25 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this pub- 
lication approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 
1961). 

nutk : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and Items contained 
herein may be reprinted. Citation of the 
Department of State Bulletin as the 
source will be appreciated. The Bulletin 
is Indexed In the Readers' Guide to 
Periodical Literature. 



190 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



for freedom began in Greece two and a half 
millennia ago. The modern Greeks are sturdy 
defenders of freedom. Americans are proud 
and comforted to have them as allies. 

Dangers, Active and Latent 

The cause of freedom has been the central 
commitment of our nation since its birth. It 
is the central issue in the world struggle in 
which we are engaged. The first purpose of our 
foreign policy, and of the military power which 
supports it, is to defend freedom — without war, 
if possible. Our foreign policy is designed 
also to strengthen freedom wherever it exists 
and to promote it by peaceful means where it 
is still suppressed. Tonight I should like to 
summarize the state of the cause of freedom in 
the world, as I see it. 

A realistic appraisal must take full account 
of dangers, some active, others latent. There 
are active dangers in Southeast Asia and in the 
Caribbean. Those who now rule Hanoi and 
Habana are infiltrating arms and agents across 
international borders to foment Communist in- 
surrection within other nations. 

In Laos there is an uneasy truce. The Com- 
munists continue to refuse to cooperate with the 
Government of National Union. Hanoi still 
has troops in Laos in violation of the Geneva 
accords of 1962. 2 And it is using the "Ho Chi 
Minh Trail" through Laos to reinforce the Com- 
munist guerrillas in South Viet-Nam. 

With the help of new cadres trained in North 
Viet-Nam and new supplies of weapons and 
ammunition from the north, the Viet Cong have 
stepped up their activities in South Viet-Nam. 
This course of action is dangerous for those who 
refuse to leave their neighbors alone. 

The Government of South Viet-Nam has set 
in motion new measures, political and economic 
as well as military, which will, I believe, bear 
good fruit. 

The 15,000 military men we have there to sup- 
port and assist the South Vietnamese are proof 
of our own commitment to the independence of 
that brave people. 

Now and then somebody suggests that a con- 
ference be called to "neutralize" South Viet- 



1 For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 13, 1962, p. 



259. 



Nam; nothing is said about "neutralizing" 
North Viet-Nam. With Hanoi ruled by ag- 
gressive Communists, this is a prescription for 

a Communist takeover in South Viet-Nam. No 
new conference or agreement is needed. All 
that is needed is for the North Vietnamese to 
abandon their aggression. When they renewed 
it in 1959, no foreign nation had bases or light- 
ing forces in South Viet-Nam. South Viet- 
Nam was not a member of any alliance. If it 
was a threat to North Viet-Nam, it was because 
its economy far outshone the vaunted "Com- 
munist paradise" to the north. 

We want no bases in South Viet-Nam. We 
want nothing for ourselves there. But we are 
determined that this aggression shall not suc- 
ceed. 

Habana continues to encourage and engage in 
subversive activities in the Western Hemi- 
sphere. A few weeks ago the Government of 
Venezuela uncovered a cache of arms from 
Cuba 3 intended for terrorists whose objective 
is the destruction of the democratic government 
of Venezuela. The recent unfortunate disturb- 
ances in Panama were immediately exploited 
by terrorists trained in Cuba. In several other 
Latin American countries Castro-trained agents 
are actively promoting violence and terrorism. 
This is a situation which requires further meas- 
ures by the Organization of American States, 
and in fact the Venezuelan arms cache is being 
investigated by a special OAS committee with 
a view to such further action. 

The continuing dedication of the Cuban re- 
gime to active terrorism and aggression in 
Latin America is a basic reason for our attitude 
toward free- world economic ties with Cuba. 
We cannot accept the contention that trade with 
Cuba is comparable to ordinary trade with any 
Communist country. The Castro regime rep- 
resents an unacceptable intrusion of Marxist- 
Leninism into the Western Hemisphere. Two 
years ago the Organization of American States 
declared it to be incompatible with the inter- 
American system. 4 The OAS has taken vari- 
ous steps to isolate Castro's Cuba and to curb 
its capacity to do harm. It is considering fur- 

' For a Department statement of Nov. 29, see ibid., 
Dec. 16, 1963, p. 913. 

' For text of Resolution VI adopted at Punta del 
Este in January 1961, see ibid., Feb. 19, 1962, p. 279. 



FEBRUARY 10, 1964 



191 



ther steps in order that the Cuban people may 
regain their freedom and rejoin the inter- 
American system. 

Those countries which for commercial reasons 
supply Cuba, especially with goods critical to 
the Cuban economy, are prejudicing the efforts 
of the countries of this hemisphere to reduce the 
threat from Cuba. President Betancourt of 
Venezuela, a prime target of Castro's attacks, 
recently put the case in these words : 

It is not comprehensible that countries that are 
within the free world . . . trade with a government 
that is actively promoting communist subversion in 
the Hemisphere. . . . This [subversion] is a risk and 
a danger for ... all the free world. 

We agree. During the missile crisis of Oc- 
tober 1962, it was plain that what happens in 
Cuba can affect the security of the whole free 
world. We think that free nations outside the 
Western Hemisphere — and especially our allies, 
whose freedom is so actively bound up with 
ours — should pursue with respect to Cuba pol- 
icies which harmonize with those of the Orga- 
nization of American States. 

There is danger in Berlin and in Germany 
so long as the basic right of self-determination 
is not accorded to the German people. 

There is danger in other places where Com- 
munists continue to tempt the hungry, the frus- 
trated, and the bitter, where they find leverage 
amid political and social conflict and confusion. 

There are dangers arising from disputes 
within the free world, which communism seeks 
to exploit. Many are deeply imbedded in his- 
tory and encrusted with emotion. 

In a world in rapid transition we have to 
learn to live with turbulence. But many acri- 
monious disputes could be settled, we believe, if 
the parties concerned and their neighbors put 
their minds to the task. Peacemaking is not a 
job for the great powers alone but a duty which 
all must share. 

And finally, among the dangers we cannot 
forget are those inherent in weapons of almost 
inconceivable destructive power. 

Building Strength and Cohesion of Free World 

The main task before us is to build the 
strength and cohesion of the free world. 

In the North Atlantic our goal remains the 



further development of a closer partnership be- 
tween the United States and a uniting Europe. 
There is talk of disarray in the Atlantic al- 
liance. There is no disarray concerning the 
fundamental purpose for which this alliance 
was constructed. 

There are differences of view about next 
steps: about how Europe shall be organized, 
about trade relations both within Europe and 
with the rest of the world. We should under- 
stand two things about these debates. First, 
they are natural among friends and partners, 
especially in the absence of acute crises. Sec- 
ondly, many of them are about essentially Eu- 
ropean problems, although the United States 
has a vital interest in their outcome. The pres- 
ent need within the Atlantic alliance is for the 
European nations to agree about the future of 
Europe. 

The first task of the Atlantic partnership is 
defense. The heart of NATO remains strong. 
The combined military power of its members is 
immense. But, like any living organism, 
NATO must adapt to a changing environment. 
When NATO was set up, we had a virtual 
atomic monopoly and the Soviets had massive 
conventional superiority. Since then the So- 
viets have achieved an atomic arsenal and 
NATO has gained in both conventional and 
nuclear strength. This makes it even more im- 
portant that NATO have a force structure ca- 
pable of deterring, or coping with, a wide range 
of possibilities — that it should be able to re- 
spond with the force appropriate to each threat. 
We also recognize the need to share nuclear 
responsibilities more effectively in NATO. To 
this end, we have been discussing with interested 
allies the formation of a multilaterally owned, 
manned, and operated missile fleet. Such a 
fleet would enable our allies to play a self- 
respecting role in nuclear deterrence without 
proliferating national nuclear forces. It could 
provide a framework within which Europe, as 
it moves toward unity, could have an increas- 
ingly authoritative voice in the use of weapons. 
This will be a year of important trade nego- 
tiations. We strongly favor lowering the ar- 
tificial barriers to the flow of goods throughout 
the free world. 

In Latin America some nations are making 



192 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



steady and hopeful progress; others have been 
disappointing. The material resources for 
economic progress are present. We think the 
will of the people is that progress take place. 
In both the public and private sectors of Latin 
American life there are dedicated men, able and 
willing to bring their skills to hear. This ef- 
fort is the central task of this hemisphere for 
the coming decade. The Alliance for Progress 
is not the cause of present tensions; those ten- 
sions arise from the necessity for change. It is 
aimed at permitting those changes to occur 
within a climate of political freedom. We shall 
continue to meet our commitments to the Alli- 
ance for Progress. 

In the Pacific our task is not merely to turn 
hack the outward thrust of communism. It is 
to work constructively with the forces of 
strength and stability gathering in the Philip- 
pines, Korea, Thailand, and elsewhere. 

Japan has become a major constructive force 
on the world scene. We welcome the member- 
ship of Japan in the Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development as a full partner 
of the Atlantic nations. 

In South Asia we shall continue to help build 
the security and prosperity of India and Paki- 
stan, those two great countries whose struggle 
for the well-being of their citizens has lifted the 
hearts of free men everywhere. Sensitive to 
their anxieties, we regret the tragic fact of con- 
tinuing friction between them. 

In Africa, too, nations are moving forward to 
build the longrun foundations for growth and 
development : in education, in public health, in 
agriculture, in early industrialization. We 
shall help them, as we seek together to complete 
by peaceful means the historic transition to 
self-determination. 

In Africa, as in the United States and else- 
where, men will be tested to the limit of their 
wisdom and self-discipline in seeking construc- 
tive solutions to serious racial problems. They 
must find ways to build societies where the 
rights of citizens to equal social and political 
status are respected, regardless of the color of 
their skins. 

I shall speak frankly about our foreign aid 
programs. The need for them, which has been 
explained by every postwar President, has 



never been more compelling than it is rigbJ 
now. Communism's last chance is to exploit 
the frustration and the turmoil which is 
inevitable as nations — many of them new na- 
tions — struggle to modernize themselves. This 
decade — the 1960's — is the critical decade. 

We have approximately 2,700,000 men under 
arms — nearly 1 million outside the continental 
United States, ashore or afloat. All of us hope 
that it won't be necessary to commit them to 
combat. To undermine our foreign aid pro- 
gram, now costing three to four cents of your 
Federal tax dollar, would increase the danger 
of crises whose costs in blood and treasure 
would dwarf our foreign aid outlays. 

Day by day we are working at the job of 
strengthening the institutions of the free 
world — above all the United Nations. We hope 
that the Soviet Union, as well as the other mem- 
bers, will join in steps to improve the proce- 
dures of the General Assembly and to 
strengthen the U.N.'s peacekeeping machinery. 

The principles of the charter remain the goal 
and the inspiration of all who want a world 
without war, a world of law, a world of peace- 
fid change, a world in which the sovereignty 
of the human person is secured in peace and 
social justice. 

Developments in the Communist World 

Now let us look at some developments inside 
the Communist world. 

First, the Sino-Soviet dispute: It is not a 
complete break, and the leaders of totalitarian 
systems can change course quickly. But, sub- 
ject to those reservations, the dispute seems to 
be fundamental and far-reaching, embracing 
ideology, struggle for influence in other parts 
of the world, economic interests, state relation- 
ships, and personal rivalries. 

To the extent that the dispute is about mil- 
itancy versus genuine peaceful coexistence, we 
prefer recognition of the dangers of war in 
this nuclear age. The Soviets have not aban- 
doned their basic goal of world revolution, nor 
have they renounced all force for the settlement 
of international disputes. Nevertheless, we 
think they show a better understanding than 
the Chinese Communists of the clangers and 
meaning of nuclear war. We do not intend to 



FEBRUARY 10, 19G4 



193 



give any Communists anywhere cause to sup- 
pose that they can reap dividends by resort to 
force. 

In Eastern Europe there is a visible resur- 
gence of nationalism. Out of this have come 
two parallel trends: one toward greater auton- 
omy, the other toward increased trade and other 
contacts with Western Europe and, to some 
extent, with the United States. Despite the 
gulf in ideology and political organization, the 
peoples of Eastern Europe seem to feel a nostal- 
gia for their historic links with the main centers 
of Western civilization. 

All the Communist nations are experiencing 
internal economic difficulties, and in most of 
them these difficulties are serious. The Soviet 
Union is using substantial portions of its lim- 
ited gold and foreign exchange reserves for 
foodstuffs in a single year. Meanwhile its rate 
of industrial growth has slowed down sharply 
and new problems in economic planning and 
management have been coming to light. At the 
same time the Soviet peoples want more of the 
good things of life they have so long been 
promised. The Soviet leadership is confronted 
with some dilemmas in allocating resources, as 
well as in how to increase the efficiency of the 
Soviet economy. 

These difficulties within the Communist world 
are no cause for complacency on our part. They 
do not justify our relaxing the defenses of free- 
dom, or reducing our efforts to build the polit- 
ical, economic, and social strength of the free 
world, or abandoning our search for agreements 
with our adversaries to reduce the dangers of 
war. 

"We Must Build the Peace" 

Above all, we must build the peace. As Pres- 
ident Johnson said in his state of the Union 
message : 5 

... we must develop with our allies new means of 
bridging the gap between the East and the West, 
facing danger boldly wherever danger exists, but be- 
ing equally bold in our search for new agreements 
which can enlarge the hopes of all while violating the 
interests of none. 

After a classic and sober debate, the Senate 



6 For an excerpt from the message, see ibid., Jan. 27, 
19G4, p. 110. 



ratified the treaty banning nuclear tests in the 
atmosphere, outer space, and under water. We 
have taken bilateral steps to improve our com- 
munications with Moscow in order to reduce 
the danger of misunderstanding in a period of 
crisis. We have joined the Soviet Union and 
others in affirming that we have no intention of 
placing weapons of mass destruction in orbit. 
We have agreed on principles of law for outer 
space. We have been exploring with our allies 
and shall be talking with the Soviet Union 
about other possible limited measures. 

All such measures must meet one hard test: 
They must offer a better route to security. If 
they are going to meet that test, they will do so 
only by meeting the interests of our allies as 
well as ourselves. We would not, if we could, 
purchase our own security at the expense of 
our allies. We shall consult them intensively 
about the advantages and disadvantages of par- 
ticular arms control measures. And we shall 
move ahead together toward a more secure 
world for all, not down separate paths toward 
greater insecurity for each. 

Two points about the present state of East- 
West relations deserve special emphasis. The 
first is that the very limited agreements we have 
reached with the Soviet Union do not yet 
amount to a detente. There can be no genuine 
detente without progress in resolving dangerous 
political issues, such as the future of Berlin and 
Germany, Southeast Asia, and Cuba, and with- 
out progress in controlling armaments. These 
are the points which need urgent attention and 
on which we hope Soviet attitudes can demon- 
strate a basic desire for peace. 

We shall continue to explore these matters. 
We shall try to avoid the pitfalls of illusion 
and naivete. But, equally, we shall try hard 
not to overlook any possibility of advancing, 
even by small steps, toward a more secure peace. 

Yesterday, in a message to the disarmament 
conference at. Geneva, 6 President Johnson called 
for several important measures to speed prog- 
ress toward arms reductions under effective 
safeguards. He proposed that the United 
States, the Soviet Union, and their allies agree 
to explore a verified freeze on the number and 
characteristics of strategic nuclear offensive and 



1 See p. 223. 



194 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



defensive vehicles. The development of this 
concept would be a matter for consultation with 
our allies before negotiations with the Soviets; 
the multilateral force that I described earlier 
could and would be protected. 

The President called for a verified agree- 
ment to halt the production of fissionable mate- 
rials for weapons. Pending such agreement, 
he expressed the willingness of this Government 
to join the Soviet Union in closing comparable 
production facilities on a plant-by-plant basis. 
We have started on this path and hope the So- 
viet Union will do likewise. The President 
made clear that we will be prepared to discuss 
proposals, in consultation with our allies, for 
creating a system of observation posts as a move 
in reducing the danger of war by accident, mis- 
calculation, or surprise attack. Finally, he 
called for agreement to stop the proliferation 
of national nuclear arsenals and for the ac- 
ceptance of inspection of peaceful nuclear activ- 
ities to guard against diversion to weapons use. 
We are convinced that this program of action 
is in the best interest of the United States and 
that progress in these areas will lead to a more 
secure and peaceful world. 

We are also trying to see whether anything 
constructive can be developed from Mr. Khru- 
shchev's message on the nonuse of force in con- 
nection with frontier disputes. 7 We earnestly 
hope that the guidelines set forth by President 
Johnson in his letter to Mr. Khrushchev will 
commend themselves to the Soviet Government 
and that it will be prepared to move on to dis- 
cussion of their practical application. 

Confidence in the Future of Freedom 

A steady appraisal of the main trends in the 
affairs of man justifies, I believe, a sense of con- 
fidence in the future of the cause of freedom. 
Our most enduring asset in this world struggle 
is our indelible identification with the ideas of 
freedom : of consent of the governed, of equal- 
ity under law, of human dignity. Those ideas, 
which we have done so much to nurture and 
have fought to preserve, have seized the minds 



of men everywhere — even, 1 believe, behind the 
Iron and Hamboo Curtains. 

The kind of world we want is the kind of 
world that most other people in the world want. 
But that kind of world cannot be wished into 
being. It must be built by untiring work — 
and must be unfailingly protected at every 
stage. 

We are making progress. But all the prog- 
ress we have made could collapse overnight if 
we should relax our vigilance or our efforts. 

There are some who would have us quit the 
struggle : by drastically reducing our defenses, 
by withdrawing from danger spots, by slash- 
ing our foreign aid, by resigning from the 
United Nations. That is a policy of surrender, 
a prescription for disaster. 

I don't believe the American people will fol- 
low those who would quit. I believe that they 
are determined to "secure the Blessings of Lib- 
erty" to themselves and their posterity, that 
they intend to win this world struggle — to win 
it by building a world that is safe for freedom, 
in President Johnson's words, "a world of peace 
and justice, and freedom and abundance, for 
our time and for all time to come." 8 



President Restates U.S. Position 
on Panama and Canal Zone 

Statement by President Johnson l 

I want to take this opportunity to restate our 
position on Panama and the Canal Zone. 2 No 
purpose is served by rehashing either recent or 
ancient events. There have been excesses and 
errors on the part of both Americans and Pan- 
amanians. Earlier this month actions of im- 
prudent students from both countries played 
into the hands of agitators seeking to divide us. 
What followed was a needless and tragic loss 
of life on both sides. 

Our own forces were confronted with sniper 
fire and mob attack. Their role was one of re- 



7 For an exchange of letters between President John- 
son and Chairman Khrushchev, see Bulletin of Feb. 
3, 1964. p. 157. 



*Ibhl., Jan. 27. 1004, p. 110. 

1 Made to news correspondents at the White House 
on Jan. 23 (White House press release). 
' For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 3, 1904, p. 163. 



FEBRUARY 10, 19 04 



195 



sisting aggression and not committing it. At 
all times they remained inside the Canal Zone, 
and they took only those defensive actions re- 
quired to maintain law and order and to protect 
lives and property within the canal itself. Our 
obligation to safeguard the canal against riots 
and vandals and sabotage and other interfer- 
ence rests on the precepts of international law, 
the requirements of international commerce, 
and the needs of free- world security. 

These obligations cannot be abandoned. But 
the security of the Panama Canal is not incon- 
sistent with the interests of the Republic of 
Panama. Both of these objectives can and 
should be assured by the actions and the agree- 
ment of Panama and the United States. This 
Government has long recognized that our opera- 
tion of the canal across Panama poses special 
problems for both countries. It is necessary, 
therefore, that our relations be given constant 
attention. 

Over the past few years we have taken a num- 
ber of actions to remove inequities and irritants. 
We recognize that there are things to be done, 
and we are prepared to talk about the ways and 
means of doing them. But violence is never 
justified and is never a basis for talks. Conse- 
quently, the first item of business has been the 
restoration of public order. The Inter- Ameri- 
can Peace Committee, which I met this morn- 
ing, deserves the thanks of us all not only for 
helping to restore order but for its good offices. 
For the future, we have stated our willingness 
to engage without limitation or delay in a full 
and frank review and reconsideration of all 
issues between our two countries. 

We have set no preconditions to the resump- 
tion of peaceful discussions. We are bound by 
no preconceptions of what they will produce. 
And we hope that Panama can take the same 
approach. In the meantime, we expect neither 
country to either foster or yield to any kind of 
pressure with respect to such discussions. We 
are prepared, 30 days after relations are re- 
stored, to sit in conference with Panamanian 
officials to seek concrete solutions to all prob- 
lems dividing our countries. Each Government 
will be free to raise any issue and to take any 
position. And our Government will consider 
all practical solutions to practical problems that 
are offered in good faith. 



Certainly solutions can be found which are 
compatible with the dignity and the security of 
both countries as well as the needs of world 
commerce. And certainly Panama and the 
United States can remain, as they should re- 
main, good friends and good neighbors. 



President Segni of Italy 
Visits the United States 

Antonio Segni, President of the Italian Re- 
public, and Mrs. Segni visited the United States 
from January 13 to 18. They were in Washing- 
ton January 14-16. Following is the exchange 
of greetings upon their arrival at Union Station 
on January 14- and the text of a communique 
released on January 15 at the conclusion of con- 
versations between President Johnson and Pres- 
ident Segni. 



EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS, JANUARY 14 

White House press release dated January 14 

President Johnson 

Mr. President, Mrs. Johnson and I are de- 
lighted to welcome you, Madame Segni, your 
distinguished Foreign Minister, Mr. [Giuseppe] 
Saragat, and other members of your party to 
the United States. 

You, Mr. President, are no stranger to this 
country. Indeed we are not strangers to each 
other. The United States has had the honor of 
welcoming you before as a leading Italian states- 
man who served with distinction as the Italian 
Republic's Premier and Foreign Minister. 

Personally, I will never forget the warm 
hospitality that we received on my visit to Rome 
in the fall of 196:2 and then again last summer 
when I attended the funeral of Pope John. 

Our ties with the Italian people go back sev- 
eral centuries — to the discovery of America it- 
self. The close association of our Governments 
and our peoples is an important political fact 
of life in this half of the 20th century. There 
are living today in our country millions of citi- 
zens whose blood is Italian and whose contribu- 



106 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



tion to the building of this nation has been 
large. 

Together, our Governments and our peoples 
share many common interests not only in fight- 
ing poverty but in improving the lot of ordi- 
nary men and women everywhere. 

So we join also in strengthening the security 
of the free world and in seeking to brighten 
the prospects for world peace for our time and 
for all time to come. 

So, again, .Mr. President, let. me say how 
pleased we all are that you have been able to 
come here at this time and what a great per- 
sonal pleasure it is for Mrs. Johnson and me 
to receive you, your wife, Foreign Minister 
Saragat, and the other members of your party 
as our guests and as our friends. 

President Segni 

Mr. President, it is with deep emotion that I 
return to this great country which is united to 
Italy by so many ties of history, civilization, 
and blood. 

A great Italian, less than five centuries ago, 
united the American Continent to the Christian 
civilization of Europe. From that day, the 
histories of the two continents have been inter- 
woven through many events which have brought 
into being this country, which is great because 
it is free and because it has been faithful to the 
principles of freedom through the entire course 
of its history, ever since the representatives of 
the young American States, on the Fourth of 
July, 1776, signed the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and George Washington took the lead 
in the war of liberation. 

George "Washington not only was an out- 
standing statesman in war and peace, but above 
all he was the champion of all those American 
statesmen who by their deeds have constantly 
shown their faith in liberty, embodied in the 
fundamental acts of this great people, and a 
spirit of personal self-denial for the sake of the 
community. 

Therefore my thoughts go to the late Presi- 
dent Kenned j', who gave his life for the defense 
of those ideals. His generous and bold image 
is among those that left a mark on our times 
and brightly enlighten our future. In remem- 
bering him with deep emotion, we renew our 



pledge to continue along I lie path which lie has 
shown us and to carry on his task in the de- 
fense of liberty, social progress, and peace. 

Tins solemn pledge lends a special meaning 
to my meeting with President Jolinson, whom 
I am extremely pleased to see again after the 
talks I had with him and his distinguished aides 
in Rome. 

This meeting takes place at the beginning of 
a year in which we will be confronted with old 
and new problems, almost, invariably not easy 
to solve; but in solving them we must not for- 
get that, first and foremost, our task is to in- 
sure the advancement of our common civili- 
zation. This makes it necessary, therefore, to 
intensify the amplest consultations between the 
governments of the countries which are in- 
spired by the principles of freedom, justice, and 
democracy, and which defend these principles 
on a common frontier of ideals and policies. 

I believe that the talks we shall have on this 
occasion will be devoted, above all, to the two 
everlasting problems of peace and liberty and 
to the means to assure our peoples that peace 
shall not mean surrender of the essential prin- 
ciples of our liberty and that liberty shall be 
based upon the respect of the dignity of man. 
These are the ideals to which the peoples of 
the United States and Italy are especially 
dedicated. 

The practical problems of the strengthening 
of the Atlantic community will find their place 
in this framework, together with those concern- 
ing the easing of international tension, the de- 
velopment of European unity, the expansion of 
economic relations between free countries, and 
the assistance to new nations. 

It will be an open and friendly exchange of 
ideas from which we may expect an ever-grow- 
ing coordination of our entire action aimed at 
si fi'iruarding peace, domestic and international 
freedom, and an increasing prosperity for all 
peoples. 

In this spirit I wish now to extend my warm- 
est thanks to the President of the United States, 
who, through his invitation, has enabled me to 
return to this hospitable American soil for a 
visit that takes place under the auspices of the 
closest, friendship and the full solidarity of our 
two countries. 



FRISK CART 10, 1964 



197 



TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE, JANUARY 15 

White House press release dated January 15 

President Johnson and President Segni had 
two conversations at the White House on Jan- 
uary 14 and 15. Secretary of State Rusk and 
Foreign Minister Saragat were present on both 
occasions. 

President Segni told President Johnson how 
deeply the Italian people felt the tragic death 
of President Kennedy. Expressing his ap- 
preciation and that of the American people for 
this sympathy, President Johnson observed that 
President Kennedy had valued highly the close 
friendship between Italy and the United States, 
which is a source of strength to both people. 

The conversations between the two leaders 
reaffirmed the warm personal relationship estab- 
lished during President Johnson's visits to Italy 
in 1962 and 1963. The two Presidents found 
that their views coincide on a broad range of 
issues. 

President Johnson emphasized to President 
Segni and Foreign Minister Saragat his deep 
personal dedication to strengthening the North 
Atlantic Alliance. They agreed that basic 
Western objectives require continued efforts 
toward building Atlantic partnership through 
steady progress toward European unity. In 
this connection, they noted that political and 
military talks on a multilateral seaborne missile 
force are proceeding satisfactorily. 

The two Presidents expressed the view that 
the forthcoming trade negotiations should be 
pursued energetically with a view to stimulat- 
ing freer international trade on a more liberal 
basis. The Presidents also emphasized the im- 
portance of the more fully developed countries 
extending economic and technical assistance to 
the developing states of the world. 

The Presidents noted the importance of ex- 
ploring means of improving East- West rela- 
tions and hoped that the Soviet Union would 
respond constructively to Western efforts in this 
direction. They agreed that new proposals 
should be introduced at the forthcoming dis- 
armament talks in Geneva in an effort to achieve 
positive results. They stressed thai It:ily and 
the United States would work together with 
other nations in consolidating peace and free- 
dom throughout the world. 



President Requests Increased 
Appropriation for Peace Corps 

Following is the text of a letter from Presi- 
dent Johnson to John W. McCormack, Speaker 
of the House of Representatives. An identi- 
cal letter was sent on the same day to Carl 
Hayden, President pro tempore of the Senate. 

White House press release dated January 16 

January 16, 1964 

Dear Mr. Speaker: I take pleasure in trans- 
mitting legislation which would authorize the 
appropriation of $115 million for the Peace 
Corps in fiscal year 1965. 

The Members of the Congress know how close 
this program was to the heart of John Fitzger- 
ald Kennedy. The day-to-day achievements of 
nearly 7,000 American men and women now at 
or about to depart for work overseas in over 
2,400 cities, towns and hamlets in 46 countries 
are a living memorial to the 35th President of 
the United States. 

For fiscal year 1964 the Congress appropri- 
ated approximately $96 million for the Peace 
Corps, under an authorization of $102 million. 
The amount appropriated is sufficient to enable 
the Peace Corps to reach a level of 10,500 Vol- 
unteers by September 1964. The requested 
Peace Corps authorization for fiscal year 1965 
is an increase of $13 million over the amount 
authorized by the Congress for fiscal year 1964. 
This increase of less than 15 percent will enable 
the Peace Corps to expand by a third to reach 
a level of 14,000 Volunteers by September 1965. 

As the Peace Corps concentrates on improv- 
ing the scope of programs in existence, and as 
more and more American men and women vol- 
unteer for service in the Peace Corps, it is be- 
coming possible to take advantage of economies 
of size in the Peace Corps budget. The steps 
which have been taken during the last year to 
reduce tho cost of the Peace Corps will be 
spelled out in detail in the agency's presenta- 
tion materials. 

In view of these economies, the requested 
increase in authorization and appropriation is 
fully consistent with my fiscal year 1965 budget 
program. 

Sincerely, 

Lyndon B. Johnson 



198 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Canadian Prime Minister Visits Washington; U.S. and Canada Agree 
on Columbia River Development and Establishment of Campobello Park 



Lester B. Pearson, Prime Minister of Canada, 
and Mrs. Pearson made an official visit to Wash- 
ington January 21-23. Following is a joint 
communique between President Johnson and 
Prime Minister Pearson released on January 22 
at the conclusion of their discussions, together 
with joint statements and texts of agreements 
signed that day regarding the cooperative de- 
velopment of the water resources of the Colum- 
bia River Basin and the establishment of the 
Roosevelt Campobello International Park. 



JOINT COMMUNIQUE 

White House press release dated January 22 

Useful discussions on many matters have been 
held during the past two days while Prime 
Minister Pearson has been visiting Washington 
as the guest of President Johnson. The Prime 
Minister was accompanied by Mr. Paul Martin, 
Secretary of State for External Affairs. Mr. 
Dean Rusk, Secretary of State, was with the 
President. 

The President and the Prime Minister had a 
wide-ranging discussion about the international 
situation. In their review of world affairs they 
discussed the NATO alliance and the Atlantic 
Community, the prospects for easing East- 
West tensions, the importance of practical 
specific initiative toward disarmament, and the 
current problems in Asia, Africa, and the West- 
ern Hemisphere. They will continue to co- 
operate fully in helping the countries of these 
areas move toward economic development, 
political stability, and peace along their borders. 

The Prime Minister and the President noted 
with satisfaction the progress made towards 
the cessation of nuclear testing. They affirmed 



their desire to promote additional measures to 
ease international tensions and to support fur- 
ther advances towards effective disarmament. 
The steady development of the peacekeeping 
capacity of the United Nations remains for 
both a goal essential to the preservation of 
world peace. 

The President and the Prime Minister ex- 
amined various bilateral defense questions and 
noted with satisfaction that appropriate agree- 
ments have lately been concluded between their 
two Governments. They agreed to plan for a 
meeting of the Joint Ministerial Committee on 
Defense during the first half of this year. They 
reaffirmed the support of both Governments for 
the developing defense production sharing pro- 
gram, which is of mutual benefit. 

The Prime Minister and the President re- 
ferred to the balance of payments problems of 
their respective countries. They reviewed out- 
standing economic problems between the two 
countries, including certain trade and tax meas- 
ures. They agreed on the urgency of success- 
ful GATT negotiations to achieve a substantial 
■ reduction of trade barriers in order to meet 
the goal of expanded world trade. 

The President and the Prime Minister re- 
viewed the work of the joint Cabinet level Com- 
mittee on trade and economic affairs at its 
meeting last September * and agreed that it 
should meet again around the end of April. 

The Prime Minister and the President dis- 
cussed at some length the practicability and 
desirability of working out acceptable prin- 
ciples which would make it easier to avoid 
divergences in economic and other policies of 



1 For text of a communique, see Bulletin of Oct. 7, 
19C3, p. 548. 



FEBRUARY 10, 1DG4 



199 



interest to each other. They appreciated that 
any such principles would have to take full 
account of the interests of other countries and 
of existing international arrangements. The 
President and the Prime Minister considered 
that it would be worthwhile to have the pos- 
sibilities examined. Accordingly, they are ar- 
ranging to establish a Working Group, at a 
senior level, to study the matter and to submit 
a progress report to the April meeting of the 
Joint Committee. 

The Prime Minister and the President agreed 
that negotiations on the bilateral air agree- 
ment should be undertaken almost immediately, 
with a view to working out satisfactory ar- 
rangements on a North American basis. 

The President and the Prime Minister noted 
the importance of shipping on the Great Lakes 
and the St. Lawrence Seaway and agreed to 
cooperate with each other and with labor and 
management in each country to avoid industrial 
strife along these waters. 

Final agreement was reached on the use of 
the resources of the Columbia Eiver Basin, and 
this agreement was embodied in an exchange of 
notes between Secretary of State Rusk and the 
Secretary of State for External Affairs for 
Canada, Mr. Paul Martin. The Columbia 
River Treaty signed in 1961, 2 was ratified that 
year by the United States; the agreements 
reached today pave the way for Canadian rati- 
fication and make possible the further develop- 
ment of the resources of this great Basin. 

At the same time, the President and the 
Prime Minister have joined in arrangements to 
establish on the East Coast the Roosevelt In- 
ternational Park at Campobello, New Bruns- 
wick, in memory of a President who took a 
keen interest in both countries and in the good 
relations between them. 

In recognition of the breadth and importance 
of their mutual interests, the President and the 
Prime Minister have determined to maintain 
close and continuous contact, on a personal 
and confidential basis and in the spirit of can- 
dor and friendship that has characterized these 
meetings. 



' For text, see ibid., Feb. 13, 1961, p. 234. 
"For text of a joint communique of May 11, 1963, 
see ma., May 27, 1963, p. 815. 



COLUMBIA RIVER AGREEMENT 

White House press release dated January 22 
Joint Statement 

President Johnson and Prime Minister Pear- 
son presided today at the "White House at the 
signing of further important agreements be- 
tween the two governments regarding the co- 
operative development of the water resources 
of the Columbia River Basin. Mr. Rusk, Sec- 
retary of State, signed for the United States, 
and Mr. Martin, Secretary of State for External 
Affairs, signed for Canada. 

The arrangements which are now being made 
will be of great benefit to both countries, par- 
ticularly to the province of British Columbia 
in Canada and to the States of Washington, 
Idaho, Montana, and Oregon in the United 
States. Today's signing took place in the pres- 
ence of representatives of the area on both 
sides of the border. 

The treaty of January 17. 1061 provided for 
effective regulation of the flow from the Cana- 
dian portion of the Columbia River for flood 
control and increased power production in the 
United States as well as for benefits in Canada. 
The downstream power benefits resulting from 
increased generation in the United States are 
to be shared by the two countries, and the 
United States is to compensate Canada for 
the flood protection which it receives. Effec- 
tive storage amounting to 15,500,000 acre-feet 
will be provided in Canada from two clams on 
the main stem of the Columbia at Mica Creek 
and Arrow Lakes, and from one dam near Dun- 
can Lake, all in British Columbia. The addi- 
tional storage approximately doubles that pres- 
ently available for regulation of the flows of 
the Columbia River. 

Under the terms of the treaty, the United 
States has the option to commence construction 
of the Libby project on the Kootenai River in 
northern Montana with 5,000,000 acre-feet of 
usable storage. Canada and the United Stales 
each will retain all of the benefits from the 
Libby project which accrue in their respective 
countries. 

At the Hyannis Port meeting in May 
1963 President Kennedy and Prime Minister 
Pearson 8 



200 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



. . . noted especially the desirability of early prog- 
ress on the cooperative development of the Columbia 
River. The Prime Minister Indicated thai if certain 

Clarifications and adjustments in arrangements pro- 
posed earlier eould be agreed on, to be Included in B 
protocol to the treaty, the Canadian Government would 
consult at once with the provincial Government of Brit- 
ish Colombia, the province ill which the Canadian por- 
tion of the river is located, with a view to proceeding 
promptly with the further detailed negotiations re- 
quired with the United States and with the necessary 
aetion for approval within Canada. The President 
agreed that both. Governments should immediately un- 
dertake discussions on this subject looking to an early 
agreement. 

These things have now been done. The way 
has been cleared for the completion of the neces- 
sary financial and related arrangements in the 
United States and the ratification of the treaty 
by Canada. 

The primary purpose of the first set of docu- 
ments signed today was to agree now on the 
clarifications and adjustments that would elimi- 
nate possible sources of controversy between the 
two countries in later years. These documents 
contain important, if rather technical, provi- 
sions regarding such varied matters as condi- 
tions governing flood control : the intention to 
complete arrangements for the initial sale of 
Canada's share of the downstream power bene- 
fits at the time when ratifications of the treaty 
are exchanged; the avoidance by Canada of 
stand-by transmission charges in the event of 
sales of downstream benefits in the United 
States; provision for cooperation in connection 
with the operation of the Libby Dam in the 
light of the Canadian benefits from it ; clarifica- 
tion regarding water diversions; the procedures 
relating to hydroelectric operating plans; the 
adoption of a longer stream flow period as a 
basis for calculating downstream power bene- 
fits; various matters relating to power load cal- 
culations; adjustments to be considered in the 
event of the provision of flood control by Can- 
ada ahead of schedule; the avoidance of any 
precedent regarding waters other than those of 
the Columbia River Basin; and clarification 
regarding the position of the boundary waters 
treaty of 1909. 

The other set of documents relates to the 
arrangement to be made for the sale of the 
Canadian entitlement to downstream power 



benefits for a period limited to 80 years. The ar- 
rangements which the two governments have 
agreed upon will be beneficial to the Onited 
States in facilitating the coming into force of 
the treaty and thereby removing uncertainty 
about the availability of power and flood con- 
trol protection for the northwestern part of the 
United States for a considerable period of time. 
Equally, they will benefit Canada by removing 
uncertainty about the return to be received by 
Canada from the Columbia River development 
during the first 30 years after the completion 
of each dam. 

The treaty, together with the arrangements 
now being made, represents an important step 
in achieving optimum development of the water 
resources of the Columbia River Basin as a 
whole, from which the United States and Can- 
ada will each receive benefits materially larger 
than either could obtain independently. 

The arrangements fully respect the sover- 
eignty and the interests of the two countries. As 
was said in the Hyannis Port Communique, 
"Close cooperation across the border can en- 
hance rather than diminish the sovereignty of 
each country by making it stronger and more 
prosperous than before." 

Exchange of Notes on Columbia River Treaty 

Secretary Martin to Secretary Rusk 

January 22, 19fi4 

Sir, I have the honour to refer to discussions which 
have been held between representatives of the Govern- 
ment of Canada and of the Government of the United 
States of America regarding the Treaty between Can- 
ada and the United States of America relating to co- 
operative development of the water resources of the 
Columbia River Basin signed at Washington on Jan- 
uary 17, 1961. On the basis of these discussions, the 
Government of Canada understands that the two Gov- 
ernments have agreed to the terms of the attached 
Protocol. 

I should like to propose that, if agreeable to your 
Government, this Xote together with the Protocol at- 
tached thereto and your reply, shall constitute an 
agreement between our two Governments relating to 
the carrying out of the provisions of the Treaty with 
effect from the date of the exchange of instruments of 
ratification of the Treaty. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

Paui, Martin 
Secretary of State for External Affairs 



FEBRUARY 10, 1964 



201 



Annex to Exchange of Notes Dated January 22, 1964 
Between the Governments op Canada and inE 
United States Regarding the Columbia River 
Treaty 

Protocol 
1. If the United States entity should call upon Can- 
ada to operate storage in the Columbia River Basin to 
meet flood control needs of the United States of Amer- 
ica pursuant to Article IV (2) (b) or Article IV (3) of 
the Treaty, such call shall be made only to the extent 
necessary to meet forecast flood control needs in the 
territory of the United States of America that cannot 
adequately be met by flood control facilities in the 
United States of America in accordance with the fol- 
lowing conditions : 

(1) Unless otherwise agreed by the Permanent En- 
gineering Board, the need to use Canadian flood con- 
trol facilities under Article IV(2) (b) of the Treaty 
shall be considered to have arisen only in the case of 
potential floods which could result in a peak discharge 
in excess of 600,000 cubic feet per second at The Dalles, 
Oregon, assuming the use of all related storage in the 
United States of America existing and under construc- 
tion in January 1961, storage provided by any dam 
constructed pursuant to Article XII of the Treaty and 
the Canadian storage described in Article IV (2) (a) of 
the Treaty. 

(2) The United States entity will call upon Canada 
to operate storage under Article IV (3) of the Treaty 
only to control potential floods in the United States 
of America that could not be adequately controlled 
by all the related storage facilities in the United States 
of America existing at the expiration of 60 years from 
the ratification date but in no event shall Canada be 
required to provide any greater degree of flood control 
under Article IV(3) of the Treaty than that provided 
for under Article IV (2) of the Treaty. 

(3) A call shall be made only if the Canadian entity 
has been consulted whether the need for flood control 
is, or is likely to be, such that it cannot be met by the 
use of flood control facilities in the United States of 
America in accordance with subparagraphs (1) or (2) 
of this paragraph. Within ten days of receipt of a 
call, the Canadian entity will communicate its accept- 
ance, or its rejection or proposals for modification of 
the call, together with supporting considerations. 
When the communication indicates rejection or modi- 
fication of the call the Uniled States entity will review 
the situation in the light of the communication and 
subsequent developments and will then withdraw or 
modify the call if practicable. In the absence of agree- 
ment on the call or its terms the United States entity 
will submit the matter to the Permanent Engineering 
Board provided for under Article XV of the Treaty for 
assistance as contemplated in Article XV(2) (c) of the 
Treaty. The entities will be guided by any instruc- 
tions issued by the Permanent Engineering Hoard. If 
the Permanent Engineering Hoard does not issue in- 
structions within ten days of receipt of a submission 
the United States entity may renew the call for any 



part or all of the storage covered in the original call 
and the Canadian entity shall forthwith honour the 
request. 

2. In preparing the flood control operating plans in 
accordance with paragraph 5 of Annex A of the Treaty, 
and in making calls to operate for flood control pur- 
suant to Articles IV(2)(b) and IV(3) of the Treaty, 
every effort will be made to minimize flood damage 
both in Canada and the United States of America. 

3. The exchange of Notes provided for in Article 
VIII (1) of the Treaty shall take place contemporane- 
ously with the exchange of the Instruments of Ratifica- 
tion of the Treaty provided for in Article XX of the 
Treaty. 

4. (1) During the period and to the extent that the 
sale of Canada's entitlement to downstream power 
benefits within the United States of America as a re- 
sult of an exchange of Notes pursuant to Article 
VIII (1) of the Treaty relieves the United States of 
America of its obligation to provide east-west standby 
transmission service as called for by Article X(l) of 
the Treaty, Canada is not required to make payment 
for the east-west standby transmission service with 
regard to Canada's entitlement to downstream power 
benefits sold in the United States of America. 

(2) The United States of America is not entitled to 
any payments of the character set out in subparagraph 
(1) of this paragraph in respect of that portion of 
Canada's entitlement to downstream power benefits de- 
livered by the United States of America to Canada at 
any point on the Canada-United States of America 
boundary other than at a point near Oliver, British 
Columbia, and the United States of America is not 
required to provide the east-west standby transmis- 
sion service referred to in subparagraph (1) of this 
paragraph in respect of the portion of Canada's entitle- 
ment to downstream power benefits which is so 
delivered. 

5. Inasmuch as control of historic streamflows of the 
Kootenay River by the dam provided for in Article 
XII (1) of the Treaty would result in more than 
200.000 kilowatt years per annum of energy benefit 
downstream in Canada, as well as important flood 
control protection to Canada, and the operation of 
that dam is therefore of concern to Canada, the entities 
shall, pursuant to Article XIV(2)(a) of the Treaty, 
cooperate on a continuing basis to coordinate the oper- 
ation of that dam with the operation of hydroelectric 
plants on the Kootenay River and elsewhere in Canada 
in accordance with the provisions of Article XII(5) 
and Article XII (6) of the Treaty. 

6. (1) Canada and the United States of America are 
in agreement that Article XIII (1) of the Treaty pro- 
vides to each of them a right to divert water for a 
consumptive use. 

(2) Any diversion of water from the Kootenay 
River when once instituted under the provisions of 
Article XIII of the Treaty is not subject to any limita- 
tion as to time. 

7. As contemplated by Article IV (1) of the Treaty, 



202 



DEPAKTMKNT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Canada shall operate the Canadian storage In accord- 
ance with Annex A and hydroelectric operating plana 
made thereunder. Also, as contemplated by Annexes 
A and B of the Treaty and article XIV(2)(k) of the 
Treaty, these operating plans before they are agreed 
to by the entitles will be conditioned as follows: 

(li As iho downstream power benefits credited to 
Canadian storage decrease with time, the storage re- 
quired to be operated by Canada pursuant to para- 

graphs «i ami !» Of Annex A of the Treaty, will be that 

required to produce those benefits. 

i '.'i The hydroelectric operating plans, which will 
be based on step I of tlie studies referred to in para- 
graph 7 of Annex B of the Treaty, will provide a 
reservoir-balance relationship for each month for the 
whole of the Canadian storage committed rather than 
a separate relationship for each of the three Canadian 
storages. Subject to compliance with any detailed 
operating plan agreed to by the entities as permitted 
by Article XIV (2) (k) of the Treaty, the manner of 
operation which will achieve the specific storage or 
release of storage called for in a hydroelectric operat- 
ing plan consistent with optimum storage use will be 
at the discretion of the Canadian entity. 

(3) Optimum power generation at-site in Canada 
and downstream in Canada and the United States of 
America referred to in paragraph 7 of Annex A of the 
Treaty will include power generation at-site and down- 
stream in Canada of the Canadian storages referred 
to in Article 11(2) of the Treaty, power generation 
in Canada which is coordinated therewith, downstream 
power benefits from the Canadian storage which are 
produced in the United States of America and meas- 
ured under the terms of Annex B of the Treaty, power 
generation in the Pacific Northwest Area of the United 
States of America and power generation coordinated 
therewith. 

8. The determination of downstream power benefits 
pursuant to Annex 15 of the Treaty, in respect of each 
year until the expiration of thirty years from the 
commencement of full operation in accordance with 
Article IV of the Treaty of that portion of the Cana- 
dian storage described in Article II of the Treaty 
which is last placed in full operation, and thereafter 
until otherwise agreed upon by the entities, shall be 
based upon stream flows for the thirty-year period 
beginning July 1928 as contained in the report entitled 
"Extension of Modified Flows Through 195S — Columbia 
River Basin" and dated June I960, as amended and 
supplemented to June 29, 1961, by the Water Manage- 
ment Subcommittee of the Columbia Basin Inter- 
Agency Committee. 

9.(1) Each load used in making the determinations 
required by Steps II and III of paragraph 7 of Annex 
B of the Treaty shall have the same shape as the load 
of the Pacific Northwest area as that area is defined 
in that paragraph. 

(2) The capacity credit of Canadian storage shall 
not exceed the difference between the firm load carry- 
ing capabilities of the projects and installations in- 
cluded in Step II of paragraph 7 of Annex B of the 



Treaty and the projects and installations included 
in Step III of paragraph 7 of Annex B of the Treaty. 

10. in making nil determinations required by Annex 
B of the Treaty the loads used shall include the power 
required for pumping water for consumptive use into 
the Banks Equalizing Reservoir of the Columbia Basin 
Federal Reclamation Project but mention of this 
particular load is not intended in any way to exclude 
from those loads any use of power that would normally 
be part of such loads. 

11. In the event operation of any of the Canadian 
storages is commenced at a time which would result 
in the United States of America receiving Hood protec- 
tion for periods longer than those on which the 
amounts of flood control payments to Canada set forth 
in Article VI 1 1) of the Treaty are based, the United 
States of America and Canada shall consult as to the 
adjustments, if any, in the flood control payments that 
may be equitable in the light of all relevant factors. 
Any adjustment would be calculated over the longer 
period or periods on the same basis and in the same 
manner as the calculation of the amounts set forth 
in Article VI(1) of the Treaty. The consultations 
shall begin promptly upon the determination of definite 
dates for the commencement of operation of the 
Canadian storages. 

12. Canada and the United States of America are 
in agreement that the Treaty does not establish any 
general principle or precedent applicable to waters 
other than those of the Columbia River Basin and 
does not detract from the application of the Boundary 
Waters Treaty, 1909,' to other waters. 

Secretary Rusk to Secretary Martin 

Washington, January 22, 1964 
Sib: I have the honor to refer to your note dated 
January 22, 1964, together with the Annex thereto 
regarding the Treaty between Canada and the United 
States of America relating to cooperative development 
of the water resources of the Columbia River Basin 
signed at Washington on January 17, 1961. 

I wish to advise you that the Government of the 
United States of America agrees that your note with 
the Annex thereto, together with this reply, shall con- 
stitute an agreement between our two Governments re- 
lating to the carrying out of the provisions of the 
Treaty with effect from the date of the exchange of 
instruments of ratification of the Treaty. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

Dean Rusk 

Exchange of Notes on Downstream Power Benefits 

Secretary Rusk to Secretary Martin 

January 22, 1964 
Sib: I have the honor to refer to the discussions 
which have been held between representatives of the 



4 36 Stat. 2448. 



FEBRUARY 10, 19G4 



203 



Government of Canada and of the Government of the 
United States of America regarding a sale of Canada's 
entitlement to downstream power benefits under the 
Treaty between Canada and the United States of 
America relating to cooperative development of the 
water resources of the Columbia River Basin, signed 
on January 17, 1961. 

On the basis of these discussions my Government 
understands that the two Governments recognize that 
it would be in the public interest of both countries 
if Canada's entitlement to downstream power benefits 
could be disposed of, as contemplated by Article VIII 
of the Treaty, in accordance with general conditions 
and limits similar to those set out in detail in the at- 
tachment hereto, and further, that before such a dis- 
position can be concluded and confirmed by the two 
Governments, additional steps must be taken in each 
country. Therefore, in furtherance of this aim, it is 
understood the two Governments are agreed that : 

a) the Government of the United States will use 
its best efforts to arrange for disposition of Canada's 
entitlement to downstream power benefits within the 
United States of America in accordance with the gen- 
eral conditions and limits set forth in the attachment, 
and 

b) the Government of Canada will use its best efforts 
to accomplish all those things which are considered 
necessary and preliminary to ratification of the Treaty 
as quickly as possible, including any arrangements for 
implementation and acceptance of the general condi- 
tions and limits set forth in the attachment. 

I should like to propose that if agreeable to your 
Government this note together with the attachment 
and your reply shall constitute an agreement by our 
Governments relating to the Treaty. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

Dean Rusk 

Attachment Relating to Terms of Sale 

A. The disposition shall consist of the downstream 
power benefits to which Canada is entitled under the 
Treaty, other than Canada's entitlement to downstream 
power benefits resulting from the construction or op- 
eration of a project described in Article IX of the 
Treaty, and shall be by way of a contract of sale au- 
thorized in accordance with Article VIII of the Treaty 
between the British Columbia Hydro and Power Au- 
thority and a single Purchaser containing provisions 
mutually satisfactory to the parties to the contract 
but shall be subject to and be operative in accordance 
with the following general conditions and limits : 

1. (a) The storages described in Article II of the 
Treaty shall be fully operative for power purposes in 
accordance with the following schedule : 

Storage described in Article 11(2) (c)— approxi- 
mately 1,400,000 acre feet on April 1, 1968, 

Storage described in Article 11(2) (b)— approxi- 
mately 7,100,000 acre feet on April 1, 1969, 



Storage described in Article 11(2) (a)— approxi- 
mately 7,000,000 acre feet on April 1, 1973. 

(b) The period of sale of the entitlement allocated 
to each of the storages shall terminate and expire 
thirty years from the date on which that storage is 
required to be fully operative for power purposes in 
accordance with the schedule in subparagraph (a) of 
this paragraph. 

(c) In the event any storage is not fully operative in 
accordance with the schedule in subparagraph (a) of 
this paragraph or if, during the period of sale, the 
storage is not operated as required by the hydroelectric 
operating plans agreed upon in accordance with the 
Treaty, as modified by any detailed operating plan 
agreed upon in accordance with Article XIV (2) (k) of 
the Treaty, and the Canadian entitlement is thereby 
reduced, the British Columbia Hydro and Power Au- 
thority shall pay the Purchaser an amount equal to 
the cost it would have to incur to replace that part of 
the reduction in the Canadian entitlement which the 
vendees of the Purchaser could have used other than 
costs that could have been avoided had every reason- 
able effort to mitigate losses been made by the Pur- 
chaser, the United States entity and the owners of 
non-federal dams on the Columbia River in the United 
States of America. Alternatively, the British Colum- 
bia Hydro and Power Authority may, at its option, 
supply power to the Purchaser in an amount which as- 
sures that the Purchaser receives the capacity and 
energy which would have constituted that part of the 
reduction in the Canadian entitlement that the vendees 
of the Purchaser could have used if there had been no 
default, together with appropriate adjustments to re- 
flect transmission costs in the United States of Ameri- 
ca, delivery to be made when the loss of power would 
otherwise have occurred. 

If the assurance described in paragraph B.5. of this 
attachment is given to the Purchaser, the United 
States entity may succeed to all the rights of the Pur- 
chaser and its vendees to receive the entire Canadian 
entitlement, or that part that could be used by the 
vendees, and to be compensated by British Columbia 
Hydro and Power Authority in the event of non-receipt 
thereof. The United States entity agrees that before 
it purchases more costly power from any third party 
for the purpose of supplying the necessary amount of 
the Canadian entitlement to the Purchaser, it will first 
cause to be delivered to the Purchaser, or for its ac- 
count, any available surplus capacity or energy from 
the United States Federal Columbia River System and 
compensation to the United States entity because of 
such deliveries shall be computed by applying the then 
applicable rate schedules of the Bonneville Power Ad- 
ministration to the deliveries. 

In the event of disagreement, determination of com- 
pensation in money or power due under this paragraph 
shall be resolved by arbitration and shall be confined 
to the actual loss incurred in accordance with the prin- 
ciples in this paragraph. 

(d) For the purpose of allocating downstream power 
benefits among the Treaty storages from April 1, 1998 



204 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



to April 1, 2008, the percentage of downstream power 
benefits allocated t" each Treaty storage shall be the 
percentage of the total <>f the Treaty storages provided 
by that storage. 

•_'. Kit the period of (lie sale the British Colombia 
Hydro and Power Authority shall operate and main- 
tain the Treaty storages In accordance with the provi- 
sions of the Treaty. 

3. (a) Tiie purchase price of the entitlement shall 
be $254,400,000, in United States Funds as of I tetober l. 
L984, subject to adjustment, In the event of an earlier 
payment of ail or i>art thereof, to the then present 
worth, at a discount rate of i ' - percent per annum. 

i 1>i The purchase price shall lie paid to Canada 

■ temporaneously with the exchange of ratifications 

of the Treaty and shall be applied towards the COSt Of 
Constructing the Treaty projects through a transfer of 

the purchase price by Canada to the Government of 
British Columbia, pursuant to arrangements deemed 
satisfactory to Canada, to be entered into between 
Canada and the Government of British Columbia. 

4. If, during the period of the sale, there is any 
reduction in Canada's entitlement to downstream 
power benefits which results from action taken by the 
Canadian entity pursuant to paragraph 7 of Annex A 
of the Treaty, the British Columbia Hydro and Power 
Authority shall, by supplying power to the Purchaser, 
or otherwise as may be agreed, offset that reduction 
in a manner so that the Purchaser will be compensated 
therefor. 

5. The Purchaser shall have and may exercise the 
rights of the British Columbia Hydro and Power Au- 
thority relating to the negotiation and conclusion with 
the United States entity, of proposals relating to the 
exchanges authorized by Article VIII (2 I of the Treaty 
with resjieet to any portion of Canada's entitlement 
to downstream power benefits sold to the Purchaser. 

B. The Notes to be exchanged pursuant to Article 
VIII (1) of the Treaty shall contain, inter alia, provi- 
sions incorporating the following requirements: 

1. As soon as practicable after start of construction 
of each Treaty project the Canadian and United States 
entities shall agree upon a program for filling the 
storage provided by the project. The filling program 
shall have the objective of having the storages described 
in Article 11(2) (c) and Article 11(2) (b) of the Treaty 
full by September l following the date when the stor- 
ages become fully operative and the storage provided 
by the dam mentioned in Article II (2) (a) of the Treaty 
full to 1') million acre-feet by September 1, 1975. This 
objective shall be reflected in the hydroelectric operat- 
ing plans and shall take into account generating re- 
quirements at-site and downstream in Canada and the 
I'nited States of America to meet loads. 

2. In the event the United States of America be- 
comes entitled to compensation in respect of a breach 
of the obligation under Article IV (6) of the Treaty to 
commence full operation of a storage, compensation 
payable to the United States of America under Article 
XVIII (5) (a) of the Treaty shall be made in an amount 
equal to 2.70 mills per kilowatt-hour, and 46 cents |mt 



kilowatt of dej>endable capacity for each month or 
fraction thereof, In United States funds, fur and in 

lieu of the power which would have been forfeited un- 
der Article XVIII (5) (a) of the Treaty if Canada's 
entitlement to downstream power benefits had not been 
sold in the United stales of America. Alternatively, 
Canada may, at Its option, supply capacity and energy 
to the United States entity in an amount equal to that 
which would have been forfeited, together with ap- 
propriate adjustments to reflect transmission costs in 
the United States of America, delivery to be made when 
the loss would otherwise have occurred. 

3. A diminution of Canada's entitlement to down- 
stream power benefits sold in the United States of 
America which is directly attributable to a failure 
to comply with paragraph A.l(a) or paragraph A. 2 
of this attachment. In the absence of compensation 
therefor by the British Columbia Hydro and Power 
Authority, constitutes a breach of the Treaty by Can- 
ada and Article XVIII (5) of the Treaty and the 
exculpatory provisions in Article XVIII of the Treaty 
do not apply to such breach. Compensation or re- 
placement of power as specified in paragraph A.l(c) 
of this attachment shall be made by Canada and shall 
be accepted by the United States of America as com- 
plete satisfaction of Canada's liability under this 
paragraph. 

4. For any year in which Canada's entitlement to 
downstream power benefits is sold in the United States 
of America, the United States entity may decide the 
amount of the downstream power benefits for pur- 
poses connected with the disposition thereof in the 
United States of America. This authorization, how- 
ever, shall not affect the rights or relieve the obliga- 
tions of the Canadian and United States entities relat- 
ing to joint activities under the provisions of Article 
XIV and Annexes A and B of the Treaty; nor shall 
it apply to determination of compensation provided 
for in paragraph A.l(c) and paragraph B.2 of this 
attachment. 

5. If necessary to accomplish the sale of Canada's 
entitlement to downstream power benefits in accord- 
ance with this attachment, the United States entity 
shall assure unconditionally the delivery to or for 
the account of the Purchaser, by appropriate exchange 
contracts, of an amount of power agreed between the 
United States entity and the Purchaser to be the equiv- 
alent of the entitlement during the period of the 
sale. 

C. Canada shall designate the British Columbia 
Hydro and Power Authority as the Canadian entity 
for the purposes of Article XIV (1) of the Treaty. 

Secretary Martin to Secretary Rusk 

January 22, 1964 

Sik, I have the honour to refer to your Note dated 
January 22, 1964, together with the attachment thereto 
regarding the Treaty between Canada and the United 
States of America relating to cooperative develop- 



FEBRUARY 10, 1964 
719-084— C4 3 



205 



nient of the water resources of the Columbia River 
Basin signed at Washington on January 17, 1961. 

I wish to advise you that the Government of Canada 
agrees that your Xote with the attachment thereto, 
together with this reply, shall constitute an agreement 
between our two Governments relating to the Treaty. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

Paul Maktin 
Secretary of State for External Affairs 



CAMPOBELLO AGREEMENT 

White House pres9 release dated January 22 

Joint Statement 

President Johnson and Prime Minister Pear- 
son signed today in the Treaty Room of the 
White House an intergovernmental agreement 
providing for the establishment of the Roose- 
velt Campobello International Park at the house 
formerly belonging to President Franklin 
Delano Roosevelt on Campobello Island, New 
Brunswick. The President and the Prime Min- 
ister recalled the generous offer of the Hammer 
family, made to President Kennedy and Prime 
Minister Pearson at Hyannis Port in May 1963, 
to donate the property to the Governments of 
Canada and the United States as a memorial to 
President Roosevelt. President Johnson and 
Prime Minister Pearson have welcomed the op- 
portunity on this occasion to sign the intergov- 
ernmental agreement under which the Roosevelt 
estate will become an Internal ional Park jointly 
owned and operated by the United States and 
Canada as a memorial open to the peoples of the 
two countries and of all the world. 

The establishment of the Roosevelt Campo- 
bello International Park represents a unique ex- 
ample of international cooperation. The Park 
will stand forever as an expression of the close 
relationship between Canada and the United 
States as well as a fitting memorial to the Presi- 
dent of the United States who so greatly 
strengthened that relationship and who himself 
spent so many happy days of rest and relaxation 
on Canadian soil and in Canadian waters. The 
memorial will celebrate President Roosevelt's 
love of Campobello Island and of sailing in the 
deep waters of the Ray of Fundy ; his deep sense 
of the abiding values of conservation and 
recreation; and the old and friendly relations 



between the people of the Maritime Provinces 
of Canada and the people of New England and 
New York. When Canadians and Americans 
visit the International Park, they will see a liv- 
ing expression of the historic collaboration be- 
tween their two countries; while visitors from 
other parts of the world may find it an inspira- 
tion for similar cooperative arrangements along 
many frontiers across the world. 

This intergovernmental agreement has, of 
course, been drawn up in close consultation with 
the government of the Province of New Bruns- 
wick where the property is located. The 
agreement will require legislative action in both 
countries. The President and the Prime Min- 
ister hope for speedy enactment of such legisla- 
tion in order to open the Roosevelt Campobello 
International Park to the people of both 
countries at the earliest moment. 

Text of Agreement 

Agreement Between the Government or the United 

States of America and the Government of Canada 

Relating to the Establishment of the Roosevelt 

Campobello International Park 

The Governments of the United States of America 
and Canada 

Noting the generous offer by the Hammer family 
of the summer home of President Franklin Delano 
Roosevelt on Campobello Island, New Brunswick, 
Canada, with the intention that it be opened to the 
general public as a memorial to President Roosevelt, 
and the acceptance in principle of this offer by Presi- 
dent John F. Kennedy and Prime Minister Lester B. 
Pearson at Hyannis Port in May 1963 ; and 

Recognizing the many intimate associations of Presi- 
dent Roosevelt with the summer home on Campobello 
Island ; and 

Desiring to take advantage of this unique opportunity 
to symbolize the close and neighborly relations between 
the peoples of the United States of America and Canada 
by the utilization of the gift to establish a United 
States-Canadian memorial park ; 

Agree as follows : 

Article 1 
There shall be established a joint United States- 
Canadian commission, to be called the "Roosevelt 
Campobello International Park Commission", which 
shall have as its functions: 

(a) to accept title from the Hammer family to the 
former Roosevelt estate comprising the Roosevelt 
home and other grounds on Campobello Island ; 

(b) to take the necessary measures to restore the 
Roosevelt home as closely as possible to its condition 
when it was occupied by President Roosevelt; 



206 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



(c) to administer as a memorial the "Roosevelt 
Campobello International Park" comprising the Roose- 
velt estate and and) other lands as may be acquired. 

Article 2 
The Commission shall have juridical personality and 
all powers and capacity necessary or appropriate tor 
the purpose of performing its functions under this 
agreement including, but not by way of limitation, the 
following powers and capacity : 

(a) to acquire and dispose of i>ersonal and real 
property, excepting the power to dispose of the Roose- 
velt home and the tract of land on which it is located ; 

(b) to enter into contrails; 

(c) to sue or be sued in cither Canada or the United 
States ; 

(d) to appoint a staff, including an Executive Sec- 
retary who shall act as secretary at meetings of the 
Commission, and to fix the terms and conditions of 
their employment and remuneration; 

(e) to delegate to the Executive Secretary or other 
officials such authority respecting the employment and 
direction of staff and the other responsibilities of the 
Commission as it deems desirable and appropriate ; 

(f) to adopt such rules of procedure as it deems 
desirable to enable it to perform the functions set 
forth in this agreement ; 

(g) to charge admission fees for entrance to the 
Park should the Commission consider such fees desir- 
able; however, such fees shall be set at a level which 
will make the facilities readily available to visitors ; 

(h) to grant concessions if deemed desirable; 

(i) to accept donations, bequests or devises intended 
for furthering the functions of the Commission and to 
use such donations, bequests or devises as may be pro- 
vided in the terms thereof. 

Article 3 

The Commission shall consist of six members, of 
whom three shall be appointed by the Government of 
the United States and three appointed by the Govern- 
ment of Canada. One of the United States members 
shall be nominated by the Government of Maine 
and one of the Canadian members shall be nominated 
by the Government of New Brunswick. Alternates 
may be appointed for each member of the Commission 
in the same manner as the members. The Commission 
shall elect a chairman and a vice-chairman from among 
its members, each of whom shall hold office for a term 
of two years, in such a manner that members of the 
same nationality shall never simultaneously serve as 
chairman and vice-chairman. The chairmanship shall 
alternate between members of United States nation- 
ality and Canadian nationality every two years. A 
quorum shall consist of at least four members of the 
Commission or their alternates, including always two 
from the United States and two from Canada. The 
affirmative vote of at least two United States and two 
Canadian members or their respective alternates 
shall be required for any decision to be taken by the 
Commission. 



Article 4 

The Commission may employ both United States and 
Canadian citizens. Their employment shall be subject 
to the relevant Canadian labor and other laws, and 
the Government of Canada agrees to take such meas 
ures as may he necessary to permit United Slates . -iti 
zens to accept employment with the Commission on a 
similar basis to Canadian citizens. 

Article 5 

The Commission shall maintain insurance in reason- 
able amounts, including but not limited to, liability and 
property insurance. 

Article 6 

The Commission shall hold at least one meeting every 
calendar year and shall submit an annual report to the 
United States and Canadian Governments on or before 
March 31 of each year, including a general statement 
of the operations for the previous year and an audited 
statement of the financial operations of the Commis- 
sion. The Commission shall permit inspection of its 
records by the accounting agencies of both Govern- 
ments. 

Article 7 

All property belonging to the Commission shall be 
exempt from attachment, execution, or other processes 
for satisfaction of claims, debts or judgments. 

Article 8 

The Commission shall not be subject to Federal, 
State, Provincial or local taxation in the United States 
or Canada on any real or personal property held by it 
or on any gift, bequest or devise to it of any personal or 
real property, or on its income, whether from Govern- 
mental appropriations, admission fees, concessions or 
donations. All personal property imported or intro- 
duced into Canada by the Commission for use in con- 
nection with the Park shall be free from customs duties. 
Further consideration shall be given to granting ex- 
emption from other taxes the imposition of which 
would be inconsistent with the functioning of the 
Commission. 

Article 9 

Arrangements may be made with the competent 
agencies of the United States and Canada for render- 
ing, without reimbursement, such services as the Com- 
mission may request for the orderly development, 
maintenance and operation of the Park. 

Article 10 

The Commission shall take appropriate measures to 
emphasize the international nature of the Park. 

Article 11 

1. The Governments of the United States and 
Canada shall share equally the costs of developing 
the Roosevelt Campobello International Park and the 
annual cost of operating and maintaining the Park. 

2. Any revenues derived from admission fees or 



FEBRUARY 10, 1964 



207 



concession operations of the Commission shall be 
transmitted in equal shares to the two Governments 
within 60 days of the end of the Commission's fiscal 
year. Other funds received by the Commission may 
be used to further the purposes of the Commission in 
accordance with the provisions of this agreement. 

3. The Commission shall submit annually to the 
United States and Canadian Governments a budget 
covering total anticipated expenditures to be financed 
from all sources, and shall conduct its operations in 
accordance with the budget as approved by the two 
Governments. 

4. The Commissioners shall receive no remuneration 
from the Commission; however, they may be paid 



reasonable per diem and travel expenses by the 
Commission. 

Article 12 
This agreement requires implementation by legisla- 
tion in each country ; it shall come into effect after the 
enactment of such legislation on a date to be fixed by 
an exchange of notes between the two Governments. 

Done in duplicate at Washington, this 22nd day of 
January 1964. 

For the Government of the United States of America : 

Lyndon B. Johnson 
For the Government of Canada : 
Lester B. Pearson 



American Policy in the Near East 



by U. Alexis Johnson 

Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs 



I am fully conscious of the responsibility that 
is mine in speaking to you today on American 
policy in the Near East. I well appreciate that 
you are a group of Americans intensely inter- 
ested in as well as being already well informed 
on the Near East. I well know that your in- 
terest in the Near East arises in large part from 
the obligations that you feel as American citi- 
zens. There is thus a special responsibility to 
you as interested and inquiring citizens. There 
is also a responsibility to insure that our Near 
Eastern policies are placed in their proper focus 
and setting. 

I therefore hasten to say that I speak to you 
today not as the herald of any innovations or 
new initiatives. To the contrary, what I have 
to say will in large part serve to underline the 
continuity of the main principles that have 
guided our Near Eastern policy during the past 
few years. 

Among the first acts of the administration 



'Address made before the Citizens Committee on 
American Policy in the Near East at Washington, 
D.C., on Jan. 20 (press release 20). 



after President. Johnson took office was to assure 
our friends, and to make it clear around the 
world to those who were not friendly to us, 
that the tragic event of November 22 had not 
changed the essentials of our foreign policies. 
President Johnson's emphasis on the continuity 
of our policies was made clear in the Near East. 
From the steps that have been taken, the leaders 
of the Arab states and Israel know that the 
administration of President Johnson intends 
no fundamental changes in our Near Eastern 
policies. They know that the main lines of 
policy followed in the past several years will 
continue to be our guide. 

To emphasize policy continuity of course does 
not mean we are not aware of the dangers of 
policy rigidity. It does not mean that we are 
not alive to the continuing, dynamic social and 
economic changes thai are taking place in the 
Near East. Nor does it mean that we are not 
conscious of the forecasts of the imminent out- 
break of trouble in one place or another in the 
area that will test our policies. Unfortunately, 
it is easy to build a reputation on predicting 
trouble in the Near East. It is much more 



208 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



difficult in build a reputation for making prog- 
ress on solutions t" the problems confronting 
the peoples of the area. 

All of you know the basic problems of this 
region, lmt ii may be useful briefly (<> review 
them. Poorly endowed geographically and 
economically, the Near East is thrice blessed as 
the birthplace of three great world religions. 
But at the same time it is severely handicapped 
by other aspects of its historical and cultural 
heritage, which in some ways has made its 
people ill equipped to lace the problems of 
the mid-20th century. As if climate, geog- 
raphy, resources, and history had not made 
enough difficulties, there is the unhealed sore 
of the Arab-Israel dispute as well as continued 
intra-Arab bickering to plague the peoples and 
leaders of the Near East . 

U.S. Objectives in the Near East 

Although American educators and mission- 
aries have for generations accomplished good 
works in the Near East, it was after the Second 
World War that the United States became 
intimately involved with the problems of the 
Near East. We have found that it is easy to 
become discouraged and to believe those prob- 
lems are not susceptible of solution. And in 
regard to solutions I would not wish to inject 
any false note of optimism today. On the 
other hand, I believe we cannot afford to be 
mere Cassandras, to wring our hands and to fail 
to try, in cooperation with the peoples of the 
area, to bring about the small steps toward 
peace and a better Near Eastern world that 
may be possible. 

We recognize of course that the Near East 
belongs to the people of the Near East and that 
American interests and objectives must be con- 
sistent with those of the people of the area. 
In this imperfect world, where no man and no 
state ever gets exactly what he wants, we sin- 
cerely believe that American interests and ob- 
jectives are consistent with those of the Near 
Eastern peoples. By pursuit of our own ob- 
jectives we aim to buttress their peace and 
independence and prosperity, for we see this to 
be in our own interest. But it is not enough 
for us or other outside states to be interested 



in the well-being of the Near Bast. The people 

themselves, the region as a whole, must con- 
tribute to the efforts that will be needed. 

Our objectives in the Middle East are dem- 
and can be briefly stated. 

First, as a fundamental contribution to 
world peace, we are deeply concerned with 
helping to create political stability, to advanc- 
ing economic development, and to modernizing 
the social systems of the area. Our concern is 
both for the sake of the peoples involved and 
for strengthening the free world against expan- 
sion by those hostile to it. 

Second, we are concerned to limit hostile 
Soviet influence in the area. Arab experience 
with the Soviet Union since 1955 has tended to 
increase awareness that the Near East in fact 
shares in larger measure mutual interests with 
theAVest. 

Third, there should be an accommodation be- 
tween Israel and its Arab neighbors, which we 
believe is the only way in which the area as a 
whole can develop political stability, self- 
sustained economic growth, and, thus, true 
independence. We know this is difficult, but we 
also know it is important to our national secu- 
ri t y i nterests and to the at t ainment of our objec- 
tives in the area. 

Fourth, the continued flow of oil at economi- 
cally reasonable rates to Western Europe is of 
great importance. Europe's economic strengt h, 
so essential to free-world strength, relies on an 
elastic supply of Near Eastern oil at reasonable 
cost. The oil-producing states, conversely, 
have an interest in Western markets. 

Fifth, access to the air and sea routes to and 
through the Near Fast is important to us com- 
mercially and militarily. 

Forces and Factors Affecting U.S. Policy 

In trying to achieve these objectives, we face 
certain forces and factors that may enhance or 
hinder our efforts. Among the more important 
are: 

1. Arab nationalism. On its positive side, 
the drive for Arab unity and national dignity 
is based on the dream of a national, unified, and 
prosperous Arab future. Although And) na- 
tionalism has a large component of neutralism, 



FEBRUARY 10. 1964 



209 



it is also one of the strongest forces resisting 
Soviet expansionism in the area. 

Negatively, Arab nationalism contains the 
strains of resentment and suspicion engendered 
by the colonial past and by the frustrations of 
the mid-20th century. In the past year ideo- 
logical and practical differences between various 
Arab national groups have even been the cause 
of regrettable violence, governmental upsets, 
and continued instability. We are not opposed 
to Arab unity. We do believe, however, that 
all the peoples of the area have a right to de- 
termine how and when it will be realized. 

2. The historical gap in social, cultural, and 
political understanding poses serious difficulties 
of communication between vis and the peoples 
and governments of the area. Bridging this 
gap is in itself a continuing major challenge to 
our Government, for without a bridge our 
efforts to be helpful may be misunderstood and 
stultified. 

3. The Soviet drive for domination is demon- 
strated by the continued Soviet efforts to create 
dissension and undermine any trends toward 
peace and stability in the area. The Soviet 
position and Communist potential in the Near 
East have markedly declined in the past few 
years, but the Communists have by no means 
given up their objectives. 

4. The Near East is important to us in its 
own right, but we live in one world. Our Near 
Eastern interests must be fitted into and some- 
times must necessarily be modified by our 
worldwide security and strategic concerns. At 
times what we would like to do in the Near East 
may be obstructed by what we must do else- 
where in the world. 

Those are the main forces and factors consti- 
tuting the policy environment in which we seek 
to attain our Near Eastern objectives. In that 
policy environment we are faced constantly 
with choices. Practically speaking, we are 
faced with such questions as : 

1. How can we deal with a single Arab state 
without alienating other Arab states temporar- 
ily at odds with it ? Or — 

2. How can we maintain constructive rela- 
tions with the more conservative and traditional 
states without stifling modernist democratic 
forces in the area ? Or — 



3. How can we act to insure the security and 
integrity of the individual states of the area, 
including Israel, without becoming directly in- 
volved in their disputes and losing our ability 
to act as a moderating influence in area disputes ? 
How can we most effectively pursue our bi- 
lateral relationships with individual Arab states 
without appearing to stand in the way of the 
attainment of Arab unity ? 

Over the years we have found that an essen- 
tial element in a workable Near Eastern policy 
is to avoid taking sides in regional disputes. 
This does not mean that we will stand idly by if 
aggression is committed. We have shown we 
will not. Nor does it mean that we will not use 
appropriate occasions to be helpful to disputing 
parties or to discuss frankly possible solutions 
to issues and problems as we see them. We do 
this constantly. Whenever possible, we also do 
it quietly. We have an interest in the inde- 
pendence and well-being of all the states of the 
Near East. Instability, uncertainty, and in- 
security in one Near Eastern state may quickly 
spread into the region as a whole. We cannot 
afford to pick and choose. We must maintain 
constructive and balanced relationships with the 
area as a whole. This we have endeavored to 
do. It was in this spirit that last May 8 Presi- 
dent Kennedy publicly reiterated our general 
policy. He said in part : 2 

The United States supports social ami economic and 
political progress in the Middle East. We support the 
security of both Israel and her neighbors. . . . We 
strongly oppose the use of force or the threat of force in 
the Near East, and we also seek to limit the spread 
of communism in the Middle East which would, of 
course, destroy the independence of the people. 

The President also said that in the event of 
direct or indirect aggression we would support 
appropriate courses of action in the United 
Nations or on our own to prevent or put a stop 
to such aggression. 

I believe that what the President said on May 
8, 1963, contains no ambiguity and lends itself 
to no misinterpretation. Any intended victim 
of any would-be aggressor can count on our sup- 
port. In so saying we do not threaten or cajole. 



'President Kennedy's statement was in reply to a 
news correspondent's question at his regular news 
conference on May 8, 1963. 



210 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



We underline our commitment to our objectives. 
It may be that some believe they do not need our 
help, but we axe certain all states arc aware of 
our intentions and commitments and of our 

capability if need be to carry them out. Those 
who wish our help can count on it when they 
need it. 

Our policy in recent years has been predi- 
cated on a greater awareness of the aspirations 
of the Near Eastern peoples, their accomplish- 
ments and their potential. It is perhaps mainly 
this awareness that lias brought us whatever 
successes we may have achieved in the Near East. 
It is perhaps when we have lacked this aware- 
ness that we have had our failures. 

In the coming months many of our policies 
will be put to the test. I would not pretend 
to you that we believe the decisions we reach and 
the actions we believe we must take will always 
meet with full approval on the part of the Arab 
states or of Israel. We will seek their under- 
standing and will value their approval. We 
will always endeavor to act in such a way as 
not to damage their interests. But in the final 
analysis our policies will be based on the United 
States interest as we see it. Since we sincerely 
believe there is no incompatibility between our 
interests and those of the peoples of the Near 
Bast, we shall pursue our policies in the full 
confidence that they are right and fair for all 
concerned. 



President Johnson Urges 
New Immigration Legislation 

Following are remarks made by President 
Johnson on January 13 {White House press 
release) during a meeting at the White House 
with representatives of several organizations 
interested in immigration and refugee matters. 
Also attending the meeting were Senators 
James O. Eastland, Philip A. Hart, and Ken- 
neth B. Keating and Representative Michael A. 
Feighan. 

Members of the Senate, Members of the 
House, my fellow Americans : We welcome you 
to the White House this morning when it is very 
difficult to get here. We are very pleased that so 



many of you could make the sacrifice to come 
through the snow and come here and join us 
today. 

We have met for the purpose of pointing up 
the fact, that we have very serious problems in 
trying to get a fair immigration law. There is 
now before the Congress a bill [S. 1932] that, 
I hope, can be supported by a majority of the 
Members of the Congress. 

This bill applies new tests and new standards 
which we believe are reasonable and fair and 
right. I refer specifically to : What is the train- 
ing and qualification of the immigrant who 
seeks admission ? What kind of a citizen would 
he make, if he were admitted? What is his 
relationship to persons in the United States? 
And what is the time of his application ? These 
are rules that are full of common sense, com- 
mon decency, which operate for the common 
good. 

That is why in my state of the Union message 
last Wednesday 1 I said that I hoped that in 
establishing preferences a nation that was 
really built by immigrants — immigrants from 
all lands — could ask those who seek to immi- 
grate now : What can you do for our country ? 
But, we ought to never ask: In what country 
were you born ? 

President Roosevelt and President Truman 
and President Eisenhower and President Ken- 
nedy 2 have all asked for a revision in the pres- 
ent statute. The present statute has overtones 
of discrimination. President Truman said that 
the idea behind this discrimination was, to put 
it boldly, that English or Irish names were bet- 
ter, and better citizens, than Americans with 
Italian or Greek or Polish names. And such 
a concept is utterly unworthy of our traditions 
and our ideals. 

Now I would hope that each of us and all of 
us are descended from immigrants. I hope we 
would ask ourselves this question : How would 
we feel, if we were put in the other fellow's 
place? Maybe by doing that and engaging in 
a little introspection for a time we would find 
it a good feeling to apply the Golden Rule and 



1 Bulletin of Jan. 27, 1064, p. 110. 

' For a letter from President Kennedy to the Con- 
gress dated July 23, 1963, transmitting proposed legis- 
lation, see ibid., Aug. 19, 1963, p. 298. 



FEBRUARY 10, 1964 



211 



President Praises Immigration 
and Naturalization Service 

Statement by President Johnson 

White House press release dated January 17 

The report of the Immigration and Naturali- 
zation Service is an example of Government 
with a heart. 1 By applying existing immigra- 
tion laws with humanity, we are demonstrating 
that compassion and efficient administration go 
hand in hand. 

America's strength has risen from the diversity 
of its heritage. Its future has always rested on 
the hopes of our forebears as they came to 
seek freedom and abundance. 

We can take renewed faith in the eagerness of 
people throughout the world to become citizens — 
to share with us in the building of an even 
stronger country. 

We can express that faith by passing and im- 
plementing legislation already proposed to abol- 
ish the discriminatory national origins system. 
This bill will eliminate the waste of unused 
quotas. It will permit families to be reunited. 
I am hopeful of passage a* early as possible. 

The Attorney General's report makes it clear 
that the Immigration Service has done its job 
with understanding, ability, and energy. In 
executing the new legislation it will continue to 
perform in that manner. 



1 For text of a letter of Jan. 13 from the At- 
torney General to the President concerning 
accomplishments of the Immigration and Nat- 
uralization Service, see White House press release 
dated Jan. 16. 



do unto others as we would have them do unto 



us. 



Great Britain has a quota of 65,000. It uses 
less than half of that quota. Germany has a 
quota of 25,000, which it never fills. Italy has 
a quota of 5,645, but it has a current backlog 
of almost 300,000. Greece has a quota of only 
308, but it has a current backlog of over 100,000. 
So I think that the immigration statutes require 
very special examination. 

I would hope that we would do nothing hasty 
and makeshift, but I hope that we would apply 
the tests that I have outlined and the standards 
that. I have suggested, doing unto others as you 
would have them do unto you, and asking them 



what contribution they could make to their 
country, and asking yourselves how you would 
feel if some of your very special members of 
your family were involved and were facing 
what now appear to be almost insurmountable 
obstacles. 

So, instead of using the test of where the 
immigrant was born, I would hope we could 
apply a somewhat more nondiscriminatory test 
of the special training and qualifications of the 
immigrant and his relationship to the persons 
in the United States and, actually, the time that 
he applies for admission. These objective stand- 
ards, I believe, would serve the national interest, 
and I would hope that the Congress at this ses- 
sion would find that a majority of its Members 
could follow this path. 

I want to thank each of you for coming here 
this morning. I want to ask you to dedicate 
such time and effort and your talents as it may 
be possible to helping us reason together and 
achieve the standards that history will record 
as being fair and just and that we, ourselves, 
can be proud that we played a part in helping 
to achieve. I particularly thank the Members 
of Congress who have come here this morning 
and who hear many conflicting viewpoints but 
who, I believe, all were elected on a platform 
of doing what they believe to be right and who, 
I am confident, when the chips are down, will 
see that fair and just legislation is written, 
that, if they used it to apply to themselves, 
they would feel they had had at least a fair 
shake. 

Thank you very much. 



President Johnson Determines 
Certain Immigration Quotas 

PROCLAMATION 3569 > 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(a) 
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, each independ- 
ent country, self-governing dominion, mandated terri- 
tory, and territory under the International trusteeship 
system of the United Nations, other than Independent 
countries of .North. Central, and South America, is en- 



1 i".i Fed. Reg. 247. 



212 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



titled to be treated us a separate quota area when ap- 
proved hy the Secretary of State; and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 201(b) 
of the Immigration ami Nationality Act, the Secretary 
of State, the Secretary of Commerce, and the Attorney 
General, jointly, are required to determine the annual 
quota of any Quota area established pursuant to the 
provisions of section 202(a) of the said Act, and to 
report to the President the quota of each quota area 
so determined ; and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(e) 
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, the Secretary 
of State, the Secretary of Commerce, and the Attorney 
General, jointly, are required to revise the quotas, 
whenever necessary, to provide for any political 
changes requiring a change in the list of quota areas ; 
and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(e) 
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, as amended, 
the annual quota of any newly established quota area 
shall be not less than the sum total of quotas in effect 
or number of visas authorized for the area immediately 
preceding the change of administrative arrangements, 
change of boundaries, or other political change requir- 
ing a change in the list of quota areas ; and 

WnEREAS on September 16, 1963 the Federation of 
Malaya and the former British Colonies of North 
Borneo (Sabah) and Sarawak and the State of Singa- 
pore united to form Malaysia ; and 

Whereas the Secretary of State, the Secretary of 
Commerce, and the Attorney General have jointly 
determined and reported to me the immigration quota 
hereinafter set forth : 

Now, therefore, I, Lyndon B. Johnson, President 
of the United States of America, acting under and by 
virtue of the authority vested in me by the aforesaid 
Act of Congress, do hereby proclaim and make known 
that the annual immigration quota of the quota area 
hereinafter designated has been determined in accord- 
ance with the law to be, and shall be, as follows : 



January in the year of our Lord nineteen 
I si u | hundred and sixty-four and of the Independ- 
ence of the United States of America the one 
bundled and eighty-eighth. 



Quota Area 
Malaysia_. 



Quota 
400 



The establishment of an immigration quota for any 
quota area is solely for the purpose of compliance with 
the pertinent provisions of the Immigration and Na- 
tionality Act and is not to be considered as having any 
significance extraneous to such purpose. 

Proclamation No. 3298 of June 3, 1959, 2 as amended, 
entitled "Immigration Quotas," is further amended by 
the addition of the quota for Malaysia and by the 
abolishment of the quota for the Federation of Malaya. 

Ix witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America 
to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this seventh day of 




' For text, see Bulletin of July 6, 1959, p. 19. 
' 29 Fed. Reg. 249. 



By the President: 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 



PROCLAMATION 3570 3 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(a) 
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, each in- 
dependent country, self-governing dominion, mandated 
territory, and territory under the international 
trusteeship system of the United Nations, other 
than independent countries of North, Central, and 
South America, is entitled to be treated as a sep- 
arate quota area when approved by the Secretary 
of State; and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 201(b) 
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, the Secre- 
tary of State, the Secretary of Commerce, and the 
Attorney General, jointly, are required to determine 
the annual quota of any quota area established 
pursuant to the provisions of section 202(a) of 
the said Act, and to report to the President the 
quota of each quota area so determined ; and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(e) 
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, the Secre- 
tary of State, the Secretary of Commerce, and the 
Attorney General, jointly, are required to revise the 
quotas, whenever necessary, to provide for any 
political changes requiring a change in the list of 
quota areas; and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(e) 
of the Immigration and Nationality Act, as amended, 
the annual quota of any newly established quota 
area shall be not less than the sum total of quotas 
in effect or number of visas authorized to be issued 
immediately preceding the change in boundaries, 
change of administrative arrangements, or other 
political change requiring a change in the list of 
quota areas ; and 

Whereas on July 3, 1962, the United States ex- 
tended formal diplomatic recognition to Algeria as a 
sovereign independent state ; and 

Whereas on October 9, 1902, the former British pro- 
tectorate of Uganda was granted independence by the 
government of the United Kingdom ; and 

Whereas on May 1, 1963, full administrative re- 
sponsibility for Irian Barat (former West New 
Guinea) was transferred to the Republic of Indonesia 
by the United Nations ; and 

Whereas the Secretary of State, the Secretary of 



213 



Commerce and the Attorney General have jointly de- 
termined and reported to me the immigration quotas 
hereinafter set forth : 

Now, therefore, I, Lyndon B. Johnson, President 
of the United States of America, acting under and by 
virtue of the authority vested in me by the aforesaid 
Act of Congress, do hereby proclaim and make known 
that the annual immigration quotas of the quota areas 
hereinafter designated have been determined in ac- 
cordance with the law to be, and shall be, as follows : 
Quota area Quota 

Algeria 574 

Uganda 10 ° 

Indonesia 200 

The establishment of an immigration quota for any 
quota area is solely for the purpose of compliance with 
the pertinent provisions of the Immigration and 
Nationality Act and is not to be considered as having 
any significance extraneous to such purpose. 

Proclamation No. 3298 of June 3, 1959, as amended, 
entitled "Immigration Quotas," is further amended by 
the addition of the quotas for Algeria and Uganda and 
by the revision of the quota for Indonesia. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to 
be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this seventh day of 
January in the year of our Lord nineteen 
[seal] hundred and sixty-four, and of the Independ- 
ence of the United States of America the one 
hundred and eighty-eighth. 

By the President: 
Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State. 



Major Trading Nations Remove 
Restrictions on U.S. Exports 

Press release 13 dated January 10 
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT 

During the past 6 months further steps have 
been taken toward eliminating or easing foreign 
barriers to many U.S. exports. The United 
States has pressed its case for this trade liberali- 
zat ion through official government consultations 
i;i the major capitals of Western Europe, in 
Japan, and in Canada, as well as in Geneva un- 
der the terms of the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade (GATT) . 



Since June 30, 1963, seven major trading na- 
tions have completely removed all quantitative 
restrictions or have increased their import 
quotas on a number of agricultural and indus- 
trial products produced in the United States. 
These countries are Austria, Belgium, Canada, 
Denmark, France, Germany, and Japan. Sev- 
eral other countries also removed restrictions. 

After World War II many countries adopted 
selective controls as a means of conserving their 
small volume of dollar holdings. Quantitative 
restrictions on imports are permitted on these 
grounds under GATT rules. The critical lack 
of foreign exchange in many countries con- 
tinued through the immediate postwar period 
and even into the late fifties. The Department 
of State and other U.S. Government agencies 
have continually worked to have these restric- 
tions removed since that time. 

The increases in American exports that will 
be most significant as a result of the removal of 
these restrictions are expected to be in the export 
of certain machine tools and electrical equip- 
ment to Japan, and foodstuffs to Germany. A 
considerable expansion of the refrigerator ex- 
port market is also anticipated as a result of 
the new agreements. 

Among the more significant agreements are 
the following: 

Belgium removed quantitative restrictions on 
imports of pears. 

Canada removed quantitative restrictions on 
turkeys. 

Japan liberalized 35 items, including certain 
machine tools and electrical and industrial 
equipment of particular interest to the United 
States. 

Austria removed quantitative restrictions on 
certain foods made from flour, certain prepared 
vegetables and fruits, paper stationery, and cer- 
tain items of paperboard. 

Denmark liberalized refrigerators, oil burn- 
ers, electric water heaters, locks and fittings, 
electrical generators, and mixed dried fruits. 



LIST OF IMPORT LIBERALIZATIONS 



Austria 

Removed quantitative restrictions July 1, 1963, on 
imports of: 
Horses ; 



214 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Meat, of sheep and gouts : 

Flowering plants, in flower or not ; trees and shrubs ; 
vim' Btock; (ores! plants; certain cut flowers ami 
flower buds of a kind suitable for bouquets or for 
ornamental purposes ; Collage, branches and other parts 

(other than flowers or buds) of trees, shnihs. hushes 
and other plants, and musses, lichens and grasses, he- 
ing goods of a kind suitable for bouquets or ornamental 
purposes : 

Gourds and marrows; asparagus; rhubarb and 
celery; edible mushrooms; vegetables, fresh or chilled 

(but not frozen I ; 

Morellos ; stone fruit ; 

Flours of the leguminous vegetable; 

Soya flour; saint'.. in and other elnver seeds; grass 
seeds; seeds of conifers. Including cones containing 
seeds; flower seeds; seeds, fruit and spores, of a kind 
used tor sowing; 

Pectin; 

Fish marinades; 

Sugars; sugar syrups; artificial honey (whether or 
not mixed with natural honey) ; caramel; 

Preparations Of flour, starch or malt extract, of a 
kind used as infant food or for dietetic or culinary 
purposes, not containing cocoa ; 

Vegetables and fruit, prepared or preserved by 
vinegar or acetic acid, with or without sugar, whether 
or not containing salt, spices or mustard ; 

Vegetables prepared or preserved otherwise than by 
vinegar or acetic acid ; 

Concentrated juices of vegetables; tomato juices; 

Food preparations not elsewhere specified or in- 
cluded, with a base of milk or eggs ; edible preparations 
not elsewhere specified or included ; 

Spa waters ; 

Sweetened forage ; other preparations of a kind used 
in animal feeding; 

Non-activated bentonite ; 

Bituminous coal ; 

Sodium hydroxide (caustic soda), in aqueous 
solution ; 

Ethyl ether ; benzoic acid and sodium benzoate ; 
esters of adipic and phthalie acids ; 

Candles, tapers, night-lights and the like; 

Cereal albumins; 

Propellent powders other than smokeless powder; 
percussion and detonating caps ; igniters; detonators; 

Film, including cinematographic film ; 

Artificial horn ; 

Articles of apparel and gloves, of unhardened vul- 
canised rubber ; 

Furskins: artificial fur and articles made thereof: 

Reconstituted wood, such as wood shavings, wood 
chips, sawdust, wood flour or other ligneous waste ag- 
glomerated with natural or artificial resins or other 
organic binding substances, in sheets, blocks or the 
like; wooden picture frames, photograph frames, mir- 
ror frames and the like; builders' carpentry and 
joinery (including prefabricated and sectional build- 
ings and assembled parquet flooring panels) ; wooden 
tools, tool bodies, tool handles, broom and brush bodies 
and handles, of wood ; parts of standard lamps, table 
lamps and other lighting fittings, of wood; articles of 
furniture, of wood ; caskets, cigarette boxes, trays, fruit 
bowls, ornaments and other fancy articles, of wood; 
cases for cutlery, for drawing instruments or for vio- 
lins, and similar receptacles, of wood ; parts of articles 
of wood for personal use or adornment, for the handbag 
or for personal wear; 

Articles of natural cork; articles of agglomerated 
cork, except agglomerated cork discs for bottle caps; 

Plaiting materials hound together in parallel strands 
or woven, in sheet form, including matting, mats and 
screens : straw envelopes for bottles ; 

Envelopes and letter cards; boxes, pouches, wallets 
and writing compendiums, of paper or paperboard, 



containing only an assort menl of paper stationery; 
oil-varnish paper, in hands; boxes of paper or paper- 
board : registers, exercise books, note books, memo- 
randum Works, order books, receipt hooks, ch. 
blotting-pads, hinders (lonse-leaf or Other) and Other 

stationery of paper or paperboard labels, un printed, 

gummed ; bobbins, spouts, cops and similar supports Of 

paper pulp, paper or paperboard (whether or not per- 
forated or hardened i ; 

Children's picture hooks ; transfers (decalcomanias i ; 

Yarn of staple fibre or staple fibre waste, put up 
for retail sale ; 

figured ribbons of staple fibre; figured ribbons of 
cotton ; 

Rubberized textile fabrics, other than rubberized 
knitted or crocheted goods; textile fabrics otherwise 
impregnated or coated —painted canvas SUch as 
theatrical scenery, studio hack-el. it lis or the like of 

textile fibres — other than cotton; textile fabrics other- 
wise impregnated or coated; painted canvas being 
theatrical scenery, studio back-cloths or the like of 

Cotton-textile tihres other than cotton; textile hose- 
piping and similar tubing, with or without lining, 
armour or accessories of Other materials of cotton; 
Gloves, mittens and mitts, knitted or crocheted, not 

elastic nor rubberized of cotton ; stockings, under stock- 
ings, SOCks, ankle-socks, sockeltes and the like, knitted 

or crocheted, not elastic nor rubberized of materials 
other than silk (including noil and other waste silk), 
of continuous artificial tihres and cotton; stockings, 
under stockings, socks, ankle-socks, sockettes and the 
like, knitted or crocheted, not elastic nor rubberized of 
cotton ; 

Women's, girls' and infants' under garments of tex- 
tile tihres other than cotton; women's, girls' and in- 
fants' under garments of cotton; corsets, corset-belts, 
suspender-belts, brassieres, braces, suspenders, garters 
and the like (including such articles of knitted or cro- 
cheted fabric), whether or not elastic of textile fibres 
other than cotton ; corsets, corset-belts, suspender-helts, 
brassieres, braces, suspenders, garters and the like (in- 
cluding such articles of knitted or crocheted fabric), 
whether or not elastic or cotton ; 

Clothing, clothing accessories, travelling rugs and 
blankets, household linen and furnishing articles 
(other than articles falling within heading No. 58.01, 
58.02 or 58.03'). of textile materials, footwear and 
headgear of any material, showing signs of appreciable 
wear and imported in bulk, bales, sacks and similar 
bulk packing ; 

Bathing caps ; 

Millstones, grindstones, grinding wheels and the like 
(including grinding, sharpening, polishing, trueing and 
cutting wheels, heads, discs and points), of natural 
stone (agglomerated or not), of agglomerated natural 
or artificial abrasives, or of pottery, with or without 
cores, shanks, sockets, axles and the like of other mate- 
rials, not mounted on framework; segments and other 
finished parts of such stones and wheels, of natural 
stone (agglomerated or not), of agglomerated natural 
or artificial abrasives, or of pottery ; hand polishing 
stones, whetstones, oilstones, hones and the like, of 
natural stone, of agglomerated natural or artificial 
abrasives, or of pottery: fabricated asbestos and ar- 
ticles thereof (for example, asbestos board, thread and 
fabric : asbestos clothing, asbestos joint Ing), reinforced 
or not, other than goods falling within heading N'o. 
68.14; mixtures with a basis of asbestos and mixtures 
with a basis of asbestos and magnesium carbonate, and 
articles of such mixtures ; 



'These and numbers of similar type refer to the 
Brussels Customs Nomenclature, published in Appen- 
dix I. United Nations Statistical Papers, Series M, No. 
31 ; New York: United Nations (1901). 



FEBRUARY 10, 1904 



215 



Central heating boilers (excluding steam-generating 
boilers of heading No. 84.01), with an operating pres- 
sure of 0.5 (1.5 atm) ; air heaters, unit heaters and 
radiators, for central heating, not electrically operated, 
and parts thereof, of iron or steel ; articles of iron, 
sheet or plate, enamelled, tinned, galvanized ; articles 
of a kind commonly used for domestic purposes of iron 
or steel, sheet or plate other than rustproof ; 

Siphons for sinks, wash-basins, bathrooms and the 
like ; kerosene-gas and spirit cooking apparatus ; 

Hand embossing tools such as plumbtongs, tape- 
writers, etc. ; quickmatch tongs with edges of copper ; 
blow-lamps ; mounted glaziers' diamonds ; chisels, 
caulking tools, trowels, of iron or steel ; 

Fittings for loose-leaf binders, for files or stationery 
books, of iron or steel ; letter clips, paper clips, staples, 
indexing tags, and similar stationery goods, of base 
metal ; lamps, and lighting fittings, of base metal, and 
parts thereof, of base metal (excluding switches, elec- 
tric lamp holders, electric lamps for vehicles, electric 
battery or magneto lamps, and other articles falling 
within Chapter 85 except heading No. 85.22) ; stoppers, 
crown corks ; bottle caps, capsules, bung covers, seals 
and plombs, case corner protectors and other packing 
accessories, of iron or steel ; 

Engines for motor vehicles, motor-cycles, auto-cycles, 
self-propelled machines, weighing each 50 kg or less ; 
pistons, piston rings and gudgeon pins ; delivery pumps 
fitted with a measuring device ; decimal weighing ma- 
chines and weigh-bridges ; lifting jacks weighing each 
less than 20 kg; multiple-spindle drilling machines; 
burners for gas-operated welding, brazing, cutting and 
surface tempering appliances ; gas-operated welding, 
brazing, cutting and surface tempering hand-tools ; 
pencil-sharpening machines ; perforating and stapling 
machines weighing each less than 1 kg ; automatic 
lubricating devices incorporating pumps, with an 
operating pressure of more than 20 atm ; 

Transformers weighing each less than 500 kg ; parts 
of artificial material and containers for electric accu- 
mulators ; electrical lighting and signaling equipment 
and electrical windscreen wipers, defrosters and de- 
misters, for cycles or motor vehicles ; heating elements 
and electric resistors for electro-thermic appliances, 
weighing each 2.5 kg or less ; electric smoothing irons ; 
parts of radio-broadcasting and television reception 
apparatus ; cabinets and cases intended to receive ap- 
paratus appearing within heading No. 85.15; electric 
sound or visual signaling apparatus (such as bells, 
sirens, indicator panels, burglar and fire alarms), other 
than those of heading No. 85.09 or 85.16 and other than 
water-tight or anti-explosive types ; lamps for motor 
vehicles ; 

Non-optical surveying instruments ; aeronautical and 
meteorological instruments ; linen measuring tapes ; 
planimeters ; drawing sets and components thereof ; 
steel measuring rods in leather cases or leather-covered 
sheet metal cases ; drawing apparatus with parallelo- 
gram system, whether or not equipped with drawing 
board or table ; 

Kitchen clocks; clocks, with cases of wood; 
Side-arms (for example, swords, cutlasses and bay- 
onets) and parts thereof and scabbards and sheaths 
thereof; artillery weapons, machine-guns, sub-machine- 
guns and other military firearms and projectors (other 
than revolvers and pistols) ; small calibre guns; sport- 
ing guns of all kinds except automatic guns; firearms, 
including very light pistols, line-throwing guns and the 
like; certain arms of other descriptions; lead balls for 
sporting guns; ammunition including mines and parts 
thereof such as bullets and deer-shot ; 

Tortoise-shell, oilier than in plates, sheets and strips ; 
articles of tortoise-shell ; mother of pearl, other than in 
plates; articles of mother of pearl ; ivory, other than in 



plates, discs and tubes ; articles of ivory ; bone, other 
than in plates, discs and tubes ; articles of bone ; animal 
carving materials, other than coral and other than in 
plates, discs and pieces ; articles of these materials ; 
vegetable carving materials (for example, corozo), 
other than in plates and discs ; articles of these mate- 
rials; jet (and mineral substitutes for jet), amber, 
meerschaum, agglomerated amber and agglomerated 
meerschaum, other than in plates, discs and pieces; 
articles of these materials ; moulded or carved articles 
of wax, of stearin, of natural gums or natural resins 
(for example, copal or rosin) or of modelling pastes, 
and other moulded or carved articles not elsewhere 
specified or included ; 
Combs. 

Belgium 

Opened its frontiers September 1, 1963, for extra 
quality pears and, on a trial basis, imports of United 
States extra and class No. 1 pears. 

Canada 

Removed quantitative restrictions August 21, 1963, 
on imports of turkeys. 

Denmark 

Removed quantitative restrictions July 1, 1963, on 
imports of: 

Meat and edible meat offals, fresh, chilled or frozen 
except of rabbits ; meat and meat offals, salted, in brine, 
dried or smoked of animals classified in heading 01.06, 
except of rabbits ; 

Onions for planting with a maximum cross section of 
21 mm ; 

Mixtures of dried fruit containing not more than 10 
percent apples ; 

Maize grits ; 

Lard and other rendered pig fat; rendered poultry 
fat, for industrial purposes ; unrendered fats of bovine 
cattle, sheep or goats; tallow (including "premier 
jus" ) produced from those fats, for industrial purposes ; 
lard stearin ; oleostearin and tallow stearin ; lard oil, 
oleooil and tallow oil, not emulsified or mixed or pre- 
pared in any way, for industrial purposes ; animal oils 
and fats (including fats from bones or waste) ; 

Pastry, biscuits, cakes and other fine bakers' wares, 
whether or not containing cocoa in any proportion ; 

Positive cinematograph film with Danish text ex- 
ceeding 600 m's length and not exceeding 35 mm's 
width ; 

Flooring material in the form of plates, sheets, tiles 
and strips of vinyl and similar plastic materials ; 

Rubber for tire treads ("camelback") and other 
rubber for repairs of tires and tubes, in sheets and 
strips ; rubber for tire treads and other rubber for 
repairs of tires and tubes ; 

Reconstituted wood, being wood shavings, wood 
chips, sawdust, wood Hour or other ligneous waste ag- 
glomerated with natural or artificial resins or other 
organic binding substances, in sheets, blocks or the 
like ; doors and door frames, windows and window 
frames; 

Flooring material of agglomerated cork ; 

Twine, cordage ropes and cables, plaited or not, 
except binder twine, jute yarn, flax sewing thread, 
articles of coconut fibres and wound twine, rope and 
cordage of natural silk or man-made fibres ; 

Piping, conduits and guttering (including angles, 
bends and similar fittings) of acid-proof material; 



216 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



unglazed setts, flaps and paving, hearth and wall tiles; 

Bottles of cable content of 3 liters and less, jars, 
tablet phials and similar containers, at glass, of a 
kind commonly used for the conveyance or packing 
of goods, stoppers, lids and other closures of glass ; 

Gauze, cloth, grill, netting, fencing, reinforcing 
fabric and similar materials, of non-stainless iron or 
steel wire: central heating boilers and parts thereof, 
of Iron and steel; articles of a kind commonly used 
for domestic and sanitary purposes and parts of such 
art Ides, of iron or steel ; 

Articles of a kind commonly used for domestic and 
sanitary purposes and parts of such articles, of 
aluminum ; 

Locks and padlocks; base metal fittings and 
mountings ; 

Internal combustion piston engines (whether in parts 
or not) for cycles fitted with an auxiliary motor; gaso- 
line pumps for use at service stations, electrically 
operated, and parts thereof ; 

Automatic furnace burners for liquid fuel having a 
fuel consumption not exceeding 75 kg per hour; fur- 
nace burners for oil stoves and the like; 

Refrigerating furniture and parts thereof, refrigerat- 
ing cabinets of a volume of not more than 200 liters 
and the following parts thereof: boxes, cabinets, doors, 
inside and outside door pans ; 

Electric generators, motors and parts ; electric in- 
stantaneous and storage water heaters and immersion 
heaters ; electric kitchen ranges ; 

Motor cars designed for the transport of more than 
ten persons; bodies (including cabs) for motor cars 
designed for the transport of more than ten persons; 
cycles fitted with an auxiliary motor if the cylinder 
bore (piston displacement) is 50 cm* or less; cycles 
(including delivery tricycles), not motorized; parts 
and accessories of mopeds and cycles ; 

Brooms and brushes ; paint rollers ; squeegees (other 
than roller squeegees) and mops ; 

Toy balls ; 

Slide fasteners and parts thereof. 



France 

Announced November 5, 1963, that licenses are no 
longer required for the following commodities : 

Dehydrated walnuts ; dried peaches ; dried apples 
and pears ; castor oil for industrial uses ; prepared or 
preserved game, poultry or rabbit ; chewing gum ; 
frozen fruits with sugar ; pear juice ; other individual 
juices. 

France also increased quotas November 9, 1963, for 
1963-64-65 with the view of complete removal of quan- 
titative restrictions on the following items : dehydrated 
vegetables ; mixed dried fruit with prunes ; hop cones 
and lupulin ; canned tomatoes ; canned asparagus ; 
canned fruits ; grape juice ; orange juice ; pineapple 
juice ; apple juice ; mixtures of citrus and pineapple 
juices ; mixtures of other juices except apple and pear. 

Germany 

Removed quantitative restrictions July 17, 1903, on 
canned apricots ; canned asparagus cuts and tips ; and 
canned waxed beans. The German quotas for canned 
usp.iragus spears and canned cherries have been sub- 
stantially increased in dollar value. 

Extended the time period for imports of United 
States and Canadian apples and pears. For the first 
time Germany included United States No. 1 apples for 
importation into its market. 

Eliminated licensing requirements for 16 com- 
modities. 



Japan 

Removed quantitative restrictions August 31, 1963, 
on imports of flour or meal of peanut or rape-seed, 
non-defatted ; 

Lauan, keruind, mersawa, and apitongs ; wood, 
planed, round-edged, tongued, grooved, chamfered or 
the like; cellular wood panels of lauan, keruind, 
mersawa, and apitongs ; wooden packing cases, boxes, 
crates, drums and similar containers of lauan and 
apitongs ; .. _ A 

Yarn of man-made fibres, containing more than oO 
percent by weight of synthetic fibres ; 

Cotton yarn, not put up for retail sale; lace yarns 
and embroide