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Vol. LV, Nos. 1410-1435 

July 4-December 26, 1966 

Number Date of Issue 



Number Date of Issue 






1- 36 










37- 68 





















































































































Publication 8203 

Released June 1967 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government PrintinK Office, 
Washington, D.C., 20402 — Price 30 cenU 


Volume LV, Numbers 1410-1435, July 4-December 26, 1966 

AAPSO (Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organiza- 
tion), Harriman, 13 
Abu Dhabi, 27 
ACDA (Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 

U.S.), 24 
Acheson, David C, 968 
Acosta Romo, Fausto, 968 
Adams, Walter, 280 
Adebo, S. O., 977 

Adjudication, Trust Territory of the Pacific, provi- 
sions for jury trials (Norwood), 399 
Adoula, Cyrille, 855 
Advisory Commission for International Educational 

and Cultural Affairs, 280 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 654, 693, 725 
U.S. Ambassador (Neumann), confirmation, 801 
Africa (see also individual countries) : 

Communism, rejection of and countermeasures to: 

Harriman, 13; Johnson, 228; Sisco, 860 
Economic and social development: Goldberg, 523; 

Johnson, 25; Rusk, 663 
Educational radio and TV: Frankel, 887; Mose- 

man, 98 
Organization of African Unity (Rusk), 367, 660 
Peace Corps program, table of assignments, 278, 

Racial equality (see also Rhodesia and South 
Africa), U.S. support; Johnson, 408; Sisco, 
Refugees, problems of and aid for: Rusk, 236; 

Wine, 751 
Regional development: Goldberg, 523; Johnson, 

650 ; Rostow, 80 
Visit of Secretary Palmer, 925 
Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization (Harri- 
man), 13 
Aga Khan, Prince Sadruddin, 238, 458 
Agency for International Development: 

Accomplishments and goals: Gaud, 419; Johnson, 

277; Rusk, 367, 588 
Administrator (Gaud), confirmation, 190; swear- 
ing in: 276n; Johnson, 276 
Education assistance programs and budget (Mose- 

man), 97 
Milk and grain donations fortified to combat mal- 
nutrition, 185 
Viet-Nam programs (Komer), 561, 596 

Aggression (see also China, Communist; Soviet 
Union; and Viet-Nam) : 
Danger to world peace: Humphrey, 2; Johnson, 
453, 709, 775; MacArthur, 747; Rusk, 170, 184, 
363, 659, 842 
Measures against: Foster, 935; Johnson, 739 
Manila conference. See Manila conference: Goals 
of freedom 
U.N. responsibility to meet (Rusk), 381, 660 
U.S. responsibility to meet: 447; Ball, 195, 373; 
Humphrey, 4; Hull (quoted), 918; Johnson, 
25, 158, 371, 453, 455, 484, 715, 773, 811, 819, 
827; Rusk, 48, 381, 842, 917; Sisco, 856 
Agricultural surpluses, U.S., use in overseas pro- 
grams (see also Food for Peace) : 
Agreements with: Bolivia, 985; Brazil, 33; Ceylon, 
473; Congo (Kinshasa), 762; Ecuador, 801; 
Iceland, 153; India, 725, 941; Indonesia, 154, 
617; Ivory Coast, 33; Jordan, 441; Morocco, 
402, 873; Pakistan, 473, 874; Sierra Leone, 33; 
Tunisia, 326, 617; Viet-Nam, 290, 874 
Philippines, support for economic programs, 532 
Agriculture (see also Agricultural surpluses and 
name of commodity) : 
Australia (Johnson), 709 
Communist China, problems: Harriman, 11; 

Pearcy, 298 
Developed countries, reserve food production ca- 
pacity: Freeman, 205; Goldberg, 247; John- 
son, 828; Reuter, 863; Rusk, 199; Sisco, 490 
Food production and population growth. See Food 

and population crisis 
India, U.S. Peace Corps aid, 278 
Kennedy Round, importance of agricultural ex- 
ports: Blumenthal, 672; Solomon, 786 
Korea (Johnson), 775 
Modernization, need for : 

Latin America: Gordon, 647, 946; Humphrey, 

879; Johnson, 332 
Less developed countries: BaU, 636; Connor, 
957; Freeman, 207; Goldberg, 855; Humphrey, 
202; Reuter, 865; Rusk, 200; Schnitter 
(quoted), 865; Solomon, 785 
U.S. aid programs: Gaud, 420; Goldberg, 247; 
Humphrey, 203; Johnson, 115; Rusk, 200, 588 
Viet-Nam: 129, 732; Komer, 591, 600, 892; 
Rostow, 911 



Agriculture — Continued 

Trust Territory of the Pacific (Norwood), 394 
U.S., increased production: 185; Freeman, 208; 

Johnson, 866; Reuter, 864 
U.S.-Mexico screw-worm eradication pro-am 

(Johnson), 232 
Water, importance (Johnson) , 456 
AID. See Agency for International Development 
Air Technology, 2nd International Congress, an- 
nouncement, 311 
Aircraft. See Aviation 
Akatane, 180 
Alaska : 

ESRO space station, agreement on location and 

operation, text, 979 
Visit of President Johnson, 806, 807 
Albania, U.N. draft resolution on Chinese represen- 
tation: Goldberg, 927; Rusk, 920; text, 929 
Albert, Carl, 685 

Algeria, treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 326 
Alianza para el Progreso. See Alliance for Progress 
Allen, George V., 76, 789, 867, 894 
Allen, Harold W., 756 
Alliance for Progress: 

Accomplishments and goals: Goldberg, 242, 523; 
Gordon, 18, 645, 946; Harriman, 13; Hum- 
phrey, 878; Rostow, 80; Rusk, 46, 588 
Fifth anniversary: Johnson, 330; Rusk, 366 
Summit conference, proposed, U.S. support: 

Gordon, 647, 947; Rostow, 80; Rusk, 263 
U.S. support: Gordon, 950; Johnson, 25, 275; Rusk, 
Alsogaray, Alvaro Carlos, 670 
America Illustrated, 574 
American Assembly (Rogers), 107 
American ideals: Ball, 194; Goldberg, 743; Johnson, 
38, 115, 133, 425, 453, 496, 605, 700, 714, 715, 823, 
830; Marcos, 544; Rusk, 663; Senghor, 651 
American Red Cross, 234 

American republics. See Latin America, Organiza- 
tion of American States, and Western hemis- 
American Samoa: Frankel, 887; Johnson, 702, 816 
American Samoan Tropical Medical Center (John- 
son), 817 
Amity and economic relations, treaties vdth: Thai- 
land, 154; Togo, 617, 762 
Anderson, Eugenie, 387, 525 
Angell, George, 100 

Angola, base of operations for interference in Congo, 
U.S. support for U.N. resolution against (Gold- 
berg), 760 
Antarctic Treaty (1959): Goldberg, 250; Johnson, 

ANZUS (Australia, New Zealand, U.S.): Johnson, 
131, 707; Rusk, 378 
Council meeting: joint communique (text), 175; 
Rusk, 162 
Apartheid: 231; Goldberg, 523, 854; Sisco, 490, 859 

APT (Automatic Picture Transmission System), 

Goldberg, 606 
Arab states. See individual countries 
Arbitration (see also Disputes, pacific settlement 
Canada-U.S. Gut dam claims, 724, 725 
COMSAT, supplementary agreement on, 65, 326, 
441, 472, 569, 693, 762, 906 
Argentia communications site, agreement with 

Canada re use of additional land, 190 
Argentina : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 670 

Military government, U.S. recognition: 184; Ball, 

124 ; Rusk, 168 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 253, 254, 402, 472, 513, 

Universities, question of Argentine government 

position (Rusk), 264 
U.S. dipomatic relations, suspension of, 124 
Armaments (see also Disarmament, NATO, and Nu- 
clear weapons) : 
Ammunition shipments in U.K. or British ships, 

agreement with U.K. on indemnities, 801 
Arms race, Latin America, question of: Hum- 
phrey, 880; Rusk, 848 
Control and reduction of: 486; Ball, 375; Cleve- 
land, 343; Goldberg, 899; Johnson, 716; 
McGhee, 272; McNamara, 304; Rusk, 49, 268, 
413, 481, 589, 662; Sisco, 458 
Soviet arms to North Viet-Nam (Rusk), 47 
Soviet-U.S. strategic arms race, dangers of: 

Fisher, 320; McNamara, 304, 306 

Military equipment, German purchases (Mc- 
Ghee), 271 
Nuclear strength (McNamara), 310 
Armed forces (see aho NATO) : 
Civic action programs: 

Latin America (Gordon), 951 
Philippines, 533 

Viet-Nam: 129; Holt, 136; Komer, 559, 593, 595, 
598,893; Rusk, 183 
French NATO forces: Ball, 147; Rusk, 8 
Philippine veterans, increase in U.S. benefits: 533; 

Johnson, 684, 685; Marcos, 536, 546 
Soviet Union, threat to Europe: Ball, 197; Cleve- 
land, 340; Johnson, 625; Rostow, 82 
Treatment in time of war, Geneva conventions 
(1949), relative to: 
Central African Republic, 649; Cyprus, 906; 
Korea, 649 
U.K., reduction of forces in Asia, question of 
(Rusk), 850 
Armed forces, U.S.: 

France, removal from: Ball, 125; McNamara, 418 

Casualties, 38th parallel (Johnson), 810 
Status-of- forces agreements 222, 873; Johnson, 
778; Rusk, 183 



Armed forces, U.S. — Continued 

Manpower levels, deplo>'nient, and draft outlook 

(McNamara), 417. 921 
NATO forces, number and commitment: McGhee, 

270; McNamara, 417; Rusk, 263, 424 
Responsibilities (Humphrey), 2 
Thailand (Bundy), 430 
Viet-Nam. See under Viet-Nam 
Arms Control and Disarmament Act, 5th anniver- 
sary (Johnson), 687 
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S.: 
Economic impact of disarmament, research pro- 
gram (Foster), 54 
General Advisory Committee, membership, con- 
firmation, 24 
ASA. See Association of Southeast Asia 
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia (see also 
ANZUS, Asian entries, Southeast Asia Treaty 
Organization, and names of individual coun- 
tries) : 
Communism : 

Activities and goals: Humphrey, 3; Johnson, 25, 
158, 705, 810, 834; Marcos, 538; Rusk, 48, 170, 
181; SEATO, 172 
Chinese Communist nuclear weapons 

(McNamara), 306, 309 
Rejection of and countermeasures (see also 
Manila conference): 533; Johnson, 411, 771, 
808; Marcos, 542; Rostow, 913; Rusk, 163, 
365; SEATO, 174 
Cultural and historical contributions (Muller, 

quoted), 105 

Economic and social development: Johnson, 130, 

454, 713, 809, 815, 829; U. A. Johnson, 639; 

Marcos, 543; Rostow, 81; Rusk, 364, 455, 838 

U.S. aid: Freeman, 207; Goldberg, 523 

Japan, role of: Johnson, 427; U. A. Johnson, 641, 

642; McNamara, 308, 310; Rusk, 178, 683 
Leadership: Johnson, 777, 820; Rostow, 912 
Manila conference. See Manila conference 
Peace Corps, table of assignments, 279 
Regional cooperation: 179, 212, 735; Holt, 132; 
Johnson, 44, 116, 131, 160, 426, 665, 766, 768, 
777, 821, 833; Rusk, 163, 171, 414, 589, 663, 
839; SEATO, 172 
U.S. support: 534, 669; Harriman, 890; John- 
son, 25, 705; Rostow, 81, 911; Rusk, 180; 
Sisco, 858 
Security : 

U.S. commitments: Johnson, 427, 737, 766, 771, 
811, 815; Marcos, 537; McNamara, 307; Rusk, 
181, 182, 364, 838, 918 
U.S. role (Marcos), 528 
U.S. relations, objectives, and responsibilities: 534; 
Humphrey, 3; Johnson, 158, 427, 668, 705, 
813; U. A. Johnson, 638; Marcos, 538; Rusk, 
181, 484, 588, 840; Sisco, 488 

Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia — Continued 

Importance to Asia: 213, 534; Goldberg, 518; 
Holt, 135; Humphrey, 5; Johnson, 116, 130, 
227, 336, 369, 705; Rostow, 911; Rusk, 838; 
SEATO, 172 
Peace negotiations, Asian role (see also Manila 
conference) , Rusk, 259, 480 
Visit of Ambassador Harriman: Humphrey, 890; 

Johnson, 889 
Visit of Eugene Black, 669 

Visit of President Johnson {see also specific comv- 
tries) : 
Purpose and results (Johnson), 664, 698, 700, 

708, 713, 806, 807, 809, 814 
Schedule (Johnson), 666 
Visit of Secretary Freeman (Freeman), 207 
Visit of Secretary Rusk: 169; Johnson, 160; Rusk, 
Asian, East, and Pacific Affairs, Bureau of, 868, 966 
Asian, Southeast, Development Conference, Tokyo: 
179; U. A. Johnson, 641; Rusk, 171, 178, 180, 
364, 414, 589, 839 
Asian and Pacific Council: 212; Johnson, 44, 131, 
161, 776, 821; U. A. Johnson, 641; McNamara, 
310; Rostow, 82; Rusk, 163, 171, 178, 180, 183, 
184, 364, 414, 480, 589, 839 
Asian Development Bank : 

Articles of agreement (1965) with annexes 
Afghanistan, 693; Australia, Austria, 872 
Belgium, 693; Cambodia, 872; Canada, 693 
Ceylon, China, 872; Denmark, Finland, (Ger- 
many, 693; India, 513; Italy, 872; Japan, 
Korea, Laos, Malaysia, 693; Nepal, 289; 
Netherlands, 693; New Zealand, 872; Nor- 
way, 357; Pakistan, 65; Philippines, 513; 
Singapore, Sweden, 872; Thailand, 693; U.K., 
872; U.S., 325, 513; Viet-Nam, 872; Western 
Samoa, 289 
Headquarters (Johnson), 526 

Inaugural meeting, Eugene Black, attendance, 669 
Prospects and role: 179, 212, 534; Goldberg, 347; 
Harriman, 139; Johnson, 131, 161, 426, 529, 
815, 821; U. A. Johnson, 641; Rusk, 163, 171, 
178, 180, 364, 589, 839 
U.S. and other financial support: Johnson, 776; 
McNamara, 311; Rostow, 81 
ASPAC. See Asian and Pacific Council 
Association of Southeast Asia: Johnson, 821, 833; 

U. A. Johnson, 641; Rusk, 414, 480, 839 
Astronauts : 

Assistance and return of, outer space treaty pro- 
visions: 953; Goldberg, 249, 251, 322, 607 
U.S., accomplishments, (Johnson), 581 
Atlantic alliance. (See North Atlantic Treaty Organ- 
ization ) 
Atlantic-Pacific Interoceanic Canal Study Commis- 
sion: 755; 2nd annual report, 349 
Atlantic partnership: Ball, 143, 198; MacAithur, 



Atlantic Union, U.S. position (Ball), 613 
Atmosphere testing (nuclear). See Nuclear test ban 

treaty, comprehensive 

Atomic energy, peaceful uses of: „ ., 

Agreements re civil uses of: Austria, 873; Brazi . 

873; China, 402, 617; Indonesia, 873; Israel, 

402 569; Philippines, 154, 725; Sweden, 254, 

569; Switzerland, 358; Turkey, 34, 154; U.K., 

Australia, Nuclear Research Foundation, Lyndon 

B. Johnson Scholars (Johnson), 824, 825 
Nuclear desalting and electric power plant, Los 

Angeles (Johnson), 457 
Nuclear weapon development from peaceful uses, 
problem of: Fisher, 351; Foster, 930; Gold- 
berg, 896 
Safeguards. See Atomic Energy Agency, Interna- 
Value (Johnson), 410, 716 
Atomic Energy Agency, International: 

Agreements re application of safeguards to 
existing bilateral agreements : Australia, 724 ; 
Israel, 65 

Purpose (Foster), 932 
German exports of nuclear equipment (Foster), 

Nuclear proliferation, prevention of: Fisher, 

281, 318; Foster, 932; Johnson, 688 
Polish-Czechoslovakian conditional offer to ac- 
cept controls: Foster, 901, 932; Sisco, 858 

ANZUS Council meeting: joint communique, text, 

175; Rusk, 162 
Asian development, role in: Holt, 135; Humphrey, 
5; Johnson, 131, 777, 821, 825; Rostow, 913; 
Rusk, 171 
Economic and social development: Holt, 135; 

Johnson, 130, 709; Rusk, 163, 839 
Lyndon B. Johnson Scholars (Johnson), 824, 825 
Refugee resettlement aid (Rusk), 240 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 473, 617, 724, 872 
U.S. mutual defense commitments (see also 
SEATO): Johnson, 131, 707; Rusk, 181, 378 
U.S. visits of Prime Minister Holt, 130, 212 
Viet-Nam, military and other aid: 212; Holt, 132; 
Johnson, 130, 708, 710, 820, 825; U. A. John- 
son, 641; Komer, 595, 598; Rusk, 49, 169, 170, 
Visit of President Johnson (Johnson), 665, 707, 

708, 818, 822, 824, 826 
Visit of Secretary Rusk, 169 

Goodwill delegation to U.S.: 56n; Johnson, 56 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 148, 153, 189, 617, 
872, 873, 941, 985 
Automatic Picture Transmission System (Goldberg) , 

Automotive products: 

Canada-U.S. agreement, 569, 616 

Soviet-Italian Fiat auto plant, U.S. exports: 
Greenwald, 679; Johnson, 624 
Automotive traffic. See Road traffic 

Aviation : 

Air Technology, 2nd International Congress, an- 
nouncement, 311 
Airspace, jurisdiction, 790 
Civil aviation: 

Chile-U.S. air transport talks concluded, 722 
Czechoslovakia, U.S. direct service to (John- 
son), 57 
International convention (1944) on, application 

of principles, 790 
Kazan-Komarek case, effect on U.S.-Soviet civil 
air transport, (Rusk), 847, 850 
Cuban refugee airlift, report, 966 
Military aircraft: 

Israeli airstrike against Syrian territory: 

Goldberg, 977 ; Sisco, 314 
Latin America, U.S. sales to (Gordon), 950 
Soviet allegations of U.S. overflights and U.S. 

reply, 213 
U.S. accidental overflight of Communist China 

airspace: 478n; Rusk, 478 
U.S. airlift capabilities (McNamara), 418 
Viet-Nam. See Viet-Nam 
Treaties, agreements, etc. ; 

Carriage by air, convention (1929) for unifica- 
tion of certain rules re, and 1955 protocol: 
Nepal, 616 
Civil air transport agreements with: Austria, 

148, 153; Denmark, Norway, Sweden, 28 
Soviet Union: 689, 801; announcement and text, 
791; Johnson, 624; Rusk, 848 

Bahrain, 27 

Balance of payments : 

Foreign aid, effects: Ball, 636; Fowler, 628 

Japan (Rusk), 177 

Less developed countries, problems (Goldberg), 

U.K.-U.S.: Johnson, 266, 670; Wilson, 267 


Eastern European countries, effect of trade, 460 
Germany, military equipment purchases to off- 
set dollar drain: 584; Johnson, 670; McGhee, 


Payment deficits, effect on world monetary re- 
serves (Fowler), 630 

Problem of, and efforts to improve: 533, 756; 
Connor, 220; Fowler, 628; Gaud, 420; Rusk, 

Viet-Nam, effect on (Fowler), 629, 632 

Ball, George W.: 

Addresses and sUtements: 143, 194, 348, 373, 451 

(quoted), 613 
News conference, transcript of, 121 
Resignation, 633n 



nK lor i^/cnirai American inteRraiion vvj«ruon), 

rajas Gutierrez, Ldzaro, 466 

rnett, A. Doak, 966 

rr, Joseph W., 180 

rtlett, E. L., 807 

ruch plan (Foster), 50 

sutoland, U.S. consulate, 401 

tson, Douglas N., 725 

ivogiii, Louis-Lausana, 789 

;ker, James M., 99 

irut agreement. See Educational, scientific, and 
cultural materials, agt«ement (1949) 


ncome tax protocol enters into force, 440 

sfATO SHAPE, relocation in (Rusk), 7 

rreaties, agreements, etc., 153, 190, 401, 441, 617, 

Het-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 

1, David E., 55, 199, 247 

litez, Helena, 284 

inett, H. Stanley, 681 

iton, William, 760, 885 

rlin: 584; Johnson, 579; Rusk, 48 

:-power responsibilities: Ball, 373, 613; Goldberg, 
741, 743; Harriman, 10; Johnson, 372, 411, 426, 
484, 485, 578, 816, 819; Marcos, 537; Sisco, 487, 

plinghoff, Raymond L., 311 

•ck, Eugene, 82, 139, 669, 912 

imenthal, W., Michael, 671 

lien, Charles E., 125 

ivia, agricultural commodities agreement, 985 

■g, Andy, 363 

;swana : 

i'reaties, agreements, etc., 801, 984 

J.N. membership : 759n ; Nabrit, 758 

vie, Robert R.; 122n, 570; Ball, 122 

idley, Omar N., 659 


economic and political progress: Harriman, 13; 
Rusk, 46 

expropriated U.S. land property, options for set- 
tlement of claims, 869 

?reaties, agreements, etc., 33, 189, 221, 617, 801, 

i^iet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 

mk, Detlev W., 681 

)sio, Manlio, 670, 867 

)wn, Edmund G. (Pat), 962 

)wn, George, 890, 920 

>wn, Winthrop G., 639, 777 

jezinski, Zbigniew K., 689 


Commercial credit guarantees by Export-Import 
Bank: Greenwald, 679; Johnson, 624 

rreaties, agreements, etc., 289, 617 

J.S. Ambassador (McSweeney), confirmation, 570 

i^iet-Nam, position on (Sisco), 315 

niuiuy, vYiiiiam r., itiB, ill 

Bunker, Ellsworth, 687, 693 

Bureau of International Organization AflPaira, 722 

Bureau of Public Affairs (Crockett), 74 

Burke, Edmund (quoted), 425 


Economic development (Rostow), 81 

U.S. visit of General Ne Win, 483 
Bumham, Forbes, 188, 229, 230 
Burns, John A., 530, 700 
Burundi, GATT protocol to introduce part IV and 

amend annex I, 253 
Butler, Smedley, 878 

Califano, Joseph A., Jr., 276, 603 

Communist Chinese intervention, question of 

(Ball), 125 
Economic development (Rostow), 81 
Security, ICC role: Rusk, 166, 258, 423; SEATO 

(Rusk), 379 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 513, 872 
U.S. accidental overflights and border air attacks, 

U.S. relations (Rusk), 262 

Visit of President de Gaulle: Bundy, 429; Rusk, 
423, 480 
Canada : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 232 
Automotive products agreement, exchange of 

notes, 616 
Gut Dam Agreement, ratification, 724, 725 
IJC air pollution joint study requested, 688 
Income tax supplementary convention, announce- 
ment, 761 
Medical aid to Viet-Nam (Komer), 596, 698 
Refugee resettlement aid (Rusk), 240 
San Juan Island National Historical Park, estab- 
lishment (Johnson), 499 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 153, 189, 190, 441, 

569, 617, 654, 693, 694, 725, 762, 985 
U.S. relations (Johnson), 499 
Canter, Jacob, 401 

Captive Nations Week, 1966, proclamation, 234 
CARE (Johnson), 714 
Carlson, Delmar R., 34 
Carlson, Reynold E., 570 
Carr, William G., 93 
Carstens, Karl, 670, 867 
Carter, Sir John, 214, 230 
Case, Clifford P., 525 
Castro, Fidel (see also Cuba), Ball, 126 
Celler, Emanuel, 24 

CENTO (Central Treaty Organization), Rusk, 380 
Central African Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 

694, 985 
Central American Common Market: Gaud, 420; Gor- 
don, 22, 716, 949; Humphrey, 879; Johnson, 15; 
Solomon, 787 



Central American Integration, Bank of, U.S. sup- 
port (Gordon), 22 
Central Treaty Organization (Rusk), 380 
Ceylon, treaties, agreements, etc., 473, 872 
Chad, treaties, agreements, etc., 253, 472, 617, 873 
Chamizal Highway (Johnson), 882 
Chandler, Robert, 828 
Charter of the United Nations. See United Nations 

Cherne, Leo, 24 
Cherrington, Ben, 914 

Chess Olympiad, U.S. Chess Team participation, 723 
Chiang Kai-shek, 169 
Chile : 

Air service consultations concluded, 722 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 569, 725 
China, Communist (see also Aggression, Commu- 
nism, and Sino-Soviet relations) : 
Asia, importance of Chinese policies to peace of 
(see also Asia): Johnson, 161, 833; U. A. 
Johnson, 642; Marcos, 538; McNamara, 306, 
309; Rusk, 181, 365 
Economic problems: Harriman, 11; U. A. Johnson, 

641; Rostow, 81; Rusk, 163, 171, 839 
Geographic analysis (Pearcy), 294 
Nuclear potential: Goldberg, 744; McNamara, 309; 

Rusk, 181, 847 
Nuclear test, U.S. comment: 744, 925; Johnson, 

833 ; Rusk, 847 
Political and other internal developments: Bundy, 
432; Harriman, 12; Johnson, 228; U. A. John- 
son, 642; Macos, 538; McNamara, 307; Rusk, 
177, 181, 482 
Refugees from: Rusk, 239; Wine, 751 
U.N. membership, question of: Bundy, 434; Gold- 
berg, 926; Rusk, 422, 478, 920; Sisco, 489 
Communist conditions for and position on : Gold- 
berg, 522, 741, 853, 928; Rusk, 176, 422 478, 
845; Sisco, 859 
U.S. accidental overflight: 478n; Rusk, 478 
U.S. objectives: Goldberg, 520; Johnson, 118; Mc- 
Namara, 309 
U.S. relations and efforts to improve: Goldberg, 
521, 741, 853; Humphrey, 4; Johnson, 161, 
454, 815; U. A. Johnson, 643; McNamara, 
308; Rostow, 83; Rusk, 171, 365, 422, 479, 
916; Sisco, 859 
U S. trade embargo, 142, 448 
Viet-Nam : 

Military and other aid to North Viet-Nam: 
Ball, 125; Johnson, 117; McNamara, 307; 
Rusk, 168 
Position, objectives, and influence: Bundy, 432; 
Goldberg, 622, 928; Harriman, 890; Johnson, 
425; U. A. Johnson, 642; MacArthur, 749; 
Rusk, 164, 165, 171, 181, 478; Sisco, 489 
World objectives and relations: Goldberg, 521, 
741, 749, 853, 928; Humphrey, 3; Johnson, 
766, 834; Marcos, 538, 543; Sisco, 489, 859 

China, Republic of: 

Economic programs (see also Taiwan), Rusk, 176, 

364, 839 
Official government of China (Rusk), 177 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 402, 617, 872 
U.N. membership: Bundy, 434; Goldberg, 522, 

926; Rusk, 176, 422, 478, 845, 920 
U.S. Ambassador (McConaughy), confirmation, 34 
U.S. mutual defense commitments: Goldberg, 928; 
U. A. Johnson, 643; Rusk, 181, 378, 661; 
Sisco, 489 
U.S. relations (Rusk), 176 

Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 595, 598 
Visit of Secretary Rusk, exchange of greetings 
and question and answer period: 175; Rusk, 
176; Wei Tao-ming, 175 
China, U.S. advisory panel, announcement, 966 
Chuo Koron, Japanese magazine, 303 
Church, Frank, 525 
Churchill, Sir Winston, 704, 749 
CIAP (Inter- American Council for Commerce and 

Production). See Alliance for Progress 
CICYP (Inter-American Council of Commerce and 

Production), Gordon, 18 
Cigarette manufacturers, statement, 451 
Civil rights (see also Great Society and Human 
rights) : Johnson, 408; Sisco, 860 
U.S.: Ball, 194; Colmen, 93; Goldberg, 246, 384; 

Johnson, 409; Katzenbach, 782 
Women : 

Elimination of discrimination against (Tillett), 

Political rights of, convention (1953) : Malawi, 
289; Nepal, 33 
Civilian persons in time of war, Geneva conventions 
(1949) re treatment in time of war: Central 
African Republic, 694; Cyprus, 906; Korea, 694 

Brazil, U.S. owners of expropriated land, options 

for settlement, 869 
Canada, agreement re establishment of interna- 
tional arbitral tribunal to dispose of U.S. 
claims re Gut Dam, 724, 725 
Micronesia, negotiations for settlement of claims 

against Japan (Anderson), 388 
Outer space activities, liability for damages, treaty 
provisions: 954; Goldberg, 249, 252, 322 
Clark, Edward, 134, 709, 822 
Clark, Frank M., 966 
Cleveland, Harlan, 125, 339 
Cocoa Conference (Goldberg), 244 
Coffee: Ball, 636; Solomon, 786 

International Coffee Council, 463 
Cold war (Cleveland), 339 
Cole, Charles V., 724 

Collective security (see also Mutual defense) : John- 
son, 820; Rusk, 45 
Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia (see also 
ANZUS and Southeast Asia Treaty Organ- 
ization) : 734; Marcos, 538; Rusk, 364 



Collective security — Continued 

Europe. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
Nuclear defense. See nuclear entries and Non- 
nuclear states 
U.S. international defense commitments. 585; 
Marcos, 540; Rusk, 48, 377, 413, 660, 842, 
918; Sisco, 488,857 
College and World Affairs, 91 
Colmen, Joseph G., 91 
Cotton textile agreement with U.S. amended, 58 
Education (Moseman),97 
Political development (Rusk), 46 
Sea-level canal study, 349, 755 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 762, 873 
U.S. Ambassador (Carlson), confirmation, 570 
Colombo Plan: Johnson, 821; Rusk, 172, 839 
Colonialism (Ball), 194 
Colorado River water, agreement with Mexico re 

loan of, 441, 514 
Columbus, Christopher (Duke), 717 
Columbus Day, 1966: proclamation, 604; remarks 

(Johnson), 602 
Commerce, Department of, 558, 895 
Commercial samples and advertising material, in- 
ternational convention (1952) to facilitate im- 
portation of: Singapore, 221 
Commission on Social Development, U.N. (Sisco), 

Committee on the Economic Impact of Defense and 

Disarmament (Foster), 54 
Commodity Credit Corporation (Johnson), 57 
Commodity trade, less developed countries: Gold- 
berg, 244 ; Solomon, 785 
Common law of mankind (Rusk), 413, 663 
Common markets. See name of tnarket 
Communications (see also Radio and Telecommuni- 
cations) : 
Argentia communications site, agreement with 
Canada re continued use of U.S. Navy of 
adjacent land, 190 
Direct telephone communication, Washing^ton- 

Bonn, proposed, 585 
English language as a communications medium 

(Moseman), 98 
Loran-A equipment, agreement with Canada re 

loan of, 441 
Radio. See Radio 

Global commercial communications satellite 
system : 

Interim arrangements agreement: Liechten- 
stein, 326; Mexico, 762; Morocco, 65; 
Netherlands, 873; Philippines, 941 
Special agreement: Liechtenstein, 326; Mex- 
ico, 762; Morocco, 65; Philippines, 941 
Supplementary agreement on arbitration: 
Algeria, Kuwait. Liechtenstein, 326; Malay- 
sia, 569; Mexico, 762; Morocco, 65; Nigeria, 

Communications — Continued 

Satellites — Continued 

441; Sudan, 441; Syria, 472; Thailand. 
906; Tunisia, 326; Venezuela, 693 
Importance (Johnson), 682 

Space tracking and communications stations. See 
Outer space 

Space vehicle tracking and communications sta- 
tions in U.K., agreement re establishment and 
operation of, 222, 473 

Television system, agreement with Saudi Arabia 
re establishment of, 402 

U.S.- Venezuela undersea telephone cable, inaugu- 
ration: 274; Johnson, 275; Leoni, 274 

Washington-Moscow "hot-line" communications 
link (Foster), 52 
Communism (see also Aggression; China, Commun- 
ist; Sino-Soviet relations; and Soviet Union): 

Asia. See Asia and individual countries 

Communist countries, U.S. relations and efforts to 
improve (.sec also name of country and East- 
West relations): 446; Greenwald, 676; Mc- 
Namara, 304, 308; Rusk, 366, 413 

Economic system, inefficiencies: Humphrey, 11; 
Rostow, 83 ; Rusk, 590, 663 

Exploitation of poverty: Johnson, 426; Marcos, 

Failures and rejection of: Ball, 195; Harriman, 
12; Johnson, 116, 228, 331, 771, 808; U. A. 
Johnson, 639; Marcos, 542; Rostow, 79; Rusk, 
46, 163 

Free world, fundamental differences: Cleveland, 
342; U. A. Johnson, 638; Rusk, 45, 240, 586 

Peaceful coexistence: Cleveland, 340; Johnson, 
576; Rusk, 589; Sisco, 861 

Policies, need for change: 447; Ball, 375; John- 
son, 408, 777 

Refugees from Communism, problems: Rusk, 236; 
Wine, 751 

Sino-Soviet block countries, definition, 28 

Threat of and free- world responsibility to meet: 
42; Johnson, 369, 426, 811; MacArthur, 748; 
Marcos, 538; SEATO, 172; Sisco, 860 

Trade with Communist countries (see also East- 
West Trade Relations Act of 1966) : 142, 448; 
Johnson, 867 
Japan, 179 

Private boycotts against U.S. national interests: 
446 ; Greenwald, 680 

U.S. balanced strategy for peace. See East-West 
Trade Relations Act of 1966 

U.S. commitment under SEATO to resist Com- 
munist aggression (Rusk), 379 

U.S. policy developments since World War II: 
Johnson, 776, 819; Marcos, 540 

Viet>Nam. See under Viet-Nam 

Wars of national liberalization: Cleveland, 341; 
Goldberg, 522; Humphrey, 2; Rusk, 363, 842; 
SEATO, 173; Sisco, 316 



Compassionate payment to Rongelapese (Norwood), 

COMSAT. See Global commercial satellite system 

under Communications: satellites 
Conferences, international (see also subject) : 
Calendar, 30, 505 

Number and importance (Rusk), 413, 663 
Congo, Democratic Republic of the (Kinshasa) : 
Agricultural commodities agreement, 762 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 855 
Refugees from (Wine), 752 

U.N. resolution on non-intereference in, and U.S. 
support, 759 
Congo, Democratic Republic of the ( Leopold ville). 
See Congo, Democratic Republic of the (Kin- 
Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), treaties, agree- 
ments, etc., 153, 984 
Congress, U.S.: 

Collective security treaties, support (Rusk), 378 
Documents relating to foreign policy, lists, 59, 148, 
187, 280, 312, 350, 381, 435, 568, 652, 723, 869, 
Foreign policy, responsibilities for (Goldberg) , 492 
Joint resolution, tariff revision (Johnson), 894 
Legislation : 

Chamizal Highway, authorization (Johnson), 882 
Cuban refugees, adjustment of status: Ball, 348; 

Johnson, 967 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, 
visual and auditory, agreement (1949) on in- 
ternational circulation of, acceptance: 
Frankel, 884 ; Johnson, 894 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, 
agreement (1950) on importation of, imple- 
mentation: Frankel, 884; Johnson, 894, 895 
Great Seal of the United States, measures for 

protection of (Johnson), 924 
Inflation control measures (Fowler), 629 
International Education Act of 1966: Frankel, 

887 ; Johnson, 769 
Mass spectrometers, duty-free entry (Johnson), 

Passenger ship safety, higher minimum stand- 
ards, 965 
Peace Corps program, expansion (Johnson), 497 
Philippine veteran benefits increased: 533; John- 
son, 684, 685; Marcos, 536, 546 
Rio Grande salinity project (Johnson), 686 
Water for Peace conference, authorization and 
appropriation (Johnson), 868 
Legislation, proposed: 

East- West Trade Relations Act of 1966: 446; 
Greenwald, 677; Johnson, 624; Magnuson, 
452; Rusk, 48, 446 (quoted) 
Food for Freedom: Johnson, 187, 866; Reuter, 

Foreig^i Assistance Act, need to remove restric- 
tions (Johnson), 602 

Congress, U.S. — Continued 

Legislation, proposed — Continued 
Great Seal of the United States, Presidential 
and Vice Presidential Seals, measures for in- 
creased protection (Johnson), 924 
International Education Act of 1966, appropria- 
tion needed (Rusk), 916 
Nuclear desalting and electric power plant, Los 
Angeles, U.S. participation in construction of 
(Johnson), 457 
Special tax incentives to investment, suspension 

of (Fowler), 629 
Trust Territory of the Pacific, appropriation re- 
quest: Anderson, 387; Norwood, 389 
Members of Congress, service on U.N. committees 

(Goldberg), 385 
President Marcos, Philippines, text of address, 534 
Presidential messages, letters, and reports. See 

under Johnson, Lyndon B. 
Refugees aid and immigration legislation (Rusk), 

Senate advice and consent: 

Consular convention with Soviet Union, recom- 
mended: Johnson, 624; Rusk, 48 
Human rights conventions, U.N., need for ratifi- 
cation (Goldberg), 383, 494 
Outer space treaty, U.N. (Johnson) , 953 
Political rights of women, U.N. convention 
Senate confirmations, 24, 142, 190, 473, 525, 568, 

570, 618, 693 
Viet-Nam, position on: Johnson, 711; Rusk, 48, 843 
Connor, John T., 180, 215, 310, 452, 956 
Conservation : 

Fishing and conservation of living resources of 
the high seas, convention (1958) : 
Backgrround (Herrington), 500 
Current actions: Mexico, 513; Switzerland, 153; 
Trinidad and Tobago, 693 
King crab fishery agreement with Japan, 984 
Natural resources and environmental control, 

German-U.S. cooperation, 585 
Water resources, importance (Johnson), 868, 456 
Consular relations: 

Basutoland, new U.S. consulate, 401 
France, consular convention, 289 
Soviet Union, consular convention, need for: John- 
son, 624; Rusk, 48 
Vienna convention (1963): Liechtenstein, 153; 
Niger, Senegal, 65 
Optional protocol re compulsory settlement of 
disputes: Austria, 33; Liechtenstein, 153; 
Niger, 33; Senegal, 65 
Vladimir Kazan-Komarek, need for U.S. consular 
access (Rusk), 846, 850 
Contiguous zone and territorial sea, convention 
(1958) on: Malta, 289; Mexico, 513; Switzer- 
land, 153; Trinidad and Tobago, 693 



Continental shelf, convention (1958): Mexico, 513; 

Sweden, 221, 289; Switzerland, 153 
Cootey loans, 185 

Copyright convention (1952), universal, and proto- 
cols: Kenya, 357; Venezuela, 653 
Costa Rica: 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 187 
Political development (Rusk), 46 
Sea-level canal site, proposed, 349, 755 
Cotton Institute, International, articles of agree- 
ment: Tanzania, 325; Uganda, 153 
Amendment, entered into force, 569 
Cotton textiles: 

Agreements re trade in: Colombia, 153; Hong 
Kong, 467, 513; Israel, 189; Korea, 982; Pak- 
istan, 937; Portugal, 356, 358; Singapore, 
Spain, 509, 514 
Long-term arrangements: 

Fourth annual review (Jacobs), 903 
Greece, 654 
Mexico, U.S. consultations, 348 
Council on Foreign Relations, 107 
Council on Voluntary Agencies, 458 
Couve de Murville, Maurice, 480, 890, 892 
Crimmins, John H., 142 
Crockett, William J., 72, 436 
Crone, G. R., 718 

Castroism (Ball), 126, 349 

Failure of: Gordon, 648; Johnson, 331; Rusk, 46, 
Political prisoners, U.S. efforts for release (Rusk), 

Refugee doctors for Viet-Nam (Komer), 595 
Refugees from : 

Adjustment of status: 24; Ball, 348; Johnson, 

Airlift, Ist-year report, 966 

Permanent resident application fees waived 
(Johnson), 967 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 190 
U.S. Chess Team excepted from ban on travel ta 

Cuba, 723 
U.S. trade policy: 142, 448; Greenwald, 678; John- 
son, 867 
Cuban missile crisis: Duke, 721; Rostow, 79 
Cultural Affairs, International Education and. Ad- 
visory Commission on, 280 
Cultural relations and programs (see also Educa- 
tional exchange programs and Foreign students 
in the U.S.) : 
Art exchanges (Johnson), 894 
Cultural exchanges, U.S. support for: Johnson, 

769; Rusk, 413 
East- West cultural exchanges (Ball), 147 
Education for inter-cultural understanding: An- 
gell, 100; Becker, 99; Colmen, 93; Goodson, 
103; Morehouse, 105; Rusk (quoted), 105, 914 

Cultural relations and programs — Continued 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials: 
Agreement (1949) re international circulation 

of visual and auditory materials: Frankel, 

884; Johnson, 894; U.S. action, 725 
Agreement (1950) on importation of: Frankel, 

884; Johnson, 894, 895; Trinidad and Tobago, 

654; U.S., 725, 801, 872 
Educational and cultural programs, financing of, 

additional agreement with Netherlands, 154 
Interdependence (Morehouse), 106 
Korea, 779 

Poland (Johnson), 714 
Refugees, contributions of (Wine), 753 
Soviet Union, exchange program, value (Johnson), 

U.S. Advisory Commission on International Edu- 
cational and Cultural Affairs, membership, 280 
U.S. culture (Angell), 101 
U.S. travel bans eased, 235 
Cyprus : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 617, 906, 941 

U.N. peacekeeping force extended : 63n ; Goldberg, 

U.N. peacekeeping role (Goldberg), 382, 740 
Cyr, Leo G., 473 
Czechoslovakia : 

Atomic facilities, offer to accept IAEA controls 

on reciprocal basis with West Germany: 

Foster, 901, 932; Sisco, 858 
Commercial credit g^uarantees by Export-Import 

Bank: Greenwald, 679; Johnson, 624 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 941, 984, 985 
U.S. citizen, Kazan-Komarek, detention (Rusk), 

846, 850 
U.S. educational and cultural relations, increases 

(Johnson), 57 

DAC (Development Assistance Committee). See Or- 
ganization for Economic Cooperation and De- 
Dahomey, convention on the settlement of invest- 
ment disputes between states and nationals of 
other states, 513 
Davis, W. True, Jr., 568 
Dawson, Thomas R., 482 
Debus, Kurt H., 583 

Decade of Development. See U.N. Decade of Develop- 
Decker, George, 685 

Declaration of Independence (Ball), 194 
Defense (see also Collective security and Mutual de- 
fense) : 
Budget FY 1968, prospective (McNamara), 921 
National defense and security, basis for: Mc- 
Namara, 303, 306, 310; Rusk, 586, 658 
Production rate, question of reduction (Mc- 
Namara) , 922 
Self-defense: Johnson, 115; Rusk, 378 



Defense — Continued 

Supplemental appropriations, 1967 (McNamara), 
922, 923 
Defense, Department of, dependents schools (Carr), 

De Gaulle, Charles: 

Viet-Nam, position on (Bundy), 428, 430 
Visit to Cambodia: Bundy, 429; Rusk, 423, 480 
Visit to Soviet Union: Ball, 125; Rusk, 166 
De la Garza, Eligio, 686 

Democracy and democratic processes: Harriman, 
139; Humphrey, 881; Johnson, 406, 576, 704, 
826 ; Rusk, 586 
Demonstration Cities Act (Humphrey), 962 
Denmark : 

Air transport services agreement with U.S., 

amendment, 28 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 617, 693 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid (Komer), 598 
Denuclearized zones (Foster), 933, 934 

Importance (Johnson) , 456, 868 
Israel, desalting electric power project. Ambassa- 
dor Bunker to review (Johnson), 687 
Saudi Arabia: Johnson, 40; King Faisal, 41 
Development Assistance Committee, OECD Organi- 
zation for Economic Cooperation and Develop- 
Diplomatic relations and recognition : 
Argentina : 

Recognition of military government: 184; Ball, 

124; Rusk, 168 
Suspension of relations, 124 
Bulgaria, legation raised to embassy status, 925 
Hungary, legation raised to embassy status, 925 
Soviet note, reasons for U.S. refusal (Rusk), 260 
Two Chinas, question of (Rusk), 847 
Vienna convention (1961), current actions: Aus- 
tria, 33; Canada, 189; Luxembourg, 513; 
Niger, 33; Sweden, 221 
Diplomatic representatives abroad. See Foreign 

Diplomatic representatives in the U.S., presentation 
of credentials: Argentina, 670; Canada, 232; 
Congo (, 855; Costa Rica, 187; Domin- 
ican Republic, 670; Gabon, 232; Ghana, 312; 
Guyana, 214; Mauritania, 312; Pakistan, 855; 
Upper Volta, 670; Zambia, 214 
Dirksen, Everett M., 24 

Disarmament (see also Armaments, Arms Control 
and Disarmament Agency, and Nuclear weap- 
ons) : 
Communist China, participation, question of (Gold- 
berg) , 522 
Japan, potential role (McNamara), 311 
NATO position (Rusk), 48, 848 
Soviet position (Foster), 50 
U.N. role (Goldberg), 383, 899 

Disarmament — Continued 

U.S. support and eiforts for: 584; Fisher, 317; 
Goldberg, 900; Johnson, 575, 622, 687; 
McGhee, 272; Rusk, 268, 416, 481 
Disaster relief: 

Mekong River floods, Laos, U.S. aid: Johnson, 667; 

Souvanna Phouma, 667 
Outer Mongolia, U.S. flood relief, 214 
Disputes, pacific settlement of (see also Arbitration; 
Investment disputes, convention; and United 
Nations) Goldberg, 434, 972; Gordon, 951; John- 
son, 407, 625; Rusk, 659 
International convention (1907), Sudan, 984 
Optional protocol to Geneva convention (1958) : 
Luxembourg, 513; Niger, 33; Sweden, 221 
Dominican Republic: 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 670 

Political and economic progress: Gordon, 648; 

Harriman, 13; Rusk, 45 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 190, 289, 801, 873 
U.S. and OAS role (Rusk), 367, 588, 659 
U.S. Ambassador (Crimmins), confirmation, 142 
Donnelly, Dixon, 479 

Double taxation, income, agreements and convention 
for avoidance of: Belgium, 440, 441; Canada, 
761 ; U.K., 66, 254, 465, 473, 569 
Drugs, narcotic: 

Convention (1931) re manufacture and distribu- 
tion of: Protocol, 762; Trinidad and Tobago, 
U.S.-Mexico discussions and U.S. delegation, 968 
Duke, Angier Biddle, 717 
Dulles, John Foster, 918 

East-West Center, Institute for Technical Inter- 
change: Johnson, 700, 812, 830; Norwood, 391, 
East-West relations (see also East- West Trade Re- 
lations Act of 1966): 584; Foster, 902; Mac- 
Arthur, 746; McNamara, 308; Rostow, 83 
Germany, reunification: Ball, 146, 198; Johnson, 

623 ; Rusk, 48, 848 
NATO, role: 447; Ball, 127, 147, 196; Cleveland, 
339; Greenwald, 677; Harriman, 14, 138 
McGhee, 272; Rusk, 8, 47, 366 
U.S. efforts to improve: Ball, 144; Cleveland, 345 
Johnson, 26, 454, 624, 866; Rusk, 414, 589 
662; Sisco, 858 
U.S. export controls reduced: Greenwald, 679 
Johnson, 624, 714 
East- West Trade Relations Act of 1966: 140, 179 
446; Ball, 147; Greenwald, 677; Johnson, 624 
714; Magnuson, 452; McNamara, 307; Rusk, 48 
589, 848 
Eastland, James O., 24 
Ebeye Island, 399 
ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the 

Far East 
Eckstein, Alexander, 966 



Economic and Social Council, U.N.: 

Constitution, resumption of participation, Indo- 
nesia, 801 

Documents, lists of, 65, 283, 386 

Education studies and proposed conference (Carr), 

14th general conference, U.S. delegation, con- 
firmation, 760 
Economic and social development (see alto Economic 
and technical aid, Foreign aid programs, and 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development) : 

Africa: Goldberg, 523; Johnson, 25; Rusk, 663 

Asia. See Asia 

Austria (Johnson), 57 

Botswana (Nabrit), 758 

Communism : 

Aggression, effect of (Rusk), 172 
Demand for progress as a reason for rejecting: 
Rostow, 80; Rusk, 163, 663 

Dominican Republic, U.S. role (Rusk), 46 

Education, importance: Frankel, 85; Johnson, 
464; Rusk, 841 

Food and population problem. See Food and popu- 
lation crisis 

Free-world-Communist development compared : 
Humphrey, 11; Johnson, 407; Rusk, 590 

Guyana: Goldberg, 188; Johnson, 229 

Indonesia : Johnson, 44 ; Rusk, 264 

Industrialized countries, role of: Ball, 143, 634; 
Connor, 958; Fowler, 626; Goldberg, 243; 
Harriman, 139; Humphrey, 961; Johnson, 
277, 623, 702; Marcos, 536; McNamara, 304; 
Rostow, 82; Rusk, 178, 663; Solomon, 787 

Inter-American Development Bank, social prog- 
ress trust fund agreement, protocol, 513 

Latin America. See Alliance for Progress 

Less developed countries. See Less developed 

Migration and settlement, patterns of (Sisco), 461 

Modem economy, conditions for: Gordon, 19; 
Humphrey, 203 ; Sisco, 460 

Organizational and management techniques: Con- 
nor, 959; Gordon, 21; Humphrey, 961 

Philippines, progress of and increased U.S. aid, 

Political progress, Lesotho (Nabrit), 758 

Political stability, importance: Goldberg, 241; 
Humphrey, 881; Johnson, 333, 407, 426, 705, 
766; Marcos, 544; McNamara, 305 

Private enterprise, importance and role: Connor, 
958; Gordon, 18; Humphrey, 962; Rusk, 586 

Refugees, problem (Wine), 752 

Samoa (Johnson), 816 

Saudi Arabia: Johnson, 38, 40; King Faisal, 41 

Social justice (Johnson), 409 

Technology and world trade, international sym- 
posium on: Connor, 956; Humphrey, 960 

Trust Territory of the Pacific: Anderson, 388; 
Norwood, 389, 392; Nuuan, 400 

Economic and social development — Continued 

Two-year public service, proposed (Wofford), 96 
U.N. role: 486; Goldberg, 242, 384, 495, 854; 

Johnson, 233; Sisco, 490 
U.S.: Angell, 101; Connor, 959; Goldberg, 245; 
Harriman, 138; Humphrey, 961; Johnson, 
334,407,575; Rusk, 587 
Viet-Nam. See under Viet-Nam 
Water resources, importance of development and 

preservation (Johnson), 456 
World half rich, half poor: 735; Gaud, 420 
Goldberg, 241, 855; Humphrey, 2, 202, 961; 
Johnson, 114, 407, 426, 453, 485, 577, 705, 715, 
819, 829, 831, 885; Marcos, 544; Reuter, 866; 
Rusk, 663; Sisco, 458, 487 
Economic and technical aid to foreign countries 
(see also Agency for International Develop- 
ment, Agricultural surpluses. Alliance for 
Progress, Economic and social development. 
Foreign aid programs, Inter-American Devel- 
opment Bank, International Bank, Interna- 
tional Development Association, Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development, 
and United Nations: Specialized Agencies): 
China, technical aid program of (Rusk), 839 
Indonesia, U.S. aid resumed, 652 
Scientific equipment and facilities, need for avail- 
ability (Humphrey), 963 
Specialized educational training (Rusk), 915 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 

531; Johnson, 768; Rusk, 839 
Economic Impact of Defense and Disarmament, 

Committee on the (Foster), 54 
Economic policy and relations, U.S. : 
Domestic policy: 

Inflation control measures (Fowler), 629 
Needs and challenges (see also Great Society) : 

Goldberg, 243; Johnson, 409, 714, 770 
Peaceful trade with East Europe and Soviet 
Union, effect, 450 
Foreign policy: 

Importance to U.S. economy (Rusk), 586 
Tariff policy. See Tariff policy, U.S. 
Trade. See Trade, U.S. 

Treaties of amity and economic relations: Thai- 
land, 154; Togo, 617, 762 (Trimble), 692 
Economist, 425 

ECOSOC. See Economic and Social Council, U.N. 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 725, 762, 801 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Education (see also Cultural relations and pro- 
grams; Educational exchange programs, inter- 
national; Foreign students in the U.S.; and 
Great Society) : 
Advisory Commission on International Educa- 
tional and Cultural Affairs, 280 
Agricultural technology. See Agriculture: Mod- 



Education — Continued 

American colleges overseas: Carr, 94; Colmen, 
93; Crockett, 75; Goodson, 103; Rusk, 915 

Asian and Pacific countries (Rusk), 841 

"Brain drain": Gordon, 648; Humphrey, 963 

Education attaches (Allen), 77 

Education Placement Service, proposed: Frankel, 
886; Wofford, 96 

Educational and cultural programs, financing of, 
additional agreement with Netherlands, 154 

Federal government, role in: Frankel, 86; Rusk, 

Foreign Service senior officers, college relations 
and proposed exchange programs: Crockett, 
74 ; Mueller, 436 

Importance: Gordon, 647; Humphrey, 879; John- 
son, 14, 158, 332, 464, 768; Schick, 16 

International Education Act of 1966: Colmen, 
92; Frankel, 90, 884; Johnson, 769, 812; 
Rusk, 915; Wofford, 96 

International education and cultural understand- 
ing: Allen, 77; Angell, 100; Becker, 99; Carr, 
93; Colmen, 91; Crockett, 72; Frankel, 84, 
886; Goodson, 103; Morehouse, 105; Mueller, 
438; Phillips, 71; Rogers, 106; Rusk, 914 

International Institute for Educational Planning 
(Moseman), 98 

International Literacy Day, proclamation, 464 

Korea : 775 ; Johnson, 775 

Lyndon B. Johnson Scholars (Johnson), 824, 825 

National Foreign Policy Conference for Educa- 
tors, 71 

Philippines, Special Fund for Education, 534 

School-to-school partnership programs: Crockett, 
75; Frankel, 887; Goodson, 104; Johnson, 
497; Moseman, 97; Wofford, 96 

Science and technology institutes, proposed: Gor- 
don, 648; Humphrey, 964 

SEATO Graduate School of Engineering: 174; 
Rusk, 172 

Soviet Union, methods (Harriman), 11 

Trust Territory of the Pacific, U.S. programs 
(Norwood), 391 

TV, radio, and other news media: Becker, 99; 
Frankel, 887; Humphrey, 880; Johnson, 817; 
Moseman, 98 

U.S. Advisory Commission on International Edu- 
cational and Cultural Affairs, membership, 

U.S. Center for Educational Cooperation (John- 
son), 769, 812 

U.S. travel bans eased for educators: 234; 
Frankel, 884 

Use of foreign currencies from overseas food 
sales, 185 

Viet-Nam: 129; Johnson, 699; Komer, 565, 593, 
601, 893; Rusk, 841 

Women, equal rights for (Tillett), 286 

World Confederation of Organizations of the 
Teaching Profession (Carr), 93 

Education — Continued 

World Conference on Education, proposed (John- 
son) , 813 
Educational, scientific and cultural materials, agree- 
ment (1949) re international circulation of 
visual and auditory materials: Frankel, 884; 
Johnson, 894; U.S., 725 
Importation of, agreement (1950) : Frankel, 884; 
Johnson, 894, 895 
Current actions: Trinidad and Tobago, 654; 
U.S., 725, 801, 872 
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, 
Accomplishments, role, and U.S. support (Fran- 
kel), 883 
Education for women (Tillett), 286 
14th General Conference: 883n; Frankel, 888; 

Johnson, 885 
Literacy programs (Johnson), 464 
20th anniversary, proclamation, 463 

Message (Johnson), 885, 894 
U.S. delegation, 760, 883n 
Educational exchange programs, international: 
Agreements with: Brazil, 801; Mexico, operation 
of Abraham Lincoln and Benito Juarez 
scholarship funds, 873 
East Europe-U.S. programs expanded (Johnson), 

Germany-U.S. competitive scholarship program 

proposed, 585 
Importance: Frankel, 86; Goldberg, 606; More- 
house, 105; Rusk, 840, 915 
Symposium, announcement, 280 
EEC. See European Economic Community 
EFTA (European Free Trade Association), 671, 

Egan, William A., 806 
Egypt. See United Arab Republic 
Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee (Rusk), 
264, 481 
Nonalined members, nuclear disarmament, posi- 
tion on (Foster), 934 
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 448 

Asian visit, question of (Rusk), 845 
El Salvador, treaties, agreements, etc., 190, 472 
Emerson, Ralph Waldo (quoted), 719, 769, 823 
ENDC. See Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Com- 
EOLE Project, 65 

EPTA (Expanded Program of Technical Assist- 
ance), Sisco, 490 
Erades, Lambertus, 724 
Erhard, Ludwig, 578 

ESRO. See European Space Research Organization 

ICJ judgment, 231 
Peace Corps, role of (Wofford), 95 
Visit of Secretary Palmer, 925 
World Health Organization constitution, amend- 
ment to article 7, 693 



ETV International (Moseman), 98 
EURATOM (European Atomic Energy Commu- 
nity), Foster, 901, 933 
Europe (see aho Atlantic and European headings, 
individual countries, and North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization) : 
Asian Development Bank, support (Rostow), 81 
Atlantic Union, U.S. position: Ball, 613; Mac- 
Arthur, 746 
Defense of. See North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- 
Economic development {see alto European Eco- 
nomic Community): Ball, 143; Gordon, 20; 
Humphrey, 960 
Germany, reunification, importance to. See Ger- 
many, reunification 
Refugees, aid to (Rusk), 238 
Space research, U.S. support for multilateral 

projects (Johnson), 582 
Unification: 584; Ball, 144, 195, 613; Cleveland, 
345; Johnson, 622; MacArthur, 745; McGhee, 
269 ; Rostow, 83 ; Rusk, 365 
U.S. relations and interests in: 584; Ball, 143, 
613; Cleveland, 345; Johnson, 622; Mac- 
Arthur, 745; Marcos, 540; Rusk, 48, 588, 662 
French views (Ball), 126 
Viet-Nam, effect of: Harriman, 890, 891; Johnson, 

579, 706; McGhee, 270; Sisco, 858 
Viet-Nam situation, importance to (Goldberg), 
Europe, Eastern: 

Economic and political development: Ball, 143; 
Cleveland, 340; Goldberg, 741; Greenwald, 
676; Harriman, 11; McGhee, 269; Rostow, 
82 ; Rusk, 47 
Refugees from (Wine), 754 

U.S. relations and efforts to improve (see also 
East- West Trade Relations Act of 1966) : 
446; Johnson, 454; Rusk, 367, 414, 589, 846, 
848, 916 
Effect of Viet-Nam. (Rusk) , 850 
Europe, Western : 

Soviet missiles, threat of: Ball, 197; Cleveland, 

841; McNamara, 417; Rostow, 82 
U.S. trade relations (Solomon), 789 
European Atomic Energy Community (Foster), 901, 

European Communities, U.S. Ambassador Extraordi- 
nary and Plenipotentary (Schaetzel), confirma- 
tion, 570 
European Economic Community: Ball, 144, 196, 615; 
Blumenthal, 671; Johnson, 622; Rusk, 365; Solo- 
mon, 789 
European Free Trade Association: Blumenthal, 671; 

Humphrey, 961 ; Solomon, 789 
European Space Research Organization: 
NASA cooperation: 979; Goldberg, 606 
Public international organization, designation as, 
Executive order, 982 

European Space Research Organization — Continued 
Space station in Alaska, agreement on location and 
operation, 979 
European Technological Community, proposed 

(Humphrey), 961 
Executive orders : 

European Space Research Organization designated 
as a public international organization (11318), 
Interest equalization tax, desig^nation of certain 
foreign countries as economically less de- 
veloped (11285), 27 
Export-Import Bank: Greenwald, 679; Johnson, 624, 

Exports (see also Imports; Tariffs and trade, gen- 
eral ag^reement on ; and Trade) 
Australia, improved prospects for: Holt, 135; 

Johnson, 709 
Cotton textiles. See Cotton textiles 
East-West trade export controls reduced on 

onstrategic items (Johnson), 624, 714 
Food grains, change in world export patterns: 

Freeman, 205; Reuter, 863; Sisco, 490 
International dumping: 233; 756; Blumenthal, 674 
Less developed countries, need to increase: Gold- 
berg, 244 ; Solomon, 785 
Trust Territory of the Pacific (Norwood), 393 

Agricultural exports, increase: 185; Reuter, 

862 ; Rusk, 587 
Antidumping laws, 233 

Communist countries (see also East- West Trade 
Relations Act of 1966) : Greenwald, 678 ; Rusk, 
Educational materials (Johnson), 894 
External debts, agreement (1953) on: Italy, 325 
Extradiction treaty with U.K., application to Tonga, 

Fairbanks, John, 966 

Family law, status of women (Tillett), 285 

Family planning. See Population growth 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization, U.N.), 

201, 204 
Far East. See Asia 
Farrell, Raymond F., 24 
Feighan, Michael A., 24 
Ferguson, Glenn W., 570 
Ferguson, Sir Bernard, 701n 
Ferry service between North Sydney, Nova Scotia, 

and Argentia, Newfoundland, agreement with 

Canada re establishment of, 33 
Fiji Islands (Johnson), 666 
Finance Corporation, International, articles of 

agreement: Nepal, 221; Portgual, 221 
Finland, treaties, agreements, etc., 441, 617, 693 
Fish and fisheries : 

Fish protein concentrate, U.S. act (Johnson), 809 



Fish and fisheries — Continued 

Fishing and conservation of living resources of the 
high seas, convention (1958): Mexico, 513; 
Switzeriand, 153; Trinidad and Tobago, 693 
King crab fishery in eastern Bering Sea, agree- 
ment, Japan, 942, 984 
North Pacific Fisheries Convention, question of 

revision, 179 
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries; international con- 
vention (1965); protocols: U.K., 357; U.S., 
221, 357 
Pacific fisheries, international issues of (Herring- 
ton), 500 
Trust Territory of the Pacific (Norwood), 393 
U.S.-Soviet fishery discussions concluded, 273 
Viet-Nam, development: 129; Komer, 592 
Fisher, Adrian S., 281, 317, 351 
Flajnik, Bruno, 56 

Florence agreement. See Educational, scientific, and 
cultural materials, agreement (1950) on im- 
portation of 
Food and Agriculture Organization, world food prob- 
lem, role in: Humphrey, 204; Rusk, 201 
Food and population crisis: Freeman, 205; Goldberg, 
246; Humphrey, 202; Johnson, 209, 228, 866; 
Reuter, 863; Rusk, 367, 841; Sen (quoted), 864; 
Sisco, 490 
OECD Development Assistance Committee, 55, 211 
U.N. role: Goldberg, 241; Sisco, 490 
U.S. aid: Gaud, 419; Johnson, 115, 186; Reuter, 
865; Rusk, 200, 588; Solomon, 785 
Food for Freedom, objectives and principles: Free- 
man, 207; Humphrey, 203; Johnson, 115, 187, 
866 ; Reuter, 865 ; Rusk, 200 
Food for Peace Act of 1966 (Johnson), 866 
Food for Peace programs: 

Accomplishments: Humphrey, 203; Johnson, 714, 

866 ; Reuter, 862 
Annual report, 1965 (Johnson), 185, 186 
Food for Freedom as a successor to: Freeman, 

208; Johnson, 866 
Philippines, self-help program, 532 
Viet-Nam (Komer), 552 
Food for work, 185 

Foreign Affairs, articles cited, 23, 644 
Foreign affairs, university research studies: Crock- 
ett, 73; Rusk, 917 
Foreign aid programs, U.S. (see also Agency for In- 
ternational Development, Alliance for Progress, 
Economic and technical aid, Food for Peace 
programs, and Peace Corps) : 
Elimination of "surplus" requirements for food aid 

commodities (Freeman), 208 
Multilateral coordination: Ball, 636; Goldberg, 
243; Harriman, 139; Johnson, 769; Rusk, 201; 
Sisco, 460 
Multiyear authorization (Johnson), 602 
National interest considerations: Gaud, 419; Har- 
riman, 139; Johnson, 277, 716, 867 

Foreign aid programs, U.S. — Continued 
Percent of GNP: Gaud, 420; Rusk, 421 
Principles and objectives: Johnson, 187, 602, 769; 

Rusk, 49, 201, 414, 587 
Self-help principle: Freeman, 207; Goldberg, 243; 
Gordon, 19; Humphrey, 203; Johnson, 115, 
187, 277, 602, 866; Reuter, 865; Sisco, 491 
Teach Corps program (Carr), 94 
U.S. balance of payments, effect on: 533, 756; 

Fowler, 629, 632; Gaud, 420 
U.S. public opinion and support (Goldberg), 243 
Foreign aid programs of other countries: 
Asian and Pacific countries (Rusk), 840 
Balance of payments problems: Ball, 636; Fowler, 

China, technical aid (Rusk), 839 
Japan (U. A. Johnson), 641 
Need for: Humphrey, 203; Johnson, 866; Rusk, 

201 ; Solomon, 785 
Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, aid to India (John- 
son), 115 
ForeigTi Assistance Act of 1966 (Johnson), 602 
Foreign currency : 

Pakistan, U.S.-owned rupees, sales authorized to 

U.S. citizens, 756 
U.S. overseas commodity sales, use of: 185; Rusk, 
Foreign currency in U.S., U.S. Polish currency hold- 
ings, proposed expenditures (Johnson), 624 
Foreigrn policy, U.S. ( see also Communism, Viet- 
Nam, and World peace) : 
Advisory panels, announcements, 721, 868, 966 
Briefing conferences (Rusk), 479 
Editors and broadcasters, 789, 867 
Regional : New Orleans, 689 
Congressional documents relating to foreign policy, 
lists, 59, 148, 187, 280, 312, 350, 381, 435, 568, 
652, 723, 869, 968 
Extension of nation's domestic policy: Johnson, 

406, 700, 714, 816; Rusk, 586 
Foreign aid, role of: Johnson, 187, 277; Reuter, 

862; Rusk, 587 
National Foreig^i Policy, Conference for Educa- 
tors (Phillips), 71 
Excerpts from principal addresses and panel 

discussions, 72 
Program, 108 
National interests: 234, 466; Gaud, 419; Green- 
wald, 680; Johnson, 866; U. A. Johnson, 638; 
Rusk, 915; Sisco, 491, 860 
Policy Planning Council, Chairman (Owen), desig- 
nation, 142 
Principles, objectives, and problems: Frankel, 884; 
Johnson, 25, 229, 453, 577, 715; Katzenbach, 
782; McNamara, 303; Mueller, 436; Rostow, 
83; Rusk, 48, 235, 362, 377, 413, 586, 659; 
Sisco, 487, 856 
Publications and services available to public, list, 



Foreign policy, U.S. — Continued 
Responsibilities and role of: 
Congress (Goldberg), 492 
President (Holt), 132, 134; Johnson, 2B, 335, 

576; Rusk, 917 
U.S citizens: 722; Crockett, 72; Johnson, 233, 
453, 577; Mueller, 438; Rusk, 914 
Responsibility as a world power: Freeman, 208; 
Harriman, 139; Johnson, 159, 372, 406, 484, 
773,819; Sisco, 487, 856 
Trade as an instrument of (see also East-West 
Trade Relations Act of 1966): 140; Gordon, 
950; Greenwald, 679; Rusk, 587 
Foreign Policy Association Schools Service Program 

(Becker), 99 
Foreign Relations, Council on (Rogers), 107 
Foreign Scholarships, Board of, 280 
Foreign Service (see also State Department) : 
Ambassador at Large (Bunker), confirmation, 693 
Ambassadors, appointments and confirmations, 34, 

142, 401, 570, 693, 801 
Director General (Steeves), designation, 290 
Education attaches (Allen), 77 
Qualified personnel, recruitment, need, and in- 
training: Allen, 76; Crockett, 73; Katzenbach, 
781; Rogers, 107; Rusk, 915 
Relationships with American business, State De- 
partment pilot project: 279; Rusk, 587 
Senior officers, college relations programs: Crock- 
ett, 74; Mueller, 436 
Foreign Service Institute : 
In-service training (Allen), 76 
Senior fellow program: Crockett, 74; Mueller, 436 
Senior Seminar in Foreign Policy, graduation 
(Johnson), 25 
Foreign students in the U.S. (see also Cultural re- 
lations. Education, aiid Educational exchange 
programs, international) : 
"Brain drain": Goldberg, 648; Humphrey, 963 
Inservice teachers workshop, proposed (Carr), 95 
Specialized training, proposed expansion (Mose- 

man), 97 
Thai students (Johnson), 768 
Foster, William C, 50, 525, 901, 930 
Fowler, Henry H., 626, 633 
France : 
Consular convention with U.S., 289 

NATO and U.S. military installations, removal: 

Ball, 125, 147; McNamara, 418; Rusk, 46 
Problems resulting from French withdrawal: 
Ball, 125, 147; Harriman, 891; Rusk, 7, 167, 
263, 366 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 221, 254, 289, 472, 

U.S.-French summit conference, question of 
(Rusk), 265 

France — Continued 

Viet-Nam nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Visit of President de Gaulle to: 

Cambodia: Bundy, 429; Rusk, 423, 480 
Soviet Union: Ball, 125; Rusk, 166 
Frankel, Charles, 84, 760, 883 
Franklin, Benjamin (quoted), 743 
Freedom (.see also Manila conference) : 
Four freedoms (Johnson), 713 
Intellectual freedom (Frankel), 86 
Polish tradition of (Johnson), 712 
U.S. and free-world support: Ball, 195; Harri- 
man, 14; John.son, 578, 702, 704, 710, 773, 
780, 815, 824, 827 
Freedom of speech: 452; Crockett, 73; Goldberg, 

248 ; Johnson, 408, 826 
Freeman, Alwyn, 724 
Freeman, Fulton, 348 
Freeman, Orville L., 55, 180, 205, 247 
Fulbright Act, 280 

Gabon, Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 232 

Galbraith, Frances J., 693 


Treaties, agreements, etc., 401, 873, 906 
U.S. Ambassador (Rivkin), confirmation, 693 
Garcia Godoy, Hector, 46, 670 
Gardner, John, 812, 966 
Garmatz, Edward A., 966 
Garner, Sir Saville, 965 

GATT. See Tariffs and trade, general agreement on 
Gaud, William S., 190, 276, 276n, 419 
General Assembly, U.N.: 

Chinese U.N. representation, draft resolutions, 

U.S. position, (Goldberg), 926 
Documents, lists of, 32, 64, 283, 386, 508, 761, 978 
Financial assessments and voting rights, settle- 
ment: Goldberg, 382; Rusk, 413 
Foreign ministers, meeting of (Rusk), 478, 480, 

Nonintervention resolution, Communist Viet-Nam 

violations (Goldberg), 519 
Racial discrimination, draft convention and U.S. 

support (Goldberg), 383 

Important-question, representation of China, 

Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, 936 
Need for agreement and for non-interference, 
South-West Africa, U.N. assumption of respon- 
sibility, 871 
South-West Africa, U.S. support for U.N. posi- 
tion: Goldberg, 690; Nabrit, 870; Sisco, 861 
21st session, agenda, 353, 610 
U.S. delegation, confirmation, 525 
Viet-Nam, role in (see also under United Na- 
tions), Rusk, 421 



Geneva agreements: 

Basis for peace in Viet-Nam: Goldberg, 120, 434, 
520, 740, 758; Johnson, 118; Rostow, 79; 
Rusk, 171, 258 
Communist violations of: 213; Bundy, 430; Gold- 
berg, 519 
Warsaw Pact countries, position on (Rusk), 
Laos, application to: SEATO, 173 
Meeting of U.K.-Soviet chairmen: Harriman, 890; 

Rusk, 920 
Reconvening, question of: 
Communist China, position on (Rusk), 181 

U.S. support: Goldberg, 520, 740, 852; Rusk, 


Geneva conventions (1949) relative to treatment of 

prisoners of war, wounded and sick, armed 

forces, and civilians in time of war: 

Current actions: Central African Republic, 694; 

Cyprus, 906 ; Korea, 694 
Manila Conference, statement on, 731 
Geneva Disarmament Conference. See Eighteen- 

Nation Disarmament Committee 
(Jenocide, convention (1948) on the prevention and 

punishment of: Netherlands, 289 
Germany : 

Berlin. See Berlin 

Reunification, importance to East-West relations: 
583; Foster, 902; Johnson, 623; Rusk, 8, 48, 
Reunification, importance to world order: Ball, 
146, 198; Johnson, 579; McGhee, 269; Rusk, 
365; Sisco, 858 
Germany, East: 

Soviet armed forces, question of reduction (Mc- 
Ghee), 271 
U.S. trade embargo: 142; Greenwald, 678 
Germany, Federal Republic of (see also North At- 
lantic Treaty Organization) : 
Allied Documentation Center files (Rusk), 847 
Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945, 
Series C 1933-1937, The Third Reich: First 
Phase, Volume V, March 5-October 31, 1936, 
released, 942 
Eastern Europe, relations with: Ball, 147; Foster, 

French NATO forces: Ball, 147; Rusk, 8, 167 
Interim government (McCloy), 924 
Military equipment purchases from U.S., effect on 
balance of payments: 584; Johnson, 670; 
McGhee, 271 
NATO nuclear weapons, question of participation 

in of: Foster, 901; Rusk, 479 
Nuclear safeguard arrangements (Foster), 901, 

Nuclear weapons, position on : Foster, 901 ; Mc- 
Ghee, 273 ; Rusk, 479 
Official spokesman for German people, 584 
Proposed visit of President Johnson : 685 ; Erhard, 

Germany, Federal Republic of — Continued 
Refugees, aid to: Komer, 566; Rusk, 239 
Space research cooperation with U.S., 585 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 221, 289, 617, 693, 

Tripartite (U.S.-U.K.-Germany) talks: communi- 
que, 867; Johnson, 670, 919; McCloy, 923; 
Rusk, 919 
U.S. mutual defense commitments (Rusk), 661 
U.S. NATO forces, commitment: Johnson, 579; 

McGhee, 271 ; Rusk, 424 
U.S. visit of Chancellor Erhard, 578 
Viet-Nam, aid to: 585; Johnson, 579; Komer, 596, 
Geyelin, Philip L., 428 
Ghana : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 312 
Guinean delegation to OAU, detention, 789, 790 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 221, 617 
Gilstrap, Sam, 812 
Click, Thomas, 719 
Goldberg, Arthur J. : 

Addresses, correspondence, and statements: 

Asian Development Bank, U.S. participation, 

Communist China: 

U.N. membership, 522, 741, 853, 926 
U.S. relations, 521 
Congo, U.N. call for nonintervention, 759 
Cyprus, U.N. peacekeeping force extended, 63 
Economic and social development, problems of 

and U.S. and U.N. roles, 241, 384, 523, 854 
Food and population crisis, 241 
Foreign policy, role of Congress, 492 
Guyana, admission to U.N., 188 
Human rights, U.S. support for U.N. position, 

248, 383, 493, 854 
International cooperation, 603, 743 
Israel : 
Jordan, raid against, 974 

Syria, border violations by, U.S. position, 
969, 970, 972 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, need for and 

U.S. support, 854, 896 
Outer space treaty provisions, 249, 321, 384, 494, 

508, 524, 606, 853 
South-West Africa: 

U.N. Ad Hoc committee, U.S. participation, 

U.N. and South Africa responsibilities, 383, 
523, 690, 854 
U Thant, extension of U.N. term, 518, 742 
U.N., accomplishments, role, and problems, 241, 

382, 492, 739 
U.N. convention on racial discrimination, U.S. 

ratification, 653 
U.S. space programs, 605 
Viet-Nam : 

U.N. role, 384, 434, 493 

U.S. increased air action, report to U.N., 119 



Goldberg, Arthur J. — Continued 

Addresses, correspondence, and statements — Cont. 
Viet-Nam — Continued 

U.S. objectives, 120, 493, 619, 740, 757, 851 
U.S. proposal for phased-out withdrawal of 
forces, 609 
General Assembly, U.S. delegate, confirmation, 525 
Responsibilities as representative of U.S. people, 
739, 851 
Goodson, W. R., 103 

Gordon, Lincoln, 18, 24, 230, 644, 716, 946 
Gratwick, Stephen, 279 
Great Decisions, 100 

Great Seal of the United States, measures for pro- 
tection (Johnson), 924 
Great Society: Goldberg, 243; Johnson, 158, 229, 
575, 709, 715, 769, 816, 823; King Faisal, 39; 
Sisco, 462 
Great Society, International: Harriman, 138; John- 
son, 158, 708, 715; Sisco, 462 

Cyprus, problem of (Goldberg), 64 

Treaties, agreements, etc, 33, 401, 617, 654 

.Viet-Nam : 

Compared to (Rusk), 661 
Nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Greenwald, Joseph A., 676 
Gromyko, Andrei A., 741, 854, 898 
Grononski, John A., 714 
Gruening, Ernest, 807 
Gruenther, Alfred M., 24 
Guatemala : 
Political development (Rusk), 46 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 190 
Guinea : 

House arrest of U.S. officials protested, 789 
OAU delegation, detention by Ghana, 789, 790 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 941 
U.S. Ambassador (Mcllvaine), confirmation, 570 
Gut Dam, international arbitral tribunal to dispose 

of U.S. claims, U.S.-Canada, 724, 725 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 214 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 569, 617, 801, 872, 

U.N. membership: 189n; Goldberg, 188 
U.S. Ambassador (Carlson), confirmation, 34 
U.S. relations (Johnson), 229 

Venezuela boundary negotiations, U.N. role (Gold- 
berg), 188 
Visit of Prime Minister Beirnham, 229 

Haines Road winter maintenance, ag:reement with 
Canada, 985 

Harriman, W. Averell: 
Addresses and remarks, 10, 137, 889 
Visit to Asia: Johnson, 889, 892; Rusk, 262 

Harris, Patricia Roberts, 525 

Hart, Philip A., 24 

Haskins, Caryl P., 681 
Hasluck, Paul, 174 
Hawaii (Johnson), 698 
Hawaiian statehood (Johnson), 814 
Hayes, John S., 473 
Heald, Henry T., 670 

Health and medical research (see also Economic and 
social development) : 
American Samoan Tropical Medical Center (John- 
son), 817 
Colombia sea-level canal study provisions, 755 
Health Organization, World. See World Health 

Nutrition : 

AID milk and grain donations, vitamin and 

mineral fortification, 185 
Fish protein concentrate act (Johnson), 809 
Problem of less developed countries: Freeman, 
205, 208; Humphrey, 203; Johnson, 186; Rusk, 
Philippines, Veterans Memorial Hospital (John- 
son), 684 
Rongelapese, report on (Norwood), 398 
SEATO programs, 174 
Trust Territory of the Pacific: Anderson, 387; 

Norwood, 389, 396 
U.S. {see also Great Society) , Johnson, 14, 229 
U.S. travel-ban restrictions eased for doctors and 

scientists, 234 
Viet-Nam, U.S. public health and medical assist- 
ance programs: 128; Komer, 594, 601, 893 
Health Organization, World. See World Health Or- 
Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of. 
Center for Educational Cooperation, proposed 
(Colmen), 92 
Henry L. Stimson, nuclear submarine, commissioned, 

Herrington, William C, 500 
Hewitt, Warren, 284 
High seas, convention (1958) on: Mexico, 513; 

Switzerland, 153; Trinidad and Tobago, 693 
Hightower, John, 850 
Hilaly, Agha, 85 
Historical summaries: 

Christopher Columbus (Duke), 717 
Viet-Nam (Mac Arthur), 746 
Hockaday, Arthur, 867 
Holmes, Julius C, 966 
Holmes, Oliver Wendell (quoted) , 140 
Holt, Harold E., 131, 134, 212, 668, 730 
Holyoake, Keith, 174, 668, 730 
Hong Kong: 

Refugee population (Rusk), 239 
U.S. cotton textiles agreement signed, 467, 513 
Honolulu Conference. See under Viet-Nam 
Housing, Building and Planning, U.N. Center for, 

Housing and Urban Development, Department of 
(Humphrey), 962 



Hruska, Roman L., 24 
Hull, Cordell (quoted), 918 

Human rights (see also Civil rights and Great So- 
ciety) : 
Conference, proposed (Goldberg), 248 
Southern Africa: Goldberg, 493, 854; Sisco, 489 
U.N. accomplishments and objectives: Goldberg, 

383; Johnson, 233; Sisco, 459 
U.N. conventions, need for U.S. ratification (Gold- 
berg) , 383 
U.S. support: Goldberg, 247, 493, 854; Johnson, 

38,408,818; Rusk, 235, 413 
Viet-Nam. See Viet-Nam: U.S. objectives 
Human Rights, International Year (Tillett), 288 
Humphrey, Hubert H.: 
Addresses and remarks: 
Alliance for Progress, 878 
Asia, U.S. goals and relations, 2 
Food and population crisis, 202 
Less developed countries, economic and educa- 
tional needs, 961 
Technology and world trade, 960 
Hungary, commercial credit guarantees by Export- 
Import Bank: Greenwald, 679; Johnson, 624 
Huxley, Thomas (quoted), 427 

IAEA. See Atomic Energy Agency, International 
IBRD. See International Bank for Reconstruction 

and Development 
ICC. See International Control Commission 
Iceland, treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 153, 253, 254, 

401, 617, 873 
ICEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European 

Migration), Rusk, 238 
ICJ. See International Court of Justice 
IDA. See International Development Association 
IDB (Inter- American Development Bank), 22, 568 
IFC (International Finance Corporation), 626 
Illiteracy. See Education 
ILO. See Labor Organization, International 
Immigration, Cuban refugees: Ball, 348; Johnson, 

IMCO. See Maritime Consultative Organization, In- 
IMF. See Monetary Fund, International 
Immigration (see also Visas) : 

Cuban refugees: Ball, 348; Johnson, 967 
Immigration Act of 1965: Johnson, 603; Katzen- 

bach, 782 
Office of Refugee and Migration Affairs, transfer 

announcement, 725 
Polish immigrants, contributions to U.S. (John- 
son), 712 
Select Commission on Western Hemisphere Immi- 
gration, membership announced, 23 
U.S. refugee policy, review: Johnson, 603; Rusk, 

U.S. voluntary agencies, role of (Rusk), 239 

Imports (see also Exports; Tariff policy, U.S.; 
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on; and 
Trade) : 
Commercial samples and advertising material, in- 
ternational convention (1952), to facilitate 
importation: Singapore, 221 
Ck>tton textiles, increase in U.S. imports (Jacobs), 

Educational, scientific and cultural materials, 
agreement (1950) on: Frankel, 884; Johnson, 
894, 895 
Current actions: Trinidad and Tobago, 654; 
U.S., 725, 801, 872 
Private road vehicles, customs convention (1954) 
on the temporary importation of: Singapore, 
472; Trinidad and Tobago, 653 
Viet-Nam programs (Komer), 552 
World wheat imports (Freeman), 205 
Yugoslavian tobacco, 450 
Income : 

Conventions for relief of double taxation. See 

Double taxation 
Taxes on income and certain other taxes, supple- 
mentary convention with Netherlands, 66, 154, 
190, 222, 253 

Food problems and U.S. aid: 17; Johnson, 114, 

130; Rostow, 81; Rusk, 849 
Pakistan border dispute: 

Refugees from: Rusk, 236; Wine, 751 
U.N. role: Goldberg, 382, 740; Rusk, 377, 414 
Pakistan relations: Johnson, 161; Rusk, 367, 588 
U.S. relations with both countries (Humphrey), 
Peace Corps program, 278 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 221, 254, 513, 617, 

725, 873, 941 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Indochina. See Manila conference and Viet-Nam 

Communism, rejection of: Harriman, 13; Holt, 
136; Johnson, 161, 228, 773, 821; U. A. John- 
son, 640; Marcos, 542; Rusk, 364, 588, 839 
Economic and social development: Humphrey, 6; 
Johnson, 44, 131; U. A. Johnson, 643; Rostow, 
81 ; Rusk, 163, 364 
Meeting of Secretary Rusk and Prime Minister 

Malik, joint communique, 652 
Malaysia, relations: Rusk, 171, 364; SEATO, 174 
Nonalinement (Rusk), 264 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 617, 762, 801, 873 
Industrial Development, U.N. Organization for 

(Goldberg), 242 
Industrial property, convention (1883, as revised) 

for the protection of: Israel, 153 
Inflation: Fowler, 629; Gordon, 21 
Information activities and programs (sec also Cul- 
tural relations and programs, and Publications) : 
Books from overseas LC offices, 185 



Information activities anil programs — Continued 
Computers, uses (Ball), 634 
Documentation, UNESCO (Frankel). 885 
Educators, role of (Crockett), 72 
Journalists, European and Ecuadoran, U.S. visit 

(Rusk), 844 
Official publications, agreement with Korea for ex- 
changee of, 694 
Outer space draft treaty, reporting and notifica- 
tion requirements (Goldberg), 60, 322, 384, 
494, 524, 607 
Scientific and technical information, exchanges of: 
755; Foster, 931; Goldberg, 606; Gordon, 23 
ESRO space station data, 982 
State Department publications and services: 110; 

Rusk, 915 
Trust Territory of the Pacific (Norwood), 395 
U.N., U.S. citizens kept informed on issues and 

developments (Goldberg), 385 
U.S.-Soviet magazine exchange (Johnson), 577 
U.S. travel-ban restrictions liberalized: 234; Rusk, 

Viet-Nam, U.S. integration of public information 
and exchange programs (Komer), 551 
Institute for Strategic Studies, London, 951 
Institute for Technical Interchange, East-West Cen- 
ter: Johnson, 700, 812, 830; Norwood, 391, 394 
Institute for Training and Research, U.N. (Gold- 
berg) , 242 
Inter- American Council of Commerce and Production 

(Gordon), 18 
Inter- American Development Bank (Gordon), 22 
Multinational projects, support (Gordon), 949 
Social progress trust fund agreement (1961), pro- 
tocol, enters into force, 513 
U.S. Executive Director (Davis), confirmation, 568 
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance 

(Rusk), 378 
Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission (Herring- 
ton), 504 
Interest equalization tax, designation of certain coun- 
tries as less developed, Executive order, 27 
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migra- 
tion (Rusk), 238 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
Articles of agreement: Guyana, 569, 617; Singa- 
pore, 325 
Indonesia, participation (Rusk), 264 
Role of, and U.S. support: Ball, 633, 635; Gold- 
berg, 242; Humphrey, 204; Rusk, 201 
International Boundary and Water Commission, 

U.S.-Mexico (Johnson), 686 
International Chess Olympiad, 723 
International Coffee Council, 463 
International Conference on Water for Peace (John- 
son), 456, 868 
International conferences. See Conferences, interna- 

International Control Commission: 
Role in: 

Cambodia (Rusk), 423 
Viet^Nam, 258 
Soviet responsibilities as Cochairman: Harriman, 

890; Rusk, 166, 171, 261; Sisco, 317 
Visit to Cambodia-Viet-Nam border re U.S. air 
strikes, 338 
International cooperation: 

Need for and U.S. support: Goldberg, 242, 743; 
Johnson, 115, 162, 454, 675, 820, 866;, 
663; Sisco, 458, 490 
Outer space, treaty provisions re availability for 
cooperative purposes: 953; Goldberg, 60, 251, 
321, 605 
Science and technology as a common resource: 
531; Ball, 635; Connor, 958; Foster, 931; 
Gordon, 23; Humphrey, 962; Johnson, 623, 
682; Rusk, 683, 915 
U.N. role. See United Nations 

U.S. space programs (see aluo Outer space) : 585, 
979; Goldberg, 606; Johnson, 581, 714, 825; 
Rusk, 169 
Voluntary non-governmental organizations, work 

of (Sisco), 458 
Water resources development and preservation, 

need for (Johnson), 456, 687 
White House committee to review ICY conference 
recommendations, appointment: 275; John- 
son, 276 
World monetary structure (Fowler), 626 
International Cooperation, White House Conference 
on : Committee to review recommendations, ap- 
pointment: 275; Johnson, 276 
International Cooperation Year (Johnson), 276 
International Cotton Institute, articles of agreement: 
Tanzania, 325; Uganda, 153 
Amendment, entered into force, 569 
International Court of Justice: 
Accomplishments (Rusk), 660 
South- West Africa, judgment: 231, 567; Goldberg, 

383, 493, 523, 690; Nabrit, 870 
Statute: Botswana, 801; Ghana, 401; Guyana, 
Indonesia, Lesotho, 801 
International Development Association: 

Resources, proposed expansion: Ball, 636; Fowler, 

Role: Goldberg, 242; Humphrey, 204; Rusk, 201 
International Education Act of 1966. See under Edu- 
International Educational and Cultural Affairs, Ad- 
visory Commission on, 280 
International Finance Corporation, 626 
International Institute for Educational Planning 

(Moseman), 98 
International Joint Commission, U.S.-Canada, 688 
International law: 

Outer space treaty, application: 953; Goldberg, 
60, 249, 321, 494, 524, 607 



International law— Continued 

Principles of and U.S. support: 567, 790; Gold- 
berg, 743; Herrington, 504; Johnson, 576; 
Marcos, 545 
UNESCO program (Frankel), 886 
International Literacy Day, proclamation, 464 
International Monetary Fund. See Monetary Fund, 

International monetary system : 

Problems: 585; Fowler, 626, 633; Goldberg, 245 
Reserves: Ball, 637; Fowler, 630, 633 
International Organization Affairs, Bureau of, 722 
International organizations, (see aluo subject) : 
Calendar of meetings, 30, 505 
U.S. support: Goldberg, 243; Sisco, 857 
Universal copyright convention, protocol re ap- 
plication to works of: Kenya, 357; Venezuela, 
International Red Cross, 731 
International Rice Research Institute: Johnson, 529, 

828, 830 ; Rusk, 840 
International Tin Council, 756 
International Year for Human Rights: Goldberg, 

248; Tillett, 288 
Investment disputes between states and nationals of 
other states, convention (1965) on the settle- 
ment of: Afghanistan, 654; Chad, 472; Congo 
(Brazzaville), 153; Cyprus, 941; Dahomey, 513; 
Ghana, 221; Iceland, 253; Ireland, 472; Ja- 
maica, Malagasy Republic, 513; Malawi, 33, 
441; Malaysia, 325; Netherlands, 569; Niger, 
906; Norway, 153; Pakistan, 569; Senegal, 654; 
Sierra Leone, 325; Trinidad and Tobago, 654; 
Tunisia, 153; Ugandi, 33; U.S., 33, 654; Upper 
Volta, 513 
Investment guaranties, agreements re: Malta, 873; 
Paraguay, 358; Philippines, 473, 532; Zambia, 
Investment of foreign capital in U.S., Japan (Con- 
nor), 218 
Investment of private capital abroad: 
Importance: Rusk, 179; Solomon, 785 
Japan, need for investment liberalization meas- 
ures (Connor), 218 
Korea, 779 
Philippines, 532 
Viet-Nam (Komer), 557 

Designation as less developed country for interest 

equalization tax purposes. Executive order, 


Economic development: Johnson, 130; Rostow, 81 

Nonmilitary aid to Viet-Nam (Komer), 595, 598 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 153 

Iraq, designation as less developed country for 

interest equalization tax purposes, 27 
Ireland, treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 472, 617, 762 
Iron Curtain (Harriman), 11 

Isolationism, Asian Communist states (Humphrey), 

Israel : 
Desalting electric pow^er project. Ambassador 

Bunker to review (Johnson), 687 
Jordan, raid against, U.N. resolution (text) 978; 

U.S. position (Goldberg), 974 
Syrian border violations of: 
U.N. draft resolution, text, 974 
U.S. position: Goldberg, 969; 970, 972, 977; 
Sisco, 313, 316 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 65, 153, 189, 253, 

402, 569, 617 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Visit of President Shazar to U.S., 346 

Medical aid to Viet-Nam (Komer), 595, 598 
NATO Defense College, relocation in (Rusk), 7 
Technological gap between U.S. and Western 
Europe, Italian proposal re (Johnson) , 623 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 189, 289, 325, 617, 
872, 873 
Ivory Coast, treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 617 

Jacobs, George R., 903 

Jacobson, Harald W., 867 

Jamaica, treaties, agreements, etc., 441, 513 

James, William, 716 


Asian affairs, role and influence: 179; Johnson, 
427; U. A. Johnson, 641, 642; McNamara, 
308, 310; Rusk, 163, 171, 178, 364, 683, 839 
Asian Development Bank, financial support (Ros- 
tow), 81 
Economic progress: Connor, 216, 957; Johnson, 

130, 161, 277; Rusk, 163, 364, 839 
King crab fishery agrreement extended, 984 
Korea, improved relations: 778; Johnson, 160, 776, 

821; U. A. Johnson, 641; Rusk, 178, 184 
Micronesian residents, negotiations for settlement 

of claims (Anderson), 387 
Nuclear disarmament and arms control, potential 

role (McNamara), 311 
Pacific fisheries, international issues (Herrington), 


Communist countries, 179, 448 

Expansion of (Connor), 957 

TSUS trade agreement concessions updated, 

U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs, 5th meeting: Rusk, 177; joint com- 
munique, 178 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 513, 617, 693, 941, 942 
U.S. Ambassador (U.A. Johnson), confirmation: 

473; Rusk, 682 
U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Cooperation: 
Johnson, Rusk, Sato, and joint communique, 
U.S. delegation, 681 

U.S. mutual defense commitments (Rusk), 181, 



Japan — Continued 

r.S. relations: Connor, 215; Humphrey, 5; U. A. 
Johnson, 643; McNamara, 310; Rusk, 177, 
181, 682; Shiina, 182 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 595, 598 
Visit of Secretary Rusk, 177 
JefFerson, Thomas (quoted), 195 
Johnson, Charles Richard, 496 
Johnson, L>'ndon B.: 

Addresses, remarks, and statements: 

Ag«ncy for International Development Admini- 
strator, Gaud, sworn in, 276 
Aggression, U.S. record of meeting, 133, 709, 715, 

775, 819, 827 
Alaska, visit to, 806, 807 
Alliance for Progress, 5th anniversary, 330 
Ambassador Harriman, results of post-Manila 

trip, 889, 892 
American ideals (.sec also Great Society), 425, 

453, 603, 714, 715 
American Samoa, 816 
Asia : 

Economic and political development, 44, 130, 

160, 426, 529, 713, 809, 829 
Peace, essentials for (see also Manila con- 
ference aTid Viet-Nam entries), 158, 425, 
705, 766, 810, 815 
Regional development, 665, 698, 776, 821 
U.S. objectives, 25, 158, 426, 705, 766, 813 
Visit to (see also Manila conference) : 
Purpose, 664, 698, 700, 713, 776, 807, 809, 

Schedule, 666 
Austrailia, visit to, 665, 707, 708, 818, 822, 824, 

Austria, U.S. relations, 56 
Chamizal Highway bill, significance, 882 
Columbus Day, 1966, 602 
Communist China, U.S. policy and objectives, 

118, 161,454, 815, 834 
Cuban refugees, adjustment of status bill, 967 
East-West relations, 623, 677 (quoted), 714 
Education, 332, 464, 769, 812, 817 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, 
agreement for international circulation of 
visual and auditory materials (Beirut agree- 
ment), U.S. acceptance, 894 
Educational, scientific, and cultural materials, 
agreement on importation (Florence agree- 
ment), implementation, 894, 895 
Europe, 579, 622 
Fish protein concentrate act, 809 
Food and population crisis, 115, 828, 866 
Food for Peace Act of 1966, 866 
Foreign aid objectives, 187, 276, 602, 769, 866 
Foreign -Assistance Act of 1966, importance and 

objectives, 602 
Foreign policy: 

Principles and objectives, 25, 406, 453, 574, 
700, 714, 715, 816 

Johnson, Lyndon B. — Continued 

.\ddresses, remarks and statements — Continued 

U.S. responsibilities as a major power, 372, 
426, 484, 485, 773, 819 
Foreigrn Service, graduates of Senior Seminar in 

Foreig^i Policy, 25 
Great Seal of the United States, measures for 

the protection of, 924 
Great Society, 229, 575, 769, 816, 823 
Honolulu Conference, results, 699 
Immigration Act of 1965, 603 
International cooperation, 276, 825 
International Rice Institute, 828 
Israel, desalting electric power project, Ambas- 
sador Bunker to review, 687 
John.son Hill, Korea, 774 
Lyndon B. Johnson Scholars, 824, 825 
Malaysia, economic progress and Asian role, 832 
Manila conference: 664, 698, 708, 776 

Purpose, 711, 807, 814, 827, 830 

Results, 737, 766, 770, 772, 780, 806, 808, 810 
McCloy, John J., 923 

Tripartite talks, 670, 919 

U.S. position, 623 
New Zealand, visit to, 700, 701, 703 
Nuclear nonproliferation agreement, need for, 

625, 688, 854 (quoted) 
Nuclear power, dangers, responsibilities, and 

potential values, 410, 575 
Outer space treaty, importance and U.S. sup- 
port, 412, 582, 952 
Patriotism, meaning of, 425 
Peace Corps program, importance, 496 
Philippines Islands, U.S. relations, 526, 829 
Philippine veterans benefits signed into law, 

684, 685 
Poland, U.S. relations, 712 
Rio Grande salinity problem, U.S.-Mexico joint 

project announced, 686 
San Juan Island National Historical Park, 499 
Saudi Arabia, U.S. relations, 38 
Space flight, U.S. accomplishments, 581 
Thailand, U.S. relations and commitments, 707, 

U.K.-U.S. relations, 266 
U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Act, 5th 

anniversary, 687 
U.S.-Mexico screw-worm eradication prog^ram, 

U.S.-Soviet responsibilities for world peace, 411, 

U.S.-U.K.-Germany NATO talks, 670, 920 
Venezuela-U.S. submarine telephone cable, in- 
auguration, 275 
Viet-Nam (for details, see Viet-Nam) : 

Economic and social development, U.S. sup- 
port, 55, 705 



Johnson, Lyndon B.— Continued 

Addresses, remarks, and statements— Continued 
Importance to: Europe, 579, 706 
Asia, 130, 227, 336, 369, 705 
Meetings with General Westmoreland and 

Ambassador Lodge, 335 
U.S. commitment, 115, 130, 736 
U.S. forces, tribute to, 735, 736 
U S objectives and position (see rho Manila 
conference), 42, 115, 160, 226, 368, 412, 453, 
455, 665, 698, 706, 710, 737, 780, 808, 826 
U.S. troops : 

Conditions for withdrawal, 455, 738 
Efficiency, morale, and U.S. support, 335, 
425, 735, 736 
Water, worldwide importance, 456 
World peace, conditions for, 114, 131, 426, 454, 
705, 708, 709, 770 
America Illtistrated, interview, 574 
Appointments, 122n, 670 
Austria, ceremonial sword of peace, presentation, 

Correspondence, memoranda, and messages: 

International Cooperation, White House Con- 
ference on, committee to review recommenda- 
tions, 275 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and 

Development, 5th anniversary, 675 
Rio Grande salinity project, announcement, 686 
South Africa, death of Prime Minister Ver- 

woerd, 463 
This America, epilog, 715 
U.N. role and U.S. support, 232 
UNESCO, 20th anniversary, 885 
U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Cooperation, 

6th annual meeting, 682 
World food and population problem, 209 
Executive orders. See Executive orders 
Germany, proposed visit: 580; Erhard, 580 
Meetings with : 

Heads of SUte and officials of, remarks and 
joint communiques (see also Asia, visit to) : 
Australia, 130, 212; Burma, 483; Germany, 
578; Guyana, 229; Israel, 346; Korea, 770, 
777; Laos, 667; Nicaragua, 14; Philippines, 
526; Senegal, 649; Soviet Union, 898; Thai- 
land, 669, 766; U.K., 265 
William J. Porter, Deputy U.S. Ambassador te 
Viet^Nam, 55 
Messages, letters, and reports to Congress: 

Atlantic-Pacific Interoceanic Canal Study Com- 
mission, 2nd annual report, transmitted, 350 
Food for Peace, annual report, 186 
Inflation control measures (quoted), 630 
Trade Agreement Program, 10th annual report, 
News conferences, transcripts, 664, 889 
Policies (Rostow), 79 

Johnson, Lyndon B.— Continued 

Proclamations. See Proclamations by the Presi- 
Responsibilities: Holt, 132, 134; Johnson, 335 

Visit to Asia: 

Chronological list of addresses, remarks, and 

statements, 835 
Results: Rostow, 910; Rusk, 838 
Visits to: Alaska (Johnson), 806; American 
Samoa (Johnson), 812; Australia (Johnson), 
707, 818; Hawaii (Johnson), 698, 812; Korea 
(Johnson), 770; Malaysia (Johnson), 832; 
New Zealand (Johnson), 700; Philippines: 
Johnson, 828; Rusk, 840; Thailand, (John- 
son), 766, 831; Viet-Nam: 730; Johnson, 735, 
Johnson, Mrs. Lyndon B., 701, 708, 823 
Johnson, U. Alexis, 473, 638, 682 
Jordan : 

Agricultural commodities agreements, 441 
Israeli border raid, U.N. resolution (text), 978 
U.S. position (Goldberg), 974 

Kaplan, Harold, 290, 689 
Kaneshige, Kankuro, 681 
Kapronopoulas, John, 368 
Katzenbach, Nicholas deB., 618, 781 
Kazan-Komarek, Vladimir (Rusk) , 846 
Kelly, Harry C, 681 
Kennedy, Edward M., 24 
Kennedy, John F. : 

Policies: 448, 450; Ball, 194; Duke, 721; Goldberg, 
743; Harriman, 137; Johnson, 498; Rusk, 661 
Quoted, 140, 363, 450, 783, 843 
Kennedy Round. See Tariffs and trade, general 

agreement on 
Kenya : 

Treaties, agreements, ete., 254, 357 
U.S. Ambassador (Ferguson), confirmation, 570 
Visit of Secretary Palmer, 925 
Kerley, Ernest L., 724 
Kiesinger, Kurt Georg, 847 
Killion, George L., 525 
King Bhumibol Adulyadej (quoted), 831 
King Faisal, 39, 41 
Visit to U.S., 38 
Kingstone, H. Courtney, 724 
Kofi, Abraham B. B., 312 
Kohler, Foy D., 693 
Komer, Robert W., 128, 549, 591, 892 
Komsomol, Soviet motorship, 214 


Unification, 779 
Korea, North, U.S. trade embargo: 142, 448; Green- 

waki, 678 
Korea, Republic of: 

ASPAC meeting. See Asian and Pacific Council 
Communism, rejection of (Johnson), 808 
Cotton textile agreement amended, announcement 
and texts, 983 



Korea, Republic of — Continued 

Economic and social development: 778; Hum- 
phrey, 6; Johnson, 130, 770, 771. 775, 776, 
779; U. A. Johnson, 639; Rostow, 79, 83, 913; 
Rusk, 163, 183, 184, 364, 663, 839 
Japan, improved relations: 778; Johnson, 160, 776, 

821; U. A. Johnson, 641; Rusk, 178, 184 
Johnson Hill, 774 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 190, 222, 254, 569, 617, 

693, 694, 873 
U.S. forces: 
Casualties, 38th parallel (Johnson), 810 
Status of forces agreement: 222, 873; Johnson, 
778; Rusk, 183 
U.S. mutual defense commitments: 873; Johnson, 
771, 778; Rusk, 181, 378, 661 
Viet-Nam, military and other aid: Johnson, 
116, 705, 770, 771, 778; U. A. Johnson, 641; 
Komer, 595, 598; Rusk, 49, 162, 170, 183, 
455,663,839; SEATO, 173 
Visit of Secretary Rusk (Rusk), 183 
Visit of President Johnson, addresses, remarks, 
and statements, 770, 771, 772, 774, 775, 777, 
Korean conflict: Holt, 131; Johnson, 116, 704, 770, 
771, 773, 775; Marcos, 540; Rusk, 237, 660, 918 
Korean Institute of Science and Technology, 779 
Korr>-, Edward M., 790 
Korzybski, Alfred, 718 
Kosciusko, Thaddeus, 713 
Kristensen, Thorkil, 201 
Kurzman, Dan, 265 

Kuwait, treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 326, 617 
Kuwait-Saudi Arabia Neutral Zone, 27 
Kuybyshev, Soviet vessel, 214 

Ky, Nguyen Cao: 730, 893, 912; (Westmoreland), 


U.S.-Japan joint wage study, 179 
U.S. labor needs (Goldberg), 245 
Labor Organization, International Constitution, in- 
strument for the amendment of: Botswana, 
984; Guyana, 33; Lesotho, 872; Nepal, 513 
Lacey, David, 279 
Lacho, Manfred, 321 

LAFTA (Latin American Free Trade Area), 22, 949 
Laise, Carol C, 473 
LAN (airlines), 723 

Land-locked states, convention (1965) on transit 
trade of: Mongolia, 472; Nepal, 472; Niger, 
254; Nigeria, 153 
Asian Development Bank, articles of agreement, 

693, threat: Ball, 125; U. A. Johnson, 

640; Rusk, 170, 182, 842 
Flood relief, U.S. aid: Johnson, Souvanna 
Phouma, 667 

Laos — Continued 

Nam Ngum Dam, U.S. financial support (Rostow), 

Refugees from (Wine), 751 
SEATO, position and role: 173; Rusk, 379 
U.S. visit of Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma, 
Latin America {see cUso Alliance for Progress, 
Central America, Organization of American 
States, and individual countries) : 
AID school-to-school partnerships (Moseman), 97 
Arms race, question of: Gordon, 950; Humphrey, 

880; John-son, 333; Rusk, 848 
Communist threat, rejection and countermeasures : 
Gordon, 646, 951; Harriman, 13; Johnson, 
331 ; Rusk, 46, 367 
Denuclearization, treaty proposal (Foster), 933 
Economic and social development. See Alliance for 

Economic integration, need for and U.S. support: 
Gordon, 21, 948; Humphrey, 879; Johnson, 
332; Rusk, 367 
Import-export balance (Reuter), 863 
Peace Corps, table of assignments, 279 
Political development: Gordon, 648, 951; Harri- 
man, 13; Humphrey, 880; Johnson, 408; Rusk, 
Refugee resettlement aid (Rusk), 240 
Latin American Common Market, proposed (Gor- 
don), 949 
Latin American Free Trade Area (Gordon), 22, 949 
Law, international. See International law 
Law of the sea (see also Safety of life at sea) : 
Conventions: Malta, 289; Mexico, 513; Sweden, 
221, 289; Switzerland, 153; Trinidad and 
Tobago, 693 
League of Red Cross Societies, 731 
Lebanon, treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 326, 472 
Lee, Rex, 817 
Lee Kuan Yew, 912 
Leoni, Raul, 274 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 801, 872 
U.N. membership: 759n; Nabrit, 758 
Less developed countries: 

"Brain drain": Gordon, 648; Humphrey, 963 
Economic and social development: 
Industrialized countries, role of: Ball, 143, 634; 
Connor, 958; Fowler, 626; Goldberg, 243; 
Harriman, 139; Humphrey, 961; Johnson, 
277, 623, 702; Marcos, 536; McNamara, 304; 
Rostow, 82; Rusk, 178, 663; Solomon, 787 
U.N. role: Goldberg, 495; Sisco, 460 
U.S. role (see also Foreign aid programs, U.S.) : 
185; Gaud, 419; Johnson, 716, 819; McNa- 
mara, 303; Rostow, 83; Rusk, 49, 414, 587; 
Sisco, 490; Solomon, 784 
Education, importance and U.S. programs: Carr, 
94; Johnson, 464; Moseman, 97; Rusk, 915 



Less developed countries — Continued 

Food and population problems. See Food and 

population crisis 
Interest equalization tax, revision of designations 

under, Executive order, 27 
Nuclear weapons development, economic burden 

(Johnson) , 833 
Trade, importance of development of; Goldberg, 
244; Rusk, 178; Solomon, 784 

ICJ judgment, 231 
Load line convention, 617 
U.S. mutual defense agreement (Rusk), 380 
Libya : 

Designation as less developed country for interest 

equalization tax purposes, Executive order, 27 

International Wheat Agreement, protocol for 

further extension of, 153 

Liechtenstein, treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 326 

Limited test ban treaty. See Nuclear test ban treaty, 

Lincoln, Abraham, 831 
Linowitz, Sol M., 693 
Linton, Ralph, 106 
Lisagor, Peter, 428 
Load line: 

Convention (1930), international: Iran, 153; Leb- 
anon, 326 
Convention (1966), international: Argentina, Aus- 
tralia, Belgium, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, 
China, Denmark, France, Germany, Ghana, 
Greece, Iceland, India, Ireland, Israel, Italy, 
Ivory Coast, Japan, Korea, Kuwait, Liberia, 
Malagasy Republic, Netherlands, Norway, 
New Zealand, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, Philip- 
pines, Poland, South Africa, Spain, Switzer- 
land, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Re- 
public, U.K., 617; U.S., 617, 693, 801, 906; 
Venezuela, Yugoslavia, 617 
Lodge, Henry Cabot, 129, 335, 550, 845 
Louchheim, Katie, 618 

Luxembourg, treaties, agreements, etc., 253, 513, 873 
Lyndon B. Johnson Scholars (Johnson), 824, 825 

MacArthur, Douglas, II, 745 

MacDonald, Gordon J. F., 681 

Madagascar, visit of Secretary Palmer, 925 

Magnuson, Warren G., (quoted) 453, 680, 806 

Maheu, Rene, 883 

Malagasy Republic, treaties, agreements, etc., 513, 

617, 762 
Malawi, treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 289, 441, 873 
Malaya. See Malaysia 

Malaysia (see also Association of Southeast Asia) : 
Communism, rejection of (Johnson), 705, 771, 773, 
808, 832 

M al ay si a — Continued 

Economic and social development: Humphrey, 6; 
Johnson, 130, 832, 833; Rostow, 913; Rusk, 
163, 839 
Philippines, relations (Rusk), 171 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 325, 569, 693 
Visit of President Johnson, 832 
Mali, World Health Organization, amendment to 

article 7, 872 
Malik, Adam M., 174,652 
Malone, Thomas F., 760 
Malta, treaties, agreements, etc., 289, 357, 472, 617, 

Manatos, Mike N., 603 
Manila conference (Johnson), 664, 668, 708 

Asian Development Bank inaugural meeting, re- 
lation to Manila conference plans for economic 
development, 669 
Communique, text, 730 
Declaration on Peace and Progress in Asia and 

the Pacific, 734 
Goals of Freedom: 730; Johnson, 737, 808, 810; 

Rostow, 912; Rusk, 842 
Participants, 730 
Purpose (Johnson), 698, 711, 807, 814, 826, 827, 

Results: Goldberg, 852; Harriman, 890; Johnson, 
737, 738, 766, 770, 772, 776, 780, 806, 808, 810; 
Komer, 892; Rostow, 910; Rusk, 841, 845; 
Sisco, 858 
Mann, Thomas C, 263 
Mansfield, Mike, 685 

Marcos, Ferdinand E.: 169, 527, 529, 730; Johnson, 
664, 668, 684, 829; Rusk, 163, 364 
Address to Congress, text, 534 
Visit to Washington, 526 
Marder, Murrey, 260 

Maritime Consultative Organization, Intergovern- 
mental : 
Convention (1948) : Indonesia (resumption of par- 
ticipation), 801; Lebanon, 33; Malta, 289 
Convention (1964), amendments: Cambodia, 513; 
Dominican Republic, 289; Iran, 153; Kawait, 
Malta, 617; Panama, 472; U.S., 65, 189, 221 
International -standards for passenger-ship safety 

amended, 965 
3rd extraordinary assembly, U.S. delegation and 
Congressional observers, 966 
Marks, Leonard, 817 
Marshall, George C. (Rusk), 658 
Martine, Steve, 603 
Martola, Ilmarai Armas Eino, 63 

Ambas.sador to U.S., credentials, 312 
Peace Corps program, agreement re, 873 
Mbilishi, Samuel Chinyama, 214 
McClellan, John L., 311 
McCloy, John J., 670, 867, 923 
McConaughy, Walter, P., 34 



McConnell, John P., 311 
McCulloch, William M., 24 
McEvoy, Nan Tucker, 760 
McGhee, George C, 269 
Mcllvaine, Robinson, 570, 789 
McNaniara. Robert S.: 
Remarks and statements: 85 (quoted), 96(quoted), 
303, 417, 451, 921; Johnson, 583, 810; Rusk, 
Visit to Viet-Nam, purpose (Ball), 123 
McSweeney, John M., 570 

Medical research. See Health and medical research 
Mediterranean Marine Sorting Center, agreement 
with Tunisia re establishment and organization 
of, 694 
Medyn, Soviet vessel, 258 

Mekong development: 212; Johnson, 131, 161, 769, 
821; U. A. Johnson, 641; Rostow, 81; Rusk, 171 
Menzies, Robert G., 133 
Meteorological research: 

Balloon sampling of radioactivity of the upper 

atmosphere, agreement with Australia, 473 
Cooperative meteorological rocket project, agree- 
ment with Canada, 725 
Project EOLE, development of satellite and bal- 
loon techniques and instrumentation for the 
study of meteorological phenomena, agreement 
with France, 65 
Rawinsonde observation station, Raizet, Guade- 
loupe, agreement with France re joint opera- 
tion of, 289 
Sea-level canal study in Colombia, provisions, 755 
Typhoon damage control, 531 
U.S. satellite cooperative programs and results: 

Goldberg, 605 ; Johnson, 582 
U.S.-Soviet exchange of cloud photographs (John- 
son), 624 
World Meteorological Organization, convention 
(1947) : Guyana, 906; Nepal, 326 
Mexico : 

Chamizal Highway, authorization (Johnson), 882 
Cotton textiles, consultations with U.S., 348 
Economic and social development (Rostow), 80 
Radio broadcasting in the standard broadcast 

band, negotiations, 465 
Rio Grande salinity problem, joint project an- 
nouncement (Johnson), 686 
Screw-worm eradication plan, U.S. cooperation 

(Johnson), 232 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 326, 441, 513, 514, 

762, 873 
U.S.-Mexico discussions on narcotic drug traffic 

and delegations, announcement, 968 
U.S. relations (Johnson), 232, 882 
Micronesia. See Trust Territory of the Pacific 
Military aircraft. See under Aviation 
Military assistance: Gaud, 420; McNamara, 303; 
Rusk, 849 
Latin America: Gordon, 950; Rusk, 849 

Military assistance — Continued 
Thailand, 669 
Philippines, 533 
Military bases: 

France, removal of U.S. NATO forces: Ball, 125; 

McNamara, 418 
Outer space treaty provisions: 953; Goldberg, 384, 

494, 607 

Installation of petroleum products pipeline from 
Subic Bay Naval Reservation through Basa 
Air Base to Clark Air Base, agreement re, 473 
1947 agreement amended, 547 
Rusk-Ramos agreement, 533 
Viet-Nam. See under Viet-Nam 
Military obligations in certain cases of double na- 
tionality, protocol re: Niger, 357 
Military observers, proposed NATO-Warsaw Pact 

exchange (McNamara), 308 
Miller, J. Irwin, 449 
Miller, William K., 966 
Miller Committee: 449; Greenwald, 677 
Monetary Fund, International: 

Annual meeting, statements (Fowler), 626, 633 
Articles of agreement, current actions: Guyana, 

569, 617; Singapore, 325 
Balance of payments assistance (Solomon), 786 
Indonesia, question of resumed participation 
(Rusk), 264 
Mongolia. See Outer Mongolia 
Moore, Arch A., Jr., 24 
Morehouse, Ward, 105 
Morison, Samuel Eliot, 718 

Morocco, treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 402, 873 
Morrison, Alice, 284 
Moseman, A. H., 97 
Moyers, Bill D., 55 
Mueller, Walter J., 436 
Muller, Herbert, 105 
Mutual defense: 

Asia. See Asia: Security 

Bilateral agreements with: Belgium, 153, 190; 
Korea, 873; Norway, 617 
Purpose (Rusk), 380 
China (Rusk), 176 
Japan (McNamara), 306, 309 
Latin America, Rio Treaty, (Gordon), 951 
Philippines, 533, 547 

U.S. nuclear deterrence, reliability of (McNa- 
mara) , 309 

Nabrit, James M., 34, 525, 758, 870 

NAC. See North Atlantic Council 

Nam Ngum Dam (Rostow), 81 

Narcotic drugs. See Drugs, narcotic 

NASA. See National Aeronautics and Space 

Nasher, Raymond D., 276 

Nason, John W., 91 

National Academy of Engineering, 964 



National Aeronautics and Space Administration: 
Cooperative space projects: Goldberg, 606; Rusk, 

ESRO satellites, 979 
National Citizens' Commission, 276 
National Defense Education Act, 93 
National Education Association (Carr), 94 
National Foreign Policy Conference for Educators, 

National Foreig^n Trade Council, 784 
National Reactor Testing Center, U.S., 410n 
Nationalism : 

Asia : Humphrey, Marcos, 539, 544 
Europe. See Europe: Unification 
Resistance to Communism: U. A. Johnson, 638; 
Rostow, 79 
Nationality, double, military obligations in certain 
cases of, protocol re: Malta, 472; Niger, 357 
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
NCC (National Citizens' Commission), 276 
Ne Win, 483, 668 

NEA (National Education Association), 94 
Near and Middle East (see also names of indi- 
vidual countries) : 
Palestine refugees, problem of: Rusk, 236; Wine, 

Peace Corps, table of assignments, 279 
U.N. peacekeeping role (Goldberg), 382, 740 
U.S. policy: Goldberg, 970, 973, 975; Johnson, 346; 
Rusk, 380; Sisco, 313 
Nehmer, Stanley, 348 
Nepal : 
Tibetan refugees (Wine), 751 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 221, 289, 326, 472, 

513, 616, 617 
U.S. Ambassador (Laise), confirmation, 473 
Nessen, Ron, 428 
Netherlands : 

GATT, support for (Blumenthal), 671 
Income tax convention enters into force, 253 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 66, 154, 190, 222, 

289, 569, 617, 693, 873 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Neumann, Robert G., 801 
Neutrality and nonalinement: 
Africa (Harriman), 13 
Burma (Johnson), 484, 485 
Cambodia: Bundy, 429; Rusk, 423 
Indonesia (Rusk), 264 
Viet-Nam, question of (Goldberg), 750 
New Zealand : 

Asia, role in: Humphrey, 5; Rostow, 913 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 617, 872 
U.S. mutual defense commitments; Johnson, 707; 

Rusk, 181 
Viet-Nam, military and other aid to: U. A. John- 
son, 641; Komer, 566, 595, 598; Rusk, 49, 169, 
170, 455 
Visit of President Johnson, statements (Johnson), 
665, 700, 701, 702 

Newly independent nations (see also name of coun- 
try) : 
Communism, rejection of: Ball, 195; U. A. John- 
son, 639 
English language as a unifying medium (Mose- 

man), 98 
Refugee problems (Rusk), 237 
U.N. aid: Goldberg, 384; Sisco, 459, 491 
U.S. position and aid: Harriman, 139; Sisco, 859 

Licensed amateur radio operations, reciprocal 
granting of authorizations to operate in either 
country, agreement, 654 
Sea-level canal site, proposed, 349, 755 
U.S. aid for education (Schick), 16 
U.S. visit of President Schick, 14 
Nicolson, Harold, 781 
Niger, treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 65, 254, 357, 


Economic development and U.S. aid (Rusk), 262 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 221, 441, 873 
U.N., support for (Goldberg), 63 
Nimbus II, 605 

Noninterference, U.N. resolution and U.S. support: 
(Goldberg), 759, 971 
Syria, violations of (Goldberg), 969 
Nonnuclear weapon states : 

Conference, proposed : 936, Foster, 935 
Defense of: Fisher, 318; Foster, 935; Goldberg, 
898; Johnson, 833; McNamara, 309 
NATO: 584; Ball, 122, 123; Foster, 901; Gold- 
berg, 897 ; McGhee, 273 
Obligations and responsibilities, balance of: Fos- 
ter, 933; Goldberg, 899; McNamara, 305; 
Wakaizumi, 305 
Peaceful nuclear activities, problems of and need 
for safeguards: Fisher, 281, 318, 351; Fos- 
ter, 930 
World disarmament and arms control, potential 
role (McNamara), 311 
North Atlantic Council, relocation: Ball, 147; Rusk, 

8, 46 
North Atlantic Treaty: Ball, 144; Rusk, 378 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization: 
Armed forces: 

French forces in Germany: Ball, 147; Rusk, 8 
U.S. forces: 

France, removal from: Ball, 125; McNamara, 

Military commitment unchanged: Johnson, 
579; McGhee, 270; McNamara, 418; Rusk, 
263, 424 
Deterrent role of: Ball, 147, 196; Cleveland, 340; 
Harriman, 14, 138; Goldberg, 897; Marcos, 
540; Rostow, 82; Rusk, 47, 424, 850, 920; 
Sisco, 858 
East-West relations, role. See utider East-West 



North Atlantic Treaty Organization — Continued 
French withdrawal, problems resulting from: Ball, 

125, 127, 147; Harriman, 891; McNamara, 

418; Rusk, 7. 46, 167, 263, 366 
Integrated military command: 867;' McGhee, 270; 

Rusk, 7, 46, 850 
French participation, question of: Ball, 127; 

Rusk, 47 
Johnson-Erhard joint communique, 584 
Military headquarters and facilities, relocation: 

Ball, 147; Rusk, 7,46 
Ministerial meetings: 

1965, report (Rusk), 7 

1966, purpose: McCloy, 924; Rusk, 919, 921 
Nuclear arrangements : 

Nondissemination, consistent with: Ball, 122; 

Foster, 901; Goldberg, 897; Rusk, 167, 480, 

483, 846 

Physical sharing of nuclear weapons, question 

of: 584; Rusk, 479, 483 

Review and reappraisal, proposed: 584; Johnson, 

623, 670 
Soviet influence on decisions, question of: Ball, 

122; McGhee, 273 
Standing Group, abolishment (Rusk), 8 
Tripartite (U.S.-U.K.-Germany) talks: communi- 
que, 867; Johnson, 670, 919; McCloy, 923; 
Rusk, 919 
Unified purpose and decisions: Ball, 615; John- 
son, 579; Rusk, 378, 850, 920 
North Central Association Foreign Relations Proj- 
ect (Becker), 99 

Air transport services agreement, amendment, 28 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 153, 357, 441, 617, 
801, 873 
Norwood, William, 388 
Nuclear proliferation : 
NATO position (Rusk), 48, 483 
Peaceful nuclear explosions, possible effects: 
Fisher, 351; Foster, 930; Goldberg, 896 
U.N. resolution: Foster, 901; Goldberg, 898; 

text, 902 
U.S. draft treaty: Ball, 122; Fisher, 318; John- 
son, 412; McGhee, 273 
Safeguards, importance and U.S. proposals: 
Fisher, 281; Foster, 930; Goldberg, 896; John- 
son, 688 

Soviet position (Rusk), 49, 417 
Soviet position: Ball, 126; Rusk, 167 
U.S. position: 584; Ball, 375; Foster, 930; Gold- 
berg, 741, 854, 896; Johnson, 625, 833, 854 
(quoted); McNamara, 304; Rusk, 167, 181, 
268, 368, 417, 589, 662, 846 
Nuclear test ban treaty, comprehensive: 

Need for, and U.S. support: McNamara, 305; 

Rusk, 268, 367, 481 
Safeguards, U.S. position: Ball, 126; Fisher, 318; 
Goldberg, 900 

Nuclear test ban treaty, 1963 : 
ANZUS views, 175 

Communist China position on: 744, 925; Rusk, 181 
3rd anniversary (Rusk), 268 

Value of and U.S. support: Fisher, 318; Johnson, 
411, 574, 622; McNamara, 304 
Nuclear tests. Communist China: 744, 925; John- 
son, 833; Rusk, 847 
Nuclear war, dangers of and U.S. efforts to pre- 
vent: 447; Johnson, 411, 575, 688; Rusk, 363, 
661, 847 
Nuclear proliferation: 936; Goldberg, 741, 899; 

McNamara, 304, 309 
Soviet-U.S. clash: Ball, 143; McNamara, 306; 

Rusk, 589 
Suprise attack, deterrent role of military observers 
(McNamara) 308 
Nuclear weapons: 

Asia, question of use in (Rusk), 182 

Communist China, potential threat of: McNamara, 

306,309; Rusk, 847 
Deterrent effect of strategic nuclear weapons: 

Johnson, 411; McNamara, 306, 309 
German renunciation of (McGhee), 273 
Latin America, need for regional arms agreement 

(Humphrey), 880 
NATO. See under North Atlantic Treaty Organi- 
Non-use, U.N. resolution: 936; Foster, 934 
Outer space, prohibition on use of, U.S. position: 
953; Goldberg, 60 250, 322, 384, 494, 607, 740, 
853; Johnson, 411 
Reduction and control, U.S. proposals: Fisher, 
317; Foster, 934; Goldberg, 896, 899; John- 
son, 411; Rusk, 481 
Soviet position (Fisher), 319 
Tests. See Nuclear test ban treaties 
U.S.-Soviet balance: Fisher, 318; Goldberg, 899 
Nuuan, Francis, 388, 392, 400 

Obscene publications, agreement (1910) for repres- 
sion of circulation, Trinidad and Tobago, 654 
ODECA (Organization of Central American States), 

Ogren, Arnold E., 724 
Okun, Arthur M., 180 
Oil. See Petroleum 

One Hundred Per Cent American, 106 
Ongania, Juan Carlos, 184 
Operation Amigo (Humphrey), 878 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Devel- 
5th annual meeting: 

Announcement and U.S. delegation, 55 
Statements: Freeman, 205; Humphrey, 202; 
Johnson, 209; Rusk, 199; text of commu- 
nique, 210 
ImporUnce and role: Ball, 147, 615; Connor, 960; 
Goldberg, 242; Humphrey, 203; Johnson, 625, 
675 ; Rusk 201 



Organization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development — Continued 
Ministerial conference, U.S. delegation (Gold- 
berg) , 247 
Organization of African Unity (Rusk), 367, 660 
Organization of American States : 

Consultation arrangements re change of govern- 
ment: 124; Ball, 124; Rusk, 168 
Dominican Republic, role in political development 

(Rusk),45, 367, 588, 659 
Foreign ministers conference, U.S. position (Ball), 

Summit conference, proposed: Ball, 124; Gordon, 

U.S. representative on Council (Linowitz), con- 
firmation, 693 
Organization of Central American States, 15th anni- 
versary (Gordon), 716 
Ortuno, Fernando, 187 
Ould Daddah, Abdallahi, 312 
Outer Mongolia (Pearcy), 295 

Convention on transit trade of land-locked states, 

U.S. disaster relief, 214 
Outer space : 

International conference, proposed, (Goldberg), 

Space tracking and communications stations: 
Australia, Cooby Creek tracking station (John- 
son), 825 
ESRO station in Alaska, agreement on location 

and operation, 979 
U.K., agreements vdth, 222, 473 
U.N. treaty provisions: 954; Goldberg, 524, 608 
Spain (Duke), 721 
U.N. resolution prohibiting nuclear weapons in 

(Johnson), 411 
U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of, accomplish- 
ments (Goldberg), 605 
U.N. treaty on exploration and use of outer space, 
including the moon and other celestial bodies: 
Importance and U.S. support: Goldberg, 249, 
321, 384, 494, 508, 524, 606, 740, 853; John- 
son, 412, 582; Rusk, 368, 414, 481, 589, 846, 
848, 919 
Text, 953 
U.S. cooperative programs: 585; Johnson, 582, 
714; Rusk, 169,919 
Owanga, Louis, 232 
Owen, Henry D., 122n, 142 

Pacific area, U.S. policy and interests: 778; Ball, 
374, 614; Johnson, 162, 526, 706, 766; Marcos, 
541; Rusk, 48, 838, 917; Sisco, 858 

Pacific Islands. See Trust Territory of the Pacific 
and individual islands 

Paine, Thomas, 820 

Pakistan : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 855 

Pakistan — Continued 

Cotton textile agreement, announcement and text 

of U.S. note, 937 
Economic and social development: Humphrey, 5; 

Johnson, 130; Rostow, 81 
India, border dispute: 

Refugees from: Rusk, 236; Wine, 751 
U.N. role: Goldberg, 8, 382, 740; Rusk, 377, 414 
India, relations: Johnson, 161; Rusk, 367, 588 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 325, 473, 569, 617, 

725, 874 
U.S. economic aid resumed, 17 
U.S.-owned rupees, sales to U.S. citizens, 756 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Palmer, Joseph II, 925, 965 
Pan American Airways, 789, 790 

Pan American Health Organization (Johnson), 330 
Pan American Union, 646 
Panagra (airlines), 722 
Panama : 
Panama Canal treaty, negotiations (Rusk), 46 
Sea-level canal route: 755 

2nd annual report of study commission: 349; 
Johnson, 350 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 472, 617, 942 
Pappos, Chris, Jr., 401 

Paraguay, treaties, agreements, etc. 358, 874 
Park Chung Hee, 169, 668, 730 
Patriotism : Goldberg, 743 ; Johnson, 424 
Peace Corps : 

Act to Amend the Peace Corps Act, signature, 

Corpsman Thomas Dawson, Soviet detention 

(Rusk), 482 
Exchange Peace Corps: Colmen, 92; Johnson, 497; 

Wofford, 96 
Programs, agreements re establishment of: Cen- 
tral African Republic, 985; Chad, 617; Korea, 
569; Mauritania, 873; Paraguay, 874 
Report, and table of numbers and assignments, 

Role and accomplishments: Angell, 102; Johnson, 

496; Rusk, 840; Wofford, 95 
Trust Territory of the Pacific program: Ander- 
son, 387; Norwood, 389 
Pearcy, G. Etzel, 294 
Perkins, James, 813 

Peru, treaties, agreements, etc., 473, 617 
Petroleum : 

Communist POL installations in North Viet-Nam, 
U.S. target: Goldberg, 119; Rusk, 182, 258, 
Petroleum products pipeline, agreement with Phil- 
ippines re installation and operation from 
Subic Bay Naval Reservation through Basa 
Air Base to Clark Air Base, 473 
Pollution of the sea by oil, international conven- 
tion. See Pollution of the sea by oil 



Philippines (aee also Association of Southeast Asia) : 
Asian Development Bank, headquarters for (John- 
son), 526 
Asian role: Johnson, 830; Rostow, 913; Rusk, 840 
Communism, problem of: Johnson, 808; Marcos, 

Economic and political development: 532; U. A. 

Johnson, 640; Rusk, 163, 364, 839 
Malaysia, relations with (Rusk), 171 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 154, 289, 473, 513, 

617, 725, 906, 941 
U.S. military bases agreements amended, 547 
U.S. mutual defense commitments : 533; Rusk, 181, 

U.S. relations: Johnson, 526, 528, 685, 829; Mar- 
cos, 535 
U.S. visit of President Marcos, 526 
Viet-Nam, aid to: 533; Johnson, 526, 830; U. A. 
Johnson, 641; Komer, 595, 598; Marcos, 536; 
Rusk, 49, 170, 455 
Visit of President Johnson : Johnson, 730, 735, 736, 
828,829; Rusk, 840 
Phillips, Richard I., 71 
Piel, Gerald, 681 
Plumb, J. H., 720 
Poland : 
Atomic facilities, offer to accept IAEA controls on 
reciprocal basis with West Germany: Foster, 
901, 932 ; Sisco, 858 
Export-Import Bank, guarantee for commercial 

credits: Greenwald, 679; Johnson, 624, 714 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 189, 617 
U.S. holdings of Polish currency, proposed ex- 
penditures (Johnson), 624, 714 
U.S. relations (Johnson), 714 
U.S. trade: 142; Johnson, 714; Rusk, 589 
Polish Christian millenium (Johnson), 712 
Pollution : 

Air pollution, IJC study requested, 688 
Water: 585; Johnson, 457 
Pollution of the sea by oil, international conven- 
tion (1954), amendments: 
Current actions: Iceland, 33; Israel, 253; Switzer- 
land, 33; U.S., 654 
Pope Paul VI (quoted), 495; Harriman, 891 
Population growth : 

Communist China (Pearcy), 297 
Control, need for {see also Food and population 
crisis): Freeman, 207; Humphrey, 202; Gold- 
berg, 246; Johnson, 331; Reuter, 864; Rusk, 
Family planning programs: Goldberg, 247; John- 
son, 207; Norwood, 397; Rusk, 202; Tillett, 
Porter, William J., 55, 129, 550 
Portugal : 
African colonies, refugees from (Wine), 752 
Angola, use by mercenaries as base of operations 
against Congo, U.N. resolution and U.S. sup- 
port (Goldberg), 760 

Portugal — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 153, 189, 190, 221, 
289, 358, 762 
Post, Richard St. F., 401 
Post, Troy V., 24 

Postal Union, Universal, constitution with final pro- 
tocol: Congo (Brazzaville), Czechoslovakia, 984; 
Luxembourg, 253; Malawi, 873; Niger, 33; Thai- 
land, 253; Uganda, 33; U.K., 873 
Pote Sarasin, 669 

Poverty, war on. See Great Society 
Powell, Ralph L., 966 
President's award for distinguished Federal civilian 

service (Lee), 817 
Presidential and Vice Presidential Seals, protection 

of (Johnson), 925 
Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, 238, 458 
Prisoners : 

Cuba, political prisoners, U.S. efforts to release 

(Rusk), 482 
(Jeneva convention on war prisoners: Central 
African Republic, 694; Cyprus, 906; Korea, 694 
Manila conference, statement on, 731 
Viet-Nam: 731; Johnson, 738; Rusk, 263; West- 
moreland, 338 
Proclamations by the President : 

Captive Nations Week, 1966 (3732), 234 
Columbus Day, 1966 (3748), 604 
International Literacy Day (3739), 464 
UNESCO, 20th anniversary (3741), 463 
Project EOLE, 65 

Propaganda, Soviet use of (Foster), 51 
Public Affairs, Bureau of, 74 
Public Health Service, U.S. (Norwood), 397 
Public Law 480. See Food for Peace 
Publications : 

Congressional documents relating to foreign policy, 
lists, 59, 148, 187, 280, 312, 350, 381, 435, 568, 
652, 723, 869, 968 
Obscene, repression of circulation of, agreement 

(1910), Trinidad and Tobago, 654 
Official publications, agreement with Korea for 
exchange of, 694 State Department: 
Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918- 
1H5, Series C (1933-1937), The Third Reich: 
First Phase, Volume V, March 5-October 31, 
1936, released, 942 
Lists of recent releases, 34, 66, 222, 290, 358, 

402, 441, 473, 514, 618, 726, 801, 874, 985 
Private Boycotts Versus the National Interest, 

pamphlet, text, 446 
Publications and services available to the public, 

list. 110 
Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, annual 
report, released, 389n 
United Nations, documents, lists of, 32, 64, 283, 
353, 386, 508, 761, 978 
Pulaski, Casimir (Johnson), 712 
Puerto Rican Chess Federation, 723 



Punta del Este Charter, 18 
Purcell, Edward M., 681 
Pye, Lucian W., 966 

Qatar, 27 

Racial discrimination (see also Human rights) : 
Apartheid: 231; Goldberg, 523, 854; Sisco, 490, 859 
International convention on the elimination of 
(Goldberg), 248, 383, 494, 653 
U.S. signature, 617 
U.N. role (Sisco), 490, 860 

U.S. efforts to eliminate: Goldberg, 246; Johnson, 
14, 229 
Radio : 

Amateur radio operators : 

Communications on behalf of third parties, 

agreement with Uruguay, 654 
Licensed, authorizations to operate in either 
country: Germany, 221; India, 154; Israel, 33; 
Kuwait, 326; Netherlands, 154; Nicaragua, 
654 ; Panama, 942 
Educational uses: Humphrey, 880; Moseman, 98 
Radio broadcasting facilities, agreement with 

Philippines, 289 
Regulations (1959) annexed to 1959 international 
telecommunication convention. See under 
Telecommunication convention (1959) 
Standard broadcast band, agreement with Mexico 

re broadcasting in, 66, 326, 465 
Syrian official radio station, broadcasts of El 

Fatah communiques (Goldberg), 969 
Trust Territory of the Pacific (Norwood), 395 
Ramos, Narciso Mrui, 174 
Randers, Gunnar, 932 
Randolph, Jennings, 456, 685 
Red Cross, International, 731 

Red Sea Lights, maintenance, international agree- 
ment (1962): Germany, Italy, Norway, 873; 
U.S., 984 
Refugees : 

Asylum countries, role: Rusk, 237; Wine, 751 
Cuban : 

Adji'stment of status: 24; Ball, 348; John- 
son, 967 
Airlift, 1st year report, 966 

Permanent resident application fees waived 
(Johnson), 967 
Office of Refugee and Migration Affairs, transfer 

announcement, 725 
U.N. aid and U.S. support: Sisco, 458; Wine, 753 
U.S. refugee policy: Rusk, 235; Wine, 754 
Universal copyright convention (1952), protocol 
re application to works of stateless persons 
and refugees: Kenya, 357; Venezuela, 653 
Viet-Nam: See under Viet-Nam 
Regional cooperation and development: 
Asia: See under Asia 

Central America. See Central American Common 

Regional cooperation and development — Continued 
Commission on Social Development (Sisco), 460 
Europe. See Europe: Unification, European Eco- 
nomic Community, and North Atlantic Treaty 
Less developed countries, importance to: Hum- 
phrey, 961; Solomon, 787 
U.N. Charter provisions (Rusk), 378 
U.N. support (Goldberg), 242 

U.S. support: Gaud, 420; Humphrey, 879; John- 
son, 454, 602, 716, 821; Rostow, 80; Rusk, 413 
Water resource centers, importance and need for 

(Johnson), 457 
World Bank role (Ball), 636 
Regional Educational Agencies Project-Interna- 
tional Education, 104 
Regional organizations. See name of organization 
Reischauer, Edwin O., 180, 868 
Reston, James, 644 
Reuter, Richard W., 689, 862 

International Wheat Agreement, protocol for fur- 
ther extension of, 189 
U.K.-U.S. discussions, 965 
U.N. voluntary sanctions (Sisco), 860 
U.S. position (Goldberg), 493, 523, 854 

International Rice Research Institute: Johnson, 

529, 828, 830; Rusk, 840 
Viet-Nam production (Komer), 552 
World rice production and demand (Freeman), 206 
Rio Grande salinity joint project announced (John- 
son), 686 
Rio Treaty (Gordon), 951 
Ritchie, Albert Edgar, 232 
Rivers, Ralph 
Rivkin, William R., 693 
Roach, Daniel, 724 

Road vehicles, private, customs convention (1954) on 
the temporary importance of: Singapore, 472; 
Trinidad and Tobago, 653 
Rockefeller, David, 23 
Rodino, Peter W., Jr., 24 
Rogers, Paul G., 966 
Rogers, William, 91, 106 

Romania, U.S. trade: Johnson, 57; Rusk, 590 
Rongelapese, status of (Norwood), 398 
Roosevelt, Franklin D.: Harriman, 137; Johnson, 

371; quoted, 822 
Roosevelt, James, 525 
Roshchin, Aleksei A., 51 
Rostow, Eugene Victor, 693 
Rostow, W. W., 78, 276, 777, 910 
Rotary Foundation, 44 
Rouamba, Paul, 670 
Rusk, Dean: 

Addresses, remarks, and statements: 
Alliance for Progress, 366 
Allied Documentation Center, Berlin, 847 



Rusk, Dean — Continued 

Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued 
Argentina, recognition of new gfovemment, 168, 


Ek;onomic progress and regional development, 
162, 171, 180, 364, 480, 588, 663, 839 

U.S. defense commitments, 182, 661, 840, 918 
Australia, U.S. relations, 169 
Cambodia, U.S. relations, 262 
China, Communist; 181, 365 

Internal developments, 482 

Nuclear tests, 847 

U.N. membership, U.S. position, 422, 478, 845, 

U.S. accidental overflights, 478 

U.S. relations and efforts to improve, 479 

Viet-Nam, position on, 164, 168 
China, Republic of, U.S. relations and support, 

176, 422 
Communism, U.S. policies, 590 
Cuban political prisoners, 482 
Disarmament, U.S. efforts, 416 
Dominican Republic, political progress, 45 
Eastern Europe, measures for improving rela- 
tions, 414, 848 
Education for world understanding, 914 
Europe, unification of, 365 

Food problems of less developed countries, 199 
Foreign aid, 588 
Foreign policy, objectives and review, 413, 586, 

663, 917 
General Assembly, U.S. support in assessment 

crisis, 413 
Geneva disarmament conference, 481 
Germany, reunification, 848 
India, food needs, 849 

Indonesia, U.S. and world relations, 264 
International Control Commission, 258, 423, 
International Education Act of 1966, 915 
Japan, U.S. relations, 180, 682 
Kazan-Komarek, detention, 846, 850 
Korea, U.S. relations, 183 
Latin America, armament situation and U.S. 

military aid, 848 
Manila conference, 841 
Nigeria, political problems, 262 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization: 

Brussels meeting, report on, 7 

Need for common view and joint action, 850, 

Nuclear weapons and question of prolifera- 
tion, 479, 483 

Problems resulting from French withdrawal, 
167, 366 
Nuclear proliferation, problems, 166 
Nuclear test ban treaty, 3rd anniversary, 268 
Peace Corpsman Dawson, Soviet arrest of, 482 
SEATO, 12th anniversary, 454 

Rusk, Dean — Continued 

Addresses, remarks, and statements — Continued 
Soviet Union, U.S. relations, 366 
Trade wih Communist countries as a foreign 

policy means, 589 
U Thant, U.S. support for continuance as U.N. 

Secretary-General, 483 
U.K. forces in Asia, question of reduction in, 

U.N., peacekeeping role, 377, 386, 660 
U.S. business, relations, 587 

U.S. international defense commitments, impor- 
tance and purpose, 377, 660, 918 
U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Coopera- 
tion, 682 
U.S. refugee policy, review, 235 
Viet-Nam: (for details see Viet-Nam) 
Elections for constituent assembly, 481, 849 
Situation reports, 163, 167, 168, 169, 182, 

258, 415, 423 
Soviet allegation of U.S. air attacks, 258, 

U.S. and other peace efforts, 415, 421, 480, 

844, 920 
U.S. objectives and position, 363, 455, 661, 

842, 918 
U.S. willingness for peace talks, 259, 265, 
World order, 44, 362, 658 

World peace, requirements for organizing, 658 
Correspondence and messages : 

East-West Trade Relations Act of 1966 

(quoted), 446 
South Africa, death of Prime Minister 

Verwoerd, 463 
Yugoslavian tobacco, U.S. policy on imports of, 
Meetings wdth : 

Foreign policy briefing conference, 789 
Indonesian Foreign Minister Malik, 652 
President Park, Korea, 777 
News conferences, transcripts of, 162, 180, 413, 

478, 844 
Question and answer period (China), 176 
Tribute to (Johnson), 771, 828 
U.S. delegate to: 

Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and 

Economic Affairs, 180 
OECD Washington meeting, 55, 247 
SEATO, 174 
Visit to: 

Asia: Johnson, 160; Rusk, 162, 169, 176, 845 
Australia, 169; China, 175; Japan, 177; Korea, 
Rusk-Ramos Agreement, 533 
Ruttenberg, Stanley, 24 

Refugees from (Wine), 752 

U.S. Ambassador (Cyr), confirmation, 473 



Safety of life at sea : 

International convention (1948) for, denunciation: 

Argentina, 513; Poland, 189 
International convention (1960) for: Chile, 569; 
Gambia, 906; Indonesia, 873; Iran, Italy, 33; 
Mexico, 189; Portugal, 33, 153, 189; Trinidad 
and Tobago, 569; Turkey, 65 
IMCO amendments, 965 
International regulations (1960) for preventing 
collisions at sea, Turkey, 65 
Salans, Carl F., 985 

Samoa: Frankel, 887; Johnson, 702, 816 
San Juan Island National Historical Park (John- 
son), 499 
Satellites (see also Communications: Satellites; 
Meteorological research; and Outer space): 
ESRO satellites, 979 
Navigation-services satellite system, proposed 

(Goldberg), 605 
Outer space satellites and similar objects, U.N. 
treaty provisions, 953 
Sato, Eisaku, 682 
Saudi Arabia: 

Designation as less developed country for interest 
equalization tax purposes, Executive order, 27 
Treaties, agfreements, etc., 153, 402 
U.S. relations: Johnson, 38; King Faisal, 39, 41 
Visit of King Faisal to U.S., 38 
Scalapino, Robert A., 966 
Scammon, Richard M., 24 
Schaetzel, J. Robert, 570 
Schick Gutierrez, Rene, 15 
Schnittker, John (quoted), 865 
Schultze, Charles, 276 

Science and technology (see also International 
cooperation) : 
Computers, role: Ball, 635; Frankel, 885 
International symposium on technology and world 
trade, addresses: Connor, 956; Humphrey, 960 
Research and development, importance to economic 
modernization: 185; Ball, 634; Connor, 957; 
Gordon, 23 ; Humphrey, 962 
U.S. culture, effects (Angell), 101 
U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Cooperation, 
6th annual meeting: Johnson, Rusk, Sato, and 
joint communique, 682 
U.S. delegation, 681 
U.S.-Philippine cooperation, need for, 531 
Sea-level canal : 

Atlantic-Pacific Interoceanic Canal Study Com- 
mission, 2nd annual report: 349; Johnson, 350 
Colombia, agreement re possibility study, 755, 873 
Seaborg, Glenn T., 847 
Security Council, U.N. : 

Cyprus, U.N. peacekeeping role and U.S. and 

other support (Goldberg), 63 
Documents, lists of, 32, 283, 353, 761, 978 
India-Pakistan dispute, role: Goldberg, 382, 740; 
Rusk, 377, 414 

Security Council, U.N. — Continued 

Peacekeeping role (see also under United Na- 
tions) : Goldberg, 969, 970, 973, 975; Sisco, 313 
Resolutions : 

Congo, request for noninterference in, 760, 760n 
Cyprus, U.N. peacekeeping force extended, 63n 
Israel, censure of military action against Jor- 
dan, 978 
Principles for development of (Sisco), 316 
Syrian-Israeli border violations, U.N. role: Gold- 
berg, 969, 970, 972; Sisco, 313, 316; text of 
draft resolution, 974 
U.S. deputy representative (Nabrit), confirma- 
tion, 34 
Viet-Nam : 

Soviet refusal of U.S. letter to U.N., 252 
U.N. debate, U.S. position (Goldberg), 435, 521 
U.N. role, problem of Soviet attitude: Goldberg, 
384, 493; Rusk, 421; Sisco, 315, 488, 857 
Select Commission on Western Hemisphere Immigra- 
tion, 23 
Self-defense. See Defense 
Self-determination : 
Africa: Goldberg, 854; Nabrit, 870 
Asia: Humphrey, 5; Johnson, 807 
U.S. support: Goldberg, 435, 690, 937; Johnson, 
38, 484, 576, 716, 768, 780; Nabrit, 759; Rusk, 
235, 413, 586, 659 
Viet-Nam. See under Viet-Nam 
Sen, B. R., 201, 864 (quoted) 
Senegal : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 221, 654 
U.S. Ambassador (Rivkin), confirmation, 693 
U.S. visit of President Senghor, 649 
Senghor, Leopold Sedar, 649 

Sevilla-Sacasa, Guillermo: Johnson, 14; Schick, 16 
Sewage line from Dunseith, North Dakota to Boisse- 
vain, Manitoba, agreement with Canada re con- 
struction of, 153 
Shazar, Zalman, 346 
Shiina, Etsusaburo, 180, 182 
Ships and shipping: 

Passenger ship safety, IMCO international stand- 
ards amended and similar U.S. legislation, 965 
Soviet allegations of U.S. interference and U.S. 

reply, 213 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Ammunition shipments in U.K. or British ships, 
agreement with U.K. re indemnities on, 801 
Destroyer tender USS Shenandoah, agreement 
with Malta re temporary deployment of, 357 
Ferry service between Nova Scotia and New- 
foundland, agreement with Canada re estab- 
lishment of, 33 
International maritime traffic, convention (1965) 
on facilitation of, with annex: Dominican 
Republic, Norway, Yugoslavia, 801 
Load line conventions, 153, 326, 617, 693, 801, 



Ships and shipping — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 

Mediterranean Marine Sorting Center, ag:ree- 
ment with Tunisia re establishment and op- 
eration, 694 
Peru, agreement re loan of certain vessels, 473 
Philippines, agreement re loan of floating dry 

dock, 906 
Safety of life at sea, convention and regulations 
on: 33, 65, 153, 189, 289, 569, 617, 873, 906 
IMCO amendments, 965 
U.S. Navy, deterrent power (Ball), 374 
Sierra Leone, treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 253, 254, 

Sihanouk, Prince Norodom (Rusk), 166, 258, 262 
Singapore : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 221, 254, 325, 472, 514, 

U.S. Ambassador (Galbraith), confirmation, 693 
U.S. cotton textiles agreement, 509 
Sino-Soviet bloc countries, definition, 28 
Sino-Soviet relations: 447; Cleveland, 340; Rusk,171 
Viet-Nam, relative positions and influences, ques- 
tion of (Rusk), 482 
Sisco, Joseph J : 

Addresses and statements, 313, 315, 317, 458, 487, 

Conferences, 689, 965 
Slavery, conventions for suppression of: Singapore, 
254; Trinidad and Tobago, 654, 694; Tunisia, 
326, 357 
Smiley, Joseph R., 280, 760 
Smith, Willard J., 966 
"SMOG" (Russian intellectuals), 11 
Social Development, Commission on, 460 
Social Development, U.N. Research Institute for, 461 
Solomon, Anthony M., 756, 784 
Somali Republic: 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 66, 617, 725 
Visit of Secretary Palmer, 925 
South Africa, Republic of: 

Prime Minister Verwoerd (Johnson, Rusk), 463 
South-West Africa, U.N. mandate: 

ICJ judgment: 231, 567; Goldberg, 493, 523 
U.N. Ad Hoc committee, U.S. participation 

(Goldberg), 691, 937 
U.N. role: Nabrit, 870; Sisco, 489, 861; text of 

U.N. resolution, 871 
U.S. position: 567, 690; Goldberg, 854 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 617, 985 
South and Southeast Asia. See Asia 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization: 
Economic and cultural projects: Rusk, 172, 455, 

840; SEATO, 174 
Ministerial council meeting: 

Communique (text), 172 
Delegates: 174; Rusk, 162, 169 
12th anniversary (Rusk), 454 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization — Continued 
U.S. commitments: under Bundy, 430; Johnson, 

130, 370, 669, 707, 767; Marcos, 541; Rusk, 

181, 364, 379, 455, 843, 918 
Viet-Nam, support for U.S. position in: U. A. 

Johnson, 641 ; Rusk, 162 
Southern Rhodesia. See Rhodesia 
South-West Africa: 

International telecommunication convention with 

annexes, 985 
U.N. mandate. See under South Africa 
Souvanna Phouma, 667 
Sovereignty : 

Exercise of: 790; Goldberg, 742 
Outer space, prohibition of claims to: 953; Gold- 
berg, 60, 251, 321, 607 
Soviet Union: 

Civil air transport agreement with U.S.: 689, 801; 

Johnson, 624; Rusk, 848 
Announcement and text, 791 
Diplomatic protest note, basis for U.S. refusal 

(Rusk), 260 
East Germany, Soviet armed forces in (McGhee), 

269, 271 
Eastern Europe. See Europe, Eastern: Economic 

and political development 
Education, failure of basic Conununist objectives 

(Harriman), 11 
India, aid to (Johnson), 115 

Italian Fiat factory: Greenwald, 679; Johnson, 624 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization : 

Decisions of, question of influence on: Ball, 122; 

McGhee, 273 
Deterrent eflFect of. See under North Atlantic 

Treaty Organization 
Nuclear weapons balance with U.S.: Ball, 614; 

Fisher, 318, 320; McNamara, 304, 306 
Outer space treaty, position on: Goldberg, 61, 322, 

384, 524, 607 ; Johnson, 412, 582 
Pacific fisheries: 

International issues (Herrington), 500 
U.S. fishery talks concluded, 273 
Scientific cooperation with U.S. (Johnson), 582, 624 
"SMOG", intellectuals (Harriman), 11 
Soviet merchant vessels, alleged U.S. attacks, U.S. 

reply: 213, 214; Rusk, 260 
Tashkent conference (Rusk), 660 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 617, 801 
U.N., use of veto: Goldberg, 855, 972, 977; Sisco, 

U.S. Ambassador (Thompson), confirmation, 693 
U.S. citizen arrested from Soviet plane (Rusk), 

846, 850 
U.S. Peace Corpsman Dawson, capture of (Rusk), 

U.S. relations: 584; Ball, 146; Johnson, 411, 574, 

624; McNamara, 307; Rusk, 366, 367, 589, 

916; Sisco, 858 
Viet-Nam, effect of: Johnson, 412; Rusk, 48, 

260, 850 



Soviet Union — Continued 

U.S. trade. See East-West Trade Relations Act 

of 1966 
Viet-Nam : 

MiUtary and other aid: 213; Rusk, 47, 126, 171; 

Sisco, 317 
Position on: 252; Harriman, 891; Johnson, 412; 

Rusk, 166, 171 ; Sisco, 317 
U.N. role: Goldberg, 385, 493; Rusk, 421; Sisco, 
315, 488, 857 
Visit of British Secretary Brown: Harriman, 890; 

Rusk, 920 
Visit of President de Gaulle: Ball, 125; Rusk, 166 
Sovietsk, Soviet vessel, 214 
Spain : 

Medical aid to Viet-Nam (Komer) , 595 
Outer space exploration (Duke), 721 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 190, 253, 514, 617 
U.S. cotton textile agreement amended, 509 
U S mutual defense agreement (Rusk), 380 
Special Committee on U.S. Trade Relations With 
Eastern European Countries and the Soviet 
Union, 449 
Spivak, Lawrence E., 428 
Springsteen, George S., 618 
Sprouse, Philip D., 966 
State Department : 

Advisory panels: announcements, 721, 868, 966; 

Rusk, 917 
Appointments and designations, 290, 401, 473, 570, 

618, 725, 985 
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs (Rusk), 

College relations programs (Crockett), 74 
Counselor (Bowie), appointment, 122n 
Publications. See Publications 

Records to 1936, opened to scholars, announce- 
ment, 312 
Senior fellow program (Mueller), 436 
Special Assistant to Secretary of State (refugee 

problems), duties (Rusk), 240 
Under Secretary Ball, resignation, 633n 
Under Secretary of State (Katzenbach), confirma- 
tion, 618 
Under Secretory of Stote for Political Affairs 

(Rostow), confirmation, 693 
Vacancies (Rusk), 263 
Work of (Rusk). 663, 915 
Stoteless persons and refugees, Protocol 1 re appli- 
cation of universal copyright convention (1952) : 
Kenya, 357 ; Venezuela, 653 
Stebbins, Henry E., 142 
Steeves, John M., 290 
Stevens, Francis, 826 
Stevenson, Adlai (quoted), 241, 316, 462 
Stewart, Michael, 174 
Stimson, Henry L. (quoted), 373, 374 
Story, Bascom H., 867 
Strategic trade controls: 142, 448; Johnson, 867 

Sudan : 

Refugees from (Wine), 752 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 441, 984 
Sugar, international sugar agreement (1958), proto- 
col: Colombia, Ecuador, Indonesia, Ireland, 
Malagasy, Mexico, Portugal, 762 
Sullivan, John, 368 
Summersville Dam, dedication (Johnson), 456 

Sweden : 
Air Transport services agreement, amendment, 28 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 65, 153, 221, 254, 289, 
569, 872 
Switzerland : 

Medical aid to Viet-Nam (Komer), 595, 598 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 33, 153, 190, 221, 358, 

617, 873, 941 
U.S. Ambassador (Hayes), confirmation, 473 
Syria. See Syrian Arab Republic 
Syrian Arab Republic: 

El Fatah organization (Goldberg), 969, 971 
Israeli border violations, responsibility for: 
U.N. draft resolution, text, 974 
U.S. position: Goldberg, 969, 970, 972, 977; 
Sisco, 313, 316 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 472. 

Taiwan, economic and social development: Hum- 
phrey, 6, 11; Johnson, 130, 277; U. A. Johnson, 
639; Rusk, 163 
Tanzania : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 325, 472 
Visit of Secretory Palmer, 925 
Tariff Commission, public hearings, announcement, 

Tariff policy, U.S.: 

Most-favored-nation treatment, East-West Trade 
Relations Act of 1966: 141, 449; Greenwald, 
677; Johnson, 714; Rusk, 589 
Tariff Commission public hearings on possible 

toriff concessions, 375 
Tariff schedules of the U.S., trade agreement con- 
cessions with Japan updated, 466 
Tariffs and trade, general agreement on: 

Agreements, declarations, proces-verbal, and pro- 
tocols : 
Accessions to, current actions on: 

Argentina, provisional; Sierra Leone, 253 
Argentina, provisional. 2nd proces-verbal on; 

Sierra Leone, 254 
Iceland, provisional: Belgium, 401; Sierra 
Leone, 253 

Proces-verbal on: Austria, 985; Belgium, 

401; Czechoslovakia, 985; France, India, 

Kenya, 254; Luxembourg, 873; Sierra 

Leone, Yugoslavia, 254 

Switzerland, protocol: Brazil, 221; Canada, 

617; Chad, 873; Finland, 441; France, 221; 

India, 873; Israel, 617; Norway, 441; South 

Africa, 617; Sweden, Switzerland, 221; 

Turkey, 617 



Tariffs and trade, general agreement on — Continued 
Agreements, declarations, proces-verbal, and 
protocols — Continued 
Accessions to, current actions on — Continued 
Tunisia, provisional, 3rd proc6s-verbal on: 
Austria, Czechoslovaki, 941; France, India, 
Kenya, 254; Luxembourg, 873; Sierra 
Leone, Yugoslavia, 254 
United Arab Republic, provisional: Sierra 
Leone, 253 

Proces-verbal on : Sierra Leone, 254 
Yugoslavia, provisional : Austria, Canada, 
Finland, Indonesia, Israel, Turkey, Yugo- 
slavia, 617 

Proces-verbal on: Austria, 941; France, 
India, Kenya, 254 
Part IV, protocol to introduce, and to amend 
annex I: Austria, 941; Burundi, 253; Chad, 
253; Czechoslovakia, Japan, 941; Kuwait, 65; 
Spain, 253; U.K., 941 
Schedule XX (United States), renegotiation of, 
interim agreement re: Japan, 514 
Kennedy Round: 

Antidumping agreement, proposed, public hear- 

ingrs, announcement, 233 
Importance: 179, 585; Blumenthal, 671; Gold- 
berg, 244; Johnson, 623, 675; Rusk, 180; 
Solomon, 784. 
U.S. tariff concessions, proposed, announce- 
ment of public hearings on, 375 
Yugoslavia, membership: 435; Greenwald, 679 
Ta-xation : 

Double taxation, convention for the avoidance of. 

See Double taxation 
ESRO space station exemptions, 981 
Federal income tax, voluntary payment by Ameri- 
can Samoa (Johnson), 817 
Income and certain other taxes, convention with: 

Netheriands, 66, 154, 190, 222, 253 
Inflation control measures (Fowler), 629 
Taylor, George E., 966 
Teach Corps (Carr), 94 
Teague, Olin E., 685 

Technical cooperation (see also Economic and tech- 
nical aid), agreements with: Afghanistan, 725; 
Somali Republic, re succession to prior U.S.- 
Italy agreements, 66, 617, 725 
Technical training: 

Computer training and services (Ball), 635 
Water experts, need for (Johnson), 457 
Teenstra, C. P. H. (Rusk), 44 
Telecommunications : 

Convention (1952), international, telegraph regu- 
lations, Geneva revision (1958), annexed to: 
Greece, 401 
Convention (1959), international: Greece, 33 
Radio regulations (1959), annexed to: Greece, 

Partial revision with annexes and additional 
protocol : Greece, 401 ; Pakistan, 569 

Telecommunications — Continued 

Convention (1965), international, with annexes: 
Canada, Central African Republic, 694; 
Guinea, 941; South-West Africa, 985 
Educational television: Frankel, 887; Johnson, 

817; Moseman, 98 
ESRO space station agreement, provisions, 980 
Radar stations, agreement with Canada re phase- 
out of certain stations, 654 
Television system, agreement with Saudi Arabia re 
establishment of, 402 
Territorial sea and the contiguous zone, convention 
(1958) on: Malta, 289; Mexico, 513; Switzer- 
land, 153 ; Trinidad and Tobago, 693 
Thackeray, William (quoted), 644 
Thailand (see also Association of Southeast Asia) : 
Chulalongkorn University, U.S. International 
Education Act of 1966, formal signing of 
(Johnson), 769 
Communism, rejection of: Bundy, 430, 432; Harri- 

man, 13; Rusk, 170, 842; SEATO, 174 
Economic and political development: 669; Hum- 
phrey, 6; Johnson, 130, 768; U. A. Johnson, 
640; Rostow, 913; Rusk, 163, 839 
Nam Ng^um Dam, U.S. support (Rostow), 81 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 154, 253, 693, 906 
U.S. defense commitments: Bundy, 430, 432; 

Johnson, 669, 767; Rusk, 181 
U.S. relations (Johnson), 831 

Viet-Nam, aid to: 732; Johnson, 767; U.A. John- 
son, 641; Komer, 598; Rusk, 49, 170, 45 
Visit of President Johnson: 766; Johnson, 766, 
767, 768, 831 
Thanat Khoman, 174, 640, 669 
Thanom Kittikachom, 730 
Thieu, Nguyen Van, 730, 893 
This America, 715 
Thompson, Llewellyn E., 693, 791 
Thomson, George, 670, 867 
Thorp, Willard L., 199 

Tibet, refugees from Communism (Wine), 751 
Tillett, Gladys A., 284 
Tin, International Council, 756 
Tobin, Austin J., 670 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 617, 762 
U.S. investments and aid (Trimble), 692 
Tongo, application of U.K. extradition treaty to, 254 
Touring and tourism (see also Travel) : 

Customs facilities, convention (1954), Trinidad 

and Tobago, 653 
Trust Territory of the Pacific (Norwood), 393 
U.S.-Soviet civil air agreement (Johnson), 624 
Tower, John, 849 

Communist countries, policies of: Japan, 179; 

Johnson, 867; U.S., 142,446 
Cotton textiles. See Cotton textiles 



Trade — Continued 

East-West trade (see also East-West Trade Rela- 
tions Act, 1966) : Cleveland, 344 ; Greenwald, 
International symposium on technology and world 
trade, addresses: Connor, 956; Humphrey, 960 
Latin America: Gordon, 21, 947; Humphrey, 879; 

Johnson, 332; Reuter, 863; Rusk, 367 
Less developed countries: Goldberg, 244; Rusk, 

178; Solomon, 784 
Tariff preferences, generalized (Solomon), 787 
Tin surpluses, problems of disposal, 756 
Trade Expansion Act, 142 

Transit trade of land-locked states, convention 

(1965) on: Mongolia, Nepal, 472; Niger, 254; 

Nigeria, 153 

U.N. Conference on Trade and Development: 

Blumenthal, 674; Goldberg, 242; Solomon, 788 

U.S. trade: 

Bilateral agreements: Argentina, re 1941 status 

of trade agreement, 472 
Development of (Gordon), 948 
East- West Trade Relations Act of 1966, 446 
Europe, Western (Solomon), 789 
Japan: Connor, 217; Rusk, 177 
Johnson trade policy (Johnson), 866 
Korea, 779 
Philippines, 532 
Support for promotion of: Connor, 959; Rusk, 

413, 587; Solomon, 785 
Trade Agreements Program, 10th annual report 

(Johnson), 675 
U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs, 5th meeting: joint communique, 178; 
Rusk, 177 
Trade Agreements Program, 10th annual report 

(Johnson) , 675 
Trade Information Committee, 233, 376 
Tran Van Do, 911 

Transit trade of land-locked states, convention 
(1965) on: Mongolia, Nepal, 472; Niger, 254; 
Nigreria, 153 
Transportation : 

Communist China (Pearcy), 301 

Trust Territory of the Pacific: Norwood, 395; 

Nuuan, 400 
Viet-Nam, importance: Goldberg, 120; Komer, 
551, 560; Rusk, 182 
Transportation, Department of (Humphrey), 962 
Travel (see aho Touring and tourism) : 

Communist countries, U.S. travel restrictions 

eased (Johnson), 624, 714 
Passport regulations revision announcement, 723 
Restricted areas, U.S. travel-ban exceptions 

liberalized, 234 
U.S. Chess Team excepted from ban on travel to 

Cuba, 723 
U.S. citizen, Kazan-Komarek, detention (Rusk), 
846, 850 


Trade — Continued 

U.S.-Soviet travel, civil air transport agreement 
signed: 689; Thompson 791 
Treaties, agreements, etc. (for individual treaty, see 
subject), 33, 65, 148, 153, 189, 221, 253, 289, 
325, 357, 401, 441, 472, 513, 569, 616, 653, 693, 
724, 762, 801, 872, 906, 941, 984 
Trimble, William C, 692 
Trinidad and Tobago, treaties, agreements, etc., 357, 

569, 617, 653, 654, 693, 694, 762 
Truman, Harry (Rusk), 658 

Trust Territory of the Pacific: Anderson, 387; Nor- 
wood, 388; Nuuan, 400 
Peace Corps program, 278 
Tunisia, treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 221, 254, 326, 

357, 617, 694, 873, 941 
Turkey : 

Cyprus, problem of (Goldberg) , 64 
Treaties, agreements, etc, 33, 65, 154, 617 
Viet-Nam nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 598 
Typhoon damage control, 531 

U Nyun, 768 

U Thant: Johnson, 484; quoted, 96 

Chinese Communist personal attacks (Goldberg), 

U.N. Secretary-General, continuation in office as: 
Goldberg, 431, 494, 518, 742, 851; Rusk, 483 
Udall, Stewart L., 180 

Treaties, agreements, etc. 33, 153 
U.S. Ambassador (Stebbins), confirmation, 142 
Visit of Secretary Palmer, 925 
UNCTAD. See United Nations Conference on Trade 

and Development 
UNFICYP (United Nations Force in Cyprus), Gold- 
berg, 63 
United Arab Republic; treaties, agreements, etc., 

190, 253, 254, 325, 617 
United Kingdom: 

Asia, proposed reduction of U.K. forces (Rusk), 

Europe and world relations : 584 ; Humphrey, 961 ; 

Johnson, 624; Wilson, 267 
Former colonies, U.K. aid for self-development 

(Nabrit), 758 
Rhodesia, U.S.-U.K. talks, 965 
Soviet visit of Secretary Brown: Harriman, 890; 

Rusk, 920 
Tax protocol, supplementary, enters into force, 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 66, 189, 222, 254, 357, 

473, 569, 617, 801, 872, 873, 941 
Tripartite (U.S., U.K., Germany), talks: com- 
munique, 867; Johnson, 670, 919; McCloy, 923; 
Rusk, 919 
U.S. relations: Johnson, 266; Wilson, 267 
U.S. visit of Prime Minister Wilson, 265 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitary aid to (Komer), 595 
Visit of Australian Prime Minister Holt, 212 


United Nations: 

Accomplishments, 1965, report: Goldberg, 382, 

495, 739; Sisco, 459 
Asian Development Bank, role in (Goldberg), 347 
Congo, U.S. support for U.N. role re noninter- 
ference (Goldberg), 759 
Documents, lists of, 32, 64, 283, 353, 386, 508, 761, 

Important question. Communist China member- 
ship: Goldberg, 926, 928; Rusk, 845, 920 
Japan, role in (McNamara), 311 

Botswana: 795n; Nabrit, 758 
Communist China, question of: 
Communist conditions: Goldberg, 522, 741, 

926; Rusk, 478; Sisco, 859 
"Important question"; Goldberg, 926, 928; 

Rusk, 845, 920 
Study committee on: Goldberg, 926; Rusk, 

845, 920 
U.S. position: Bundy, 434; Rusk, 176, 422; 
Sisco, 859 
Guyana: 189n; Goldberg, 188 
Lesotho: 759n; Nabrit, 758 
Need for universality (Goldberg), 435 
Outer space: 486; Goldberg, 252; Johnson, 411 
Outer space treaty (see also under Outer space), 

Goldberg, 508, 524, 605, 740 
Peacekeeping role: 

Financing problems: Goldberg, 382, 434, 494; 

Rusk, 377 
Importance of and U.S. and other support: 
Fisher, 318; Goldberg, 493, 742, 851, 970, 972; 
Johnson, 232, 702, 705; Rusk, 381, 413, 660; 
Sisco, 313, 488, 860 
Obligations of U.N. members: Goldberg, 740, 
741, 853, 971, 973, 975; Rusk, 660, 842; Sisco, 
Problems: Goldberg, 493, 742; Sisco, 459, 488 
Refugees, aid to: Rusk, 237; Sisco, 458; Wine, 753 
Resolution re nuclear weapons in orbit (Foster), 


Secretary-General U Thant, continuation in office: 

Goldberg, 431, 494, 518, 742, 851; Rusk, 483 

South African mandate of South-West Africa, 

problems of and U.N. role: 231, 567; Goldberg, 

493, 523, 690, 854; Nabrit, 870; Sisco, 459, 

489, 861 

South-West Africa, Ad Hoc committee on, U.S. 

participation, (Goldberg), 691, 937 
Soviet use of veto: Goldberg, 855, 972, 977; Sisco, 

Specialized agencies, role of and U.S. support: 
Goldberg, 188, 247, 384, 495; Johnson, 233; 
Komer, 598; Reuter, 863; Sisco, 460, 490, 857 
Trust Territory of the Pacific, fellowships (Nor- 
wood), 392 
U.S. Congress, informed and helpful on U.N. 
issues (Goldberg), 385 

U.S. deputy representative (Nabrit), confirma- 
tion, 34 
United Nations — Continued 

U.S. foreign policy conducted through: Frankel, 

884 ; Goldberg, 855 ; Sisco, 488 

U.N. role: (Goldberg), 435, 521, 740, 855 
Soviet position: Goldberg, 384, 493; Rusk, 421 
U.S. position report (Goldberg), 518 
Water resources development, U.S. and other sup- 
port (Johnson), 456 
United Nations Center for Housing, Building and 

Planning, 461 
United Nations Charter: 

Communist violations of principles: Bundy, 430; 

Goldberg, 519, 741 
Membership, current actions: Botswana, Guyana, 

Indonesia, Lesotho, 801 
Pacific settlement of disputes (Rusk), 660 
Principles of and U.S. support: Goldberg, 434, 
495, 743, 851; Johnson, 576; Mac Arthur, 748; 
Rusk, 45, 377, 586, 918; Sisco, 459 
Syrian violations (Goldberg), 970 
United Nations Commission on the Status of 
Women, 19th session, report on and U.S. dele- 
gation (Tillett), 284 
United Nations Conference of Ministers Respon- 
sible for Social Welfare, 462 
United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop- 
ment (Goldberg), 242 
2nd conference, prospects: Blumenthal, 674; Solo- 
mon, 788 
United Nations Day, 1966 (Johnson), 232 
United Nations Decade of Development: Goldberg, 

241; Sisco, 460; Solomon, 784 
United Nations Development Program: Goldberg, 
242, 246, 384; Humphrey, 204; Rusk, 201; 
Sisco, 460 
United Nations Expanded Program of Technical 

Assistance (Sisco), 490 

United Nations Force in Cyprus (Goldberg), 63 

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: 

Goldberg, 248; Rusk, 238; Sisco, 458: Wine, 753 

United Nations Military Observpr^, Syria-Israeli 

border (Sisco), 314 
United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Adminis- 
tration, 714 
United Nations Relief and Works Agency: Rusk, 

238 ; Wine, 753 
United Nations Research Institute for Social Devel- 
opment, 461 
United Nations Truce Supervision Organization: 

Goldberg, 971, 977; Sisco, 313, 316 
United States Arms Control and Disarmament Act, 

5th anniversary (Johnson), 687 
United States Chess Federation, 723 
United States citizens (.see also Voluntary agencies) : 
Americanism (Morehouse), 106 
Claims. See Claims 



United States citizens — Continued 

Education for world responsibility: Angell, 100; 
Becker, 99; Carr, 95; Colnien, 91; Frankel, 
84, 886; Goodson, 103; Morehouse, 105; 
Rogers, 106 
Foreign aid, position on and support for U.S. ob- 
jectives (Goldberg), 243 
Foreign policy, responsibilities for: 722; Crockett, 
72; Johnson, 233, 453, 577; Mueller, 438; 
Rusk, 914 
Marriage abroad, regulations in witness of and 

certification revised, 723 
Private boycotts of Communist goods against U.S. 

national interest: 448; Greenwald, 680 
Sales of U.S.-owned Pakistan currency author- 
ized, 756 
Two-year ser\-ice, proposed (WofFord), 96 
U.N., kept infoi-med on (Goldberg), 385 
Voluntary ser\'ice, importance (Johnson), 498 
United States Information Agency, Executive order 

re Beirut agreement (Johnson), 894 
United States-Japan Committee on Economic 
Affairs, 5th meeting: joint communique, 178; 
Rusk, 177 
United States-Japan Committee on Scientific Coop- 
eration, 6th annual meeting; Johnson, Sato, 
Rusk, and joint communique, 682 
U.S. delegation, 681 
Universal copyright convention (1952) and proto- 
cols: Kenya, 357; Venezuela, 653 
Universal Postal Union, constitution with final pro- 
tocol and regulations: Congo (Brazzaville), 
Czechoslovakia, 984; Luxembourg, 253; Malawi, 
873; Niger, 33; Thailand, 253; Uganda, 33; 
U.K., 873 
UNTSO. See United Nations Truce Supervision 

Upper Volta: 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 670 
Convention on the settlement of investment dis- 
putes between states and nationals of other 
states, 513 
Urban renewal and development : 585 ; Humphrey, 

962; Johnson, 229; Sisco, 461 
Uruguay, agreement re radio communications be- 
tween radio operators on behalf of third parties, 
Uses of the Past, 105 
Ustilug, Soviet vessel, 214 

Valenti, Jack, 603 

Van den Boeynants, Paul, 47 

Varg, Paul A., 966 

Vargas, Jesus, 170 

Vatican City State, international wheat agreement, 

protocol, 189 
Vaughn, Jack, 278 

Guyana boundary negotiations, U.N. role (Gold- 
berg), 188 

Venezuela — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 617, 663, 654, 693 
U.S.- Venezuela submarine telephone cable com- 
munications, inauguration: 274; Johnson, 
275: Leoni, 274 
Viet-Nam, nonmilitarj- aid to (Komer), 598 
Vienna conventions on consular and diplomatic rela- 
tions. See under Consular relations and Diplo- 
matic relations 
Verwoerd, Hendrik F., 463 
Viet-Nam : 

j^jnbassador Lodge: Komer, 550; Rusk, 845 
ANZUS, communique, 175 

Asia, importance to security of: 213, 534; Gold- 
berg, 518; Holt, 135; Humphrey, 5; Johnson, 
116, 130, 227, 336, 369, 705; Rostow, 911; 
Rusk, 838; SEATO, 172 
Cease-fire : 

Previous lack of results: Goldberg, 520; Harri- 

man, 891 ; Johnson, 118, 370 
Question of: Harriman, 891; Rusk, 843, 844, 

Reciprocal, U.S. support: Goldberg, 520, 740, 
750, 757, 852; Johnson, 827 
China, Communist. See under China, Communist 
Communism, rejection of: Johnson, 227; Rusk, 

49, 170 
Communist aggression and subversive activities: 
733, 778; Bundy, 433; Humphrey, 3; Johnson, 
116; Rusk, 169, 844; Sisco, 315 
Casualties: Johnson, 43, 117; McNamara, 418; 

Rusk, 165 
Communist responsibility for situation: 213, 
252; Bundy, 429; Goldberg, 519; Johnson, 
226, 369, 668, 810; Rusk, 260, 661, 842 
Greece, compared to (Rusk), 661 
Guerrilla warfare, tactics: Goldberg, 120; John- 
son, 116, 226, 370; Komer, 549, 596; Rostow, 
78; Rusk, 165, 167,415 
Increase in: 213, 731; Ball, 121; Goldberg, 119; 
Johnson, 42, 117; McNamara, 418, 423; Rusk, 
167, 260, 851; Westmoreland, 337 
Leadership and objectives: Johnson, 117; Rusk, 

Morale (McNamara), 419 

Reliance on free-world dissent to change U.S. 
policies: Bundy, 431; Harriman, 891; John- 
son, 43; Rusk, 49, 171, 423 
Test case for: Johnson, 116, 160, 227, 369, 425, 
737; U. A. Johnson, 642; MacArthur, 747; 
Rusk, 48, 170, 842; SEATO, 173 
U.S. position (see also U.S. objectives) : Bundy, 
429; Johnson, 335, 369, 371, 668, 706, 710, 711, 
738,808; Rusk, 49, 168 
Communists no longer expect victory: Ball, 121, 

123, 125, 127, 128; Rusk, 164 
De Gaulle, position on: Bundy, 428; Rusk, 480 



Viet-'Nam — Continued 
Demilitarized zone: 

Communist violations: Rusk, 258, 261; West- 
moreland, 337 
U.S. policy: Goldberg:, 519, 758; Rusk, 260 
Economic and social development: Goldberg, 749; 
Johnson, 43, 118, 699, 738; Rusk, 171, 841; 
SEATO, 173 
Communist participation, U.S. position: Goldberg, 
523; Humphrey, 5; Johnson, 706; 810; Rusk, 
"Revolutionary Development" program: John- 
son, 666; Komer, 557, 591, 892; Rostow, 910 
Manila Conference statement, 731 
The Other War in Viet-Nam — A Progress 
Report, letter of transmittal and text 
(Komer), 549,591 
U.S. and other aid: 128; Johnson, 55; Komer, 

592, 599, 893; Rostow, 78; Rusk, 238 
Youth groups (Komer), 597 
Escalation of war, dangers: Bundy, 433; Rusk, 

Free- world shipping, reduction in (Rusk), 262 
Geneva agreements. See Geneva agreements 
Geneva conference. See Geneva conference 
Honolulu Conference, results: Johnson, 664, 699; 

Komer, 599; Rostow, 910 
Inflation: 128, 732; Johnson, 664, 699; Komer, 
552, 599, 892; Rostow, 78, 910; Rusk, 171 
Manila conference: 

Purpose: 778; Goldberg, 852; Johnson, 664, 

698, 730, 737, 770 
Viet-Nam promises and commitments under 
(Rostow), 910 
Military and other aid from foreign countries: 
212, 533, 585, 731; Holt, 132; Johnson, 116, 
117, 227, 526, 579, 705, 708, 710, 736, 737, 767, 
770, 771, 778, 802, 825, 830; U.A. Johnson, 
614; Marcos, 536; Rusk, 49, 162, 169, 170, 
183, 455, 663, 839; SEATO, 173 
National Liberation Front, representation at 
peace talks, question of: Rusk, 265; SEATO, 
National reconciliation and Open Arms Returnee 
programs: 129, 733; Goldberg, 853; Johnson, 
664, 699, 738; Komer, 550, 564, 600, 892; 
Rostow, 911 
Negotiations for peaceful settlement: 

Communist unwillingness: 213; Bundy, 428, 
431; Goldberg, 522, 928; Johnson, 700; Rusk, 
183, 416, 844, 920; Sisco, 489 
Conference, Geneva, question of reconvening: 
Communist China position (Rusk), 181 
U.S. support: Goldberg, 520, 740, 852; Rusk, 
Conferences, proposed: 534; Goldberg, 520, 740, 
852; Rusk, 259, 480; Souvanna Phouma, 667 

Viet-Nam — Continued 

Negotiations for peaceful settlement — Continued 
Peace efforts of other countries (see also Manila 
conference): 212; Goldberg, 852; Harriman, 
890; Johnson, 666; Marcos, 5.39; Rusk, 259, 
415, 480, 920; SEATO, 173 
Private contacts (Goldberg), 758 
U.S. position: 213, 252, 5.34, 585; Ball, 123, 125; 
Bundy, 428; Goldberg, 120, 434, 493, 520, 609, 
740, 750, 757, 852; Harriman, 890; Johnson, 
118, 370, 408, 453, 455, 668, 699, 706, 710, 808, 
811, 827; Rusk, 166, 171, 183, 259, 261, 415, 
421, 455, 480, 662, 843, 850; SEATO, 173; 
Sisco, 317 
Viet Cong and NLF representation, question 
of: Goldberg, 521, 740; Rusk, 265; SEATO, 
"Neutralist" equivalent of collaborationist 

(Bundy), 431 
Neutrality and nonalinement (Goldberg), 750 
Peace : 

International supervision, need for ((Joldberg), 

Manila conference: 
Essential elements and international guaran- 
tees, 733 
Purpose, 731 
POL (Petroleum-oil-lubricants) supplies, U.S. 
target: 213; Goldberg, 119; Rusk, 182, 258, 
Political development and progress: 732; Ball, 
126; Johnson, 118, 664, 669, 738; Komer, 596, 
599, 892; Rostow, 78, 910; Rusk, 163, 481 
Constituent assembly, elections for: ANZUS, 
175; Bundy, 431; Goldberg, 750; Johnson, 43, 
408, 668; Rostow, 79; Rusk, 171, 415, 481; 
Westmoreland, 337 

Communist interference: Bundy, 431; John- 
son, 369, 665; Rusk, 415, 481 
Results and eflFect of: Harriman, 890; U. A. 
Johnson, 640; Komer, 550, 597; Rusk, 849 
Representative government, proposed elections: 
Johnson, 738; Rostow, 911 
Prisoners : 

U.S. prisoners (Rusk), 263 

U.S. treatment: 731; Johnson, 738; Westmore- 
land, 338 
Refugees from Communism: Johnson, 666; Komer, 
564, 594, 601; McNamara, 419, 424; Rusk, 
236; Wine, 751 
Reunification, question of: 733; Goldberg, 520, 740, 

757, 750; Rusk, 170 
Saigon port, congestion in: 128, 732; Johnson, 665, 

699; Komer, 555, 892; Rostow, 910 
SEATO communique, 172 
Self-determination (see also U.S. objectives): 

Goldberg, 757; Johnson, 116, 666 
Sino-Soviet relations, question of (Rusk), 482 



Viet-Nam — Continued 

Southeast Asia, importance to U.S. security: Rusl<, 

48, 661 
Soviet Union: 

Militar>' and other aid: 213; Rusk, 47, 171; 

Sisco, 317 
Position of: 252; Harriman, 891; Johnson, 412; 

Rusk, 166, 171; Sisco, 317 
Shipping, alleged U.S. attacks, 214 

U.S. reply: 213; Rusk, 260 
U.S. relations, effect on: Johnson, 412; Rusk, 
48, 260, 850 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 289, 872, 874 
U.N. role (Goldberg), 435, 521, 740, 855 

Soviet position: Goldberg, 384, 493; Rusk, 421; 

Sisco, 315, 488, 857 
U.S. position, report to U.N. (Goldberg), 518 
U.S. air actions (see also U.S. military actions) : 
Cambodian border, accidental attacks, 338 
Military targets: 213; Rusk, 182, 258 
Purpose: 213; ANZUS, 175; Goldberg, 119; 
Johnson, 43; McNamara, 424; Rusk, 165, 182; 
Westmoreland, 337 
Soviet position, 252 
U.S. commitments: Ball, 195; Goldberg, 750; 
Johnson, 160, 710, 736, 780, 806; Marcos, 541; 
Rostow, 79; Rusk 164, 363, 662 
Importance of dependability: 585; Goldberg, 
749; Holt, 136; Johnson 43, 119, 335, 370, 579, 
668, 807, 811; Marcos, 537; Rostow, 911; 
Rusk, 48, 163, 364, 589, 843; Sisco, 489 
Under SEATO: Johnson, 130, 370, 707; Rusk, 
181, 364, 379, 455, 843, 918 
U.S. information, sources and efficiency; Ball, 121, 

123; Bundy, 433 
U.S. military forces: 

Casualties: Johnson, 43; McNamara, 419; 

Westmoreland, 336 
Civic action programs: 129; Holt, 136; Komer, 

559, 593, 595, 598, 893 
Efficiency and morale: Johnson, 335, 425, 735, 

737, 773, 807, 810, 816; Rostow, 913; 
moreland, 338, (quoted) 774 and 810 

Manpower levels, current and future prospects: 
McNamara, 417, 922, 923; Westmoreland, 336 

U.S. Reserves, question of (Westmoreland), 

Withdrawal, conditions for: 733; Bundy, 128, 
430; Goldberg, 435, 493, 521, 609, 740, 750, 
757, 852; Harriman, 890; Johnson, 453, 455, 

738, 827; Rostow, 911; Rusk, 661; Sisco, 489, 
857 ; Westmoreland, 336 

U.S. military operations: 

Costs of: Fowler, 629; Johnson, 711, 770; 

McGhee, 270; McNamara, 424, 923 
Effects: Ball, 121, 126; Bundy, 433; Johnson, 

43, 117, 425; McNamara. 419, 424; Rusk, 

165, 260 
PuHJose: 447; Ball, 123; Johnson, 42. 699, 774; 

McNamara, 419; Rusk, 364, 844 

Viet-Nam — Ck>ntinued 

U.S. military operations — Continued 
Responsibilities for (Johnson), 335 
Targets: 213; Ball, 121; Bundy, 429; Johnson, 
43, 117 
U.S. morale and public opinion: Ball, 124; Gold- 
berg, 740; Johnson, 43 118, 160, 336, 454, 711, 
736, 774, 826; U.A. Johnson, 643; Rusk, 164, 
U.S. national interests: Rostow, 910; Rusk, 48, 

661, 843, 918 
U.S. objectives: 

Peace: Goldberg, 4.34, 493; Johnson, 118, 160 
453, 706, 810, 822; Rusk, 49, 164, 170, 259 
363, 662 
Self-determination for Viet-Nam: Ball, 373, 195 
Goldberg, 120, 434, 493, 520, 740, 853; Harri 
man, 14; Johnson, 43, 369, 412, 453, 666, 710 
735, 808, 816, 826, 830 
Manila conference: 731, 733; Rusk. 49, 170, 363 

Sisco, 489, 857 
Support and understanding of other countries 
Goldberg, 740, 851; Harriman, 890; Johnson 
666, 668, 711, 811, 820, 826; Rusk, 162, 843 
Vietnamese casualties: Johnson, 43, 227, 369 

Komer, 549; McNamara. 419; Rusk, 170 
Vietnamese objectives: Johnson, 738; Rostow, 912 
Vietnamese troops, activities: Komer, 892; Rostow, 

Visit of Secretary McNamara, purpose (Ball), 123 
Visit of Secretary Rusk (Rusk), 845 
Viet-Nam, North: 

Blockade, question of (Ball) 122 
Soviet fuel shipments, question of (Rusk), 126 
U.S. objectives: Goldberg, 120, 435, 520, 750, 757; 
Johnson, 160, 370, 706, 827; Rusk, 843; Sisco, 
489, 857 
U.S. trade embargo: 142, 448; Greenwald, 678; 
Johnson, 867 
Vinland Map (Duke), 718 

Communist China, U.S. passport cleared (John- 
son), 161 
Reciprocal issuance of non-immigrant visas, 
agreement with Japan, 513 
VISTA (Volunteers in Service to America). 97, 886 
Voluntary Agencies, Council of, 458 
Voluntary organizations: 

CoTintry projects for advancement of women, role 

(Tillett), 287 
Refugees, aid to: Komer, 566; Rusk, 238; Wine, 
V'olunt«N>rs in Service to America, 97, 886 
Von Braun. Wernher, 583 

Wachob, James R., 284 
Wadsworth, James J., 465 
Walker, Walton, 774 
Wakaizumi, Kei, 303 



Waldheim, Kurt, 57 

Wallace, Robert A., 348 

War (see also Nuclear war), Johnson, 769 

War on hunger. ^Ve Food and population crisis 

War on poverty. See Great Society 

Ward, Barbara, 101 

Warren, George L., 725 

Warsaw Pact: Ball 127; Cleveland, 342; McNamara, 

Water. See Consen-ation and Desalination 
Water for Peace, International conference on 

(Johnson), 456, 868 
Watson, Barbara M., 290 
Weaver, George L-P, 348 
Webb, James, 581, 583 
Wei Tao-ming, 175, 176 
Welch, Leo D., 232 

Western Hemisphere (see also Alliance for Progress 
and Latin America) : 
Discovery and exploration (Duke), 717 
Political developments (Rusk), 45 
Western Hemisphere Immigration, Select Commis- 
sion on, membership, 23 
Western Samoa treaties, agreements, etc., 153, 289 
Westmoreland, William C: 336, 810 (quoted) ; John- 
son, 117, 335, 774, 807; McNamara, 419; Rusk, 
Distinguished Service Medal (Johnson), 736 
Whaling convention (1946), international, amend- 
ment to certain paragraphs of schedule, 
entrance into force, 694 

International agreement (1962), protocol for fur- 
ther extension of: Argentina, 401; Australia, 
Austria, 189; Belgium, 153; Brazil, 189; Cuba, 
190; Dominican Republic, 190, 873; El Salva- 
dor, 190, 472; France, 472; Germany, 153, 
289; Guatemala, 190; Iceland, 33; India, 221; 
Ireland, 153; Israel, 189; Italy, 190; Korea, 
190, 254; Lebanon, 472; Libya, 153; Nether- 
lands, 65; New Zealand, 153; Nigeria, 873; 
Norway, 65; Philippines, 153; Portugal, 190, 
289; Saudi Arabia, 153; Sierra Leone, 254; 
South Africa, 153; Southern Rhodesia, 189; 
Soviet Union, 153; Spain, 190; Sweden, 65, 
153; Switzerland, 190, 221; Tunisia, 221; 
U.A.R., 190; U.K. 189; U.S., 189, 254; Vati- 
can City State, 190; Western Samoa, 153 
U.S. aid to India (Johnson), 114 
World wheat production and demand: Freeman, 
205; Goldberg, 247 
Whitehead, Alfred North, 91 
Wiesner, Jerome B., 681 
Wilson, Harold: 267; Humphrey, 961 

U.S. visit, 265, 267 
Wilson, Woodrow, 487 
Wine, James, 473, 725, 751 
Wirtz, W. Willard, 180, 310 
WMO. See World Meteorological Organization 
Wofford, Harris L., 95 

Women : 

Elimination of discrimination against, draft 

declaration (Tillett), 284 
Political rights of, convention (1953) : Jamaica, 
441; Malawi, 289; Nepal, 33; Trinidad and 
Tobago, 357 
Women, white, agreement (1904) for the repres- 
sion of the trade in, as amended by 1949 pro- 
tocol: Singapore, 254 
Woodbury, Harry G., 755 
Woods, George, 139 

World Confederation of Organizations of the Teach- 
ing Profession (Carr), 93 
World Conference on Education, proposed (John- 
son), 813 
World Court. See International Court of Justice 
World food problem. See Food and population crisis 
World Food Program: Goldberg, 242, 855; Humph- 
rey, 204; Rusk, 201 
World Food Reserve, proposed : Humphrey, 204 ; 

Rusk, 201 
World Health Organization : 
Constitution : Guyana, 872 

Amendment to article 7: Algeria, 153; Ethiopia, 
693; Mali, 872; Nigeria, 221; Pakistan, 325; 
Senegal, 221; Syrian Arab Republic, 153; 
Tanzania, 472; U.A.R., 325 
Pacific Trust Territory, findings: Anderson, 387; 
Norwood, 396 
World Meteorological Organization: 

Convention (1947): Guyana, 906; Nepal, 326 
Typhoon damage control, 531 
World order: Ball, 198; Johnson, 486, 576, 708; 
U. A. Johnson, 639; King Faisal, 39; Rusk, 44, 
49, 362 
Domination of two major powers: Ball, 145, 196, 

614; MacArthur, 745; McNamara, 304 
Interdependence of modern world (see also Re- 
gional cooperation and development) : 734; 
Ball, 198; Connor, 217; Johnson, 159, 410. 
426, 715, 817, 819; Rusk, 586, 658, 915; Sisco, 
487, 856 
U.N. as principal instrument: Goldberg, 742; 
Johnson, 232; Sisco, 463 
World peace: Johnson, 498; Pope Paul VI, quoted, 
Aggression as a threat to. See Aggression 
Communist policies, dependent on : Ball, 375 ; Rusk, 

Economic inequalities, a threat to: 735; Gold- 
berg, 241, 855; Humphrey, 2, 202, 961; John- 
son, 114, 407, 426, 485, 885; Reuter, 866; 
Rusk, 663; Sisco, 458, 487 
U.N. Charter principles: Goldberg, 743; Johnson, 

233; Rusk, 184, 377, 586, 918; Sisco 463 
U.S. defense commitments, importance to: 585; 
Johnson, 119; MacArthur, 748; Rusk, 48, 
379, 843, 918 
U.S. national interests: Gaud, 419; Hull (quoted), 
918; Rusk, 586, 917 



Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

washington. d.c. 20402 



World peace — Continued 

U.S. objectives: Johnson, 275, 425, 454, 709, 770; 

Rusk, 49, 235, 362, 413, 658 

U.S. responsibilities for maintaining: Ball, 374; 

Goldberg, 609; Johnson, 454, 455, 484, 702, 

710, 819; Marcos, 537; Rusk, 660; Sisco, 487 

U.S.-Soviet responsibilities: Johnson, 412, 575, 

578 ; Rusk, 850 
Viet-Nam, importance and effect: Fowler, 632; 
Goldberg, 518, 750; Johnson, 115, 336, 369; 
McGhee, 270; Rusk, 170, 364 
World Teacher Exchange, 886 
Wright, Stephen J., 24 

Yarborough, Ralph W., 686 
Yarmouth Castle disaster, 965 

Yen Chia-kan, 176 
Yugoslavia : 

Economic development (Johnson) , 57 

GATT full contracting party of: 435; Greenwald, 

India, food aid to (Johnson) , 115 

Tobacco, use in American cigarettes and private 
boycotts of, 450 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 254, 617, 801, 941 

U.S. trade and other relations : 142, 451 ; John- 
son, 57 ; Rusk, 590 


Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 214 
Educational TV (Moseman), 98 
Investment guaranties agreement, 473 

<rU.S. Government Printing Office 1967—251—937/48 







Vol. Lv, No. mo 

July A, 1966 

by Vice President Humphrey 2 

Statement by Secretary Rusk 7 


by Assistant Secretary Gordon 18 

by Ambassador at Large W. Averell Harriman 10 

For index see inside back cover 

Perspective on Asia 

Address by Vice President Humphrey 

Gentlemen, I salute you. You have com- 
pleted 4 years of rigorous training — of 
mind, of body, and of spirit. You have done 
well. But I congratulate you even more on 
what lies ahead, for the lives of service to 
your country and to your fellow men which 
you begin here today. 

The demands on you will be great — 
greater than on any previous generation of 
the Long Gray Line that has passed proudly 
through this great institution. Never before 
has your countiy been so deeply linked with 
every part of a rapidly shrinking and chang- 
ing world. Never before has the power avail- 
able to men been so awesome. Yet never 
before have men everywhere been so aware 
that power alone cannot solve their most ur- 
gent problems nor satisfy their deepest 

You are soldiers. There will be times when 
your courage, your coolness, and your com- 
mand of the military arts will be required in 
full measure. But you will have to be more — 
much more — ^than fighting men. 

You will have to be builders. You will 
have to be diplomats and psychologists, en- 
gineers and politicians, advisers, educators, 
and friends. For in the years ahead, the 
peace and security of the human family will 
be threatened by aggressions far more subtle 
than those of armed regiments moving 
across national frontiers. 

World peace and security will be threat- 
ened by propaganda, subversion, and agita- 

' Made at commencement exercises at the United 
States Military Academy at West Point, N.Y., on 
June 8. 

tion, by economic warfare, by assassination 
of honest and able leaders, as well as by the 
naked use of armed force. 

World peace and security will be threat- 
ened, above all, by the very existence, for 
two-thirds of mankind, of conditions of hun- 
ger, disease, and ignorance. 

We must learn that the simple solutions 
of times past will not meet the present-day 
challenges and new forms of aggression we 

Our "doves" must learn that there are 
times when power must be used. They must 
learn that there is no substitute for force 
in the face of a detennined enemy who re- 
sorts to terror, subversion, and aggression, 
whether concealed or open. 

Our "hawks" must learn that military 
power is not enough. They must learn, in- 
deed, that it can be wholly unavailing if not 
accompanied by political effort and by the 
credible promise to ordinary people of a bet- 
ter life. 

And all of us must learn to adapt our 
military planning and actions to the new 
conditions of subversive warfare, the so- 
called "wars of national liberation." 

We must learn to meet and defeat our en- 
emy on all, not just one, of the battlefields. 
We must use the techniques of politics, of 
economic development, of information and 
social advancement — and of coordinating all 
these efforts in a rational and effective total 

We are linked to all parts of a complex 
and changing world. I want to turn now to 
one part, but a most impoi-tant part, of that 


world. It is a part of the world that T know 
is much on your minds. I speak of Asia and 
of America's role there. 

In this spring of 1966 we urgently need 
perspective on Asia, on its history and the 
history of our relationship. That perspective 
can give us guidelines for wise choices — and 
a solid hiise for realistic hopes. 

I believe the ingredients of perepective can 
be found in the answei-s to three questions: 
Who and what is Asia? How did we get in- 
volved with Asia? And, finally, can we 
achieve sensible goals in Asia ? 

What Asia Is 

Who and what is Asia? 

Asia means people — more than half of 

Asia means civilizations — venerable, in- 
ventive, artistic, and deeply rooted cultures. 

Asia means religions — the great compas- 
sionate religious and ethical systems of Hin- 
duism, Confucianism, Buddhism, Islam, and 

Asia means problems — the age-old afflic- 
tions of poverty, illiteracy, disease, exploita- 
tion, and oppression. 

And in the modern era — the past hundred 
years or so — Asia means revolution. It was a 
revolution that was long in coming but in- 
evitable once West met East with full force. 

Revolution is seldom peaceful, never easy. 
For Asia the period of Wastem impact and 
the transformation it produced has been 
often turbulent, bitter, and humiliating. 

Take three major ingredients of modem 
Western history: the spectacular rise of na- 
tionalism, capitalism, and science. Bring 
them to bear on proud older cultures, either 
through direct colonial rule — as in India, in 
Indonesia, or Indochina — or through en- 
claves and spheres of influence — as in China. 

Little wonder the effect would be disrup- 
tive on Asian societies, as well as sometimes 
constructive. Little wonder that the results 
would engender resistance and resentment 
among Asian peoples toward the Westerner, 
as well as curiosity and sometimes friend- 

And little wonder that the history of Asia 

in the modern era is the history of Asia's 
response to the West, an unfolding revolu- 
tionary process of which the end is by no 
means in sight. It is a process that seeks 
first to expel the foreign colonial master and 
has largely succeeded in doing so. 

But independence is only a fragile begin- 
ning, not an end. With independence comes 
the struggle for nationhood in the full sense 
of the word: the struggle to create national 
unity out of religious and linguistic and 
even geographic fragmentation, the struggle 
to create national power in order to main- 
tain stability within and to deter and resist 
any would-be aggressors without, and the 
struggle to create both wealth and justice, to 
create a society of expanding opportunities 
and hope. 

The revolutionary process is turbulent and 
fraught with dangers. It contains the danger 
of unbridled competing nationalisms, the 
lure of false prophets and demagogs, the 
temptation of illusory shortcuts that lead to 
new tyranny, the passions aroused by unful- 
filled expectations. 

Nearly 50 years ago a new specific danger 
was first added to this process: the doctrines 
of Marx and Lenin, oflFered as an explana- 
tion of Asia's past, a plan of action for 
Asia's present, and a blueprint for Asia's 

Though always a tiny minority, the agents 
of Marxism-Leninism were able in pails of 
wartime and postwar Asia to ride the tide 
of nationalism and anticolonialism. With 
perseverance and discipline, they produced 
an impact far beyond their numbers. 

Today we see in mainland China the 
tragic result of one Asian revolution that 
lost its way — a revolution captured by a dis- 
ciplined Communist minority. The high price 
of that tragedy is, for the people of China, 
a life of isolation in the world's most rigidly 
totalitarian state and, for the people of Asia, 
a profoundly disturbing neighbor. 

Today we see in the Indochina peninsula 
the tragic result of another Asian revolution 
that lost its way. The people of Viet-Nam, 
who have lived with violence for a quarter 
of a century, not only find half their country 

JULY 4, 1966 

ceded to a Communist minority regime in 
Hanoi. At the same time they also face a 
determined effort by that regime to force 
South Viet-Nam under Communist rule. 

How We Got Involved With Asia 

I come to my second question: How did we 
get involved with Asia ? 

The question may sound naive. Yet I fre- 
quently hear the statement from those who 
should know better that "America has no 
business in Asia." 

In part this view stems from frustration 
in the face of Asia's complexity. How much 
easier to withdraw and let nature take its 
course. But in part this view also stems from 
a misreading of history. 

We are all in some degree both heirs and 
captives of history. And our involvement in 
Asia is no recent aberration but rather a 
rooted fact of history. 

In one sense, of course, America is simply 
a something funny that happened to Colum- 
bus on his way to Asia. In a deeper sense 
we are and have been a Pacific power from 
the days of New England's clipper ships in 
the late 18th century. 

Our traders and entrepreneurs soon were 
joined by our missionaries — not simply evan- 
gelists, but doctors and nurses, teachers, en- 
gineers, and agricultural specialists. By the 
mid-19th century American ships had opened 
up Japan, and American citizens were lead- 
ing participants in what became the greatest 
export of people and technology ever at- 
tempted from one civilization to another, 
much of it focused on China. In the process 
we became catalytic agents of transforma- 
tion. In the process, too, we became unwit- 
ting participants in Asian history and in 

America's role in Asia today is a direct 
product of the century that preceded World 
War II and of the war itself. For with the 
end of that war, the responsibilities of vic- 
tory imposed on us a stabilizing role in 
Japan and Korea. And with the beginning 
of the cold war, the Communist victory in 
China, and the outbreak of the Korean war, 
American power was the only shield avail- 

able to fragile and newly independent na- 
tions in non-Communist Asia. 

This was not a role we had sought. This 
was not the peace for which we yearned. Nor 
is it a role we seek to perpetuate today. But 
the peace still eludes us. For there are those 
in Asia who still pursue their objectives by 
aggression and subversion. And there are 
others who ask our help in meeting this 

U.S. Goals in Asia 

I come to my final question: Can we 
achieve sensible goals in Asia? 

What, in simplest form, are those goals? 

First, we seek to assist free nations, will- 
ing to help themselves, in their deterrence of 
and resistance to all foi-ms of aggression. 

Second, we seek to assist free nations, will- 
ing to help themselves, in the great tasks of 
nation-building. We must lead other rich na- 
tions in the w^ar on poverty, ignorance, and 
disease in Asia. 

Third, we seek to strengthen the forces of 
regional cooperation on the basis of Asian 

And finally, we seek and will continue to 
seek to build bridges, to keep open the doors 
of communication, to the Communist states 
of Asia and in particular Communist China, 
just as we have to the Soviet Union and tlie 
Communist states of Eastern Europe. 

The isolation of the Asian Communist 
states, however Civused, breeds unreiility, de- 
lusion, and miscalculation. Effoiis to break 
that isolation may, for the time being, pro- 
voke denunciation and hostility. But we shall 
persevere and explore means of communica- 
tion and exchange, looking to the day when 
the leaders of Asian communism, as their 
former colleagues in Europe, will come to 
recognize the self-destructiveness and waste- 
fulness of their present bellicose policies. 

Prudence and reason, not the slogans of 
the past, will guide us as we tiy to reduce 
the unacceptable risks of ignorance and mis- 
understjinding in a thermonuclear age. 

Let me underline what we do not seek: We 
do not seek alinement, except from those 
who choose it. We do not seek economic priv- 


ilegfe. We do not seek territory or military 
bases. We do not seek to dominate or to con- 

Our objectives are best served by one re- 
sult in Asia: the emergence of nations dedi- 
cated to their own national independence, to 
the well-being of their people, and to the 
jHirsuit of peace. 

I return now to my question: Can these 
objectives be achieved? 

My answer is "Yes." But much depends on 
our actions as a nation and on the under- 
sUinding that prompts those actions. 

Our Assets and Our Responsibilities 

In the struggle for a peaceful, strong, and 
develoi^ing free Asia, our assets in the region 
are great. 

In Japan, at one end of Asia's arc, we have 
a staunch friend, a highly developed nation, 
our second trading partner, an immense po- 
tential force for the development of Asia. 

On the South Asian subcontinent, at the 
other end, we have close friends in India, the 
world's largest democracy, and in Pakistjvn. 
Both nations ixre dedicated to independence 
and bravely embarked on programs of de- 

And in the Southwest Pacific, completing 
the triangle, are our friends in Australia and 
New ZeiUand, who share our commitment to 
the future of Asia. 

Elsewhere — in Korea, Taiwan, the Philip- 
pines, Thailand, Bunria, Malaysia, Singa- 
pore, and Indonesia — we find nations com- 
mitted in differing fashions to independence 
and development. We respect their commit- 
ment, and we respect their differences. We 
applaud their leadership. 

But what of the states of former French 
Indochina? There, of course, is the present 
focal point of war and revolution in Asia. 
And there we are tested Jis never before. We 
face a situation of external aggression and 
subversion against a postcolonial nation that 
has never had the breathing space to develop 
its politics or its economy. 

In South Viet-Nam both defense and de- 
velopment — the war against the aggressor 
and the war against despair — are fused as 

never before. Viet-Nam challenges our cour- 
age, our ingenuity, and our ability to per- 
severe. If we can succeed there — if we can 
help sustain an independent South Viet-Nam, 
free to determine its own future — then our 
prospects, and the prospects for free men 
throughout Asia, will be bright indeed. 

We know this. Our friends and allies know 
it. And our adversaries know it. That is why 
one small country looms so large today on 
everyone's map of Asia. 

But Asia will not disappear with a Viet- 
Nam settlement. Nor will our objectives and 
responsibilities in Asia disappear. The peace 
and development of Asia will be high on our 
national agenda for the rest of this century. 
So will our relations with the nations of 
Asia, including our relations with mainland 

President Johnson's address at Johns Hop- 
kins University last year ^ was an historic 
formulation of American purposes in Asia. 

In that speech he said that our commit- 
ment to South Viet-Nam was firm, that our 
quest for peace would be unremitting, and 
that our continuing concern with the wel- 
fare of the peoples of Southeast Asia could 
be tested by Asians ready to initiate coop- 
erative ventures of peaceful development. 
The President pledged $1 billion to projects 
that might be developed. 

In that speech, too. President Johnson en- 
visaged participation by North Viet-Nam in 
constructive social and economic arrange- 
ments once Hanoi had decided to stop the 
shooting. And last February ^ he again ap- 
pealed to the "men of the North" to stop ag- 
gression and to join in helping fulfill the 
unsatisfied wants of the people of the region. 

Termination of war alone would be a ma- 
jor contribution to the process of accelerated 
social and economic development in Asia. But 
there are other basic problems which face 
most of the countries in the area. 

In Asia incomes are low. Population 
growth is high. There is a shortage of cap- 
ital. The need for investment is limit- 
less. There is excessive dependence on a 

" For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 26, 1965, p. 606. 
' Ibid., Mar. 14, 1966, p. 390. 

JULY 4, 1966 

limited number of products for foreign ex- 
change earnings. These problems demand the 
attention of countries in the area as well as 
countries outside which are able to help. 

Free Asia's Achievements 

But there is promising ferment in free 
Asia today, ferment that can lead to higher 
standards of performance on the part of in- 
dividual countries and a greater sense of 
community among them. 

War is always cruel. But the war in Viet- 
Nam should not obscure for us the fact that 
behind the smoke and uproar is the testing 
of an issue vital to all of Asia and indeed 
the world. Can independent, non-Communist 
states not only survive but grow and flourish 
in face of Communist pressure ? 

In that confrontation a review of free 
Asia's achievements should give us solid 
ground for hope. 

Consider South Korea, where exports have 
increased by 500 percent in the past 3 years. 
Consider Taiwan, which has been trans- 
formed from an aid-receiving to an aid- 
giving country and enjoys a rate of economic 
growth higher than even that of Japan. Con- 
sider Malaysia and Thailand, where ambi- 
tious development plans are being launched. 
Yes, consider Indonesia, where new leaders 
are determined to see that potentially rich 
country resume a responsible place in the 
world community. 

All of these developments are striking evi- 
dence that, notwithstanding Communist 
boasts that they represent the wave of the 
future, the real achievements taking place 
within Asia have occurred in areas that rely 
upon independence, competition, and respect 
for national integrity as the bases for gen- 
uine and enduring social and economic 

As we Americans strive to deal with the 
immense problems — and the promise — of a 
vibrant, modernizing, interdependent Asia in 
the years ahead, we will be called upon to 

show special qualities of mind and spirit and 
understanding as a nation. 

We will have to learn far more about Asian 
history and Asian cultures than any of us 
know. We need more than nodding acquaint- 
ance with the key critical issues that absorb 
the attention of Asians. 

We will have to learn to speak and read 
Asian languages. 

We will have to become more sensitive to 
the differences among Asian nations as well 
as their similarities. 

We shoiid also be sensitive to the pride, 
dignity, and nationalism of Asian peoples 
and nations. Like most people, Asians prefer 
to rule themselves badly than to be well ruled 
by some foreigner. The same goes for advice 
and initiatives. Otherwise good ideas inevi- 
tably lose some of their appeal if carried 
through Asia in clearly foreign wrappings. 
Asians prefer Asian initiatives, proposed by 
Asians. So do we. 

Finally, we must learn to suppress our na- 
tional enthusiasm for quick solutions. Asia's 
problems are extraordinarily complex and 
intractable; they will be with us for a long 
time to come, and we should force ourselves 
to practice some traditional Asian patience. 
It is patience — and perspective — that we 
will need in years ahead. For I have no doubt 
that we will meet, in Asia as in the rest of 
the world, time and again with disappoint- 
ment, disillusionment, ingratitude, and frus- 
tration. Yet we must not be deterred. 

It is our good fortune to be free citizens 
of the most prosperous and powerful nation 
in the history of the earth. It is the prosper- 
ous who can most afford compassion and 
humility. It is the powerful who can most 
afford patience and perspective. 

Let us, then, not pursue policies — or judge 
ourselves — in consonance with the passion of 
the moment. Let us pursue those courses of 
which, in the judgment of history, it can be 
said: "These were the paths taken by wise 


A Report on the NATO Meeting at Brussels 

Statement by Secretary Rusk ' 

I welcome this opportunity to appear once 
again before this subcommittee and to assist 
it in whatever way I can. My colleagues and 
I appreciate your endeavor and have been 
following closely the studies and statements 
which have emerged from it so far. 

Last week in Brussels the members of the 
North Atlantic alliance came to grips with 
the consequences of the decision of one mem- 
ber, France, to withdraw from NATO's inte- 
grated defense system and to require NATO 
and American military installations and per- 
sonnel to leave France. 

The other 14 members of the alliance had 
declared on March 18 * their unanimous re- 
solve to preserve and improve NATO's inte- 
grated military organization. At Brussels, 
meeting first as Fourteen and then with 
France, they reaffirmed that determination 
and began to make the necessary readjust- 

This was a critical test of the vitality of 
NATO. And I believe it is accurate to say 
that NATO passed this test with confidence. 
I returned home with renewed faith that 
NATO will prove equal to the challenges 
that lie ahead. 

I would like now to report to you in some 
detail on the NATO ministerial meeting at 
Brussels. In offering my impressions of whait 
occurred there, I will also in effect be giving 
you a general status report on NATO. You 

' Made before the Subcommittee on National Se- 
curity and International Operations of the Senate 
Committee on Government Operations on June 16 
(press release 145). 

* For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 4, 1966, p. 536. 

might wish to insert in the record at the end 
of my remarks, Mr. Chairman [Henry M. 
Jackson] , the communique from the Brussels 

The problems arising from the French 
decision were severalfold: to relocate the 
NATO establishments which must now leave 
France; to use this time of change as an 
opportunity to reorganize NATO's higher 
military direction with a view to greater effi- 
ciency; and to determine an acceptable basis 
for future French cooperation with NATO. 
The success of the Group of Fourteen, that is 
the NATO countries minus France, in mov- 
ing to resolve these problems proved con- 
clusively that they believe NATO is as es- 
sential as ever. 

Future Location of NATO Headquarters 

Specifically, the Fourteen agreed to the 
relocation of NATO's principal military 
headquarters, SHAPE [Supreme Headquar- 
ters Allied Powers Europe] and AFCENT 
[Allied Forces Central Europe], and of the 
NATO Defense College. The Belgian Cabinet 
already has considered the question of 
SHAPE and has announced it will invite 
that headquarters to Belgium. The question 
is now to be submitted to the Belgian Par- 
liament. A reorganized and consolidated 
AFCENT will be located in one of the Bene- 
lux countries or possibly in Germany. The 
NATO Defense College will go to Italy. 

The Fourteen considered as well the need 
to modernize NATO's top military structure. 

' For text, see ibid., June 27, 1966, p. 1001. 

JULY 4, 1966 

They agreed to abolish the Standing Group 
and to create an integrated international 
military staff. 

The French decision that NATO and U.S. 
military headquarters and installations were 
no longer welcome in France more or less 
automatically brought into question the fu- 
ture location of the alliance political head- 
quarters, the North Atla-ntic Council, which 
is also now in France. In our view, it is 
desirable and even necessary that the Council 
and its international staff have contact with 
SHAPE on a day-to-day basis. In time of 
rising tension or crisis there must be the 
closest communication between the Council 
and SHAPE and the other military authori- 
ties. Therefore, we believe the alliance politi- 
cal and military headquarters should be lo- 
cated within close proximity of each other. 
Not only would this facilitate communica- 
tions in an emergency; it would also remove 
any doubt in peacetime as to which is the 
controlling body of the alliance. 

In addressing themselves to the question 
of the future location of the Council, the 
Fourteen agreed tha,t the measures of the 
French Government have created a situation 
in which the Council would be physically 
separated from all the military organisms of 
NATO. They also agreed on the importance, 
which I have just described, of close coop- 
eration between the political and military 
institutions of the alliance, and that the col- 
location of these institutions is one of the 
principal factors to be considered in decid- 
ing this question. The ministers determined, 
therefore, that as negotiations on related 
matters move forward, other alternative 
sites for the Council should be examined. 
The rationale for collocation is compelling. 
I believe that when the studies are in, the 
Fourteen will agree to the need for relocation 
of the Council near the new SHAPE site. 

The most difficult question faced at Brus- 
sels was that of the arrangements between 
French forces, especially those in Germany, 
and NATO forces. The questions between 
France and NATO are clearly political. They 
involve the extent to which France is com- 
mitted to act with the other allies in a crisis 

and the extent to which France will enter 
into effective command arrangements in 
time of war. Aft«r considerable discussion, 
it was agreed thait the political questions 
between France and NATO could be ad- 
dressed by the North Atlantic Council in 
permanent session. 

All of these matters — relocation, reorga- 
nization, and procedures for negotiation — 
were approved by the Ministerial Council, 
including France. 

This should not be taken to imply that the 
France-NATO question is settled. Time will 
tell us whether the negotiation within the 
Permanent Council on France's relationship 
to NATO will have positive results. We have 
yet to learn what France means in saying it 
plans to remain a party to the North Atlan- 
tic Treaty. 

Let me now turn to the other business of 
the meeting. 

Approach to Solution of East-West Problems 

A major question considered at Brussels 
was in the area of East-West relations and 
the best approach to their eventual, and 
genuine, solution. This question has been an 
active and primary concern of the alliance 
since its beginning. The search for solutions 
has led us, inexorably, to the conclusion that 
they require an atmosphere in which neither 
party can mistake the intentions or the de- 
termination of the other. It is this conclusion 
that continues to provide the rationale for 
NATO. We and the other members of the 
Fourteen stand together on this point. We 
believe that the only way in which we can 
have genuine progress toward the eventual 
settlement of the tragic division of Germany 
and the gulf between East and West is to 
demonstrate in unmistakable terms our 
resolve to keep our defenses strong and to 
remain united. 

Although we agreed that there were no 
dramatic prospects for new agreements or 
arrangements with the East, it was obvious 
that the ministers at Brussels, including 
France, believed the nations of the West 
should make it abundantly clear that they 
desire improved relationships. Unremitting 


efforts on our pjui; may in time prompt fa- 
vorable responses from the E;ist. 1 sugrgested 
that the Council instruct the permanent 
represent;itives to continue with their exam- 
ination of the outlook for healthy develop- 
ments in East-\A'est relations and to consider 
further initiatives which might usefully be 
undei-t:iken by the alliance members. This 
was agreed, and the permanent representa- 
tives will report on the matter to the minis- 

As a matter of continuing business, the per- 
manent representatives also will study the 
nature of the threat from the East and the 
changes which are occurring in Eiistern Eu- 
rope in order to deteiTniiie their impliciitions 
for the West. We also need to identify areas 
which might offer opportunities for further 
agreement. All of this, which we see as con- 
tributing importantly to tiying to build a 
peace, will require and receive frequent and 
intimate consultation among the alliance 

Even though progress in settling danger- 
ous disputes may not be possible in the im- 
mediate future, increased contacts through 
trade and cultural and other exchanges may 
help to develop a more favorable atmosphere 
for more complex negotiations later. 

Use of the machinery of NATO for ex- 
changing infoi-mation and ideas and for har- 
monizing policies does not signify that 
NATO would become the agency of negotia- 
tion with the East. Actual negotiations might 
be conducted bilaterally or by various gi'oups 
of nations, depending on the subject matter. 

Other constructive regular alliance mat- 
ters were taken up. Among them, I would 
like in particular to bring to your attention 
the following: 

The ministers heard a report from the 

Special Committee of Defense Ministers 
studying nuclear mattei*s. The Committee 
will continue its work and is expected to 
make a final report to the December minis- 
terial meeting. 

The Committee which deals with coopera- 
tive research, develoi^ment, and jjroduction 
of military equipment was reorganized. Con- 
ditions now seem promising for significiint 
alliance cooperation in this respect. 

Attention wiis given to the need of Greece 
and Turkey for support in their efforts to 
contribute to the common defense. Addi- 
tional countries indicated a readiness to help. 

1 brought to the attention of the Council 
our interest in the NATO Parliamentarians 
Conference, which I consider a most useful 
contributor to creating broader understand- 
ing of the alliance. 

Finally, although time was limited, I 
brought our allies up to date on develop- 
ments in the Dominican Republic and Viet- 

That, briefly, is what took place at Brus- 
sels. It was an impressive demonstration of 
the unity of the 14 alliance membei-s who 
continue to consider NATO essential to their 
security and are prepared to do what is 
necessary to presei-\^e it. 

What actually occurred at Brussels was, I 
believe, considerably different from what 
some had thought they would see. In place of 
disunity and confusion there was, among the 
Fourteen, resolution and concord. It should 
now be unmistakably clear to all that, while 
the Fourteen earnestly hope that France will 
cooperate in this effort, they are determined 
to cany on in any case. 

Thus, the outlook for NATO, though 
unclear as far as France is concerned, is 

JULY 4, 1966 

The Growing Strength of Freedom 

by Ambassador at Large W. Averell Harriman ' 

The life of our nation can no longer be con- 
tained between two oceans. One of the great- 
est changes is the reduction in size of the 
world. One can travel to Bangkok in 
Thailand, halfway around the world, within 
24 hours, less time than required for a trip 
from Salt Lake to Omaha a generation ago. 

The outstanding achievements of our 
people have forced on us world leadership 
and world responsibility. These responsibili- 
ties have come so rapidly that it is natural 
that some of the people of our country have 
not been fully prepared. Some have been re- 
luctant, and some would now turn aside. 

And yet as we look back over the last 20 
years of the postwar period, we have every 
right to take enormous pride in the imagina- 
tive, constructive, and honorable actions we 
have taken. If I were to choose one word to 
describe the spirit of our actions, I would 
use the word "generosity." 

Of course our purpose has been to further 
our own security and welfare with the en- 
lightened understanding of our own self- 
interest. We realize that we cannot survive 
as an island of safety and prosperity aloof 
from poverty, misery, and strife elsewhere 
on this small planet. We have recognized that 
we must give a helping hand to others who 
ask our aid to achieve their hopes and aspira- 
tions for a better life secure from outside in- 
terference and aggression. 

Throughout the postwar period we have 

' Commencement address made at the University 
of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, on June 10 (press 
release 142). Ambassador Harriman added extempo- 
raneous remarks. 

been confronted by a new aggressive force 
that would destroy all the human values we 
believe in and substitute an atheist Com- 
munist dictatorship everywhere. In spite of 
all our attempts to come to an understand- 
ing with the Soviet Union for cooperation on 
postwar reconstruction and conditions for 
peace, Stalin decided to go his own way. In 
fact, he told me as much when I saw him in 
October 1945 at Sochi, his Black Sea retreat. 
Stalin believed that in the wake of the devas- 
tation and dislocation of the war his dream 
of world domination for communism could 
be advanced. 

While I was our Ambassador in Moscow, 
I reported to President Roosevelt in March 
1945 that it was the Soviet intent not only 
to hold Eastern Europe, then being occupied 
by the Red Army, but to take over Western 
Europe for communism as well. I pointed out 
that more than food by UNRRA [United 
Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Adminis- 
tration] would be required. Capital and raw 
materials would be needed to revive com- 
merce and industry, or else communism 
might well succeed in the prevailing economic 
chaos and human misery. 

With remarkable speed, the United States 
within 2 years took leadership in those great 
cooperative concepts of the Marshall Plan 
and NATO which made possible an extraor- 
dinary economic revival of Western Europe 
under the security of the military alliance. 
Then in 1949 President Truman proposed the 
worldwide Point 4 program to share our 
scientific and technical knowledge to help the 
people of underdeveloped areas throw off 



the centuries-old yoke of misery and igno- 

This is not the occasion to tiace in detail 
all the changes that have taken place in the 
free world resulting in no small measure from 
our leadership: the revival of the vitality and 
genius of Western Europe, the emergence of 
57 new nations from colonial status, the revo- 
lution of rising expectations in the underde- 
veloped areas of the world, the turning back 
of Communist aggression in Greece, Berlin, 
Korea, and elsewhere. 

Changes Behind the Iron Curtain 

I would like to address myself to the 
changes that have occurred behind what Sir 
Winston Churchill named the "Iron Curtain," 
where events are more obscure and less open 
to detailed scrutiny. 

In the first place, Stalin's dream of creat- 
ing the monolithic structure of world com- 
munism with the Kremlin as the oracle has 
been shattered, not alone because of the con- 
flict between Moscow and Peking but also be- 
cause of the growing independence of the 
countries of Eastern Europe, where the spirit 
of national identity with different and older 
cultures is compelling the loosening of the 
bonds of Moscow control. 

On the other hand, progress within the 
Soviet Union has been in many ways remark- 
able. Industrial production has been vastly 
increased, though agriculture has been dis- 
appointing. In Red China as well, food pro- 
duction has been disastrously inadequate. 
This is in sharp contrast with the achieve- 
ments of the free Chinese in Taiwan in pro- 
ducing record crops of rice in Taiwan, second 
only to the Japanese farmers. Somehow com- 
munism has failed everywhere in agriculture. 

Education has been one of the prime objec- 
tives of the Soviet leaders. At the time of the 
Bolshevik revolution, Russia was a backward 
country by European standards, with 75 per- 
cent of its people illiterate. Soviet education 
has eliminated illiteracy and in the field of 
higher learning has achieved marked results 
particularly in science and engineering. 

I believe it is fair to say, however, that 
Soviet education has failed in its most basic 

objective, and that is in the creation of the 
"new Soviet man." 

Marx taught that human nature had to be 
reconditioned before his Utopian dream of a 
Communist society could be realized. In the 
years after the Bolshevik revolution the 
Soviets spoke of creating a "new Soviet 
man": a man purged of feudal, capitalist, and 
religious reflexes and accepting Communist 
dogma without question. In the midtwenties, 
when I first visited the Soviet Union, there 
was still a good deal of revolutionary effer- 
vescence, including the arts and theater. 

Revolutionary idealism, however, was vir- 
tually extinguished by the realities of Stalin's 
ruthless dictatorshij). Under Stalin education 
became increasingly a means of control 
through indoctrination. 

But this method of mass indoctrination 
seems to be failing. It has been found that 
human nature is more intractable, complex, 
and independent than had been assumed. It 
seems true that students accept without ques- 
tion state ownership of the means of produc- 
tion and take pride in Russia's material 
achievements. Also, there are zealots who ac- 
cept the Communist faith. Many others go 
along out of expediency. 

However, in the universities today there 
are indications that students for the most 
part are demanding greater freedoms. They 
are bored by Communist indoctrination. They 
resent restrictions on what they can read and 
discuss, and above all they want to travel, to 
see, to learn and decide for themselves. 

In a recent Russian short story, a teen- 
ager condemns his older brother for lack of 
initiative and individual thought. He says, 
"Never once in your life have you made a 
truly important decision, never once taken a 
risk. To hell with it. . . . Not on your life. 
It's better to be a tramp and fail than to be 
a boy all your life, carrying out the deci- 
sions of others." 

A new unofficial group of young intellec- 
tuals go by the title "SMOG" — the initials 
of the Russian words meaning "courage, 
thought, imagination, and profundity." 

An intellectual in one of the Eastern Euro- 
pean countries recently told me that among 

JULY 4, 1966 


students in his country there had developed 
an obsession against lies. He described how 
his own son came home from school one eve- 
ning and told him that the students knew 
that their teacher was lying to them when he 
interpreted 15th-century history in Marxist 
terms. And what is more, he said that the 
teacher knew that the students knew he was 
lying. This man believed the same was just 
as true in the Soviet Union. 

The authorities are, however, still attempt- 
ing not only to indoctrinate the youth but to 
restrict freedom of expression considered 
dangerous to the regime. Attempts are made, 
as we see in the recent trial of Sinyavskiy 
and Daniel, to mete out stern punishment to 
the more independent. Yet, the demand for 
greater freedom cannot be entirely sup- 

In spite of setbacks, at least limited free- 
dom of expression appears to be growing. 
The Communist Party has been the instru- 
ment of control of the Russian people for the 
Kremlin. It has been policing all aspects of 
Russian life. Those responsible for produc- 
tion and other activities, however, are de- 
manding greater independence; and with the 
need for better results, they are obtaining it. 

Thought Control In Red China 

In Red China there has been an even 
greater effort at indoctrination and even 
greater demand for conformity among the in- 
tellectuals. A decade ago there was a brief 
relaxation during the experiment of the 
"hundred flowers." But this was short lived. 
Again in 1961, after the collapse of the "great 
leap forward," a degree of critical analysis 
was permitted. Since then, controls have been 
reimposed with increasing severity. There 
appears to be a struggle for succession to the 
ailing Mao Tse-tung or at least an attempt 
to reinforce a rigid hold on the intellectuals 
in order to assure the continuation of his 
philosophy. Mao is being virtually deified and 
his writings accepted as the Scripture. Every 
success is held to be the result of his teach- 

For example, the explosion of the third nu- 
clear device was heralded as, and I quote. 

"A great victory for Mao Tse-tung's 
thought." Soldiers of the People's Army are 
called upon to "arm themselves" with Mao 
teachings to offset deficiencies in modern 
weapons. Editorials were written about an- 
other group, saying, "After studying and 
creatively applying Mao Tse-tung's principles 
and further arming themselves with his 
thinking, they have raised their skills and 
fortified their confidence in daring to seize 
victory." The competitors referred to had 
recently won an international tournament in 

Such extremes may seem amusing, but it 
becomes more ominous when we read state- 
ments made by a faithful Chinese Com- 
munist author and poet, Kuo Mo-Jo, who had 
been criticized for alleged heresy. This writer, 
past 70, made a long confession in which he 
said, "I must have written millions of words. 
However, measured with the standards of to- 
day all things I have ever written should be 
completely burned as there is not an iota of 
value in them. What is the principal reason? 
It is because I have not properly studied the 
thinking of Chairman Mao and I have not 
armed myself with his thinking." 

We cannot judge where the purges of polit- 
ical leaders and writers will lead. Those ex- 
posed are attacked in ferocious language as 
"demons, traitors, and poisonous weeds," 
even though they may have been long sup- 
porters of the regime. In the long run it is 
impossible to believe that such rigid control 
of thought can be successful. 

Some Striking Reverses for Communism 

It is significant that along with the fail- 
ure of Communist governments to hold their 
people under complete control. Communist 
ideology is becoming a harder and harder 
product to sell in other parts of the world. 

Frustrated in Western Europe, Communist 
leaders turned their attention to the under- 
developed areas. It was thought that with the 
demands of iieople for rapid economic prog- 
ress, communism, with its false promises, 
would find a fertile field to gain domination 
in the new and developing nations. 

But in Latin America, in Africa, and in 



Asia, communism has met with striking I'e- 

In Latin America the Communists have 
been suffering setbacks. The Alliance for 
Progress is producing tangible results in the 
form of increased growth rates, greater em- 
phasis on better education, and social reform. 
Continued progress is also being made to- 
ward governments responsive to the will of 
the peoi)le, with respect for political freedom 
and individual rights. In the Chilean elec- 
tions of 1964, President Frei and his Chris- 
tian Democratic Party won a resounding 
victory over his Communist-supported oppo- 
nent. In Brazil, where the Communists were 
gaining a political foothold, the Castello 
Branco government thwarted the Com- 
munist schemes and is working toward fully 
restoring constitutional government. In the 
Dominican Republic, in cooperation with the 
Organization of American States, an interim 
government has prepared the country for 
free elections which have just been success- 
fully held. This reaffirms our faith that 
peoi^le can decide their own future if they are 
not interfered with by outside pressures. 

With the failure of popular fronts, the 
Communists in Latin America are openly 
advocating violence to achieve their objec- 
tives. At two different Communist-dominated 
conferences in Havana in 1964 and 1966, in 
which the Soviets and Chinese Reds partici- 
pated, the Communists declared their sup- 
port for "liberation movements" in Latin 

A Communist-controlled meeting in Ha- 
vana under Castro's chairmanship, sponsored 
by the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organi- 
zation (AAPSO), was held in January of this 
year. This conference blatantly called for "in- 
tensification of all forms of struggle, includ- 
ing the aiTTied struggle of the peoples of the 
three continents (of Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America) . . ." and specified by name eight 
Latin American countries, including Vene- 
zuela, Colombia, Chile, Peru, and Brazil, as 
targets in one form or another for "organized 
revolution and violence." 

The reaction of the Latin American states 
to these open threats was prompt and cate- 

gorical. The Organization of American 
States adopted a resolution February 2 * em- 
phatically condemning "the policy of inter- 
vention and aggression of the Communist 
states and other participating countries and 
groups manifested in the discussions and de- 
cisions" of the Havana conference. 

In Africa the Communists are meeting re- 
buffs. When Chou En-lai stated in his speech 
in Dar-es-Salaam last year that he consid- 
ered Africa ripe for revolution, a neighbor- 
ing statesman pointed out that his country 
had had its revolution and intended to avert 
all others, whether inspired from within or 
without. This spoke the African mind. We 
have seen Communist representatives thrown 
out of a number of African countries because 
of their heavy-handed methods. Since the be- 
ginning of this year, five African countries 
have expelled Communist diplomats and tech- 
nicians on charges that they were engaging 
in subversive activities. The trend in Africa 
is against communism and toward regimes 
which favor genuine nonalinement in for- 
eign affairs and development of their own 
countries in their own African way. 

The efforts of the Communists to promote 
violence through so-called liberation move- 
ments are not meeting with success. The gov- 
ernments of Latin American countries are 
having increasing success in breaking up ter- 
rorist and guerrilla groups before they be- 
come a menace to the stability of the coun- 

In Africa, Communist attemi)ts to aggra- 
vate and exploit violence in Central Africa, 
notably the Congo, have been checked. Ex- 
tremist leaders such as Ben Bella and Nkru- 
mah have fallen from power. 

In Asia, Indonesia, after a period of grow- 
ing Communist influence, is now reasserting 
its independence and freedom from outside 

In Thailand, Communist China a year ago 
announced the establishment of a "patriotic 
front" to overturn the Thai Government and 
since then has attempted to ignite in north- 

' For text of U.S. statement before the Council of 
the Organization of American States on Jan. 24, 
1966, see Bulletin of Mar. 7, 1966, p. 383. 

JULY 4, 1966 


eastern Thailand a guerrilla insurgency. The 
Thai Government has been taking construc- 
tive measures to control the situation. 

The struggle against aggression in South- 
east Asia and specifically in Viet-Nam, to 
which we are giving assistance, is one of the 
decisive struggles of today. I am confident 
that with perseverance we can achieve our 
limited objective of enabling the people of 
South Viet-Nam to decide their own future. 

In Europe, NATO has succeeded in check- 
ing aggression, but with this success have 
come new problems. Although one country is 
planning to withdraw from NATO, there ap- 
pears to be a wide measure of agreement 
among the other 14 allies. Not only is an in- 
tegrated force still needed for security but 
also NATO can provide a means for unified 
action in negotiations with the East. There 
is a universal desire in Europe to break 
down the artificial barrier of the Ii'on Cur- 
tain and re-create more normal relations in 
the whole of Europe. 

Throughout the world freedom is gaining 
strength. Free nations are growing stronger, 
and freedom is beginning to penetrate into 
areas once closed to it. 

Our influence in the world comes not alone 
from our material resources but from the 
appeal of our ideals. In the past 20 years our 
leadership has stimulated great progress, but 
there is still a long and difficult road ahead. 
If we turn aside now, much of the ground 
could be lost. 

The strengthening of freedom in the world 
will continue to require our initiative, imagi- 
nation, compassion, and courageous action at 
home and abroad. 

As President Johnson said almost 2 years 
ago in the Tabernacle: ^ "So in today's 
changing world, and in today's turbulent sea, 
all mankind seeks a rock to cling to. Amer- 
ica must stand as that rock. It will be that 
rock if we follow our fixed star — the ideals of 
a free society that have guided our Nation 
through its gravest dangers and shaped our 
country through its finest hours." 

' For text, see Public Papers of the Presidents, 
Lyndon B. Johnson, 1963-196i, vol. II, p. 1513. 

President Schick of Nicaragua 
Visits Washington 

President Rene Schick Gutierrez of Nicw- 
ragua made an informal visit to Washing- 
ton June 9-10. Folloiving are texts of greet- 
ings exchanged by President Johnson and 
President Schick at a welcoming ceremony 
on the South Laivn of the White House on 
June 9. 

White House press release dated June 9 ; as-delivered text. 


Mr. President, I want to welcome you to 
Washington this morning on behalf of the 
United States Government and of the Amer- 
ican people. 

Our two countries share many ties and 
many interests. One of the strongest stands 
before us: your Ambassador and the dean of 
our diplomatic corps, Dr. [Guillei-mo] Sevilla- 
Sacasa, who has been untiring in his eflforts, 
constant in his purpose, and always has at- 
tempted to serve not only the interests of the 
people of your country but the people of this 
entire hemisphere. 

It is always good, Mr. President, when the 
heads of governments can come together. 
Each of us, each day, constantly faces new 
challenges. We in the United States, for ex- 
ample, are now engaged in a great battle to 
eliminate the last elements of racial discrimi- 
nation in this society of ours. 

Mr. President, we are trying so hard to im- 
prove our entire educational system in this 
country. In every society education is the ulti- 
mate basis for responsible citizenship, for 
economic growth, for social progress. 

We are determined, Mr. President, to im- 
prove the health of our young and of our old. 
In the days ahead we will take some of the 
most revolutionary steps ever taken since the 
founding of our Republic in advancing health 
measures for the benefit of all the people of 
this country. 

We are very much determined to keep our 
land beautiful in the face of an industrial 



civilization which threatens the landscape, 
the air, and the water. 

I know that your country, too, Mr. Presi- 
dent, faces similar i)roblems as your i)eoi)le 
strive to create a modern Nicaragua and as 
they desire to play their part as citizens of 
the hemisjihere. 

I am particularly proud that we could pay 
respect and honor not just to you as the 
President, althougrh we are pleased that you 
could stop here on your visit to this country, 
but to pay respect and honor to every Nicara- 
guan citizen. We are especially pleased to ob- 
serve Nicaragua's loyal collaboration in the 
Central American Common Market effort. 

We know that in the field of education, in 
the field of health, and in the field of social 
betterment, no geographical lines divide 
human beings. Wherever the human heart 
beats, peojile will want the same things: bet- 
ter education for their children, better health 
for their families, better homes to live in. 

I congratulate you, Mr. President, along 
with your Central American neighbors, for 
the progress that has been made toward a 
better and a fuller economic integration. We 
feel this is essential to improve the economic 
lot of the good people who inhabit this conti- 
nent with us. Your visit coincides closely with 
the fifth anniversary of the Common Market 
endeavor which was so happily marked last 

Our two countries share common objec- 
tives on the world scene as well as in this 

As the leaders of the world scene have 
come and gone from Washington, there al- 
ways has been one person who joined with the 
officials of the United States to pay them 
respect and understanding, regardless of 
their political philosophy or from which con- 
tinent they came. That person was the dis- 
tinguished dean of the diplomatic corps, our 
friend Sevilla-Sacasa. So this, too, acknowl- 
edges and pays to him a tribute that we 
think is long overdue. 

' For a statement by President Johnson, see Bui^ 
LETIN of June 27, 1966, p. 1004. 

Mr. President, we look forward to a con- 
tinuation of the strong effort that is carry- 
ing us forward in this hemisi)here to the 
most desirable objectives and toward goals 
that we believe are obtainable. 

Today, I have asked some of the leaders of 
all groups, factions, and ])arties of this Gov- 
ernment to come here and exchange sugges- 
tions and ideas with you as to how we can 
make a better life for our people. 

We are happy that you could come to see 


In reality, I have been deeply moved and 
touched by the welcome that you have given 
me so generously and nobly this morning. 
President Johnson. I think this is perhaps a 
witness and a tribute to the friendshi]) that 
happily has existed for so long between Nica- 
ragua and the great American people. I have 
been deeply moved. I accept this on behalf of 
my own country because I know this is a 
tribute that is being rendered not to me per- 
sonally but to my own country. 

And on behalf of the people of Nicaragua I 
would like to express my deep appreciation 
for this welcome — it represents the open and 
frank and sincere friendship that has always 
bound us with the United States — and to 
thank you, President Johnson, for your very 
generous words. 

I appreciate these all the more considering 
the source and person of your high virtues, 
your strong execution of policies, and j-our 
great struggle to fight for freedom, for jus- 
tice, and for democracy throughout the 
world. All of these characteristics are well 
known not only to the jieople in my own 
country but to people all over the world. 

I would like to thank you especially, Mr. 
President, for this generous act of receiving 
the members of my party and receiving me in 
this extraordinary welcome which really has 
been very pleasing to my people and to my 

I want to also express my deep apprecia- 
tion to you because at your side, as you have 

JULY 4, 1966 


greeted me, you have your wife, Mrs. John- 
son. She is well known for the great assist- 
ance she has given you, not only in matters 
of the heart but also in matters of politics 
and for her work for social benefit, for edu- 
cation, for culture, and for health of your 
citizens of this great country. 

So on behalf of the people of Nicaragua I 
would like to express my appreciation and 
present respectful greetings to the First Lady 
of the United States of America, whose heart 
is imbued we know with sentiments of love 
for all of mankind. 

I want to thank you also, Mr. President, 
for your kind references to Dr. Guillermo 
Sevilla-Sacasa, the Ambassador of Nicara- 
gua to the United States, as he has been for 
quite a long time. He has been my teacher. I 
worked with him in the Embassy during the 
course of several years. What little I was 
able to learn, what little I know, I learned 
from him. 

I have learned from him some of the qual- 
ities he displays so well, the frankness of 
openness, of sincerity, of nobility of spirit, 
of generosity and especially the deep-rooted 
sentiments that he has of friendship for the 
United States of America, which has been 
our policy for so many years. I want to ex- 
press to him and render tribute to him on 
this date as Chief Executive of Nicaragua, 
to him who yesteryear was my teacher and 
who now is my subordinate for the wonderful 
things that he has been able to do for me. 

In the world today that is so convulsed 
with so many struggles, in this world in 
which there is so much restlessness and so 
much source for preoccupation, in this world 
in which there exist ideologies different from 
our own that threaten the very roots of our 
common Western civilization, I understand, 
Mr. President, that on your shoulders there 
rest a great many burdens and you have a 
great many sources of concern and a great 
deal of responsibility for the many problems 
that you have to deal with. 

But I would like to tell you on this day and 
like to tell you publicly and like to tell you 
categorically that my country, which is a 
small one as far as territory is concerned but 

which is a large one as far as our aspirations 
of our people and as far as the love that we 
have for the principles of justice and of lib- 
erty, shares your aspirations and shares your 
ideals and will be today, as we have been yes- 
terday and will be tomorrow, completely 
with you in following the enlightened pol- 
icies that you are setting forward and pur- 
suing for the good not only of the people of 
the United States but for all mankind. 

I was especially pleased to hear your ref- 
erences to education. I heard your words with 
a great deal of pleasure because I myself am 
an educator and have believed for all my life 
that education should be the basic principle 
sought after for the happiness of the life of 
our people. For many years I have struggled 
first as a grade school teacher, then as a high 
school teacher, a university professor, and a 
minister of education, struggled to obtain for 
education first place, preferential place, in 
our national budget. 

I am delighted to be able to see that I fi- 
nally achieved that goal, because in the budg- 
et for 1966 education occupies the first place 
in our budget followed closely by the fight 
against problems affecting the health of our 
people to which you have also made reference 
and to which I think a great deal of effort 
should be devoted. 

And, Mr. President, I would like to make 
reference here, since I am speaking from this 
position that we have achieved of giving ed- 
ucation such a primary boost in our budget, 
that we have been able to do this with the 
very, very generous help that we have re- 
ceived from the United States, not only in 
the field of technical assistance but also eco- 
nomically through grants and through loans 
that we characterize as soft loans because of 
their long term and because of the low inter- 
est rates that they bear. 

President Johnson, I don't want to abuse 
any more of your kindness in receiving me 
here and in the kindness of the people that 
are together at this ceremony and especially 
of your lovely wife, because of the hot sun 
that is burning down on all of us, that is 
burning our faces and making people uncom- 
fortable, but I must, as a good Nicaraguan 



and a son of the land of Ruben Dario, make 
use of this literary reference here to tlie sun 
and say Jis Chief Executive of Nicaragua 
that the sun that is now burning on our faces 
is also the sun that can he comj^ared with the 
way your actions are illuminating the world, 
with the sun that is inspiring you to greater 
efforts to solve problems and encouraging 
peojile in all latitudes of this globe to uphold 
the princiiiles of the dignity of man, the prin- 
ciples of freedom, and the principles of jus- 
tice, the jirinciples that you as a leader of the 
Government of the United States have always 
defended so well and are developing them 
also as a great leader of our own Western 

Because we all recognize the work that you 
have done in the development of these ideals 
and principles of our hemisphere and also de- 
veloping ideals shared by other like-minded 
people throughout the world, because of your 
work in the struggle that you are engaged 
in in South Viet-Nam, I pay tribute to you 
because I consider that this is where the bor- 
ders of the United States really are. Ideolog- 
ical borders of a country go far beyond any 
geographical borders. They go as far as the 
aspiration of a people will take them. 

And before concluding, and again I ask 
your indulgence for having abused the gen- 
erosity of the people who are standing here 
today, I would like to pay a special thanks 
to you for the tribute that you have rendered 
to my country in this military review and I 
want to express my great appreciation be- 
cause the highest symbol of your nationhood, 
your flag, greeted me and the members of my 
party as representatives of the people and the 
Government of Nicaragua, in whose name I 
again express my thanks. 

I would like to tell you that we will be 
solidly with you because we are a, peace-lov- 
ing people and lovers of justice and of free- 
dom. We will express and maintain solidarity 
with you now and throughout the years to 
come. You can count on us. You can count 
on the solidarity of the countries of Latin 
America and especially of our own neighbors 
in Central America and, of course, of our own 
Nicaragua, because we share your aspira- 

tions, we share your efforts, we share your 
desire for finding peace in this world. 

Finally, Mr. President, you said that some 
representatives of your Government were go- 
ing to come and exchange ideas with me. I 
expect to learn a great deal from them. 1 
don't think they will learn that much from 
me, because I have little experience, but I do 
have a heart that is full of love for freedom, 
for justice, and for the reign of law. 

Finally, I would like to express my thanks 
to the generous tribute that has been ren- 
dered to us by this great country, a tribute 
rendered for our own very small country 
which, however, spiritually feels on a par 
with this country of yours. 

U.S. To Resume Aid 
to India and Pakistan 

Department Announcement ' 

During the past 6 months the President 
and members of the administration have had 
the opportunity for extensive discussions 
with the President of Pakistan, the Prime 
Minister of India, and members of their Gov- 
ernments. During this period, there has been 
a return to the peace which was so tragically 
interrupted by last fall's conflict. The Gov- 
ernments of India and Pakistan are again 
concentrating on the urgent tasks of national 
development. Drawing on experience and the 
results of past efl'orts, both countries have 
economic plans which show high promise. 

In concert with other members of the 
World Bank-led consortia for India and Pak- 
istan, the United States wishes to do its share 
in support of development and mutual coop- 
eration in South Asia. Within this framework 
steps are now in process toward the orderly 
and early resumption of United States eco- 
nomic aid to both India and Pakistan through 
use of funds already appropriated. Further 
aid is contemplated, subject to congressional 

' Read to news correspondents on June 15 by a 
Department spokesman. 

JULY 4, 1966 


Private Enterprise, Economic Integration, 
and the Alliance for Progress 

by Lincoln Gordon 

Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs ' 

It is a pleasure and an honor to have the 
opportunity to address this 25th anniver- 
sary meeting of the Inter-American Council 
of Commerce and Production, the principal 
inter-American organization representing 
private business from all parts of this hemi- 
sphere. Although CICYP is 25 years old, in 
its present phase it is far younger; and it is 
much more robust today than in its earlier 
incarnation. That this rejuvenated CICYP, 
indeed, is a contemporary of the Alliance 
for Progress — the great program of inter- 
American cooperation for accelerated devel- 
opment which has become a central concern 
of all of our Western Hemisphere govern- 
ments — is no mere coincidence; for the aims 
of the new CICYP and those of the Alliance 
are overlapping and convergent. Both are de- 
voted to expanded economic activity with 
modernized institutions; both are devoted 
to the creation of economic and social con- 
ditions permitting a better life for all of our 

As CICYP turns increasingly, both in its 
national sections and as an international 
organization, to the problems of practical 
action for Latin American economic develop- 
ment and integration in keeping with the 
general theme of this week's meeting, I am 
confident that its voice will be increasingly 
heard and i-espected in the councils of gov- 
ernment and in the shaping of the broad 

' Address made before the Inter-American Coun- 
cil of Commerce and Production (CICYP) at Mexico 
City, Mexico, on June 1. 

public pohcies which guide and stimulate the 
processes of development in Latin America. 
It has occasionally been suggested that in 
its original foiinulation 5 years ago the 
Alliance for Progress reflected a bias 
against private enterprise. As one of the 
active participants during that first phase, 
I may be forgiven for saying with some 
emphasis that tnis view is simply wrong. 
The Declaration to the Peoples of America 
of Punta del Este,"" which set forth the 
philosophy of the Alliance, stated as one of 
its principal goals: 

To stimulate private enterprise in oi-der to en- 
courage the development of Latin American coun- 
tries at a rate which will help them to provide jobs 
for their growing population, to eliminate unem- 
ployment, and to take their place among the mod- 
ern industrialized nations of the world. 

Nor was this merely a matter of lip- 
service. The programs and projects of tlie 
Alliance — the Alliance in practice — have 
looked to a constantly strengthened and 
modernized private sector as a major in- 
strument for economic expansion. 

I imagine that the allegations of anti- 
business bias were based on the emphasis in 
the Chai-ter of Punta del Este^ on national 
development planning, on social objectives, 
and on the need for reform. But none of 
these are incompatible with a strong private 
enterprise system. 

Under today's conditions, I would argue 

'For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 11, 1961, p. 462. 
' Ibid., p. 463. 



that they are in fact necessary requirements 
for the existence of a strong and healthy 
private sector. 

Tlie charter's appendix on elements of 
national development programs makes it 
clear that the type of development planning 
envisaged by the Alliance is democratic 
planning for a free society, in which region- 
ally organized public investment following a 
conscious set of priorities is matched by 
systematic incentives and institutions to en- 
courage private investment and action in 
support of the development program. 

The social objectives are not merely dis- 
tributive; their main thrust is social invest- 
ment in such fields as education, health, 
housing, and improved conditions of agri- 
cultural life and work, all essential condi- 
tions for modernized economies. As to re- 
foi-m — refoiTn of tax structure and systems 
of tax administration; reform of relation- 
ships among landowners, tenants, and agri- 
cultural labor; reform of public adminis- 
tration; reform of capital markets and 
company laws; refonn of educational insti- 
tutions at all levels — can anyone seriously 
question the need for such measures if Latin 
America is to move fully and rapidly into 
the nK'instrecim of late 20th-century eco- 
nomic life ? This is not to suggest that every 
development plan is perfect or that every 
proposed reform measure is sound — far 
from it. 

Ours is a highly diverse continent; and 
there is room for much experimentation in 
the relations between government and busi- 
ness, in the design of governmental policies, 
and in the institutional developments which 
accompany economic and social progress. 
But to oppose development planning and 
refonn as a matter of principle comes very 
close to opposing development and change. 
I suggest to you that a more constructive 
approach is to use your influence to see that 
the plans and reforms make sense and that 
they give to private enterprise that affirma- 
tive and innovating and expansionist role 
which it can so well perfonn. 

I also suggest to you that the shaping of 
national development plans and policies is 

not primarily a matter for the United 
States. Our role in the Alliance for Prog- 
ress is to provide a margin of external fi- 
nancial and technical assistance to support 
Lrfitin America's development programs. In 
so doing, both we and the inteiTiational insti- 
tutions, under the multilateral guidance of 
the CIAP — the Inter-American Committee 
on the Alliance for Progress — do exercise 
some influence on national programs, espe- 
cially in discussing the various measures 
of self-help which justify external support 
and which make it truly useful. But it is to 
Latin America itself that we must look for 
the main initiative in determining the char- 
acter of those programs and efforts. 

Role of the Private Sector 

It has also been charged that too much of 
the external aid under the Alliance for 
Progress is on a govemment-to-govemment 
basis and that this weakens the private 
sector. I likewise emphatically reject that 
charge. It is true that the major fields of 
governmental project lending, whether bi- 
lateral or from the World Bank and the 
Inter-American Development Bank, have 
been economic infrastructure (power, roads, 
and communications) and social infrastruc- 
ture (education, water supply and other 
health measures, and housing). But it is 
obvious that deficiencies in economic infra- 
structure have been among the key bottle- 
necks limiting the growth of Latin American 
private enterprise, both in industiy and in 

Investment in education and health has 
been shown to yield very high returns even 
in purely economic terms, apart from its 
obvious social and political desirability. 
Clearly these essential works of infrastruc- 
ture must be matched by investment in di- 
rectly productive superstructure, and that is 
mainly the direct resix)nsibility of private 
enterprise. Especially during the past 2 
years, external financing under the Alliance 
has been increasingly directed toward such 

I have in mind not only loans to individual 
private projects but especially the provision 

JULY 4, 1966 


of seed capital for new intermediate finanr 
cial institutions such as development banks, 
farm credit institutions, producers' coopera- 
tives, and housing banks. Through these 
institutions new lifeblood has been made 
available to thousands of small and medium 
enterprises, often accompanied by technical 
assistance; and their effects are increas- 
ingly visible in a wide range of industrial 
and agricultural enterprises. 

In the countries receiving United States 
assistance in the form of program loans, 
moreover, a portion of the funds is being 
set aside now for financing the importation 
of needed capital goods on terms which en- 
courage diversified expansion in the private 
sector, and the major share of local-cur- 
rency counteiTDart realized from the sale to 
importers of program loan dollars is used 
for loans to the private sector through inter- 
mediate financial institutions of the type I 
have already mentioned. 

Those of us who had the privilege of ad- 
vising President Kennedy on policy toward 
Latin America in the early development of 
the Alliance for Progress were moved by a 
deep conviction that the United States had 
made a serious error during the previous 
15 years, an error shared by both our major 
political parties. That error was an undue 
concentration of attention on other regions 
of the world while Latin America was being 
taken too much for granted. The Alliance 
for Progress remedied that error, and Presi- 
dent Johnson's recent speech ■* here in Mexico 
City makes it clear that there is no danger 
of its recurrence. 

To the business community of Latin 
America, I would suggest the danger of a 
parallel error: taking for granted your own 
status and role in the development of the 
continent. Private enterprise has played a 
major part in Latin American economic de- 
velopment, and it is beginning to show that 
it has a still greater and more creative role 
ahead of it. But, unlike its counterpart in 
North America and Western Europe, it is 
not yet an almost universally accepted and 
respected institution. I am not here refer- 

•* For text, see ibid.. May 9, 19G6, p. 727. 

ring merely to the attacks of the Commu- 
nists and their professional allies. I also 
have in mind a substantial proportion of the 
intellectual community — of teachers and 
students, writers and artists — and a sub- 
stantial number of non-Communist political 
leaders or would-be leaders. 

In Western Europe the two decades since 
the Second World Wai- have witnessed a 
fundamental transfoiTnation of attitude in 
this regard. In that part of the world so- 
called "Socialist" political movements, such 
as the Social Democratic parties of Gennany 
and Scandinavia and the Labor Party of 
Britain, have abandoned their platforms of 
nationalization because such platforms no 
longer enlist the votes of blue- and white- 
collar workers, of fanners and farm labor- 
ers, of intellectuals and the powerful pro- 
fessional middle classes. The new economic 
order, in which general governmental guid- 
ance plays an important part but which 
relies on private initiative, enterprise, and 
administration for the vast bulk of produc- 
tive activity, has shown a capacity to satisfy 
popular aspirations, in shai'p contrast to the 
totalitarian socialism behind the Iron Cur- 
tain. In short, private enteiTDrise is now 
accepted and respected there not because of 
popular addiction to liberal economic theo- 
ries or to juridical principles of private 
property but because it works. The same is 
true in North America. 

Here in Latin America, however, the case 
still has to be made in the public mind. 
Education and counterpropaganda have 
some part to play in making this the case. 
How often we all encounter among Latin 
American university students, for example, 
the view that business iirofits are inherently 
the immoral fruit of exploitation rather than 
a sign of successful organization, produc- 
tion, and distribution to supply consumer 
wants. But the best basis for education is 
demonstration; and the true challenge fac- 
ing Latin American enterprise is to show 
that it too works, that it too is the most 
effective means for satisfying the material 
needs and desires of the people. 

In facing this challenge, action on two 



fronts seems to me of cardinal imix)rtance. 
They are (1) modernization of management 
and (2) vigorous and rapid progress in 
Latin American integration. While at first 
glance these may appear two entirely sepa- 
rate and unrelated subjects, in fact I believe 
that they are closely interlocked with one 

Modernization of Management 

Modernization of management has many 
facets, and I know that the combined wisdom 
in this room has much more to contribute 
to its discussion than I have. Let me only 
specify a few of its aspects. 

It includes rigorous attention to costs and 
the constant search for ways and means to 
reduce them. 

It includes a drive for innovation in every 
aspect of business: in production, distribu- 
tion, marketing, and organization. 

It includes the practice of affimiative 
human relations: the treatment of a work 
force not as mere bundles of muscles but as 
a collectivity of human beings organized for 
a common purpose, with in-house training, 
upgrading of skills, and opportunity for 
promotion on demonstrated merit. 

It includes the rational planning of invest- 
ment based on market projections over the 
long haul instead of a mere search for quick 
speculative profits. 

It includes the systematic development of 
new markets through mass production and 
distribution with small profit margins per 
unit, bringing whole new classes of the 
community into active participation in mod- 
em economic life. 

It includes the marrying of city with 
countryside through the efficient supply of 
goods for agricultural production and rural 
consumption and the eflRcient return flow of 
food and fiber from the land. And it applies 
to farm and pasture management no less 
than to factories and commercial houses. 

Modernization of management also has 
implications for business attitudes in their 
relations with government. It implies a 
sympathetic and constructive response to 
governmental efforts for development and 

reform. Where the economy is cursed by 
rampant inflation, it means a willingness to 
carry a fair share of the short-term burdens 
of stabilization, including indispensable 
measures of taxation and credit restraint. 
Since chronic inflation is one of the most 
potent threats to the very sui-vival of pri- 
vate enterprise, cooperation in such meas- 
ures would be an evident act of farsighted 
business statesmanship. Cuba excepted, 
there is no regime in Latin America today 
which is basically hostile toward private 
enterprise as such. Nevertheless, there is 
much room for improvement in the degree 
of support by business sectors for construc- 
tive programs of change. Surely there are 
ways and means for exerting useful influ- 
ence and for participating affirmatively in 
the shaping of overall plans and policies for 
national economic and social progress. 

All these elements of modernized manage- 
ment are practiced in one place or another 
in Latin America, but they are not yet the 
common practice. Therein consists the chal- 
lenge. To respond to it will require business 
leadership and business statesmanship. But 
it will also require new opportunities and 
new driving impulses. This is where the 
economic integration of Latin America has 
so much to offer. 

Economic Integration 

It is a simple fact that too large a pro- 
portion of Latin American private enter- 
prise has been developed to serve limited 
markets sheltered behind inordinate tariff 
and import-licensing barriers or based on 
special monopolistic governmental favors 
and privileges. Replacement of imports is a 
sound enough basis for beginning the proc- 
ess of industrial growth, but it is a gi'ossly 
inadequate basis for moving foi-ward from 
that beginning into truly modem industrial- 
ization and high productivity agriculture. 

As one reviews the spectacular success of 
the European Common Market, it is clear 
that the widening of market opportunities 
has been of great importance in raising the 
sights of European entrepreneurs and stim- 
ulating them to new investments, technical 

JULY 4, 1966 


innovations, and changing attitudes. Even 
more important, I believe, has been the in- 
vigorating wind of competition in economic 
sectors which had become accustomed to the 
comfort of entrenched positions in sheltered 
and stagnant markets. 

With all due allowance for the differences 
— and they are admittedly vast — these same 
two factors should be set to work through 
economic integration in this hemisphere. I 
believe that they can bring about a no less 
radical raising of the sights of Latin Ameri- 
can business enterprise. And, as in the case 
of their European counterparts, I would ex- 
pect the early reluctance to change old 
habits to give way rapidly to new enthusi- 
asm as the movement demonstrated its suc- 
cess — success in economic and financial 
terms reflected in balance sheets and profit- 
and-loss statements, and success in policy 
terms reflected in overflowing public confi- 
dence in private enterprise as the mainstay 
of the economic system. 

In these years of the Alliance for Prog- 
ress a good start has been made toward 
integration through the Central American 
Common Market and the Latin American 
Free Trade Area. Between 1960 and 1965, 
intraregional trade in Central America rose 
from $32 million to $130 million, a truly 
I'emarkable record. 

Among the LAFTA countries, intrare- 
gional trade rose by 50 percent between 
1961 and 1964, whereas global exports rose 
by only 12 percent for Latin America as a 
whole (excluding Cuba). Intraregional 
trade rose from 8.8 percent of total imports 
in 1961 to over 15 percent in 1965, approxi- 
mating a total last year of $1.3 billion. 
These are substantial results, but there is 
danger of halting at a plateau unless new 
and intensive efforts are made to drive the 
movement ahead. The next steps are clear: 
more rapid reduction of both tariff and non- 
tariff barriers to trade, freer movement of 
capital and manpower within the regions, 
and a beginning of monetary integration. 
Venezuela is on the verge of joining LAFTA, 
but neither Bolivia nor Panama is yet in 
either of the two regional communities. 

Thought must also be given to the future 
inclusion of the Caribbean countries, as well 
as the ultimate welding of both movements 
into a single Latin American Common Mar- 
ket. The main responsibility for these steps 
lies with the governments concerned, but 
their actions will depend heavily on business 
attitudes and influence. 

Wholehearted U.S. Support 

Until recently, doubts have been expressed 
in some Latin American quarters concerning 
the attitude of the United States Govern- 
ment toward this movement. After the 
statements of Secretaiy Rusk at Rio last 
November ' and President Johnson here in 
Mexico 2 months ago, I hope that such 
doubts have finally been swept away. We 
are, in fact, wholeheartedly in support. Ob- 
viously, regional integration may involve 
some diversion of trade, with adverse ef- 
fects for a time on specific United States 
exports. We are convinced, however, that 
the overall effect will be much more ti'ade- 
creating than trade-diverting, and that in 
the medium and long run the United States 
can only stand to gain by enhanced pros- 
perity among its neighbors to the south. 

For this reason, our support has not been 
merely verbal and moral, but it has also been 
substantial. We are contributing resources 
to the Bank for Central American Integra- 
tion and to the Capital Goods Export Fund 
of the Inter-American Bank. We have sup- 
ported the special Inter-American Bank 
Fund for the study of multinational projects 
in support of integration and made it clear 
that we will be prepared to assist in the 
financing of such studies and of sound 
projects which emerge from them in the 
future. In the early stages of discussion of 
the inter-American summit meeting now 
being projected, ways and means to give new 
impulse to Latin American integration have 
headed all lists of suggestions for the presi- 
dential agenda. 

^ For statement by Secretaiy Rusk at the Second 
Special Inter-American Conference, see ibid., Dec. 
20, 1965, p. 985. 



The myth that United States business 
interests, if not the United States Govern- 
ment, oiniose economic integration has been 
effectively rebutted in Mr. David Rocke- 
feller's article in the current number of 
Foreig-n Affairs [April 1966]. I am sure that 
his article, with its wise observations on 
many matters of interest to inter-American 
business and governmental leaders, is well 
known in this audience. 

Latin American economic integration will 
of course lead to new iiatterns of economic 
relationshi]is with the outside world, includ- 
ing the United States, as well as within the 
region itself. A stronger regional economic 
base should also mean greater ability to 
compete in world markets and greater diver- 
sity in Latin American exports. It will also 
mean greater attractiveness of Latin Amer- 
ica for private investment from outside the 
region and greater opportunities for fruitful 
partnership among Latin American and for- 
eign entrepreneurs. Such investments are 
significant as a source of capital. They are 
vital as a source of modern technology'. 

In the successive phases of economic mod- 
ernization, the last and most difficult to 
achieve is the complex of institutions for sci- 
entific and technical research and develop- 
ment. This is a very costly development in 
financial terms and even more costly in its 
requirements for highly skilled and trained 
manpower. No contemi)orary economy is self- 
sufficient in this regard, as witness the 
stream of technical interchange among West- 
ern Eurojie, North America, and Japan, to 
say nothing of the one-way stream toward 
the Soviet Union. It is Latin America's good 
fortune that it can participate in the results 
of research and development in the presently 
more advanced countries at a very low cost 
in relation to the benefits received. 

In presenting these observations on some 
of the topics on your agenda, I hope to have 
made a modest contribution to your discus- 
sions. If you have noted a tone of optimism 
in these remarks, you have judged correctly. 
I am optimistic about the prospects for Latin 
American economic development and social 
progress — not merely the possibility for some 

remote future but the processes which are 
taking place before our eyes and in which 
j''ou gentlemen are playing so important a 

Optimism does not mean complacency, 
however. The pressures are great: pressures 
of poi)ulation growth, pi-essures of rising as- 
pirations, and pressures of legitimate desire 
by marginalized elements in the community 
for full particii)ation in modern life. The 
Alliance for Progress is a race against time. 
To win it will require the best efforts of gov- 
ernments, of private enterprise, of labor and 
farm organizations, of iirofessional associa- 
tions, and of all our peoples. If those efforts 
can be made to converge and reinforce one 
another, there is a very good i)rospect for 
success, and a large share of the overall re- 
sponsibility — and of the credit for ultimate 
success — will fall on CICYP and the groups 
CICYP collectively represents. 

I wish you all good fortune in your 

Members of Western Hemisphere 
Immigration Commission Named 

White House press release dated June 15 

President Johnson on June 15 announced 
the appointment of the chairman and four 
members to the Select Commission on West- 
ern Hemisphere Immigration. 

This Commission was established by the 
Congress in P.L. 89-236, the amendments to 
the Immigration and Nationality Act. It is 
composed of 15 members — 5, including the 
chairman, api)ointed by the President; 5 
Members of the Senate, appointed by the 
President of the Senate; and 5 Members of 
the House of Representatives, appointed by 
the Si)eaker of the House. 

The Commission will study the following: 

(1) Prevailing and projected demographic, 
technological, and economic trends, particu- 
larly as they pertain to Westera Hemisphere 

(2) Present and projected unemployment 
in the United States, by occupations, indus- 

JULY 4, 1966 


tries, geographic areas, and other factors, in 
relation to immigration from the Western 

(3) The interrelationships between immi- 
gration, present and future, and existing and 
contemplated national and international pro- 
grams and projects of Western Hemisphere 
nations, including programs and projects for 
economic and social development; 

(4) The operation of the immigration laws 
of the United States as they pertain to West- 
ern Hemisphere nations, including the ad- 
justment of status for Cuban refugees, with 
emphasis on the adequacy of such laws from 
the standpoint of the impact of such laws on 
employment and working conditions in the 
United States; 

(5) The implications of the foregoing with 
respect to the security and international re- 
lations of Western Hemisphere nations; and 

(6) Any other matters which the Commis- 
sion believes to be germane to the purposes 
for which it was established. 

The Commission will make a first report to 
the President and the Congress on or before 
July 1, 1967, and a final report on or before 
January 15, 1968. These reports will include 
the Commission's recommendations for what 
changes, if any, are needed in the immigra- 
tion laws. 

As chairman of the Commission, the Pi-esi- 
dent appointed Richard M. Scammon, vice 
president of the Governmental Afi'airs Insti- 
tute, and former Director of the Bureau of 
the Census. 

The other four Presidential appointees are: 

Leo Cherne, executive director of the Research In- 
stitute of America and chairman of the Executive 

Committee of Freedom House, New York City; 

Lincoln Gordon, Assistant Secretary of State for 
Inter- American Affairs and former U. S. Ambas- 
sador to Brazil ; 

Stanley Ruttenberg, Manpower Administrator, U. S. 
Department of Labor, and nominee for appoint- 
ment as an Assistant Secretary of Labor; and 

Raymond F. Farrell, Commissioner of the Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization Service, U. S. Department 
of Justice. 

The five Members of the Senate who have 
been appointed by the President of the Sen- 
ate are: 

Senator Everett M. Dirksen, Illinois; 
Senator James O. Eastland, Mississippi; 
Senator Philip A. Hart, Michigaii; 
Senator Roman L. Hruska, Nebraska; and 
Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Massachusetts 

The five Members of the House of Repre- 
sentatives appointed by the Speaker of the 
House are: 

Congressman Emanuel Caller, New York; 
Congressman Michael A. Feighan, Ohio; 
Congressman William M. McCulloch, Ohio; 
Congressman Arch A. Moore, Jr., West Virginia; 

Congressman Peter W. Rodino, Jr., New Jersey. 

New Members Appointed 

to ACDA Advisory Committee 

The Senate on June 16 confirmed the nomi- 
nations of Alfred M. Gruenther, Troy V. 
Post, and Stephen J. Wright to be members 
of the General Advisory Committee of the 
U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. 
(For biographic details, see White House 
press release dated May 27. ) 



The Foreign Service: Constructive Tasks Ahead 

Remarks by President Johnson ' 

It jrives me a great deal of pleasure this 
morning to greet the graduates of the Senior 
Seminar in Foreign Policy. This year of 
study has prepared you for the highest posts 
of responsibility in your service. I have been 
able personally to judge the high standards 
set by some of your alumni who are now our 
ambassadors and senior officials. 

I am encouraged that among you are rep- 
resentatives of the four armed services and 
five other Government departments. This, I 
think, reflects the revolution in foreign af- 
fairs of the past generation. Foreign policy 
is no longer just two-way communications 
between Foreign Offices. Almost every major 
branch of Government is involved in some 
way in foreign policy. The need for team- 
work between all of us has never been 

The unique relationship of Secretaries 
Rusk and McNamara [Secretary of Defense 
Robert S. McNamara] and Mr. Bell [Agency 
for International Development Administra- 
tor David E. Bell] symbolizes the kind of 
cooperation that I think we need at every 
level of this Government. It is more than 
encouraging — it is quite essential to a strong 
foreign policy. 

The close and special ties between the 
President and the Foreign Service should 
always be close, for the Constitution places 
on the President the direct responsibility for 

' Made before the graduates of the Senior Seminar 
in Foreign Policy of the Foreign Service Institute 
in the White House Rose Garden on June 9 (White 
House press release; as-delivered text). 

the conduct of foreign relations. The For- 
eign Service, like the Office of the President, 
belongs to no one single department. It 
serves the whole of this Government. 

The Senior Seminar provides a year of 
thought, reflection, and study to some of the 
most talented men in our Government. This 
chance to look backward and forward— and 
all around — in my judgment, has never been 
more essential. 

This present moment of history stands 
balanced between high danger and rare op- 

The danger is clear enough — in Southeast 
Asia and other areas where human misery 
and vaulting ambitions combine to threaten 
peace and security in the world. Much of our 
eflFort must be devoted to preventing the 
forces of aggression from asserting them- 
selves, or dealing with them when they do. 

But there is, I deeply believe, a very rising 
tide of good sense in the world and a grow- 
ing determination to get on with the con- 
structive tasks that are ahead of us. 

That is why, with our Latin American 
friends, we are constantly seeking ways to 
accelerate the Alliance for Progress. 

That is why, with our friends in Africa, 
we are constantly searching for ways to ac- 
celerate that continent's economic and social 

That is why, in the whole ai'c from Tehran 
to Tokyo and Seoul, we are working with the 
governments and people of free Asia as they 
seek increiised development and increased 
regional cohesion. 

JULY 4. 1966 


And that is why, as we face the reorgani- 
zation of NATO, we are concerned not 
merely with the relocation of troops and of 
headquarters but with bettering relations 
among Atlantic nations and between the 
East and the West. 

This has a special meaning for those of 
you who are graduating here today. 

Those who bear an operating responsi- 
bility in foreign policy can never be content 
merely to handle today's problems with effi- 
ciency and discipline. They must every day 
ask, each in his own field: 

What can we do— that we are not doing — 
to tip the balance a little bit in favor of 
order, in favor of progress, and in favor of 
peace ? 

What can we start doing now which will 
enlarge the prospects of life for people a 
generation from now? 

I ask those questions to myself every 
morning and every night. And I look to you 
and your colleagues to help me find the an- 
swers to those questions. 

The work we do will consume not only 
today and this month and this year but many 
years and many lifetimes to come. I urge you 
to remember that Americans often grow im- 
patient when they cannot see light at the end 
of the tunnel, when policies do not overnight 
usher in a new order. 

But politics is not magic. And when some 
of our fellow citizens despair of the tedium 
and the time necessary to bring change (and 
I mean no criticism to anyone; I hope the 
sensitive will not take notice) as for example 
in Viet-Nam today, I believe they are really 
forgetting our history. 

It was on July 4, 1776, that the Conti- 
nental Congress adopted the Declaration of 
Independence in Philadelphia. Not for many 
years did the shape of true order and secu- 
rity finally emerge. 

The seat of Government in those days 
moved from Philadelphia to Baltimore and 
then to Philadelphia again; to Lancaster and 
to York and back to Philadelphia; to Prince- 
ton, to Annapolis, to Trenton; then to New 
York City and finally here to Washington. 

The Articles of Confederation were 

adopted in 1777, but they were not ratified 
by all of the States until 1781 — the year that 
the war ended. 

A small elite group — 55 men from 12 
States — met in our Constitutional Conven- 
tion. One State would not particii^ate. The 
meeting was called for May 14, 1787. but it 
did not have a quorum until some 11 days 
later. The Convention labored until Septem- 
ber 17 before the Constitution was finished. 
Nine more months passed before that docu- 
ment was ratified by our people. 

And after George Washington was elected 
President, in 1789, Congress needed almost 
4 months to get a quorum to come to orga- 
nize. Washington was not inaugurated finally 
until April 30. Thirteen years had passed 
since the Colonies had set out to become a 

We ought never to be complacent when 
change is so painfully slow in coming. We 
must constantly work to accelerate its pace. 
But let me counsel you who are going on now 
to important posts in the far corners of the 
world, those of you who are taking up very 
difficult tasks in the field of foreign policy. Be 
restless and discontented with things as they 
are; always strive and constantly work to 
change them, but never despair because the 
task is greater than you are and the time 
to finish it is longer than you have. 

It gives me great pleasui-e this morning to 
pi'esent to this class, here in this beautiful 
rose garden of the first house of the land, 
your diplomas and to congi-atulate each of 
you on the completion of your studies in the 
Senior Seminar. To you and your families I 
extend the gratitude of all of us who benefit 
from your service. 

There has never been a time, in my judg- 
ment, in the Federal Government when bet- 
ter equipped and better trained, more dedi- 
cated and more experienced and merited per- 
sonnel diligently and with dedication tries to 
serve the best interests of their country. 

No one ever ctunpaigns on doing what is 
wrong. We all think we want to do what is 
right. Finding out what is right is our prob- 
lem. We find in attempting to get that an- 



swer that experience and dedication to coun- 
try, and belief in the ideals and ]irincii)les of 
our Founding Fathei-s, better equip us ulti- 
mately to find the answers that will preserve 
the liberty and the freedom not only of those 
few of us who are fortunate enough to oc- 
cupy this hemisphere but, we hope, ulti- 
mately to all people who desire freedom and 
liberty in this world. 

The general effect of the President's action 
will be to make this exclusion from the in- 
terest equalization tax inapplicable to future 
acquisitions of such stock and debt obliga- 
tions in the case of the countries listed in the 
order. However, acquisitions made pursuant 
to a firm commitment which existed prior to 
December 7, 196.5, will continue to be exempt. 

President Revises Designations 
Under Interest Equalization Tax 


White House press release dated June 10 

The President on June 10 signed an Ex- 
ecutive order which will have the effect of 
terminating the designation of Abu Dhabi, 
Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait-Saudi Arabia 
Neutral Zone, Libya, Qatar, and Saudi Ara- 
bia as less developed countries for purposes 
of the interest equalization tax. Congress 
must be given 30 days advance notice of such 
changes in designation, and the President 
notified Congress of his intention to take this 
action on Januaiy 26, 1966. These countries 
are included under the voluntary program 
for the improvement of the balance of pay- 
ments administered by the Commerce De- 

The interest equalization tax is generally 
applicable to the acquisition of foreign securi- 
ties by United States persons from foreign- 
ers and has been in effect since July 19, 1963.' 
The tax is designed to reduce the outflow of 
capital from the United States and thereby 
improve the country's balance of payments 
position. The tax does not apply to acquisi- 
tions of stock and debt obligations issued by 
countries which are designated by the Presi- 
dent to be less developed countries, certain 
residents of such countries, or certain cor- 
porations and partnerships deriving the ma- 
jor portion of their income from sources 
within such countries. 


Designation of Certain Foreign Countries as 
Economically Less Developed Countries for 
Purposes of the Interest Equauzation Tax 

Whereas notice was given on December 7, 1965, 
that I intended to notify the Senate and House of 
Representatives of my intention to terminate the 
designation of Abu Dhabi, Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, 
Kuwait-Saudi Arabia Neutral Zone, Libya, Qatar, 
and Saudi Arabia as economically less developed 
countries for purposes of the tax imposed by section 
4911 of the Internal Revenue Code; and 

Whereas the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives have been duly notified of my intention to 
terminate the designation of these countries as eco- 
nomically less developed countries for such pur- 
poses ; 

Now, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested 
in me by section 4916(b) of the Internal Revenue 
Code of 1954, as added by section 2 of the Interest 
Equalization Tax Act, approved September 2, 1964 
(Public Law 88-563), by section 301 of title 3 of 
the United States Code, and as President of the 
United States, it is hereby ordered as follows: 

Section 1. Economically leas developed countries. 
For purposes of the tax imposed by section 4911 of 
the Internal Revenue Code, the following areas are 
designated as economically less developed countries: 

(a) All foreign countries (including Trust Ter- 
ritories) in existence on or after the effective date 
of this order, other than Australia, Austria, Bel- 
gium, Canada, Denmark, Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, France, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Italy, Japan, 
Kuwait, Kuwail^Saudi Arabia Neutral Zone, Libya, 
Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Monaco, Netherlands, 
New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, San Marino, Saudi 
Arabia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Union of South 
Africa, United Kingdom, and any foreign country 
within the Sino-Soviet bloc, as defined in section 2; 

' For President Kennedy's message to Congress of 
July 18, 1963, see BULLETIN of Aug. 12, 1963, p. 254. 
' 31 Fed. Reg. 8211. 

JULY 4, 1966 


(b) Each territory, department, province, and pos- 
session (other than Abu Dhabi, the Bahamas, Bah- 
rain, Bennuda, Hong Kong, and Qatar), of any for- 
eign country in existence on or after the effective 
date of this order, other than a foreign country 
within the Sino-Soviet bloc, as defined in section 2, if 
the territory, department, province, or possession is 
overseas from the foreign country of which it is a 
territory, department, province, or possession; and 

(c) The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and all 
possessions of the United States. 

Sec. 2. Definition of the term "foreign country 
within the Sino-Soviet bloc." For purposes of this 
order, the term "foreign country within the Sino- 
Soviet bloc" shall mean Albania, Bulgaria, any part 
oT rhlna which is dominated or controlled by Inter- 
national Communism, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, 
Hungary, any part of Korea which is dominated or 
controlled by International Communism, Latvia, 
Lithuania, Outer Mongolia, Poland (including any 
area under its provisional administration), Rumania, 
Soviet Zone of Germany and the Soviet Sector of 
Berlin, Tibet, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
and the Kurile Islands, Southern Sakhalin, and 
areas in East Prussia which are under the provi- 
sional administration of the Union of Soviet Social- 
ist Republics, and any part of Viet Nam which is 
dominated or controlled by International Commu- 

Sec. 3. Prior commitments to acquire. Notwith- 
standing the provisions of sections 1 and 2 of this 
order, any area which had the status of an econom- 
ically less developed country under Executive Order 
No. 11224 ^ prior to the effective date of this order 
shall be deemed to be an economically less developed 
country for purposes of section 4916 with respect to 
an acquisition of stock or a debt obligation — 

(a) If such acquisition is made pursuant to an 
obligation to acquire which, prior to December 7, 
1965, was unconditional or was subject only to con- 
ditions contained in a formal contract under which 
partial performance had occurred ; or 

(b) If, with respect to such acquisition, the ac- 
quiring United States person (or, in a case where 
two or more United States persons are making ac- 
quisitions as part of a single transaction, a majority 
in interest of such persons), had taken every action 
prior to December 7, 1965, to signify approval of 
the acquisition under the procedures ordinarily em- 
ployed by such person (or persons) in similar 
transactions and had sent or deposited for delivery 
to the foreign person from whom the acquisition was 
made written evidence of such approval in the form 
of a commitment letter, memorandum of terms, 
draft purchase contract, or other document setting 
forth, or referring to a document sent by the foreign 
person from whom the acquisition was made which 

set forth, the principal terms of such acquisition, 
subject only to the execution of formal documents 
evidencing the acquisition and to customary closing 

Sec. 4. Rules and regulations. The Secretary of 
the Treasury or his delegate is authorized to pre- 
scribe from time to time regulations, rulings, direc- 
tions, and instructions to carry out the purposes of 
this order. 

Sec. 5. Effective date. This order shall become 
effective upon its filing for publication in the Fed- 
eral Register. 

Sec. 6. Snpersedure of Executive Order No. 
1122i. The Executive Order No. 11224, dated May 
13, 1965, is hereby superseded. 

The White House, 
June 10, 1966. 

Air Agreements Amended 
With Denmark, Norway, Sweden 

Press release 135 dated June 7 


Diplomatic notes were exchanged on June 
7 between the United States and the three 
Scandinavian countries, Denmark, Norway, 
and Sweden, by which the route annexes to 
the bilateral air transport services agree- 
ments ' are amended, giving traffic rights in 
Bergen, Norway, and Gothenberg, Sweden, 
to the designated U.S. carriers and in Se- 
attle to the designated Scandinavian carrier 
on its Polar route to Los Angeles. Also, desig- 
nated airlines of the United States receive 
the right to serve points on their Scandi- 
navian routes more flexibly with respect to 
the carriage of cargo and mail. In addition, 
certain understandings have been reached 
concerning the provisions in the said agree- 
ments which form the basis for an airline's 
decisions on the amount of passenger and 
cargo capacity it may offer. 

" For text, see ibid., June 14, 1965, p. 965. 

' 58 Stat. 1458, Treaties and Other International 
Acts Series 3014, 4071 (Denmark); 59 Stat. 1658, 
TIAS 3015, 4072 (Norway); 58 Stat. 1466, TIAS 
3013, 4073 (Sweden). 




Folloiriufi (lie texts of notes from Nor- 
wegian Chaiye d' Affaires ad interim Olaf 
Solli to Secretary Rusk. With the exception 
of the n(imi)i(j of the cities in the resi)ectii'e 
countries, the texts of the Danish and Swed- 
ish notes are identical with the Norwegian 

First Note 

June 7, 1966 

Excellency: I have the honour to acknowledge 
the receipt of your note of today's date, which reads 
as follows: 

I refer to discussions which recently have taken 
place in Washington between representatives of the 
Government of the United States of America and 
the Government of Norway with respect to the Air 
Transport Agreement between the United States of 
America and Norway, signed on October 6, 1945, 
as amended, and propose that the Annex to the said 
Agreement be replaced with the following: 

Annex to Air Transport Agreement Between 
THE United States of America and Norway 

A. Airlines of the United States designated under 
the present Agreement are accorded rights of transit 
and non-traffic stop in Norwegian territory, as well 
as the right to pick up and discharge international 
traffic in passengers, cargo and mail at the points 
in Norway specified in the following route: 

From the United States via intermediate points 
to Oslo and Bergen and Stavanger and points 
beyond ; in both directions. 

For the pui-pose of picking up and/or discharging 
international traffic in cargo and/or mail at Oslo, 
Bergen and Stavanger, airlines of the United States 
designated under the present Agreement may, on any 
services to and from the United States, route their 
aircraft (which are provided for the carriage of 
passengers, cargo and mail either separately or in 
any combination) with complete flexibility in the 
order of points served among Oslo, Bergen, Sta- 
vanger and any points outside Norway as intermedi- 
ate and beyond points. 

The right of such designated United States airlines 
to pick up and/or discharge traffic in passengers at 
Oslo, Bergen and Stavanger shall be neither ex- 
panded nor diminished by this understanding. Nor 
shall the rights accorded by Article 12 of the present 
Agreement be affected by the above paragraph. 

B. Airlines of Norway designated under the 
present Agreement are accorded rights of transit 
and non-traffic stop in the tei-ritory of the United 
States, as well as the right to pick up and discharge 
intei-national traffic in passengers, cargo and mail at 
the points in the United States specified in the fol- 
lowing routes: 

1. From Norway via intermediate points to (a) 
New York and (b) Chicago; in both directions. 

2. From Norway via Greenland to Seattle and Los 
Angeles; in both directions. 

3. From Norway to Anchorage; in both directions. 

C. Points on any of the specified routes may, at 
the option of the designated airline, be omitted on 
any or all flights. 

If the proposal as set forth above is agreeable to 
the Government of Norway, the Government of the 
United States of America will be pleased to con- 
sider this note and your reply concurring therein as 
constituting an agreement i)etwccn our two Govern- 
ments which shall enter into force upon the date of 
your reply. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my high 

The routes described above and the terms and 
conditions specified are in accordance with the un- 
derstanding of the Government of Norway, and my 
Government will consider your note together with 
this reply as constituting an amendment effective 
from today's date. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

No. 42 

Second Note 

June 7, 1966 
Excellency: I have the honour to acknowledge 
the receipt of your note of today's date, which reads 
as follows: 

I refer to discussions which recently have taken 
place in Washington between representatives of the 
Government of the United States of America and 
the Government of Norway with respect to the Air 
Transport Agreement between the United States of 
America and Noi-way, signed on October 6, 1945, as 
amended, and set forth the following understand- 
ings which were reached. 

1. Article 12 states "that ser\nces provided by a 
designated airline under the present Agreement shall 
retain as their primary objective the provision of 
capacity adequate to the traffic demands between the 
counti-y of which such airline is a national and the 
countries of ultimate destination of the traffic." Both 
Contracting Parties recognize that the traffic de- 
mands refeiTed to are those of traffic whose initial 
origin or ultimate destination, as sho%vn on the ticket 
or waybill or combination of tickets or combination 
of waybills, is in the country of which the transport- 
ing airline is a national, whether or not the traffic 
passes through, connects at, or stops over for any 
length of time within the period of validity of the 
ticket at any point or points en route. 

2. Article 12 further grants "the right to embark 
or disembark on such services international traffic 
destined for and coming from third countries at a 
point or points on the routes specified" in accordance 
with certain principles. Both Contracting Parties rec- 
ognize that the traffic referred to is all traffic having 
neither its initial origin nor ultimate destination, as 
shown by the ticket or waybill or combination of 
tickets or combination of waybills, in the countrj' of 
which the transporting airline is a national, irrespec- 
tive of whether the initial origin or the ultimate 
destination of the traffic is intermediate to or beyond 
the terminals of the route, specified in the Annex to 
the Agreement, over which it is transported. 

3. Both Contracting Parties agree that the services 
of a designated airline over a route specified in the 
Annex to the Agreement, in meeting their primary 
objective of providing capacity adequate to the traffic 

JULY 4, 1966 


demands between the country of which such airline 
is a national and the countries of ultimate destination 
of the traffic, may, notwithstanding the above under- 
standing of Article 12 of the Agreement, also add to 
their primary objective the provision of capacity ade- 
quate to the demands of passenger traffic stopping 
over for 12 hours or more at a point in the country 
of which such designated airline is a national en 
route to or from points not in the country of which 
such designated airline is a national. This addition to 
the primary objective does not extend to the provi- 
sion of capacity for the demands of any passenger 
traffic which passes through, connects at, or stops 
over for less than 12 hours at a point in the country 
of which the transporting designated airline is a 
national. The right of a designated airline of one 
Contracting Party to provide capacity pursuant to 
this paragraph shall not alter the right, referred to 
in paragraph 1, of a designated airline of the other 
Contracting Party to provide capacity for all traffic 
whose initial orig^in or ultimate destination is in the 
country of which the latter airline is a national. 
Moreover, nothing in this paragraph shall be con- 
strued to impair the rights referred to in paragraph 
2 above. 
4. For the purposes of paragraphs 1, 2, and 3, the 

following definitions of initial origin and ultimate 
destination will apply: 

(a) for a one way trip the initial origin is the first 
point and the ultimate destination is the last point 
on the ticket or waybill or combination of tickets or 
combination of waybills. 

(b) for a circle or round trip a directional criterion 
will apply, i.e., the landing point farthest from the 
initial origin of the trip out, on the basis of the great 
circle distance, as shown on the ticket or combination 
of tickets, is the ultimate destination on the trip out 
and the point of initial origin on the return trip. 

I shall appreciate receiving your confirmation that 
the foregoing also represents the understanding of 
the Government of Norway. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assuraiices of my high 

The contents of the foregoing note also represent 
the understanding of the Government of Norway. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

No. 43 


Calendar of International Conferences ' 

Scheduled July Through September 196& 

ANZUS Council: 15th Meeting 

U.N. Special Committee on Coordination ........ 

2d ECE Seminar on Building Industry: Advisory Group . . . 

IBE Council: 31st Meeting 

IMCO Subcommittee on Fire Protection: 3d Session . . . . 

17th International Dairy Congress 

OECD Economic Policy Committee 

OECD Industry Committee 

Economic and Social Council: 41st Session 

OECD Economic Policy Committee; Working Party III . . . 

10th International Grassland Congrress 

UNESCO/IBE International Conference on Public Education: 
29th Session. 

Canberra .... July 1-2 

Geneva July 1-4 

London July 4-5 

Geneva July 4-5 

London July 4-8 

Munich July 4-8 

Paris July 5-6 

Paris July 5-6 

Geneva July 5-Aug. 

Paris July 7-8 

Helsinki .... July 7-16 

Geneva July 7-16 

' This schedule, which was prepared in the Office of International Conferences on June 14, lists in- 
ternational conferences in which the U.S. Government expects to participate officially in the period July- 
September 1966. The list does not include numerous nongovernmental conferences and meetings. Persons 
interested in these are referred to the World List of Future International Meetings, compiled by the 
Library of Congress and available from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Of- 
fice, Washington, D.C., 20402. 

Following is a key to the abbreviations: ANZUS, Australia, New Zealand, U.S. Treaty; ECA, Eco- 
nomic Commission for Africa; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic 
Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAG, Food and Agriculture Organiza- 
tion; IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; IBE, International Bureau of Education; ICAO, In- 
ternational Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental 
Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; OECD, Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development; OIE, Office of International Epizootics; PAHC, Pan Amer- 
ican Highway Congresses; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; PAIGH, Pan American Institute 
of Geography and History; U.N., United Nations; UNCTAD, United Nations Conference on Trade and 
Development; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological Organization. 



OECD Science Policy Committee 

OECD Trade Committee 

ECE Suhcommittef on Coal Trade and Mininj? Problems . . 
PAHC Technical Committee on Traffic and Safety: 2d Meeting . 
15th International Film Festival 

International \\'heat Council 

UNCTAD Shipping Committee: Special Session 

International Rice Commission: Working Parties 

OECD Development Assistance Committee 

PAIGH Directing Council: 9th Meeting 

ECE Group of Experts on the Situation and Development of 

Water Resources in Europe. 
FAO International Conference on Animal Husbandry Education 

UNCTAD Committee on Preferences 

Inter- American Indian Institute: Governing Board 

Inter-American Juridical Committee 

ECE Restricted Group of Exi)erts on Simplification of Export 

ECOSOC Committee of the Commission on Narcotics Drugs . . 
ECAFE Working Party of Senior Geologists: 6th Session . . 
ECE/FAO Study Group on Food and Agricultural Statistics . . 
ECAFE Subcommittee on Mineral Resources Development: 

6th Session. 

13th World's Poultry Congress 

20th International Edinburgh Film Festival 

ECE Group of Rapporteurs on Automation 

U.N. International Seminar on Apartheid 

ECE Group of Experts on Farm Rationalization 

Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization of Latin 

America: 4th Session. 

ICAO Visual Aids Panel: 4th Meeting , 

UNCTAD Trade and Development Board: 4th Session . . . 

International Criminal Police Organization 

3d Special Inter-American Conference 

International Coffee Council 

UNESCO Special Committee on Discrimination in Education . 
Preparatory Meeting for Fourth Consultative Meeting Under 

the Antarctic Treaty. 
ECE Gas Committee: Rapporteurs on Legal Status of Gas 

ECE Codex Alimentarius Group of Experts on Standardization 

of Quick-Frozen Foods. 

IMCO Subcommittee on Tonnage Measurement 

ECOSOC Committee on Housing, Building and Planning: 4th 


ECA Seminar on Local Government Finance 

ECAFE Mekong Committee 

UNESCO Executive Board: 73d Session 

U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space .... 
OECD Scientific Research Committee: 6th Plenary Meeting of 

Group of Experts on Metal Forming. 
ECE Symposium on Economic Aspects of the Optimum Use of 

IMCO Working Group on Watertight Subdivision Damage 

ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Con- 
struction of Vehicles. 
8th ILO Regional Conference of the American States . . 
2d U.N. Regional Cartographic Conference for Africa . 
FAO Regional Conference for Asia and the Far East . 
2d Inter-American Conference of Partners of the Alliance 
ECE Steel Committee: Group of Experts ...... 

IMCO Working Group on Oil Pollution: 2d Session . . 
ECA Working Party on Transportation and Telecommunications 
FAO/OIE International Meeting on Sheep Diseases . . 
7th ECAFE Regional Conference on Water Resources Devel- 
ECAFE Working Group of Experts on Shipping and Ocean 

Freight Rates. 

OECD Chemical Committee 

OECD Agriculture Committee 

U.N. General Assembly: 21st Session 

Paris July 11-12 

Paris July 11-12 

Geneva July 11-15 

Mexico July 11-17 

Karlovy Vary, July 16-19 

London July 18-21 

Geneva July 18-22 

Lake Charles, La. . July 18-30 

Washington . . . July 20-21 

Mexico City . . . July 21-Aug. 1 

Geneva July 25-29 


Geneva . . 
Mexico . . 
Rio de Janeiro 
Geneva . . 

Geneva . . 

Bangkok . 

Geneva . . 

Bangkok . 

Kiev . . . 
Geneva . . 
Geneva . . 
Mexico City 

Montreal . 

Geneva . . 

Bern . . 
Buenos Aires 

London . . 

Paris . . 

Santiago . 




Addis Ababa 
Bangkok . 
Paris . . 
New York 
Paris . . 




Tunis . . 
Seoul . . 
Rio de Janeiro 
Addis Ababa 
Rome . . 
Canberra . 

Bangkok . 

Paris . . 
Paris . . 
New York 

July 25-30 

July 26-Aug. 12 


July or September 

Aug. 8-12 

Aug. 8-12 
Aug. 8-13 
Aug. 15-19 
Aug. 15-20 

Aug. 15-21 
Aug. 21-Sept. 4 
Aug. 23-26 
Aug. 23-Sept. 5 
Aug. 29-Sept. 2 
Aug. 30 (1 day) 

Aug. 30-Sept. 1 
Aug. 30-Sept. 23 
Aug. 31-Sept. 7 
Sept. 1-7 
Sept. 3 (1 day) 

Sept. 5-7 

Sept. 5-9 

Sept. 5-9 
Sept. 5-9 

Sept. 7-12 
Sept. 8-16 
Sept. 12-14 
Sept. 12-13 

Sept. 12-16 

Sept. 12-16 

Sept. 12-16 



Sept. 19-26 

Sept. 20-21 
Sept. 20-23 
Sept. 20-Dec. 15 

JULY 4, 1966 


Calendar of International Conferences— Co7iti7iued 

Scheduled July Through September 1966— Continued 

IAEA General Conference: 10th Session Vienna 

ECE Coal Committee Prague 

FAO Latin American Meeting on Veterinary Education . . . Caracas 

ECE Steel Committee: Working Party on Steel Market . . . Geneva 

IMCO Subcommittee on Fire Protection: 4th Session .... London 

OECD Intergovernmental Conference on Education and Utili- Paris 

zation of Highly Qualified Personnel. 

ECA Working Party on Manpower and Training Addis Ababa 

FAO Group on Oils, Fats and Oilseeds: 1st Session .... Rome . . 

ECE Seminar on the Future Pattern and Forms of Urban Amsterdam 


ILO Petroleum Committee: 7th Session Geneva 

UNCTAD Expert Group on Reinsurance Geneva 

17th PAHO Conference Washington 

WHO Regional Committee for the Americas : 18th Meeting . . Washington 

ECE Steel Committee Geneva 

ECOSOC Regional Seminar on Human Rights Buenos Aires 

ICAO Legal Committee Montreal 

ITU Preconference Coordination Meeting for Extraordinary Geneva 

Administrative Radio Conference on Maritime Matters. 

WHO Regional Committee for Europe: 16th Meeting .... Morocco 

WHO Regional Committee for Western Pacific: 17th Meeting Manila 

WHO Regional Committee for Southeast Asia: 19th Meeting Asia 

WMO Regional Association III (South American): 4th Session Quito 

OECD Liaison Officers on the "Fatis Review" Paris 

OECD Trade Committee: Working Party on Government Pro- Paris 


OECD Textiles Committee Paris . 

FAO Study Group on Jute, Kenaf and Allied Fibers: 3d Session Rome 

FAO Consultative Subcommittee: 3d Session Rome 

2d FAO International Meeting on Banana Production and Rio de Janeiro 


ILO Tripartite Subcommittee on Seafarers' Welfare .... Geneva . . 

Sept. 21-30 
Sept. 22-24 
Sept. 22-Oct. 2 
Sept. 26-27 
Sept. 26-30 
Sept. 26-Oct 1 

Sept. 26-Oct 1 
Sept. 26-Oct. 1 
Sept. 26-Oct 7 

Sept 26-Oct 8 
Sept 26-Oct 8 
Sept. 26-Oct 15 
Sept. 26-Oct 15 
Sept. 28-30 



September or October 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as 
those listed below) may be consulted at depository 
libraries in the United States. U.N. printed publica- 
tion's may be purchased from the Sales Section of the 
United Natio7us, United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 

Security Council 

Letter dated April 20 from the representative of the 
U.S.S.R. submitting a statement by his Govern- 
ment concerning the application of the German 
Democratic Republic for admission to U.N. mem- 
bership. S/7259. April 29, 1966. 4 pp. 

Letter* dated April 25 from the representative of 
Ghana regarding "provocative acts and proclama- 
tions" against Ghana bv the President of Guinea, 
S/7268, April 25, 1906, 3 pp.; reply dated April 27 
from the representative of Guinea denying the 
Ghanaian allegation.s, S/7270, April 27, 1966, 1 p. 

Letter dated May 10 from representatives of 31 
African countries requesting a meeting of the 
Security Council to examine the situation in 
Southern Rhodesia. S/7285. May 10, 1966. 3 pp. 

Letter dated May 13 from the representative of 
Portugal ti-ansmitting a Portuguese Foreign Min- 
istry press communique denying that Mozambique 
had become Rhodesia's main source of oil. S/7294. 
May 13, 1966. 2 pp. 
Communications conceming Dominican elections: 
Cable dated June 1 from the Secretary Genei-al of 
the Organization of American States. S/7335. 
June 2, 1966, 2 pp. 
Report bv the U.N. Secretary-General. S/7338. 

June 4, 1966. 5 pp. 
Cable dated June 6 from the Secretary General of 
the OAS transmitting a report of the election 
observers. S/7342. June 7, 1966. 4 pp. 
Report by the Secretary-General on the United Na- 
tions Operation in Cyprus for the period March 
U-June 10. S/7350. June 10, 1966. 52 pp. 

General Assembly 

Report of the Committee for the International Co- 
operation Year. A/6227. March 31, 1966. 31 pp. 

Study prepared by the Secretary-General of methods 
of fact-finding with respect to the execution of 
international agreements. A/6228. April 22, 1966. 
58 pp. 

Question of South West Africa. Report of the Secre- 
tary-General. A/6332. May 1966. 7 pp. 




Current Actions 


Diplomatic Relations 

Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at 
Vienna April 18, 19G1. Entered into force April 
24, 1964.' 
Ratification deposited: Austria, April 28, 1966. 

Optional protocol to Vienna convention on diplo- 
matic relations concerning the compulsory settle- 
ment of disputes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961. 
Entered into force April 24, 1964.' 
Ratification deposited: Austria, April 28, 1966. 
Accession deposited: Niger, April 26, 1966. 


Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done 
at Washington March 18, 1965.' 
Sigtiatitres: Malawi, June 9, 1966; Uganda, June 

7, 1966. 
Ratificatimis deposited: Uganda, June 7, 1966; 

United States, June 10, 1966. 


Instrument for the amendment of the constitution 
of the International Labor Organization. Dated at 
Montreal October 9, 1946. Entered into force April 
20, 1948. TIAS 1868. 
Admissioyt to membership: Guyana, June 8, 1966. 

Maritime Matters 

Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Con- 
sultative Organization. Done at Geneva March 6, 
1948. Entered into force March 17, 1958. TIAS 
Acceptance deposited: Lebanon, May 3, 1966. 

Oil Pollution 

Amendments to the international convention for the 
prevention of pollution of the sea by oil, 1954 
(TIAS 4900). Done at London April 11, 1962. 
Acceptanceti deposited: Iceland, May 18, 1966; 

Switzerland, May 11, 1966. 
Entry into force: May 18, 1967.' 

Postal Matters 

Constitution of the Universal Postal Union with 
final protocol, general regulations with final pro- 
tocol, and convention with final protocol and regu- 
lations of execution. Done at Vienna July 10, 

• Not in force for the United States. 

' Not in force. 

' The amendment to article XIV will not enter into 
force on this date since it has not yet been accepted 
by the requisite number of contracting Governments. 

■* With reservations. 

1964. Entered into force January 1, 1966. TIAS 


R(itifirntioti,-< deposited: Niger. February 28, 1966; 
Uganda, December 29, 1965.* 

Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at 
sea, 1960. Done at London June 17, 1960. Entered 
into force May 26, 1965. TIAS 5780. 
Acceptances deposited: Iran, May 31, 1966; Italy, 
May 26, 1966; Portugal, June 14, 1966. 


International telecommunication convention with six 
annexes. Done at Geneva December 21, 1959. En- 
tered into force January 1, 1961, as to the United 
States October 23, 1961. TIAS 4892. 
Ratification deposited: Greece, April 29, 1966. 


Protocol for the further extension of the Interna- 
tional Wheat Agreement, 1962 (TIAS 5115). Open 
for signature at Washington April 4 through 29, 
Acceptance deposited: Iceland, June 15, 1966. 

Women — Political Rights 

Convention on political rights of women. Done at 
New York March 31, 1953. Entered into force 
July 7, 1954.' 

Accession deposited: Nepal (with a reservation), 
April 26, 1966. 



Agricultural commodities agreement under title IV 
of the Agricultural Trade Development and As- 
sistance Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 454; 
7 U.S.C. 1731-1736), with exchange of notes and 
agreed official minutes. Signed at Rio de Janeiro 
April 23, 1966. Entered into force April 23, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the establishment of a ferry 
service between North Sydney, Nova Scotia, and 
Argentia, Newfoundland, with annex. Effected oy 
exchange of notes at Washington June 6 and 10, 
1966. Entered into force June 10, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the reciprocal granting of 
authorizations to permit licensed amateur radio 
operators of either country to operate their sta- 
tions in the other country. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Washington June 15, 1966. Entered into 
force June 15, 1966. 

Ivory Coast 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of April 5, 1965 (TIAS 5784). Effected 
by exchange of notes at Abidjan June 1, 1966. 
Entered into force June 1, 1966. 

Sierra Leone 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of January 29, 1965, as amended 
(TIAS 5762, 5831). Effected by exchange of notes 

JULY 4, 1966 


at Freetown June 2, 
June 2, 1966. 

1966. Entered into force 


Amendment to the agreement of June 10, 1955, as 
amended (TIAS 3320, 4748, 5828), concerning 
civil uses of atomic energy, with exchange of 
notes. Signed at Washington May 11, 1966. Enters 
into force on the date on which each Government 
shall have received from the other written notifi- 
cation that it has complied with all statutory and 
constitutional requirements for entry into force. 



The Senate on June 16 confirmed the following 

nominations : 

James M. Nabrit, Jr., to be the deputy representa- 
tive of the United States to the United Nations and 
deputy representative of the United States in the 
Security Council of the United Nations. (For bio- 
graphic details, see White House press release dated 
April 26.) 

Walter P. McConaughy to be Ambassador to 
China. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 149 dated June 20.) 

Delmar R. Carlson to be Ambassador to Guyana. 
(For biographic details, see White House press 
release dated May 11.) 


Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Govervment Printing Office, Washington, B.C., 
201,02. Address requests direct to the Superintendent 
of Documents, except in the case of free publica- 
tions, which may be obtained from the Office of 
Media Services, Department of State, Washington, 
D.C., 20520. 

Maritime Matters — Deployment of Vessels to Malta 
for Repair Services. Agreement with Malta. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Valletta January 15, 
1966. Entered into force January 15, 1966. TIAS 
5956. 5 pp. 5^. 

Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Civil Uses. Agree- 
ment with the Republic of Korea, amending the 
agreement of February 3, 1956, as amended — Signed 
at Washington July 30, 1965. Entered into force 
January 28, 1966. TIAS 5957. 3 pp. 5^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with China, 
amending the agreement of December 31, 1964. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Taipei February 11, 
1966. Entered into force February 11, 1966. TIAS 
5959. 7 pp. 10^. 

Education — Financing of Exchange Programs. 

Agreement with the Republic of Korea, amending 
the agreement of June 18, 1963. Exchange of notes 
— Dated at Seoul June 10 and November 2, 1965. 
Entered into force November 2, 1965. TIAS 5960. 
3 pp. 5(f. 

Headquarters of the United Nations. Agreement 
with the United Nations, supplementing the agree- 
ment of June 26, 1947— Signed at New York Febru- 
ary 9, 1966. Entered into force February 9, 1966. 
TIAS 5961. 3 pp. 5!f. 



JULY 4, 1966 

The Department of State Bulletin, a the Department, as v/ell as special articles intendcnt of Documents, U.S. Government 

weekly publication issued by the Office of on various phases of international affairs Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402. 

Media Services. Bureau of Public Affairs, and the functions of the Department. In- Price : 52 issues, domestic $10, foreiprn $15: 

provides the public and interested agencies formation is included concerning treaties single copy 30 cents. 

of the Government with information on and international agreements to which the Use of funds for printing of this publi- 

developments in the field of foreign rela- United States is or may become a party cation approved by the Director of the 

tions and on the work of the Department and treaties of genera] international inter- Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

of State and the Foreign Service. The est. note: Contents of this publication are 

Bulletin includes selected press releases on Publications of the Department, United not copyrighted and items contained herein 

foreign policy, issued by the White House Nations documents, and legislative material may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 

and the Department, and statements and in the field of international relations ai'c ment of State Bulletin as the source will 

addresses made by the President and by listed currently. be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 

the Secretary of State and other officers of The Bulletin is for sale by the Super- the Readers* Guide to Periodical Literature. 



INDEX July U, 1966 Vol. LV, No. UIO 

American Republics 

Members of Western Hemisphere Immigration 
Commission Named 23 

Private Enterprise, Economic Integration, and 
the Alliance for Progress (Gordon) ... 18 

Asia. Perspective on Asia (Humphrey) ... 2 

Aviation. Agreements Amended With Den- 
mark. Norway, Sweden (Department an- 
nouncement; Norwegian notes) 28 


The Growing Strength of Freedom (Harriman) 10 

McConaughy confirmed as Ambassador ... 34 

Communism. The Growing Strength of Freedom 
(Harriman) 10 


Confimiations (Carlson, McConaughy, Nabrit) 34 

Members of Western Hemisphere Immigration 
Commission Named 23 

New Members Appointed to ACDA Advisory 
Committee 24 

A Report on the NATO Meeting at Brussels 
( 7 

Denmark. Air Agreements Amended With Den- 
mark, Norway, Sweden (Department an- 
nouncement; Norwegian notes) 28 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Carlson, McConaughy, Nabrit) . 34 
The Foreign Service: (Constructive Tasks Ahead 

(Johnson) 25 

Disarmament. New Members Appointed to ACDA 

Advisory Committee 24 

Economic Affairs 

Air Agreements Amended With Denmark. Nor- 
way, Sweden (Department announcement; 

Norwegian notes) 28 

President Revises Designations Under Interest 

Equalization Tax (Executive order) .... 27 
Private Enterprise, Economic Integration, and 

the Alliance for Progress (Gordon) .... 18 
Europe. A Report on the NATO Meeting at 

Brussels (Rusk) 7 

Foreign Aid. U.S. To Resume Aid to India and 

Pakistan 17 

France. A Report on the NATO Meeting at 

Brussels (Rusk) 7 

Guyana. Carlson confirmed as Ambassador . . 34 
Immigration and Naturalization. Members of 

Western Hemisphere Immigration Commission 

Named 23 

India. U.S. To Resume Aid to India and Pakistan 17 
International Organizations and Conferences 
Calendar of International Conferences .... 30 
Private Enterprise, Economic Integration, and 

the Alliance for Progress (Gordon) .... 18 
Nicaragua. President Schick of Nicaragua Visits 

Washington (Johnson, Schick) . . ■ . . . 14 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. A Report 

on the NATO Meeting at Brussels (Rusk) . 7 

Norway. Air Agreements Amended With Den- 
mark, Norway, Sweden (Department an- 
nouncement; Norwegian notes) 28 

Pakistan. U.S. To Resume Aid to India and Pak- 
istan 17 

Presidential Documents 

The Foreign Service: Constructive Tasks Ahead 25 
President Revises Designations Under Interest 
Equalization Tax 27 

President Schick of Nicaragua Visits Washing- 
ton 14 

Publications. Recent Releases 34 

Refugees. Members of Western Hemisphere Im- 
migration Commission Named 23 

Sweden. Air Agreements Amended With Den- 
mark, Norway, Sweden (Department an- 
nouncement; Norwegian notes) 28 

Treaty Information 

Air Agreements Amended With Denmark, 
Norway, Sweden (Department announcement; 
Norwegian notes) 28 

Current Actions 33 

U.S.S.R. The Growing Strength of Freedom 
(Harriman) 10 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 32 

Nabrit confirmed as U.S. Deputy Representative 
to the United Nations and in the U.N. Secu- 
rity Council 34 

Viet-Nam. Perspective on Asia (Humphrey) . . 2 
Name Index 

Carlson, Delmar R 34 

Gordon, Lincoln 18 

Harriman, W. Averell 10 

Humphrey, Vice President 2 

Johnson, President 14, 25, 27 

McConaughy, Walter P 34 

Nabrit, James M., Jr 34 

Rusk, Secretary 7 

Schick Gutierrez, Rene 14 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: June 13-19 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Oflice of News, Department of State, Washing- 
ton, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to June 13 which ap- 
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 135 
of June 7 and 142 of June 10. 

No. Date Subject 

143 6/13 Rusk: Subcommittee on Europe 
of House Committee on For- 
eign Affairs (printed in 
Bulletin of June 27). 

tl44 6/14 Rusk: Rotary International, 
Denver, Colo. 
145 6/16 Rusk: Subcommittee on Na- 
tional Security and Interna- 
tional Operations of Senate 
Committee on Government 

tl46 6/16 Harriman: Associated Harvard 
Alumni, Cambridge, Mass. 

il47 6/16 Frankel: "Education for World 

*148 6/16 Program for visit of King 
Faisal of Saudi Arabia. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

l^U.S. Government Printing Office: 1966 — 201-940/5S 

Superintendent of 


BOX 286 



Around the Corner 

Preparing Today's Students To Meet Tomorrow's World Problems 

The need to accelerate education in world affairs is the subject of Around the Corner, a new 
Department of State publication featuring a special article by Secretary Rusk. Addressing par- 
ents and teachers of American high school students, Mr. Rusk points out that, after centuries of 
relatively steady advance, man's achievements — and his problems — have suddenly shot up on an 
accelerated curve. The world "around the corner" will be "even smaller, more complex, and more 
interdependent than today's," the Secretary adds, and that is the world teachers must anticipate 
as they prepare their students for future citizenship in the world community. 



To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 


Enclosed find $ (cash, check, or money order). Please 

send me copies of Around the Comer. 



To be mailed 
later ,.., 


Coupon refund 









Street address 

City, State, and ZIP code 








Vol. LV, No. un 

July 11, 1966 



Exchanges of Remarks and Text of Joint Communique 38 

Address by Secretary Rusk H 



Letter From Ambassador Goldberg and Text of Treaty 60 

by William C. Foster 50 

For index see inside back cover 

President Johnson and King Faisal of Saudi Arabia 
Exchange Views on Matters of Common Interest 

His Majesty King Faisal ibn Abdul Aziz 
al-Saud of Satidi Arabia made a state visit 
to the United States June 20-30. He met 
with President Johnson at Washington June 
21 and 22. Folloiving are an exchange of 
greetings betiveen President Johnson and 
King Faisal on June 21, an exchange of 
toasts at a state dinner at the White House 
that evening, and the text of a joint com- 
munique released on June 22. 


White House press release dated June 21 

President Johnson 

Your Majesty, Ahlan wa Sahlan. 

Though the pronunciation of that tradi- 
tional Arabic greeting may not be fully 
correct, the warmth of the welcome it con- 
veys is very real and sincere. We have long 
looked forward to Your Majesty's visit. We 
are greatly honored and very pleased to have 
you here today at the White House as our 

I know that you are no stranger to our 
country. You first came to the United States 
in 1943 as the guest, then, of President 
Franklin D. Roosevelt at a time when we 
were deep in a global war to turn back 
aggression. I am sure that you sensed even 
in those dark days the dedication of this 
country and its people to the defense of hu- 
man rights, to the dignity of the individual, 
and to the freedom and independence of all 

Your Majesty yourself contributed sig- 

nificantly to these principles by your par- 
ticipation in the 1945 San Francisco 
conference which established the United Na- 
tions. Among the many links which our two 
countries share, we have worked together in 
that great international organization in the 
cause of peace and progress in the world. 

Since those stirring days, you have visited 
our country many times and in various ca- 
pacities. These visits have, I am sure, given 
you a deep insight into our problems as well 
as our efforts to sunnount those problems. 
They have also given us the opportunity to 
draw upon your wisdom and to learn from 

Your country, under Your Majesty's wise 
rule, has made great strides forward. Roads, 
public works, health services, new schools, 
and new educational opportunities for the 
young men and women of Saudi Arabia — all 
these stand as eloquent testimony to your 
active development efforts. 

We have watched these with keen interest 
and real admiration. We Americans are 
proud to have played a part in Saudi 
Arabia's development. From this coopera- 
tion, the respect and understanding between 
our two Governments and our two peoples 
have grown. 

Our relations with Saudi Arabia have 
long been close and cordial. They have been 
characterized by friendship, frankness, and 
a mutual consideration for each other's prob- 
lems. We are living in a world of change, but 
we, like you, favor change by peaceful 
methods. Only thus can the God-given talents 
of all of our citizens be constructively de- 



voted to the arresting challenges which today 
face mankind. 

Your Majesty, we are very delighted to 
have you here again as the distinguished and 
much respected and admired leader of a 
great and friendly country. The American 
Government and the American people, for 
whom I speak, extend their hospitality to 
you. I am confident that you will find it as 
warm as i^roverbial Arab hospitality. We 
look forward, too, to vei-y fruitful exchanges 
of views these next few days. 

As the venerable Arabic saying has it, 
"Our house is your house." Once again, I 
extend to you on behalf of all the American 
people a hearty welcome to our land. 

King Faisal 

Your Excellency, it gives me great pleas- 
ure to extend to Your Excellency my pro- 
found thanks and gratitude for the good 
words which you were kind enough to ex- 
press and which, if they denote anything, 
they denote Your Excellency's high prestige 
and what you enjoy in this connection. 

While you have said that you have been 
waiting and looking forward to my visit to 
your country, I, too, on my behalf, have been 
looking forward to coming and getting ac- 
quainted with Your Excellency for the high 
prestige which Your Excellency enjoys not 
only in this country but in the world as a 

We meet with you in what Your Excel- 
lency has mentioned about the hopes of cre- 
ating a world which would be preserved by 
j ustice and peace and prosperity. 

In a speech Your Excellency delivered last 
May,' you mentioned something that you 
were looking forward to, a kind of society in 
which every country respects every other 
country, and which is covered by justice and 
peace. I wish to assure Your Excellency that 
we are quite agreed with Your Excellency in 
this connection. 

At this time, which is swayed by too many 

' For an address by President Johnson on May 26 
on the third anniversary of the Organization of Af- 
rican Unity, see Bulletin of June 13, 1966, p. 914. 

currents and too many problems, we are 
looking forward to a world which will be 
l)revailed upon by liberty, by prosperity, and 
by amity. Those currents of doctrines have 
obliged us to defend ourselves for the sake 
of jieace and for the sake of independence 
and freedom and well-being of the world. 

This defense of protection imposes upon 
us first and foremost the faith in Almighty 
God. After that, we have to try to follow the 
best ways to reach with these peoples the 
way of peace, amity, and cooperation to 

As Your Excellency has been good enough 
to mention, I am not a stranger to this 
country. I have sensed in these people, the 
American people and their government, their 
love and their faith for independence and 
well-being of the whole world. 

Since that very first time of my visit, I 
have tried and done my very best to make 
rapprochement between the American people 
and the other Arab countries. Thanks to God, 
I have succeeded to a certain extent in this 
connection. If there is still some strain or 
tension in some quarters in the Arab-Ameri- 
can relations, I am hoping that we will be 
able eventually to bring together the two in 
the field of cooperation. 

If we follow the way which makes it pos- 
sible to insure a world of peace which is 
based on justice and prosperity and the co- 
operation for all, by the God of grace we will 
attain our goal. 

Your Excellency, you have been good 
enough to refer to our efforts in connection 
with developing our country for the welfare 
of its people. All that we have done we con- 
sider not to be suflficient enough for what our 
people are aspiring to in the field of pros- 
perity, development, and welfare. 

But we are going on our way according to 
our potentialities and possibilities. We faith- 
fully hope that we may reach the goal which 
is aspired to by ourselves and our people in 
the shortest of time. 

I am pleased, Your Excellency, that myself 
and my colleagues are to be the guests of 
Your Excellency and of the friendly people 
of America. 

JULY 11, 1966 


I reciprocate the wishes expressed on the 
part of Your Excellency that our coming 
talks will reach something which will be in 
the interest of our own two countries and 
to the world as a whole. 

I wish to reiterate my thanks to Your Ex- 
cellency for what we have found — a good 
reception and a kind welcome. 


white House press release dated June 21 

President Johnson 

Your Majesty: Your presence here this 
evening is an occasion we have long antici- 
pated. It is a very welcome and a very vivid 
reminder of the bonds of friendship which 
exist between our two countries. These ties 
were initiated by two of the most illustrious 
leaders that your country and mine have 
known — your late distinguished father, 
Kmg Abdul Aziz ibn Saud, and our President 
Franklin Delano Roosevelt. 

Their meeting in 1945 marked a milestone 
in history. They laid the basis of understand- 
ing and cooperation between our two coun- 
tries. These have endured to this day. They 
will continue to do so. They are predicated 
on improving the lot of both of our peoples 
and securing for them and for all peoples 
the blessings of peace and prosperity. 
Though circumstances have changed, I know 
that both our countries and peoples pursue 
these same goals today. 

Our meeting today gave me a deeper reali- 
zation that we face many common and simi- 
lar problems. One, in particular, is very near 
to my heart. 

I come from a part of the United States 
which bears a great deal of similarity to 
parts of Your Majesty's country. Water is a 
problem of overriding concern to parts of 
the United States, just as it is to Saudi 
Arabia. We know it is written that "Every- 
thing living was created from water." Fortu- 
nately, modern technology has come to our 
aid. It holds out the promise of large sup- 
plies of water through desalting. 

To make this promise a reality, your coun- 
try is planning a desalting installation larger 
than any that now exists anywhere. We, too, 
are seeking ways to purify water at a price 
that men can afford. We are very pleased to 
be cooperating with Your Majesty's Govern- 
ment in this veiy highly important field to 
both of our countries. 

We, like you, are seeking to improve our 
education and provide better opportunities 
for all our young people. The wise use of 
the great wealth of our subsoil demands our 
best efforts. We have watched with respect 
and admiration the progress that Saudi 
Arabia has made, under Your Majesty's wise 
guidance, in all of these endeavors. 

The roster of those who have joined us in 
extending our welcome to you this evening. 
Your Majesty, symbolizes the variety of our 
common interests as well as the depth and 
the warmth of our friendship. 

I recognize. Your Majesty, that the solu- 
tions we find for our problems will not al- 
ways be the same. Differences in history, 
customs, traditions, and geography inevita- 
bly produce different outlooks. But where 
such differences are, we can both learn from 
them and, I trust, benefit from them. 

In the past our common respect for human 
dignity and abiding faith in spiritual values 
have been the cornerstone of our relations. 
They will chart the course of our future 
relations as well. As a loog-recognized cham- 
pion of these basic principles of constructive 
human conduct, we are very proud and quite 
privileged to welcome Your Majesty here to 
the White House tonight. 

We hope your stay with us will be a pleas- 
ant and profitable one. We know from our 
discussions today that you will leave with us 
more than you take away. 

So my good friends who have come here 
this evening from all parts of this nation, 
may I ask you now to join me in a standing 
tribute to His Majesty King Faisal ibn 
Abdul Aziz al-Saud, a great ruler, a wise 
statesman, and a warm friend of our coun- 



King Faisal 

Your Excellency. Mr. President: Pennit 
me to take this occasion to assure you of my 
great pleasure and gratitude for having met 
with you. I sensed in the meetings with you 
today your good intentions, that you are a 
man of mature thinking. This undoubtedly 
will have a great effect on me. 

I have sensed that you are a man of great 
personality, a man of integrity, a man of 
decision. This will certainly have great re- 
sults not only as far as the citizens of this 
country are concerned but, indeed, as far as 
the rest of the world is concerned, also. 

Mr. President, your reference to the fact 
that the good relations which have existed 
for a long time between your country and 
mine, relations the basis of which were laid 
down by the late President Roosevelt and the 
late King Abdul Aziz ibn Saud, reminds me 
of the stages through which these relations 
have gone for more than 21 years. 

I am very pleased that these relations have 
improved, and they have grown better as 
time has gone by. 

Mr. President, at times differences of opin- 
ion have arisen between us. But such differ- 
ences have had absolutely no effect on the 
basis on which our relations stand. These 
were built on the principles of sincerity, of 
loyalty, for the good of all. 

And no matter what differences may arise 
from time to time, this will have absolutely 
no effect on the relations between your coun- 
try and mine. 

I do appreciate your assurance, Mr. Presi- 
dent, the assurance given to me, for contin- 
ued cooperation between your country and 
mine in the interest of the peoples of both 
countries. That, of course, includes the ef- 
forts which we intend to make, jointly, to 
find means whereby water can be made avail- 
able in our country, where it is very much 

As you pointed out in your remarks, Mr. 
President, I would like to quote a saying 
from the holy Koran which is, in effect, in 
confomiity with what you pointed out, "God 

says that he made everything living out of 

Without water there can be no life. Water, 
therefore, is very essential to us. We realize 
that we face a great many difficulties in try- 
ing to carry out our constructive programs. 
The most serious of these difficulties is to 
find ways to make water available. Unavaila- 
bility of water is the greatest source of dif- 
ficulty, as far as we are concerned. Water is 
a source of life, and in our country it is 
scarce. I am hopeful that through the joint 
efforts between you and us we can find ways 
and means whereby water will be made more 
available for the good of our people and, also, 
for the good of your people here. 

Mr. President, having understood your in- 
tentions, your aspirations, your ambitions 
for your people and for the future of your 
people, I am inspired to look to you as a 
leader with a great deal of admiration be- 
cause you are working not for your own 
good but for the good of your own people, 
the entire people. 

Mr. President, your reference to the 
achievements which have been realized in 
my country reminds me of the principles 
that you discussed with me this evening. And 
it is my prayer, it is my hope, that I will be 
able to realize greater things for my people 
in service to all of them for the good of all, 
for the welfare of humanity, for the dignity 
of man, and for the peace of mankind. 

And I would like to thank you, in closing, 
Mr. President, for making it possible for me, 
on this occasion, to meet persons, people of 
this country, who represent different walks 
of life, people who have their value, have 
made great contributions, and who are work- 
ing hard for the good of all the people of this 

I would like to reiterate, Mr. President, my 
appreciation for all the kindness that you 
have shown to me, my admiration for you as 
a person, the wonderful reception accorded 
to me, and the good care that has been shown 
to me. All of this indicates or proves to me 
that you are a man with a very large heart, 

JULY 11, 1966 


a very wise mind, a man who is striving 
hard to work for the good of all. 
Thank you very much. 


white House press release dated June 22 

At the invitation of President Johnson, 
His ]\Iajesty King Faisal ibn Abdul Aziz al- 
Saud is paying an official visit to the United 
States of America. His Majesty and the dis- 
tinguished members of the Saudi Arabian 
Government who accompanied him were 
warmly welcomed by the President and mem- 
bers of the United States Government. They 
subsequently met with the President and 
with senior members of the United States 
Government for a comprehensive review of 
problems of mutual concern to their coun- 
tries and their peoples. 

In these talks they noted with approval 
the close and cordial relations which have 
long existed between Saudi Arabia and the 
United States of America. These relations 
are based on mutual respect, a common be- 
lief in the basic principles of freedom, jus- 
tice and human dignity and the independence 
and territorial integrity of all states. They 
reaffirmed their opposition to aggression, in 
any form, and their determination to con- 
tinue the efforts of their two governments 
to promote the cause of peace with honor 
and dignity for all. They asserted the impor- 
tance of solving international problems by 
peaceful means on the basis of right and 
justice. They supported the right of peoples 
to self-determination. 

They reviewed the great strides that have 
already been made in the improvement of 
material and social conditions of their coun- 
tries and pledged themselves anew to coop- 
erate by all appropriate means to further 
the welfare of their peoples. They noted the 
threat posed by international Communism to 
the free nations of the world and their de- 
termination to guard against this threat. 

His Majesty and the President particu- 
larly welcomed this ojiportunity to become 
personally acquainted. They are confident 
that the genuine personal esteem that 

marked their frank and comprehensive ex- 
change of views will lead to heightened mu- 
tual understanding between the United 
States and Saudi Arabia and to a further 
strengthening of the bonds of cooperation 
between their countries and peoples. 

His Majesty leaves on June 23 for New 
York City where he will continue his official 
visit to the United States. 

Steps Toward an Honorable Peace 
in South Viet-Nam 

Statement by President Johnson ^ 

In the past few weeks the battle in Viet- 1 
Nam has become more intense. The large 
forces infiltrated from the North into South 
Viet-Nam in recent months are now being 
engaged— sometimes at their initiative, 
sometimes at ours. The forces of South Viet- 
Nam, the United States, and our allies have 
responded with skill, courage, and effective- 

During this period my advisers and I have, 
almost on a daily basis, continued closely to 
examine and scrutinize what the aggressor 
has been doing and our own course of action. 
We have examined the alternatives open to 
us, including all suggestions from those who 
have not shared our views. 

In the light of the full information avail- 
able to the President, we sincerely feel that 
the national interest requires that we persist 
in our present policy. That policy is to bring 
to bear the ground, naval, and air strength 
required to achieve our objective. 

I must observe that this does not mean 
that we shall not increase our forces or our 
operations. It is not good national policy pub- 
licly to declare to those conducting aggres- 
sion that there are particular limits on how 
we shall act to defeat that aggression. 

But our objectives remain what they have 

' Made at a news conference at the White House 
on June 18 (White House press release). 



— to g-uarantee that infiltration, subver- 
sion, and terror mounted and infiltrated 
from North \'iet-Nam cannot swallow up 
and conquer South Viet-Nam; 

— to permit the people of South Viet-Nam 
to select their own government and to build 
a way of life which conforms to their own 
traditions and desires. 

In meeting this objective we must also 
reassure the world that America's agree- 
ments, once made, are not broken. 

We are not fighting to remain in South 
Viet-Nam, not to hold bases there, not to 
control the affairs of that people. 

We are there to defeat aggression, to per- 
mit a young nation to develop its owti des- 
tiny, to heli5 its ]:eople rebuild and create a 
modern nation even before the guns go silent. 

But to these limited objectives we are fully 

What are our prospects? 

I must frankly tell you that our intelli- 
gence indicates that the aggressor presently 
bases his hopes more on political differences 
in Saigon and Washington than on his mili- 
tary capacity in South Viet-Nam. While we 
do have differences and divisions, I want our 
men in the field and our people at home to 
know that our course is resolute, that our 
conviction is firm, and that we shall not be 
diverted from doing what is necessary in the 
Nation's interest and the cause of freedom. 

By every evidence available to us the ma- 
jority of the people of South Viet-Nam seem 
determined to fight for the right to work out 
their own affairs. They want to go forward 
with economic reform, greater social justice, 
and a constitutional government. They must 
do this in the midst of a bitter and ugly war. 

Since January 1, 1966, we have lost 2,200 
of our men; the South Vietnamese have lost 
4,300; our allies have lost 250. But the Viet 
Cong and the North Vietnamese have lost 
three times our combined losses — 22,500 

Our attacks on military targets in North 
Viet-Nam have imposed a growing burden 
on those who support the insurgency in the 
South. We must continue to raise the cost of 
aggression at its source, and that is the sole 

IHirpose of our use of air strength against 
selected military targets. 

In the South, I am encouraged that the 
Vietnamese are carrying forward the first 
steps in building a constitutional process. 
The rules for electing a constituent assembly 
on September 11 have been foi-mulated. We 
can expect continued ferment even after the 
elections are held. Rival political forces are 
contending for power. This is natural and 
inevitable at this point in the political life 
of a developing nation. 

We shall continue to back the Vietnamese 
effort to achieve government by the consent 
of the people — even as they fight the war. 

Economically, important steps are under 
way to control inflation, to expand the flow 
of supplies to the people, and to carry for- 
ward the Vietnamese program of revolu- 
tionary development. 

Here in the United States I believe our 
people are determined to see this through. In 
recent primaries not one candidate was able 
to make opposition to the resistance of ag- 
gression in South Viet-Nam a successful 
position. A minority of our people are willing 
to pull out. Another minority are prepared 
to see us use our total power, including our 
nuclear power. 

The rest of us, while we may debate this or 
that dimension of policy, are determined that 
this nation honor its responsibility and its 
commitment to help Viet-Nam turn back ag- 
gression from the North. 

We must go forward as nations and men 
have always gone forward in dark moments, 
confident that when they are right they will 
prevail. I am confident that we shall gain an 
honorable peace in South Viet-Nam. 

There are, I believe, very few govern- 
ments among the more than 120 in the world 
who do not wish to see an honorable peace at 
the earliest possible moment. To those few I 
would say this: 

There is honor for all in making peace. 

Let the killing stop. 

As the Government of Viet-Nam said in 
the Declaration of Honolulu :2 "stop killing 

' For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 28, 1966, p. 305. 

JULY 11, 1966 


your brothers, sisters, their elders and their 
children — come and work through constitu- 
tional democracy to build together a life of 
dignity, freedom and peace. . . ." 

Look about us in Asia. 

Look at the vitality, the economic and so- 
cial progress of the nine Asian and Pacific 
nations meeting in Korea. 

Look at the new resolve in Indonesia to 
come to grips with their problems of eco- 
nomic and social development. 

Look at the new determination of India 

and Pakistan to work for their people and 
live at peace. Look at the new efforts of the 
people of Asia to come together and work 
together in peace. 

Ask yourselves: What is the wave of the 
future? Is it aggression? Is it for one nation 
to conquer another? Or is it for us all to 
work together as brothers in growing more 
food, building more schools, and providing 
good health to all the people ? 

I believe it is the latter. 

Progress Toward a Decent World Order 

Address by Secretary Rusk- 

It is a high privilege to meet with this re- 
nowned organization representing more than 
100 nations. For personal reasons, I consid- 
ered your invitation a command. For I my- 
self am an alumnus of the Atlanta Rotary 
Educational Loan Fund and have never for- 
gotten that your interest in young people 
made a decisive difference in my own life. 

As Secretary of State I have had many 
occasions to note with interest and respect 
what Rotary is contributing throughout the 
world. I think of your growing program of 
matched districts and clubs, with all that it 
can accomplish in improving international 
understanding and good will. I think of the 
Rotary Foundation and the more than 2,100 
international fellowships for graduate work 
which it has provided for young men and 
women from more than 70 countries. And I 

' Made before the Rotary International at Den- 
ver, Colo., on June 14 (press release 144). Mr. Rusk 
also made some extemporaneous remarks. 

think of your help to distressed families in 
many lands. 

My compliments to you, Mr. President 
[C. P. H. Teenstra, president of Rotary In- 
ternational] , a citizen of the Netherlands and 
the third European to hold your eminent of- 
fice. I have read an article by you in which 
you described your "special brand of Eng- 
lish" as lying somewhere between "the south- 
ern Texas drawl and the Oxford stutter." As 
an Oxford graduate serving a Texas Presi- 
dent, I am intrigued by the possible implica- 
tions of your remarks. 

Otherwise, Mr. President, I found your ar- 
ticle altogether admirable. You noted that the 
people of the more than 100 countries which 
have Rotary clubs differ in race, color, reli- 
gion, political conviction, and many other re- 
spects. Yet, you said, they share "the same 
basic longings and desires." You said that, 
above all, "they want to live in a peaceful 
world in which it is good to live." You said 
that what binds Rotary together is "a unity 



of desire and a unity of purpose to serve so- 
ciety and to serve mankind, but a unity in 

Diversity we shall have — and along with it 
a considerable junount of turbulence and 
change for as long as we can see into the fu- 
ture. It becomes important for us to search 
for the unity and the simple guidelines of 
policy which can build order out of turbu- 
lence and direction amidst tumultuous events. 
We should not apologize for the simple, clear, 
unifying ideas which hold the peoples of the 
world together — the peoples who, as you put 
it, Mr. President, "want to live in a peaceful 
world in which it is good to live." 

The goal is a world of independent nations, 
each with the institutions of its own choice, 
but cooperating to further their mutual in- 
terests and well-being, a world free of ag- 
gression, fear, want, and discrimination on 
account of race or religion or for any other 
reason, a world which recognizes the rule of 
law, in which all men can live in peace and 
fraternal fellowship. 

That is the kind of world sketched out in 
the preamble and articles 1 and 2 of the 
United Nations Charter, a document drafted 
while the flames of the most destructive war 
in history still raged, while men were think- 
ing hard about the tragic lessons of the past 
and how to avoid a holocaust in the future. It 
is not an accident that the principles of the 
charter reflect so closely the aspirations of 
the American people, for we, with other like- 
minded people, took the lead in drafting it. 

The commitment of the American people 
to the principles and purposes of the United 
Nations Chai-ter does not arise only from a 
desire to sei-ve mankind, although I believe 
that the American people have that desire. It 
is rooted in our deepest self-interest, in our 
determination to preserve our nation and its 
way of life — in the words of the preamble of 
our Constitution, to "secure the Blessings of 
Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." 

Two World Wars taught us that we could 
not find security in isolation. And near the 
end of the Second World War came nuclear 
weapons and intercontinental planes, soon 

followed by thermonuclear weapons and in- 
tercontinental rockets that can travel half- 
way around the earth or farther in a few 
minutes. These developments have made 
worthless older notions of security based on 
defenses or policies confined to the North 
American Continent, or the Western Hemi- 
sphere, or the North Atlantic Basin, or any 
other limited geographical areas. 

Stark realities compel us to be concerned 
with the entire world, with all its earth, 
waters, and atmosphere, and even with the 
adjacent areas of space as far as men can 
project vehicles and instruments capable of 
affecting the conditions of life on earth. 
Stark realities compel us to try to build a 
reliable peace, a decent world order, based 
upon the principle, as you put it, Mr. Presi- 
dent, of "unity in diversity." 

Unhappily, the leaders of some nations en- 
vision a difl["erent sort of world order. Their 
goal, openly proclaimed, is a world of uni- 
formity, at least in the essentials of political 
and economic organization. The conflict be- 
tween their plans for mankind and a world 
order in which all peoples are free to choose 
their own institutions and their own govern- 
ments is fundamental. It is the paramount 
issue of our time. 

I should like to comment briefly on prog- 
ress toward a decent world order, particu- 
larly in three areas of the world with which 
the United States has long had special ties 
of sentiment and interest: the Western Hemi- 
sphere, the North Atlantic community, and 
the Western Pacific. 

The Western Hemisphere 

Over the last 13 months the attention of 
the Western Hemisphere has been focused on 
the political crisis in the Dominican Repub- 
lic. We felt, when the crisis arose in April 
1965, that the Dominican people would work 
out their own problems in their own way if 
they were given the chance to do so. We have 
worked very closely within the Organization 
of American States over the last year to give 
the Dominican people that chance. 

The free and democratic election which 

JULY 11, 1966 


took place in the Dominican Republic on June 
1 is eloquent testimony to the constructive 
work done by the Dominican Provisional 
President Hector Garcia Godoy and the Or- 
ganization of American States. But even 
more, it should be a cause for great satisfac- 
tion on the part of the Dominican people, 
who went to the polls in an overwhelming 
number to vote their confidence in the demo- 
cratic process. 

But while we may take satisfaction that 
the Dominican people have successfully com- 
pleted one more step on the road to demo- 
cratic government, we are sobered by the 
serious economic and social problems that the 
new government will face. 

I will not bother you with detail. It is suffi- 
cient to note that by any test the needs are 
great, and social, economic, and political 
growth will only proceed with the most vig- 
orous effort by the Dominican Government 
and people. The Dominican people have tried 
during the last 5 years to find a formula to 
overcome the legacy left them by over three 
decades of Trujillo dictatorship. We have 
worked with Dominican leaders in both the 
public and private sectors to develop a dy- 
namic economic and social program. We have 
laid a firm basis for continued cooperation 
with the Dominican people. 

Extremists of both the right and the left 
may make further attempts to disrupt the 
political life of the Dominican Republic. But 
there is now a reasonable basis to expect 
that the Dominican people can move forward 
on programs that will help remove the causes 
for political unrest. They have a new confi- 
dence and hope in their own future and de- 
serve our sympathy and understanding. 

Elsewhere in the hemisphere we can note 
progress and a basis for quiet satisfaction. 
The great cooperative undertaking in eco- 
nomic and social development, the Alliance 
for Progress, is making solid gains in almost 
all of our neighboring countries. Costa Rica, 
Guatemala, and Colombia have successfully 
held free elections. Our negotiations with 
Panama on a new Panama Canal treaty and 
a possible sea-level canal are progressing sat- 
isfactorily. Brazil has grappled responsibly 


with difficult and complex economic problems 
and is moving toward its presidential elec- 
tions in October. Broadly speaking, the gov- 
ernments of the hemisphere are seeking that 
combination of moderation, stabihty, and 
progress which can best respond to the basic 
needs and wishes of their own peoples. The 
step-up in Communist subversive activities 
projected in Havana at the "Tricontinent 
Conference" earlier this year has not intimi- 
dated the hemisphere nor disrupted its peace- 
ful processes. Castro's answer has repeatedly 
lost its appeal throughout the hemisphere — 
and possibly is losing within Cuba itself. The 
prospect of economic and social progress un- 
der democratic institutions is stronger than 

The NATO Meeting at Brussels 

I turn now to the North Atlantic commu- 
nity. Last week I attended in Brussels the 
37th meeting of the foreign ministers of the 
North Atlantic alliance.^ It was one of the 
most important ministerial meetings since 
the early days of NATO. For it had to deal 
with the consequences of the decision of 
France to withdraw from the integrated de- 
fense system built with so much care and to 
require NATO and American military instal- 
lations and personnel to leave France. 

The other 14 members of the alliance had 
declared on March 18 * their unanimous de- 
termination to preserve and improve NATO's 
integrated military organization. At Brus- 
sels, meeting first as Fourteen and then with 
France, they unanimously reaffirmed that de- 
termination and took the first steps in mak- 
ing the necessary readjustments. They 
agreed to transfer the various NATO mili- 
tary headquarters from France and to sim- 
plify in cei'tain respects the command struc- 
ture. They extended an invitation to the 
Benelux countries to provide a new home 
for SHAPE — Supreme Headquarters Allied 
Powers Europe. While France said it would 
be glad to have the Council itself remain in 

' For text of a communique issued at Brussels on 
June 8, see Bulijitin of June 27, 1966, p. 1001. 
' For text, see ibid., Apr. 4, 1966, p. 536. 




Paris, the Fourteen felt that keepinp it there 
would pose some practical problems, and they 
agreed that it is important to have the polit- 
ical headquarters and the military headquar- 
ters not too far apart geographically. They 
deferred until October a decision on moving 
the Council. 

All the NATO members, including France, 
agreed that the questions they must settle 
as a result of the French decisions, beyond 
those acted upon at Brussels, will be dis- 
cussed first in the NATO Council, which may 
assign some questions to smaller groups. 
Problems that cannot be resolved through 
those channels will be taken up at the minis- 
terial level. And when the essential political 
decisions have been reached, the purely mili- 
tary arrangements will be taken up between 
the French high command and the Supreme 
Allied Commander Europe. 

The deliberations at Brussels clearly 
showed that NATO continues to have vitality 
and that the other 14 consider that the deci- 
sion of France must not interfere with their 
own unity in the measures needed to protect 
the safety and well-being of the North At- 
lantic community. Certainly the problems 
created by the French decision are complex 
and costly and will require continuing effort 
over a considerable period of time. 

Although the other members of NATO 
cannot be expected to be happy about the 
French decision, we all agreed not to indulge 
in recrimination but to continue to regard 
France as an ally — as France says it is — to 
try to work out some fonn of coordination 
between the NATO military structure and 
the French military forces, and to hope that 
in time France will decide to resume a full 
partnership in NATO's defense system. 

East-West Relations 

All the members of NATO have observed 
with interest and hope signs of evolution in 
Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union — evo- 
lution toward national autonomy, less harsh 
internal discipline, and the restoration of 
somewhat more normal relations between the 
peoples of Eastern Europe and those of the 
West. There was some feeling that the dan- 

ger of war has receded somewhat and that 
intensified efforts should be made to improve 
East-West relations and to solve the grave 
disputes left over from the Second World 

If the outlook has improved in these re- 
spects, the strength and solidarity of NATO 
are largely responsible. And a strong NATO 
remains necessary as a base for further ef- 
forts to improve East- West relations. 

When we think about reduced tensions, we 
must not forget that 5 years ago this month 
we were threatened with war if Allied forces 
were not withdrawn from Berlin, that 31/2 
years ago the Soviet Union caused another 
grave crisis by introducing offensive weapons 
into Cuba, and that Soviet arms are going to 
North Viet-Nam to assist the Communist ef- 
fort to seize South Viet-Nam by force. 

In Europe, as the distinguished Prime 
Minister of Belgium, Paul Van den Boey- 
nants, said in his welcome to the NATO min- 
isters, there exist beyond the Iron Curtain 
"130 divisions on a war footing supported 
by 6,000 aircraft and 700 missiles." 

The facts of the world situation require 
that NATO remain strong and alert. They 
require that free nations not repeat the 
tragic errors of the past — that they not make 
one-sided reductions in defense that tempt 
adversaries to resort once again to force or 
threats, that they not impair the security 
which the members of NATO have achieved 
for themselves and other free nations by 
their collective exertions, including the in- 
vestment of more than $1 trillion in defense 
since 1947. The surest way to lose the peace 
is to destroy or weaken the instruments that 
are pi-eserving the peace. And there is no 
prospect for resolving ultimately the prob- 
lems that divide Europe if Western Europe 
is once again to break up into a large num- 
ber of free-wheeling independent states, with 
each nation clawing for advantage at the 
expense of its neighbors. 

These fundamentals are recognized by 
most of the responsible statesmen of the 
North Atlantic community. At the same time 
they agree that every effort must be made 
to improve East-West relations and to solve 

JULY 11, 1966 


or blunt East-West disputes, of which the 
most dangerous remains the division of Ber- 
lin and Germany. East-West negotiations 
may i)roceed through various channels — 
some bilateral, some multilateral. But the 
NATO ministers — at the Fourteen — 
agreed that there must be a common West- 
ern policy and that they have in the NATO 
Council a useful agency for exchanjfinK in- 
formation and ideas on improving East-West 
relations and for harmonizing initiatives. 
They directed their i)ermanent rei)resenta- 
tives "to continue to examine closely the 
prospects of healthy develo))ments in East- 
West relations." They also readirmed their 
continuous interest in progress toward dis- 
armament, in particular, their "K'"eat con- 
cern over the i)roblem of nuclear prolifera- 

There is .some feeling- in Europe — and else- 
where, includinn' the United States — that the 
war in Viet-Nam is an obstacle to a detente 
with the Soviet Union. The Soviet leaders 
say it is an obstacle. And, in some degree, it 
may be, from their viewjwint. For they are 
sensitive about the accusations of Peking 
that they are not militant enough and even 
that they are conspiring with the United 
States to "sell out" Hanoi. 

liut we are prepared to take further steps 
to imi)iove relations. 1 hope that 
the ("ongress will ai)prove the consular con- 
vention with the Soviet Union'' and the 
broader autlioiity in negotiating trade agree- 
ments wilii the Communist states requested 
by the President."^ 

Most of the loaders of the free world, in- 
cluding our i:} full partners in NATO, realize 
the indisi)ensable role of the United States 
both in defending the jjcace and in making it 
more secure by negotiating agreements or 
reaching understandings on dangerous i)rob- 

They are not disi)osed to acce))t a i)roi)osal 
to hold a conference on Euro|)ean security 

* For a statcnu-iit hy SccreUuy Kusk before the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee on July 30, 
1965, 800 ihid., Aur. .'!0, 1U<!.''), j). ^llh. 

' For l)a(•k^,'r(lun(l and text of the proposed legis- 
lation, see ibid., May 30, 196C, p. 838. 

questions without the United States. They 
know that we have deep and vital interests 
in the sort of -settlement that is achieved in 

U.S. Policy in the Western Pacific 

The basic of American i)olicy are 
the same in the Western Pacific as in the 
North Atlantic community, the Western 
IIemisi)here, and elsewhere: to establish 
peace by deterring or repelling aggression 
and to cooperate with other nations in im- 
proving the life of man. Compared with the 
North Atlantic Basin, many of the nations 
in the Western Pacific — especially the newer 
one.s — are still relatively weak. And the prob- 
lem is further complicated by the virulent 
militancy of Asian communism, an aggres- 
sive bellicosity which has caused serious 
trouble even within the Communist world. 

We are fighting in South Viet-Nam for 
three interlocking reasons: 

First, because Southeast Asia is very im- 
Ijortant to the security of the United States, 
as has been determined by four successive 
Presidents of the United States on the basis 
of careful analyses by their principal ad- 
visers, by the United States Senate in 1955 
when it ap|)roved the Southeast Asia Collec- 
tive Defense Treaty with only one dissenting 
vote, and by both Houses of Congress 
through the resolution " they adopted in 1964 
with only two negative votes. 

Secondly, we are fighting because we know 
from co.stly exiwricnce that aggression feeds 
on aggression and that the i)enalty for fail- 
ing to repel aggression against South Viet- 
Nam almost certainly would be a larger war 
later on. 

Thirdly, and not least, we are fighting be- 
cause we promised to, if nece.ssaiy. We have 
mutual defense coniniitnients to more than 
10 other nations. These, supported by our 
military strength, are the backbone of world 
peace. The iirospects for ])eace would vanish 
if our friends — and our adversaries — should confidence in the integrity of our com- 

" For text, see ibid., Aug. 24, 1964, p. 268. 




We aro not li^;lltiMn■ aloiio. 'I'ho InrKost 
sliair of Uio Imnloii coiitimics to l)e Ikhiio 1).v 
tlu' armed forces of tlio lvi'i>iil>lic of Viet- 
Num. Ciallaiit troops from tlu- IvopiiUlic of 
Korea, Australia, and New Zealand are linlit- 
injr. And they will soon l)e joined by military 
etl^rineers from tlie riiiliiipincs. Thailand, 
another of our loyal allies, is helping' to 
Kuard the (lank. 

All of us would like to see more political 
stal)ility in South \'iet-Nam. Hut it is note- 
woithy that no important South Vietnamese 
political leader has defected to the Commu- 
nist side. 

In the last 25 years we have been through 
nuiny trying experiences, many dark mo- 
ments. Hut, with resolution and persever- 
ance, we survived them and have K<>'ie "" to 
achieve our objective in South Viet-Nam and 
Southeast Asia. That objective is i)eace, a 
lieace in which the people of South Viet-Nam 
and of the other independent states of South- 
east Asia can live under jrovernments and 
in.stitutions of their own free choice. 

The Communists ap|)ear to be relying on 
dissent within the United St;des or elsewhere 
in the free woiid to cause a channi' in Amer- 
ican policy. They will (ind that they are mis- 

When Hanoi realizes that its ajjKression 
will not be allowed to succeed, there will be 

Hefore closing 1 shall mention briefly two 
other aspects of American policy. One is our 
assistance to developing countries in modern- 
izinjr their economies and social systems. Mi-. 
I'resident, in your article from which I 
<|uoted earlier, you mentioned specifically 
three major needs: "education, in the widest 
.sense of the word; health; and food." Your 
Ihinkinjf is in com])lete harmony with that of 
I'resident .Johnson and the United States 

( l()\('inintMit. The nuijor needs you cited are 
precisely those to which oui' new foieinn aid 
projfram Rives Hrst priority. 

I would emphasize also that the United 
.States continues earnestly to seek aRrec 
ments on the control and reducti«)n of arnia- 
mei\ts. This is the aiuiiversary of an historic 
event. Twenty years aRo today, when we still 
Ii.kI an atomic monoimly, we i)resented to the 
United Nations a plan lo share our knowl- 
edne witii the entire world under safeRUards 
that would assure that atomic enerRy would 
l)e used only for peaceful piii|ioses. The es- 
sentials of that liiRhly constructive i)r()i)osal 
won the support of all the members oxcei)t 
the Soviet bloc. Hut for Communist oppo- 
sition, the race to i)ro(luce wea|)ons of almost 
uninuiRinal)le would have 
been !)revente(l. This is one of the traRic 
"niiRlit-have-beens" of recent history. 

1 hoiie those of you who come from other 
lands will pardon me if I say that 1 believe 
the American people can take .some ((uiet .sat- 
isfaction from what has been done in the 
last 20 or more years to jireaerve |)eace and 
build a decent world order. The United 
States does not ask for a foot of anybody's territory or for any special i)rivileRes 
of :iny .sort. Our only objective is a |)eaceful 
world that is safe for freedom, in which all 
men can enjoy the well-l)einR and th(! price- 
less liberties which we have achieved and 
preserved and Rradually «!Xpande(l here in 
our continental home. We believe that our 
aspirations are sh;ired by a Rreat majority 
i>( iii.iiikiiui, incliulinR many millions behind 
the Iron and Hamboo Curtains. And from 
tluit conviction spriuRS our confidtMice that, 
with itatience and determination, we can, 
toRether, construct a world order in which 
the liunian race can survive and thrive. 

JULY 11, litCiG 


Arms Control — A Serious Business 

by William C. Foster 

Director, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency ^ 

Perhaps you recall the story about tvvo 
passengers on an airplane. One of them, who 
was gazing out of the window, suddenly ex- 
claimed, "Lookl Those people down there — 
they look like ants!" The other passenger 
then glanced out the window and said, "They 
are ants. We're still on the ground." 

In a sense you might say that this applies 
to ai-ms control and disarmament: that we 
really haven't got off the ground yet. Nuclear 
weapons, instead of being contained, have 
spread — to the point where there is now 
enough explosive force to kill eveiy inhab- 
itant of the earth several times over. Any of 
us here could be snuffed out before we got 
home to dinner tonight. But with all of this, 
there are a number of factors which argue 
in favor of a reasonable optimism. First, 
however, let me try to state the problem. 

The 18-Xation DisaiTnament Committee 
has now been meeting intermittently in 
Geneva for somewhat over 4 years — it recon- 
vened just last week on June 14. As I had 
occasion to remind the Committee on that 
day, however, the problem confronting us 
actually goes back 20 years, to the year 1946. 

At that time, the United States held a 
world monopoly of the atomic bomb — and 
did not know quite what to do with it. The 
Western Powers had drastically demobilized 
their conventional forces, but how can you 
demobilize a secret, a secret which others 
are bound to learn? 

The United States Government took the 

course which seemed wise and possible: 
It offered to destroy its atomic bombs 
and turn its atomic energy establish- 
ments over to an international authority. 
Henceforth that international authority 
would control all atomic facilities throughout 
the world. This plan, as you may recall, was 
known as the "Baruch plan" ^ (named after 
the American delegate at the U.N., Bernard 
Baruch, who presented it). Perhaps we were 
overly optimistic in presenting such a plan, 
and perhaps the plan itself was less than per- 
fect. But it has always been my belief that 
it could and should have been a subject of 
negotiation — instead of which the Soviet 
Union rejected it out of hand. 

All that is ancient history, of course, 
though I think it is worth remembering for 
the lesson it offers: that when a great op- 
portunity is allowed to slip by, it takes 
a long time aftenvard to pick up the 
pieces. For the past 20 years we have been 
trying to do just that. We have been trying 
to keep nuclear weapons within bounds, 
while seeking arrangements for their even- 
tual elimination. 

We have made an appreciable degree of 
progress. Moreover, in spite of a very bad 
beginning, the Russian approach to this 
problem has not been entirely negative. On 

' Address made before the Belgo-American Asso- 
ciation at Brussels, Belgium, on June 20. 

' For background, see Bulletin of June 14, 1946, 
p. 1057. 



the contrary, it has undergone a consider- 
able evolution over the years. 

In the early days following 1946 the Rus- 
sian position was essentially propagandistic. 

I must add right here that on occasion 
even today propaganda continues to play a 
key role in the Soviet Union's approach to 
arms control and disarmament issues. I am 
certain that many people who read news 
reports of Ambassador (Aleksei A.] Rosh- 
chin's opening remarks at the 18-Nation 
Disarmament Conference in Geneva last 
week must have felt quite disheartened. Am- 
bassador Roshchin, head of the Soviet dele- 
gation, issued a propaganda blast stating, 
among other things, that the United States 
is pursuing intervention and aggression in 
Viet-Nam, menacing peace by provocations 
against Cuba, heightening tension in Europe 
because of its support of West German 
"revanchism" and nuclear ambitions. He had 
a few other critical comments as well. 

This is a tj-pical Russian technique. We 
have noted over the years that the So\net 
Union delegate, in his first speech at the 
conference and his last speech before recess, 
has always offered an extra large dose of 
propaganda. At other times, the propaganda 
ingredient may be there but is milder in tone 
and the major effort is on support of Soviet 

The Soviet position in those early days 
called for immediate "banning" of the bomb 
by declaration — as if such a thing could be 
done by a pious statement of good intentions. 
But gradually, under the pressure of British, 
Canadian, French, and American negotia- 
tors, and perhaps most of all under the pres- 
sure of reality, the Soviet position began to 
evolve. I would say that it crossed the thres- 
hold of reality when it recognized the follow- 
ing basic fact: By the mid-1950's there was 
so much fissionable material on both sides of 
the Iron Curtain that not even the most alert 
international inspectorate could have been 
able to prevent a nuclear power from retain- 
ing hidden stocks and secretly making nu- 
clear weapons. This meant that in any dis- 
armament process some nuclear weapons 
would have to be retained bv each side until 

the end — as a cover in case the other side 
cheated. With time, as I say, the Soviet Gov- 
ernment has come, at least tacitly, to admit 
this principle. 

Another reality which the Soviets came to 
accept was that a disarmament process would 
have to be balanced so that neither side 
would gain a temporarj' advantage and would 
have to take place in stages, with the setting 
up of controls and inspection at each stage. 

By 1961 the Soviet and American positions 
were close enough for the two countries to 
submit jointly to the U.N. General Assembly 
a Joint Statement of Agreed Principles on 
disarmament.' This was definitely a turning 
point, as it provided an agreed framework 
within which future negotiations could take 

Which is not to say that we have enjoyed 
smooth sailing since 1961. On the contrarv', 
there are in particular two aspects of the 
Russian approach which have caused im- 
mense difficulties. 

The first has been an evident desire to 
bring about an imbalance in their favor dur- 
ing the early stages of any arms control or 
disarmament process (despite the joint state- 
ment). An example of this is their constant 
insistence on early withdrawal of American 
troops from foreign bases — which of course 
would leave Russia with a considerable 
superiority in conventional arms on the con- 
tinent of Europe. 

Secondly, while the West has placed para- 
mount importance on inspection and control, 
the Russians, vrith their ancient fixation 
about secrecy, have insisted that we are more 
interested in control than in disarmament, 
that our real purpose is espionage. 

steps Toward Disarmament 

Thus we are still a long way from our goal. 
But while ever\-one agrees that the ultimate 
goal, that of general and complete disarma- 
ment, is perhaps very far oflF, there are a 
number of steps which we can take in the 
meantime and some which we have already 

Of the gains made to date, the most strik- 

' For text, see ibid.. Oct. 9, 1961, p. 589. 

JULY 11, 1966 


ing has been the partial nuclear test ban of 
1963,'* in accordance with which both the 
United States and the Soviet Union have re- 
frained since then from conducting nuclear 
explosions in the atmosphere, under water, 
or in outer space. There has also been the 
"hot line," establishing a communications 
link between Washington and Moscow, which 
could prove vital in an emergency. There has 
also been the U.N. resolution against the 
placing of nuclear weapons in orbit, sub- 
scribed to by both the United States and the 
Soviet Union. 

Another important achievement, in my 
opinion, has been the establishment of the 18- 
Nation Conference itself. Since its creation in 
1962, this body, which to many seemed far 
too large and unwieldy when it was set up, 
has acquired a remarkable degree of realism 
and expertise. It has also provided focus and 
momentum to a subject which otherwise 
could bog down all too easily into inaction. 

At the present time at the 18-Nation Con- 
ference in Geneva, our most urgent preoccu- 
pation is with preventing the further spread 
of nuclear weapons. Our feeling, of course, is 
that if more countries go nuclear, we will 
find ourselves in an extremely perilous situa- 
tion, with nuclear weapons in so many and 
perhaps such irresponsible hands that a coun- 
try could be attacked without even knowing 
who the attacker was. I believe the Russians 
recognize as well as we do that putting a halt 
to this drift is in the interests of everyone, 
including, incidentally, the Chinese. 

Now, one way of heading ofl" this danger 
is to conclude a nonproliferation treaty spe- 
cifically aimed at stopping the further spread 
of nuclear weapons; and we have been at- 
tempting to do just this.s 

Another way would be to close the gap left 
by the partial nuclear test ban treaty of 1963, 
prohibiting underground testing in addition 
to the prohibition of testing in the three 

*For background and text of the treaty banning 
nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer 
space and under water, see ibid., Aug. 12, 1963, p. 

' For background, see ibid., Sept. 20, 1965, p. 466, 
and Apr. 25, 1966, p. 675. 

other environments. For obviously a nation 
which could not test at all would find it ex- 
ceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to de- 
velop nuclear weapons. 

Identifying Underground Testing 

We can detect and identify tests in the 
other three environments, but how well could 
we monitor an agreement not to test under- 
ground ? 

In the United States we have been conduct- 
ing extensive research in the identification of 
underground nuclear blasts, and we have 
made considerable progress. But we have 
found, so far at least, that there are certain 
levels of seismic disturbance below which it 
simply is not possible to distinguish between 
a nuclear explosion and an earth tremor. 
With an international network of seismic in- 
struments, we could now identify a very high 
percentage of earth disturbances which take 
place in the Soviet Union, but there would 
still remain a few which would require on- 
site inspection to make sure that they were 
not of nuclear origin. 

We have suggested to the Soviets that in- 
ternational inspectors could be blindfolded 
and transported in Russian planes with 
blackened windows, under the surveillance of 
Russian guards, to make certain that they 
saw nothing except what they were specifi- 
cally sent to check on; namely, whether or 
not a nuclear explosion had taken place at 
this or that point in the great expanse of 
Russia. But they have refused to lift the veil 
of secrecy even this much. 

It seems almost quaint and old-fashioned 
that anyone today should insist so much on 
privacy, with all those satellites streaking 
across the sky. Perhaps the real reason is 
that the Russians simply are not yet ready to 
stop underground nuclear tests, and there- 
fore are posing impossible — and meaningless 
— conditions. Whatever the case, we are con- 
tinuing to perfect our identification technol- 
ogy, preparing for the time when such an 
agreement may become possible. 

I alluded a moment ago to the research 
program which we have been carrying out in 
the United States. Much of our research is 



devoted to finding: out whether this or that 
measure of arms control would really be 
practicable and could be effectively guaran- 
teed against evasion. 

Working with the American Armed 
Forces, for example, we have carried out a 
number of field tests under hypothetical arms 
limitations agreements, to see just how suc- 
cessful a team of insi)ectors would be in de- 
tecting hidden military equipment within a 
given area of the country when faced with 
deliberately evasive action. Other projects 
have sought to develop foolproof ways of 
monitoring the destruction of nuclear weap- 
ons, of monitoring a cutoff in the production 
of fissionable materials, and so on. 

Impact of Disarmament on U.S. Economy 

But there is one field of research which I 
would especially like to mention today since 
it touches upon a question which, quite 
understandably, has often been raised in the 
European press: How might the United 
States, which has devoted a significant seg- 
ment of its economy to military production, 
convert this segment to peaceful uses with- 
out major upheaval; or perhaps more im- 
portant, what are current American atti- 
tudes on this subject? 

Let me say first of all that several years 
ago, when this problem first came to be 
widely discussed in the United States, the 
difficulties of conversion appeared consider- 
ably greater than they do today. At that 
time, memories of the Great Depression still 
lingered on, and the much healthier condi- 
tion of the postwar economy was widely at- 
tributed to increased expenditures by the 
Federal Government, the bulk of which were 
going into national defense programs. 

Moreover, there was still a good deal of 
soul-searching about the American economy 
even as it then stood: There had been two 
recent recessions, and many people were 
worried about the economy's slow rate of 
growth and its ai)parent inability to achieve 
full employment. Accustomed to thinking of 
themselves as great producers of industrial 
goods, Americans were very concerned, also, 
about the failure of the manufacturing sec- 

tor to expand. All of this certainly did noth- 
ing to convince them that defense jobs could 
be easily replaced by jobs in the more tradi- 
tional areas of American manufacturing. 

In these circumstances, it seemed as if 
Federal Government expenditures on de- 
fense, in case of disarmament, would have to 
be replaced by other Federal Government 
expenditures if employment was to te main- 
tained. And while it was recognized that 
there were many social problems which could 
be dealt with only by additional public ex- 
penditures, America did not yet seem polit- 
ically ready to accept those principles which 
several years later became knowTi collectively 
as the Great Society program. 

But i; good deal has happened since that 
time. Most important, Americans have come 
to have a much greater understanding of the 
role of fiscal iiolicy in the United States for 
maintaining high levels of demand and em- 
ployment. It is now much more widely under- 
stood that the Federal Government can sus- 
tain demand either by reducing taxes and 
thus stimulating the private sector or by 
increasing public expenditures, or by a judi- 
cious combination of the two. 

As a result of the Great Society program, 
moreover, the acceptability of large-scale 
Federal, State, and local expenditures on 
health, education, urban renewal, transpor- 
tation, air and water pollution, and other 
important public requirements is no longer 
seriously in question. 

To summarize: It is now rather widely 
understood that the Federal Government can 
sustain demand on a national scale — which 
is the essential thing — either by stimulating 
the private sector or by increasing public 
expenditures, or both. Moreover, the accepta- 
bility of these public expenditures has now 
been established. 

You can see, then, that cutbacks in de- 
fense spending under a disarmament process 
would no longer be widely regarded as posing 
serious problems for the national economy 
as a whole. 

In fact, a number of shifts and cutbacks in 
defense spending have already occurred. In 
1964 militaiy spending in the United States 

JULY 11, 1966 


leveled off and actually declined slightly. The 
fact was given much attention at the tin.e 
and there was considerable discussion of the 
probabilities of further declines. Although 
some concern was indicated by certain areas 
which were rather heavily specialized in 
defense, as in California, it is significant 
that the general reaction was remarkably 
unruffled. There were no crises of confidence, 
and the economy continued to make the same 
sustained gains that it had been making 
since 1961. 

These various developments have done 
much, I believe, to remove the fear that dis- 
armament would be followed by an economic 
depression, national in scope. 

Problems of Adjustment 

There is no doubt, however, that there 
would be many residual problems of adjust- 
ment for individuals and communities, espe- 
cially if the process were rapid. 

Consider the case of the individual who 
has lost his job through closure of a military 
installation or a defense plant. Looking for 
a new job is always a problem in itself, and 
it is considerably magnified in cost and 
trouble if the worker has to move to a new 
area. Moreover, he may have to accept quite 
a different kind of job, perhaps with a tem- 
porary or even permanent reduction in eam- 
inigs. This applies particularly to defense 
workers, who on the whole are somewhat 
more skilled, more specialized, and better 
paid than the average salaried worker. 

Then consider the case of defense-oriented 
communities. Defense industry in the United 
States, particularly the segment associated 
with the production of missiles and aircraft, 
has tended to a large extent to establish 
itself in areas which are not traditional 
manufacturing centers. This means, of 
course, that in these areas defense produc- 
tion has become an important local source of 
income and employment. Reductions in de- 
fense production obviously would require 
efforts to develop new economic activities 
within these areas. 

These problems have already received con- 

siderable attention. Toward the end of 1963 
the President established a committee with 
a rather long name — the Committee on the 
Economic Impact of Defense and Disarma- 
ment — which brought together a number of 
agencies of the United States Government. 
Its task was to review the economic problems 
associated with changes in defense spending 
and to provide recommendations for solu- 
tions and for further study. Having com- 
pleted its task in the summer of 1965, it 
submitted a report ^ which has been of con- 
siderable assistance in clarifying the prob- 
lems I have just mentioned and in suggesting 
further lines of inquiry. 

The U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency has a program of research on the 
economic impact of arms control and dis- 
armament, carrying out some of its studies 
in cooperation with other agencies of Gov- 
ernment such as the Department of Defense 
and the Department of Labor. 

One of our principal areas of investiga- 
tion is industrial conversion; that is, the 
conversion of existing facilities from pro- 
duction of military materials to civilian 
goods and services. Studies already have 
been completed for the electronics and ship- 
building industries, and a study has been 
made of the experiences of defense firms in 
general in their attempts to diversify into 
civilian fields. We are particularly interested 
in the possibilities of adapting the mana- 
gerial and technological specialties of de- 
fense firms to work in such areas of public 
need as transportation, air and water pollu- 
tion, communications, and public works. 

Many of our studies are concerned with 
actual experiences which have arisen from 
shifts in defense spending. For example, we 
have been examining the reemployment ex- 
perience of some 12,000 defense workers laid 
off at plants in New York, Denver, and Seat- 
tle; and we expect to develop from this a 
considerable insight into the programs re- 
quired to assist displaced workers in finding 
suitable new jobs. Similarly, we are trying 
to collate the lessons to be learned from com- 

' For background, see ibid., Sept. 27, 1965, p. 515. 



munities where military bases are beinp 

There are many other efforts in this field 
being undertaken by the United States Gov- 
ernment, including: encouragement to indus- 
tries in setting up civilian production plants 
in former defense production arcs. 

I have mentioned these activities simply 
to give an idea of what we are trying to do. 
No one — and least of all those who work in 
the field of arms control and disarmament — 
expects the millennium to dawn tomorrow. 
The day of general and complete disarma- 
ment, with the world being policed by an 
international peacekeeping force, is probably 
rather remote. But progress toward this goal 
must be sustained. In other words, it is abso- 
lutely not too soon to take disarmament 

Pacification and Development 
Programs in Viet-Nam 

Following is a statement made by Presi- 
dent Johnson on June 16 after his meeting 
tvith William J. Porter, Deputy U.S. Ambas- 
sador to Viet-Nam, ^vhich was read to news 
correspondents that day by Bill D. Mayers, 
Press Secretary to the President. 

Many Americans who watch the political 
turmoil and our militaiy progress in the bat- 
tle against aggression in Viet-Nam are not 
always conscious of our effort to win the 
"other war" in this devastated country. This 
is a war against misery and want, against 
insecurity and terrorism, and for better edu- 
cation, health, and welfare for the people of 

I regard these programs of pacification 
and development, to which our own military 
establishment also contributes heavily, as 
equal in importance to the magnificent effort 
of our military men. 

The progress reported to me by Ambassa- 
dor Porter is impressive, even though I will 
be the first to say that we and our Viet- 

namese allies still have a long way to go. We 
will continue to collaborate fully with Viet- 
Nam in those social, economic, and health- 
education-welfare programs designed to pro- 
vide an embattled peojile with security and 
the essentials to which they are entitled. 

OECD Development Assistance 
Committee To Meet at Washington 

Department Statement ' 

On June 24 the Secretary General of the 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development, Thorkil Kristensen, announced 
that the Development Assistance Committee 
of the OECD will meet in Washington July 

The decision to meet here was taken in 
response to an invitation from Secretary 
Rusk on the authorization of the President. 
The invitation by the United States was 
made to express our recognition of the im- 
portance of the work of the Development 
Assistance Committee — known as DAC. In 
particular we wished to underscore the work 
of the Committee in developing greater 
understanding of the world food problem 
and of the need for increased efforts by both 
donor and recipient countries to meet the 

In extending the invitation, Secretary 
Rusk expressed the view that the world 
faced no more challenging matter in coming 
years than that of averting famine and im- 
proving levels of nutrition and agricultural 
productivity. The DAC countries together 
provide about 90 percent of all foreign assist- 
ance to developing countries. 

Secretary Rusk will head the U.S. delega- 
tion, and Secretary of Agriculture Orville L. 
Freeman and AID Administrator David E. 
Bell will be co-vice-chairmen of the American 

' Read to news correspondents by a Department 
spokesman on June 24. 

JULY 11, 1966 


''Austria is proof that intractable problems between the 
East and West can be resolved at the expense of no nations 
or peoples." 

Continuing the Search for Areas of Common Understanding 
With Eastern Europe 

Remarks by President Johnson 

As an American I was very proud as I lis- 
tened to Mr. [Bruno] Flajnik's remarks a 
moment ago. It is a very great thing for the 
United States of America to have partici- 
pated in the economic miracle of Austria. 

It is a very great thing for the Western 
community that Austrian politics have 
evolved in a peaceful and constructive direc- 
tion. It is a very great thing for our world 
that the major powers were able to work out 
a fair and a reasonable treaty which guaran- 
tees Austrian independence. 

These are milestones in the quest for 

But we in this country feel humble in the 
face of that history. We are well aware who 
are the real heroes in this story. While the 
Marshall Plan did provide some of the finan- 
cial resources we needed during that time, 
we know that the real heart of this effort 
was the strength, the fortitude, and the en- 
durance of the Austrian people. 

We watched with great admiration as they 
transformed the ruins of war into a modern 
and prosperous nation. We did try to help 

' Made before a good-will delegation from Austria 
in the White House Rose Garden on June 15 (White 
House press release; as-delivered text). On behalf 
of the delegation, Mr. Flajnik presented the Presi- 
dent with a "ceremonial sword of peace" as a symbol 
of Austria's role at the Congress of Vienna and of 
the role of the United States in world affairs today. 

where we could and when we could. But the 
spirit and energy which rebuilt cities and 
factories and roads and schools were yours. 
That is something we need to recognize. 

That is the only way that nations are 
really built — through their own efforts. It is 
a long and sometimes difficult way. Today's 
Austria is ample proof that it can be done — 
that it is worth the effort. 

Most of all, the postwar history of Austria 
is a source of great encouragement. For the 
Austria of 1945 the confrontation of the 
great powers presented a danger and a chal- 
lenge to peace in Europe. For years Aus- 
tria hung in that balance called the cold war. 
For years there was doubt that settlement 
was possible. It seemed neither side could 
afford to trust the other to permit a guar- 
antee of independence and neutrality. Nego- 
tiations at first produced only failure and 
deadlock. Time and again success slipped 
through our fingers. 

Finally, after years of negotiation — after 
nearly 400 meetings with Soviet represent- 
atives — reason prevailed. On May 15, 1955, 
the treaty was signed.^ 

We learned reconciliation does not always 
come quickly. We also learned that if we are 
patient and sustain our commitments, if we 
maintain our efforts, and if we are certain 

' For text, see Bulletin of June 6, 1955, p. 916. 



of our principles — but willing always to 
negotiate ifs reasonable men — then fair and 
just solutions usually can be found. 

So today, 11 years later, we meet here to 
observe and to comment on the benefits of 
this settlement. Despite limited natural re- 
sources and a veiy long history of economic 
hardship, Austria has today almost elimi- 
nated poverty. It has created a system of 
social security that is unparalleled in the 
world. It has raised per capita income from 
$417 in 1948 to $1,262 in 1965, an increase 
of 300 percent. It has been a force for good 
in the international organizations and the 
other less developed parts of our world. It 
has exercised a moderating influence on 
East-West relations. 

Austria is an example of how unfinished 
business of peace in Europe can be attained 
through reason, patience, understanding, and 
determination, all based on strength and 

Austria is proof that intractable problems 
between the East and West can be resolved 
at the expense of no nations or peoples. 

Efforts To Improve East- West Relations 

The wounds of recent European history 
are deep. They will not heal overnight — nor 
do we expect them to. But change is the one 
certitude in a changing world. The logic of 
history and economics — yes, indeed, of sur- 
vival — should in due time move us all toward 
an increasing sense of mutual interests and 

Our own posture toward the East, I hope, 
is clear. As I told a group of our Polish 
friends who met here just a very few weeks 
ago, ". . . we will encourage every construc- 
tive enrichment of the human, cultural, and 
commercial ties between Eastern Europe and 
the West." ^ We have worked along these 
lines for some time. We have made some 
progress. We will continue. 

In the past year, for example, a few of 
the less known efforts: 

Educational and cultural exchanges with 
Czechoslovakia have almost doubled. Ex- 
changes with Romania are up about a third. 

Our universities signed new and expanded 
exchange agreements with Bulgaria, Czecho- 
slovakia, and Hungary. 

An American airline has opened the first 
direct American service to Czechoslovakia in 
almost 20 years. 

Romania has allowed several hundred dual 
nationals and relatives of U.S. citizens to 
join their loved ones in our country. 

For the past 2 years, the United States 
has participated in the annual Budapest In- 
dustrial Fair. 

Our trade with Czechoslovakia rose from 
$24 million in 1964 to $44 million the next 
year, 1965. 

Peaceful trade with the Soviet Union is 
up to $87 million in 1965 as against $54 mil- 
lion the year before — a hopeful sign, an en- 
couraging sign. 

American exports to Romania rose from 
$1 million in 1963 to $61/2 million last year. 

The Commodity Credit Corporation will 
now accept East European bank guarantees 
for credit up to 3 years on exports of our 
farm products. 

The Yugoslavs have been making a root- 
and-branch economic reform — helped by the 
sale of American surplus farm products, 
export-import guarantees, and loan repay- 
ment extensions. Now their factories are 
competing with each other in the market- 
place and increasingly with producers from 

Early last month I called for a treaty to 
keep the moon free for exploration and use 
by us all and to prohibit the use of celestial 
bodies for weapons, weapons tests, and for 
military maneuvers.'' I acknowledge the 
leadership of Ambassador [Kurt] Waldheim, 
the Austrian Ambassador to the United Na- 
tions, the distinguished chainnan of the 
Outer Space Committee. 

I reviewed this only last evening with Am- 
bassador Goldberg at the reception for mem- 
bers of the United Nations. At the end of 
the month the Soviet Union proposed a treaty 

» Ibid., May 23, 1966, p. 794. 
* See p. 60. 

JULY 11, 1966 


very much along the same lines. I am proud 
to tell you we are encouraged that negotia- 
tions looking toward agreements can be 
started at an early date. 

Hope for Unity in Europe 

I do not want to overemphasize or to ex- 
aggerate. No one of these steps by itself will 
heal the wounds of the years gone by. We are 
on a journey which will not end today or 
even in this decade. I believe this journey 
is the right course for us to take. I think each 
of these steps I have enumerated, each of 
these exchanges, will produce better under- 
standing. They will lead us to a solution that 
is much to be preferred to the ones that have 
been practiced in times gone by. 

We will take new steps to consult with our 
allies in the days ahead. We are determined 
not to cease our efforts just because difficul- 
ties arise or because frustrations abound. 
These are expected. They will diminish as 
the hope of unity in Europe increases. 

We of the West must maintain our funda- 
mental unity of purpose while we constantly 
search for areas of common understanding 
with the East. I hope to provide some leader- 
ship in that direction. 

We must remain strong so that weakness 
never tempts the ambitious. 

The division that has plagued Europe over 
the past two decades is slowly giving way to 
new possibilities for understanding and coop- 
eration. I think your visit here is another evi- 
dence of that. Let us reach for those possi- 
bilities that are at hand. Let us work to 
create new opportunities along the way. 

We are very pleased that you could come. 
We know that you will leave more than you 
will take with you. We hope that in what you 
leave and what you take will be a promise for 
humanity and will be certainly worth the 
eifort and the expense that has gone into it. 
We are delighted that you could spend this 
time in our Rose Garden here. I am sorry 
that the clouds didn't cover up the sun a little 
bit. I am afraid the heat may be a little un- 
bearable at the noon hour. We have so en- 
joyed your coming and look forward to a lit- 
tle brief visit with each of you. 


U.S. and Colombia Amend 
Cotton Textiles Agreement 

Press release 1B3 dated June 24 

A revision of the 1965 bilateral agree- 
ment 1 concerning trade in cotton textiles be- 
tween the Governments of the United States 
and Colombia was announced on June 24. 

The revision is embodied in exchanges of 
notes and letters which took place at Wash- 
ington between Assistant Secretary for Eco- 
nomic Affairs Anthony M. Solomon and Am- 
bassador Eduardo Uribe of Colombia. 

The revision provides for the following 
changes in the agreement: 

1. Extension for 1 year, through June 30, 


2. Provision to transfer to the yarn group 
unused yardage in the other groups. 

It was further agreed that 1 million 
pounds of yarn may be exported from Colom- 
bia to the United States during the period 
July 1-December 31, 1966, without being 
charged against the limitations of the agree- 
ment. In addition, 7 million square yards of 
fabric may be exported from Colombia to 
the United States during the agreement year 
beginning July 1, 1966, without being 
charged against the limitations of the agree- 


Department of State 
Washington, June 2i, 1966 

Excellency: I have the honor to refer to the 
cotton textile agreement between our two Govern- 
ments effected by an exchange of notes dated June 
9 1965, and to our discussions concerning the ex- 
ports of cotton textiles from Colombia to the United 


I propose that the agreement be amended, effective 

as of July 1, 1966, as follows: 

A. Add to the end of the proviso in paragraph 

1. B the following: 

« For background and text, see Bulletin of July 
12, 1965, p. 89. 


"and the yarn group ceiling may be exceeded in 
any agreement year after July 1, 1966 by the 
amount by which exports of other cotton textiles 
from Colombia to the United States are less than 
the sum of the limitations applicable to the other 

B. In paragraph 9 change "1969" to "1970". 

If these proposals are acceptable to the Govern- 
ment of Colombia, I shall appreciate receiving your 
note to this effect. This note and Your Excellency's 
note' indicating the acceptability of these proposals 
on behalf of the Government of Colombia shall con- 
stitute an amendment to the agreement. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewejd assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

For the Acting Secretary of State : 
Anthony M. Solomon 


Department of State 
Washi7tgton, June 2i, 1966 

Excellency: I have the honor to refer to the 
agreement between our two Governments concern- 
ing trade in cotton textiles of June 9, 1965, as 
amended today. 

In view of the special circumstances described by 
the representatives of the Government of Colombia 
in recent discussions, the Government of the United 
States agrees that during the period beginning July 
1, 1966 and extending through December 31, 1966, 
only, exports of cotton yarn in categories 1-4 in the 
amount of one million pounds shall not be counted 
against the limitations specified in paragraph 1 of 
the agreement. In addition, the Government of the 
United States agrees that during the twelve-month 
period beginning July 1, 1966, only, exports of cotton 
textiles in the following categories and amounts 
shall not be counted against the limitations specified 
in paragraph 1 of the agreement: 

Cateaory or Catrgories Thousand Square Yarda 

Categories 5 and 6 1,000 of which not more 

than 25 percent shall 
be in category 6 

Category 16 
Category 22 
Category 26, excluding 

I shall appreciate receiving Your Excellency's 
confirmation' of the above understanding. 

' Not printed here. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

For the Acting Secretary of State : 
Anthony M. Solomon 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

89th Congress, 2d Session 

Foreign Assistance Act of 1966. Hearings before the 
House Foreig^n Affairs Committee. Part VI, May 
10-17, 1966, 148 pp.; part VII, Appendix and 
Annex, 54 pp. 

Continued Suspension of Duty on Electrodes Im- 
ported for Use in Producing Aluminum. Report 
to accompany H.R. 12997. S. Rept. 1177. May 18, 
1966. 2 pp. 

United States Policy Toward Asia. Report of the 
Subcommittee on the Far East and the Pacific 
of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on 
the hearings held by the subcommittee January 
25-March 10, 1966. May 19, 1966. 12 pp. [Sub- 
committee print.] 

The Atlantic Alliance. Hearings before the Subcom- 
mittee on National Security and International Op- 
erations of the Senate Government Operations 
Committee. Part 3, May 19, 1966, 31 pp.; part 4, 
May 25, 1966, 24 pp. 

Eighteen Nation Disarmament Conference. Report 
to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations of 
Senator Joseph S. Clark on a visit to Geneva, 
May 3-5, 1966. May 22, 1966. 9 pp. [Committee 

Screw- Worm Eradication in Mexico. Report of the 
House Committee on Agriculture to accompany 
H.R. 14888. H.Rept. 1555. May 25, 1966. 3 pp. 

The Food for Freedom Act of 1966. Report of the 
House Committee on Agriculture to accompany 
H.R. 14929. H.Rept. 1558. May 27, 1966. 109 pp. 

Annual Report of the Saint Lawrence Seaway De- 
velopment Corporation, Year Ended December 31, 
1965. Message from the President. H. Doc. 447. 
May 31, 1966. 16 pp. 

Chamizal National Memorial, El Paso, Tex. Report 
of the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular 
Affairs to accompany H.R. 7402. S.Rept. 1197. 
June 1, 1966. 11 pp. 

Report of the Special Study Mission to Africa com- 
prising members of the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs. November 27-December 14, 1965. H. Rept. 
1565. June 1, 1966. 97 pp. 

Implementing Provisions of the International Con- 
vention for the Prevention of the Pollution of the 
Sea by Oil, 1954. Report to accompany H.R. 8760. 
H. Rept. 1620. June 8, 1966. 19 pp. 

Fur Seal Act of 1966. Report to accompany S. 2102. 
S. Rept. 1235. June 9, 1966. 38 pp. 

Twelve-Mile Fishery Zone. Report to accompany S. 
2218. June 15, 1966. 18 pp. 

JULY 11, 1966 



U.S. Presents Draft Treaty on Exploration of the Moon 
and Other Celestial Bodies to U.N. Committee 

Follou'ing is the text of a letter from 
Arthur J. Goldberg, U.S. Representative to 
the United Nations, to Kurt Waldheim, 
chairman of the U.N. Committee on the 
Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, together with 
the text of the U.S. draft treaty. 

U.S./U.N. press release 4877 

letter from ambassador goldberg 

June 16, 1966 

Excellency : On 9 May I informed you of 
the statement by President Johnson of 7 
May 1 in which he proposed early discussion 
of a treaty governing the exploration of the 
moon and other celestial bodies. 

The purpose of my letter was to request 
an early convening of the Outer Space Legal 
Sub-Committee to prepare a draft treaty for 
submission to the General Assembly at the 
next session. 

Shortly after that request, we consulted 
with members of the Outer Space Committee 
to give them our views in some detail on the 
twelve points which we believed should be 
included in a celestial bodies treaty. 

One of the first to be consulted was the 
Soviet Mission, on whose Permanent Repre- 
sentative I called on 11 May. At that time I 
gave him a written outline as follows: 

' For text, see Bulletin of June 6, 19G6, p. 900. 

Outline of Points for Inclusion 
IN Celestial Bodies Treaty 

1. The Moon and other celestial bodies should be 
free for exploration by all in accordance with in- 
ternational law. 

2. Celestial bodies should not be subject to any 
claim of sovereignty. 

3. There should be freedom of scientific investiga- 
tion, and all countries should cooperate in scientific 
activities relating to celestial bodies. 

4. A state conducting explorations on a celestial 
body should report on the results of a mission. 

5. Open access to all areas of celestial bodies 
should be assured. 

6. Celestial bodies should be used for peaceful 
purposes only. No country should be permitted to 
station weapons of mass destruction on a celestial 
body. Military fortifications, weapons tests, and mili- 
tary maneuvers should be forbidden. 

7. A launching state should be entitled to exer- 
cise authority over its facilities on a celestial body 
and persons participating in its activities there. 

8. Ownership of objects landed, constructed or 
used on a celestial body should be retained by the 
launching state. 

9. Astronauts of one country should render assist- 
ance to other astronauts as may be required by 

10. States should pursue studies and take appro- 
priate steps to avoid harmful contamination. 

11. Consideration should be given to a provision 
for the settlement of any disputes that might arise. 

12. Final clauses — there should be appropriate 
provisions on signature, ratification, depositary, en- 
try into force, amendment, duration, and registra- 
tion with the United Nations. 

In the course of our consultations with the 



Committee's memV)ership we made clear our 
desire to make early progress on this subject 
as well as on the other international agree- 
ments which the General Assembly asked the 
Committee to prepare in resolution 2130 

In resi)onse to the U. S. request, you were 
good enough, on 18 May, to consult the Com- 
mittee's membershi]) with regard to an early 
meeting. I understand that thus far none of 
those who have replied have opposed an early 
session; in fact there is, I believe, consider- 
able support for the idea of using the time 
between now and the General Assembly to 
prejiare a draft treaty which could be pre- 
sented to the Assembly this Fall. 

We have been encouraged by the substan- 
tial area of ai)parent agreement between the 
points we had proposed for inclusion in a 
treaty, and the letter of the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. which was 
circulated as a UN document on 30 May.^ 
My Government then made known its wel- 
come of what appeared to be an affirmative 
interest in President Johnson's proposal and 
again expressed the wish that maximum 
progress be made without further delay in 
the hope that the Assembly could give its 
approval to a completed text at its 21st ses- 

In order to take advantage of the favor- 
able response to President Johnson's pro- 
posal, I have the honor herewith to present 
the attached draft "Treaty Governing the 
Exploration of the Moon and other Celestial 
Bodies" and request that it be circulated as 
a UN document.' 

Further, I have the honor to propose that 
the Outer Space Legal Sub-Committee be 
convened on 12 July so that work on this 
important subject be gotten underway at the 
earliest time. 

The speed with which men's actual prog- 
ress in outer space is being recorded requires 
that we allow no delay in assuring the 
prompt extension of international law and 
the United Nations Charter. 

Arthur J. Goldberg 


June 16, 1966 

The Contracting Parties, 

Recalling General Assembly resolution 1962 
(XVIII),* entitled "Declaration of Legal Principles 
Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration 
and Use of Outer Space", adopted unanimously by 
the General Assembly on 13 December 1963, 

Further recalling General Assembly resolution 
1884 (XVIII),' concerning weapons of mass destruc- 
tion, adopted by acclamation on 17 October 1963, 

Recognizing that it is in the interest of all man- 
kind that celestial bodies should be used for peace- 
ful pui-poses only, 

Anticipating the substantial contributions to 
scientific knowledge which will flow from interna- 
tional cooperation in the scientific investigation of 
celestial bodies. 

Convinced that a treaty on the use of celestial 
bodies will further the Purposes and Principles of 
the Charter of the United Nations, 

Agree that: 

Article 1 

Celestial bodies are free for exploration and use 
by all States on a basis of equality and in accord- 
ance with international law. They are not subject 
to national appropriation by claim of sovereignty, 
by means of use or occupation, or by other means. 

Article 2 

There shall be freedom of scientific investigation 
on celestial bodies. 

Article 3 

States shall facilitate and encourage international 
cooperation in scientific investigations concerning 
celestial bodies. 

Article 4 

A State conducting activities on a celestial body 
shall (a) promptly provide the Secretary-General 
of the United Nations with a descriptive report of 
the nature, conduct, and locations of such activities 
and (b) make the findings of such activities freely 
available to the public and the international scien- 
tific community. 

Article 5 

States in a position to do so shall, where requested 

= U.N. doc. A/6341. 
» U.N. doc. A/AC. 105/32. 

* For a U.S. statement and text of the resolution, 
see Bulletin of Dec. 30, 1963, p. 1005. 
'Ibid., Nov. 11, 1963, p. 753. 

JULY 11, 1966 


or required by the circumstances, render assistance 
to nationals of other States engaged in activities 
on celestial bodies. 

Article 6 

All areas of celestial bodies, including all stations, 
installations, equipment, and space vehicles on celes- 
tial bodies, shall be open at all times to representa- 
tives of other States conducting activities on celes- 
tial bodies. 

Article 7 

A State may exercise authority over its facilities 
and persons participating in its activities on a celes- 
tial body. Ownership of objects shall not be affected 
by their being landed, constructed or used on a 
celestial body. 

Article 8 

In accordance with the sense of General Assem- 
bly i-esolution 1884 (XVIII), adopted by acclamation 
on October 17, 1963, no State shall station on or 
near a celestial body any nuclear weapons or other 
weapons of mass destruction. 

Article 9 

Celestial bodies shall be used for peaceful pur- 
poses only. All States undertake to refrain from 
conducting on celestial bodies any activities such as 
the establishment of military fortifications, the 
carrying out of military maneuvers, or the testing 
of any type of weapons. The use of military person- 
nel, facilities or equipment for scientific research or 
for any other peaceful purpose shall not be pro- 

Article 10 

States shall pursue studies of and, as appropriate, 
take steps to avoid harmful contamination of celes- 
tial bodies and adverse changes in the environment 
of the Earth resulting from the return of extra- 
terrestrial matter. 

Article 11 

Any disputes arising from the interpretation or 
application of this Agreement may be referred by 
any Contracting Party thereto to the International 
Court of Justice for decision. 

Article 12 

This Agreement shall be open for sigrnature by 
States Members of the United Nations or of any of 
the specialized agencies or Parties to the Statute 
of the International Court of Justice, and by any 
other State invited by the General Assembly of 
the United Nations to become a party. Any such 
State which does not sign this Agreement may 
accede to it at any time. 

Article 13 

This Agreement shall be subject to ratification 
or approval by signatory States. Instruments of 
ratification or approval and instruments of acces- 
sion shall be deposited witii the Secretary-General of 
the United Nations. 

Article 14 

This Agreement shall enter into foixe upon the 
deposit of the second instrument of ratification, ap- 
proval, or accession. It shall enter into force as to 
a State ratifying, approving, or acceding thereafter 
upon the deposit of its instrument of ratification, 
approval, or accession. 

Article 15 

A Contracting Party may propose amendments 
to this Agreement. Amendments shall come into 
force for each Contracting Party accepting the 
amendments on acceptance by a majority of the Con- 
tracting Parties and thereafter for each remaining 
Contracting Party on acceptance by it. 

Article 16 

A Contracting Party may give notice of its with- 
drawal from this Agreement one year after its 
entry into force by written notification to the Secre- 
tary-General of the United Nations. Such with- 
drawal shall take effect one year from the date of 
receipt by the Secretary-General of the notification. 

Article 17 

The Secretai-y-General of the United Nations shall 
inform all States referred to in Article 12 of signa- 
tures, deposits of instruments of ratification, ap- 
proval, or accession, the date of entry into force 
of this Agreement, proposals for amendment, noti- 
fication of acceptances of amendments, and notices 
of withdrawal. 

Article 18 

This Agreement shall be registered in accordance 
with Article 102 of the Charter of the United 

Article 19 

The original of this Agreement, of which the 
Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish 
texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited with 
the Secretai-y-General of the United Nations who 
shall send certified copies thereof to the States re- 
ferred to in Article 12. 

In witness whereof, the undersigned, being 
duly authorized, have signed this Agreement. 

Done at , this 

day of , 196 



U.N. Peace Force in Cyprus 
Extended for 6 Months 

Statenu'tit by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Rci)rese7itative in the Security Council^ 

Mr. President, in commenting on the ac- 
tion which the Security Council has unani- 
mously taken on the question of Cyprus,^ I 
should like to record my appreciation for the 
Secretary-General's latest report on the 
United Nations operation in Cyprus.' It is, 
as usual, a clear, objective, and thorough re- 

We must all be grateful indeed for the 
unremitting efforts of the Secretary-General, 
his able special representative, and those 
su])porting him. 

I should like also at this point to note the 
arrival in Cyprus of the new Force com- 
mander, Major General [Ilmarai Armas 
Eino] Martola. I know^ that this distin- 
guished soldier and statesman will continue 
to serve the cause of peace in Cyi^rus as 
he has so ably in the past in his great 
career. General Martola has assumed com- 
mand after a period in which Brigadier A. 
J. Wilson served with distinction as acting 
commander of the United Nations Force 
in Cyprus. I also wish on behalf of my 
delegation and government to salute the men 
of the Force for their untiring devotion and 
professional skill in the discharge of their 
difficult responsibilities. 

For the second time this year we have met 
to consider the question of Cyprus.'' Again 
the realities of the situation on the island 
have led this Council to the conclusion that 
our only responsible course of action was 
to e.xtend the mandate of the United Na- 
tions peacekeeping force in Cyprus, this 

' Made in the Security Council on June 16 (U.S./ 
U.N. press release 4876). 

* In a resolution (S/7368) adopted on June 16, 
the Security Council extended "the stationing in 
Cyprus of the United Nations Peace-Keeping Force 
. . . for a period of six months ending 26 Decem- 
ber 1966 " 

' U.N. doc. S/73B0. 

* For background, see Bulletin of May 2, 1966, 
p. 718. 

time for 6 months, as recommended by the 
Secretary-General and wished by the parties 

My Government has sui)ported and will 
continue to support the United Nations 
Force in Cyprus for this extended period. 
Our statements, our votes, and our financial 
contributions bear witness to our firm belief 
in the mission of UNFICYP and our con- 
fidence in those who are charged by this 
Council with the execution of its mandate — 
indeed, more fundamentally, our commitment 
to the most essential function of the United 
Nations, keeping the peace. 

In this connection we welcome the vital 
contribution made by those countries which 
have provided contingents or police to 
UNFICYP, especially Australia, Canada, 
Denmark, New Zealand, Sweden, and the 
United Kingdom, which are absorbing much 
of the extra costs involved rather than seek- 
ing reimbursement from the United Nations. 
This practical support for the principles of 
the United Nations merits our highest praise. 

In commenting on the financial aspects of 
the situation, the Secretary-General has 
again earnestly appealed for voluntary con- 
tributions from more member states. My 
Government also hopes that there will be 
new voluntary contributions from those who 
have heretofore supported UNFICYP and 
from those who have not contributed in the 
past. We hope that these countries will now 
find it possible to do so. My Government par- 
ticularly notes and applauds the announce- 
ment made in this regard by the distin- 
guished representative of Nigeria, a devel- 
oping country which, with its many prob- 
lems, has nevertheless made a tangible dem- 
onstration of this support for this essential 
United Nations peacekeeping effort. 

In recognizing the continuing deadlock on 
the island, my Government is again moved 
to call, as several other delegations have 
done, particularly the distinguished repre- 
sentative of the Netherlands, for an intensi- 
fication of positive eflforts to reduce tension 
and reach a peaceful solution and an agreed 
settlement. I say this with due regard for 
the great complexity of the issues involved 

JULY 11, 1966 


in this question, which we all recognize, and 
the depth of feeling which they provoke. 

We must take proper notice of the dangers 
in the situation characterized by, in the 
words of the Secretary-General, "increased 
tension in areas of confrontation." My Gov- 
ernment therefore warmly endorses the Sec- 
retary-General's wise appeal to responsible 
leaders on the island to do all in their power 
to prevent an increase in violence and pro- 
vocative behavior, so that the desire of the 
people in Cyprus, which I am sure is uni- 
versally and unanimously shared, for a re- 
turn to normal conditions may be fulfilled. 

Mr. President, I trust that my brief but 
necessary allusion to the more somber side 
of the situation will not totally obscure such 
hopeful aspects of the Cyprus situation as 
we are now able to perceive. We find en- 
couragement in the Secretary-General's 
statement that his Special Representative, 
Ambassador [Carlos Alfredo] Bernardes, 
was assured of the full cooperation of the 
President and Vice President of Cyprus and 
of the Governments of Greece and Turkey 
during the course of his recent consultations 
with them. 

It is equally encouraging to note that the 
Governments of Greece and Turkey have 
undertaken talks on the Cyprus situation and 
the subject of Greek-Turkish relations as a 
whole. We share the hope expressed by the 
Secretary-General that these talks will make 
a contribution toward a solution of the prob- 

The United Nations several years ago, as 
has been pointed out, achieved that impor- 
tant first step in Cyprus, an end to large- 
scale fighting; and despite the continuation 
of underlying tensions, the United Nations 
— which is its great virtue — continues to pro- 
vide an atm.osphere in which the parties at 
interest can and should negotiate and ex- 
plore means of accommodating their differ- 
ences. In this respect, my Government must 
again pay tribute to U Thant, not only for 
his extraordinary handling of this most diffi- 
cult problem, for this is only one illustration, 
but for his service to all mankind in his pur- 
suit of peace. 

As far as the situation on the island is 
concerned, despite the feelings of frustration 
which we all share about the ultimate politi- 
cal settlement, we must not become wholly 
discouraged by the passage of time or the 
absence of some dramatic breakthrough in 
this prolonged quest for an agreed settle- 

The quest for peace, as this Council knows 
perhaps better than any other organ or 
agency, is a difficult one. It is a painful one. 
It goes slowly. The main thing now is for 
those parties concerned to get on with this 
arduous and painstaking, but supremely im- 
portant, business of working out such a set- 
tlement. The world expects that from them. 
It has a right to expect that from them. For 
at least the next 6 months, a United Nations 
peacekeeping force desired by all will be on 
the spot, maintaining a climate conducive 
to progress. It can keep the peace, but the 
making of the peace is in the hands of the 
parties concerned. 

The United States strongly hopes that 
those months will bring movement toward 
the ultimate goal of a peaceful solution and 
an agreed settlement of the Cjq^rus question, 
which all the members of this Council — and 
indeed the entire world — fervently hope for. 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as 
those listed below) may he consulted at depository 
libraries in the United States. U.N. printed publi- 
cations may be purchased from the Sales Section 
of the United Nations, United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 

General Assembly 

Letter dated May 2 from the representative of the 
United Kingdom transmitting the text of _ an 
agreement between the Governments of the United 
Kingdom, in consultation with the Government of 
British Guiana, and Venezuela concerning the 
frontier between British Guiana and Venezuela. 
A/6325. May 3, 1966. 8 pp. 

Letter dated May 30 from the representative of the 
U.S.S.R. transmitting a request from the Minister 
for Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. for the in- 
clusion in the agenda of the 21st U.N. General 
Assembly of the item "Conclusion of an inter- 
national agreement on legal principles governing 
the activities of States in the exploration and con- 



quest of the moon and other celestial bodies." A/ 
6341. May 31, 1966. 5 pp. 

Economic and Social Council 

United Nations Development Decade. Interim report 
prepared by the Secretary-General on behalf of 
the .-Vdmini.strative Committee on Co-ordination. 
E/4196. -May 5, 1966. 127 pp. 

Economic and Social Consequences of Disarmament. 
Conversion to peaceful needs of the resources re- 
leased by disarmament. Note by the Secretary- 
General and replies of Governments. E/4169. May 
14, 1966. 43 pp. 

Annual Report of the United Nations High Com- 
missioner for Refugees. E/4201. May 23, 1966. 
70 pp. 

General Review of the Development, Co-ordination 
and Concentration of the Economic, Social and 
Human Rights Programmes and Activities of the 
United Nations, the Specialized Agencies and the 
International Atomic Energy Agency as a Whole. 
Report of the fourth session of the Special Com- 
mittee on Co-ordination. E/4215. June 7, 1966. 
46 pp. 

Review and Reappraisal of the Council's Role and 
Functions. Report of the Secretary-General. A/ 
4216. May 26, 1966. 7 pp. 

World Economic Survey, 1965, Part II (Summary). 
E/4221. June 9, 1966. 60 pp. 

International Law Commission. Preparation of Mul- 
tilingual Treaties. Memorandum by the Secre- 
tariat. A/CN.4/187. May 3, 1966. 22 pp. 

Economic Commission for Latin America. Report of 
the Latin American Symposium on Industrial De- 
velopment (Santiago, Chile, March 14-25, 1966). 
E/CN.12/755. April 1966. 219 pp. 


Current Actions 


Atomic Energy 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to the bi- 
lateral agreement between the United States and 
Israel of July 12, 1955, as amended (TIAS 3311, 
4407, 4507, 5079, 5723, 5909), for cooperation con- 
cerning civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at 
Vienna June 18, 1965. 
Entered into force: June 15, 1966. 

Consular Relations 

Vienna convention on consular relations. Done at 
Vienna April 24, 1963." 

Ratification deposited: Niger, April 26, 1966. 
Accession deposited: Senegal, April 29, 1966. 

Optional protocol, to the Vienna convention on con- 
sular relations, concerning the compulsory settle- 

ment of disputes. Done at Vienna April 24, 1963.' 
Accession deposited: Senegal, April 29, 1966. 


.Articles of agret-mcnt establishing the Asian De- 
velopment Bank, with anne.xes. Done at Manila 
December 4, 196.5.' 
Ratification deposited: Pakistan, May 12, 1966. 

Maritime Matters 

Amendments to the convention on the Intergovern- 
mental Maritime Consultative Organization (TIAS 
4044). Adopted at London September 15, 1964.' 
Ratification^ advised by the Senate: June 21, 1966. 

Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at 
sea, 1960. Done at London June 17, 1960. Entered 
into force May 26, 1965. TIAS 5780. 
Acceptance deposited: Turkey, June 2, 1966. 

International regulations for preventing collisions at 
sea. Approved by the International Conference on 
Safetv of Life at Sea, London, May 17-June 17, 
1960. "Entered into force September 1, 1965. TIAS 
Acceptance deposited: Turkey, June 2, 1966. 

Satellite Communications System 

Agreement establishing interim arrangements for a 
global commercial communications satellite system. 
Done at Washington August 20, 1964. Entered 
into force August 20, 1964. TIAS 5646. 
Accession deposited: Morocco, June 22, 1966. 

Special agreement. Done at Washington August 20, 
1964. Entered into force August 20, 1964. TIAS 

Signature: Ministry of Post, Telegraph and Tele- 
phone of Morocco, June 22, 1966. 

Supplementary agreement on arbitration (COM- 
SAT). Done at Washington June 4, 1965.' 
Signature: Ministry of Post, Telegraph and Tele- 
phone of Morocco, June 22, 1966. 


Protocol amending the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade to introduce a part IV on trade and 
development and to amend annex I. Open for ac- 
ceptance, by signature or otherwise, at Geneva 
from February 8 until December 31, 1965.' 
Acceptance: Kuwait, June 2, 1966. 


Protocol for the further extension of the Interna- 
tional Wheat Agreement, 1962 (TIAS 5115). Open 
for signature at Washington April 4 through 29, 

Acceptances deposited: Netherlands (including 
Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles), June 
22, 1966; Norway, June 22, 1966; Sweden, June 
21, 1966. 



Agreement concerning development of satellite and 
balloon techniques and instrumentation for the 
study of meteorological phenomena (Project 
EOLE). Effected by exchange of notes at Wash- 
ington June 16 and 17, 1966. Entered into force 
June 17, 1966. 

' Not in force. 

JULY 11, 1966 



Protocol to amend the agreement of January 29, 
1957 (TIAS Alll), concerning radio broadcasting 
in the standard broadcast band. Signed at Mexico 
April 13, 1966.' 
Ratification advised by the Senate: June 21, 1966. 


Supplementary convention modifying and supple- 
menting the convention with respect to taxes on 
income and certain other taxes, signed at Wash- 
ington on April 29, 1948, as amended (TIAS 1855, 
3366, 5665). Done at Washington December 30, 
Ratification advised by the Senate: June 21, 1966. 

Somali Republic 

Agreement extending the agreement of January 28 
and February 4, 1961, as extended (TIAS 4915, 
5332, 5508, 5738, 5814), concerning the succession 
of Somali Republic to the technical cooperation 
agreem.ent of June 28, 1954, as amended (TIAS 
3150, 4392), between the United States and Italy. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Mogadiscio May 
10, 18 and 28, 1966. Entered into force May 28, 

United Kingdom 

Supplementary protocol amending the convention for 
the avoidance of double taxation and the preven- 
tion of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on in- 
come, sig^ned at Washington on April 16, 1945, as 
modified by supplementary protocols (TIAS 1546, 
3165, 4124). Done at London March 17, 1966.' 
Ratification advised by the Senate: June 21, 1966. 


Not in force. 

Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 
20A02. Addre.'is requests direct to the Supeiivtendent 
of Documents, except in the case of free publications, 
which may be obtained from, tlie Office of Media 
Services, Department of State, Washington, D.C., 

Education — Transfer of Treaty Claim Funds Balance 
to Exchange Program and the International Institute 
for the tJnification of Private Law. Agreement 
with Italy. Exchange of notes — Signed at Rome 
April 6, 1965, and Januarv 12, 1966. Entered into 
force January 12, 1966. TIAS 5962. 4 pp. h<i. 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with Kenya, amending the agreement of 
December 7, 1964, as amended. Exchange of notes — 
Signed at Nairobi February 28, 1966. Entered into 
force February 28, 1966. TIAS 5963. 2 pp. 5(J. 

.Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with India, 
amending the agreement of September 30, 1964, as 
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at New Delhi 
Februai-y 5, 1966. Entered into force February 5, 
1966. TIAS 5965. 3 pp. 5^ 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Servicee, Bureau of Public AffairB, 
provides the public and interested agencies 
of the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other officers of 

the Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department. United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for sale by the Super- 

intendent of Documents. U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington. D.C., 20402. 
Pkice: 52 issues, domestic $10, foreign $16 : 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publi- 
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NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
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be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 



INDEX Jnlij 11. 1966 Vol LV, No. Hll 

Agriculture. OECD Development Assistance 
Committee To Meet at Washington .... 55 

American Republics. Progress Toward a Decent 
World Order (Rusk) 44 


Progress Toward a Decent World Order (Rusk) 44 

Steps Toward an Honorable Peace in South 
Viet-Nam (Johnson) 42 

Austria. Continuing the Search for Areas of 
Common Understanding With Eastern Europe 
(Johnson) 56 

Colombia. U.S. and Colombia Amend Cotton 
Textiles Agreement (texts of U.S. notes) . . 58 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to 
Foreign Policy 59 

Cyprus. U.N. Peace Force in Cyprus Extended 
for 6 Months (Goldberg) 63 

Disarmament. Arms Control — A Serious Busi- 
ness (Foster) 50 

Economic Affairs 

OECD Development Assistance Committee To 
Meet at Washingrton 55 

President Johnson and King Faisal of Saudi 
Arabia Exchange Views on Matters of Com- 
mon Interest (exchanges of remarks, joint 
communique) 38 

U.S. and Colombia Amend Cotton Textiles 
Agreement (texts of U.S. notes) 58 


Continuing the Search for Areas of Common 
Understanding With Eastern Europe (John- 
son) 56 

Progress Toward a Decent World Order (Rusk) 44 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
OECD Development Assistance Committee To 
Meet at Washington 55 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Progress 
Toward a Decent World Order (Rusk) ... 44 

Presidential Documents 

Continuing the Search for Areas of Common 
Understanding With Eastern Europe ... 56 

Pacification and Development Programs in 
Viet-Nam 55 

President Johnson and King Faisal of Saudi 
Arabia Exchange Views on Matters of Com- 
mon Interest 38 

Steps Toward an Honorable Peace in South 
Viet-Nam 42 

Publications. Recent Releases 66 

Saudi Arabia. President Johnson and King 
Faisal of Saudi Arabia Exchange Views on 
Matters of Common Interest (exchanges of 
remarks, joint communique) 38 

Science. U.S. Presents Draft Treaty on Explora- 
tion of the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies 
to U.N. Committee (Goldberg, text of treaty) 60 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 65 

U.S. and Colombia Amend Cotton Textiles 

Agreement (texts of U.S. notes) 58 

U.S.S.R. Arms Control — A Serious Business 

(Foster) 50 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 64 

U.N. Peace Force in Cyprus Extended for 6 
Months (Goldberg) 63 

U.S. Presents Draft Treaty on Exploration of 
the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies to U.N. 
Committee (Goldberg, text of treaty) ... 60 


Pacification and Development Programs in Viet- 
Nam (Johnson) 55 

Progress Toward a Decent World Order (Rusk) 44 

Steps Toward an Honorable Peace in South 
Viet-Nam (Johnson) 42 

Name Index 

King Faisal 38 

Foster, William C 50 

Goldberg, Arthur J 60, 63 

Johnson, President 38, 42, 55, 56 

Rusk, Secretary 44 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: June 20-26 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Washing- 
ton, D.C., 20520. 

Release issued prior to June 20 which ap- 
pears in this issue of the Bulibtin is No. 144 
of June 14. 

No. Date Subject 

McConaughy sworn in as Am- 
bassador to China (bio- 
graphic details) . 

U.S. delegation to SEATO 
ministerial meeting. 

U.S. delegation to ANZUS 
Council meeting. 

U.S.-Austria air transport 

Amendment of U.S.-Colombia 
cotton textiles agreement. 

*149 6/20 

*150 6/23 

*151 6/23 

tl52 6/23 

153 6/24 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

■bU.S. Government Printing Office: 1966—201-940/56 






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City, State, and ZIP code 







A special issue on 

Washington, D.C, June 16-17, 1966 


The Department of State 
June 16-17, 1966 

Table of Contents 


by William J. Crockett, Deputy Under Secretary of State for Administration 


by George V. Allen, Director, Foreign Service Institute 


by W. W. Rostov), Special Assistant to the President 

by Charles Frankel, Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs 


Excerpts from remarks by the panel members 

Excerpts from remarks by the panel members 



A special issue of the Bulletin 

The fii'st National Foreigrn Policy Conference for Educators was held at the Depart- 
ment of State in Washington, D.C., on June 16 and 17. It was an important first for us in 
the Department. The response from the educational community to our invitations was over- 
whelming: — to the point of some embarrassment for us. We had anticijiated that we might, 
just possibly, fill our 800-seat auditorium. Instead, nearly 1,400 representatives of different 
elements of our educational system came from 49 of the 50 States to attend the conference. 
They not only filled the auditorium; they overflowed into our large International Conference 
Room, where arrangements were made for them to follow the proceedings on closed-circuit 

Since 1961 the Department of State has sponsored periodic foreign policy conferences for 
editors and broadcastei-s, nongovernmental organizations and others, including some mem- 
bers of the educational community. The National Foreign Policy Conference for Educators, 
however, was the first such meeting planned primarily for people from the institutions which 
prepare our future teachers as well as for those concerned with secondary school curricula. 
Those invited to attend were largely, although not exclusively, school administrators from 
the public, private, and parochial school systems; administrators and professors of educa- 
tion from colleges stressing teacher education; and planners of social studies curricula. 

Our purpose in sponsoring the conference was to encourage the creative effort being 
made on many sides to improve the international aspects of the education we Americans pro- 
vide for our young j^eople. We wanted to contribute to this effort and to offer such help as we 
could to those who are primarily responsible for it. 

The response to the conference has been, to us, striking testimony to the depth and 
breadth of the concern in American education for the international dimension. It has 
strengthened our resolve for closer working relations with educators — including, perhaps, 
holding a second national conference next year — and we hope that some educators have been 
encouraged to call on us more frequently for the help we can offer. 

This issue of the Department of State Bulletin is not a complete record of the confer- 
ence proceedings ; administrative and financial considerations precluded that. It includes ex- 
cerpts from principal addresses and from the two panel discussions conducted in plenary 
session. We believe these extensive excerpts are representative of the subject matter and of 
the many viewpoints expressed. The inclusion of the views of private participants does not 
constitute their endorsement by the Department of State. We also believe that this material 
will be of interest not only to those who were here but to all students of foreign affairs and 
to all those who are concerned with American education. 

Richard I. Phillips 
Acting Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs 

Washington, D.C, Jidy 8, 1966. 

JULY 18, 1966 71 

Two-Way Communication With the Education Community 

by William J. Crockett 

Deputy Under Secretary for Administration 

I am delighted, with my other colleagues 
ii the Department of State, to greet and 
welcome you to this conference on foreign 
policy. We believe deeply in the responsibil- 
ity we all have as citizens to learn more 
about our Government and our Government's 
policies. I believe this program can be an 
important and worthwhile effort in that di- 
rection. I hope all of you will participate 
freely and fully — ask questions and make 
sure that your own viewpoints are heard 
and considered. This can be a great experi- 
ence for us all. 

In many respects your task and ours are 
similar. Educators deal in the realm of ideas 
and the intellect — as do we. You are heavy 
investors in the future, for your dedicated 
interest in our youth will not fully mature 
for a decade or more — nor will some of ours. 
On our side we must constantly ask ourselves 
what we can start today that will enlarge 
the prospects of peace and security not only 
for now but for the generations ahead. 

You all have a deep sense of public re- 
sponsibility and commitment — as do we. 
You occasionally may have a failure — and we 
may, too. You are deeply committed to the 
concept of individual freedom, the impor- 
tance of the person — and this is our con- 
viction too. At the very heart of education 
is the hope, if not the conviction, that edu- 
cated man will find intelligent and peaceful 
solutions to man's problems — and this is our 
hope, too. 

Finally, surely the basic tool of your busi- 
ness is enlightened, convincing, well-under- 

stood two-way communication. This is the 
way you carry on your affairs — and this is 
at the heart of our business, too. 

But there are also differences of which 
you are aware, and some of these will be dis- 
cussed here today. 

First, there are many certainties in your 
field which we do not have. In much, if not 
in most, of your teaching there are right and 
wrong answers to a question or a proposi- 
tion, and those right and wrong answers are 
well known in advance. In our business there 
are few, if any, immediate answers to our 
problems — and even when answers do come, 
only history will be able to fully and finally 
judge them as being either right or wrong. 

Secondly, there are neither marks nor 
scores in our business. In yours there are 
grades and final reports and graduation. In 
ours there is no easy way of totaling up the 
score to see how we are doing. Even on such 
a simple question, there would be a variety 
of answers representing differing points of 
view and a range of opinions. 

In your field you must have a certain edu- 
cation and training and degree to be allowed 
to call yourself an expert, while in ours any 
American who reads a daily newspaper, 
hears a radio, or watches the news on TV 
is an expert on foreign policy. Foreign af- 
fairs is everybody's business, if not their 

In the discussions that follow you will get 
a feel of our institutional similarities as well 
as our diflferences. In the course of sessions 



such as this it must be understood that we 
ag:ree eveiyone has the right to dissent from 
the decisions of the Government — but there 
is also the opportunity to learn and to un- 
derstand why and how the decisions were 
made. Your presence here demonstrates your 
recognition of the obligation to be informed. 
We are honored that so many of you have 
accepted our invitation to be with us in this 
conference. The field in which you work — 
education — is the underlying basis for such 
national attributes as responsible citizenship, 
economic growth, and social progress as well 
as the source of an individual's great per- 
sonal satisfaction and fulfillment. So you see, 
in true diplomatic style we have already 
placed upon you all responsibility for our 
national ills, our individual shortcomings, 
and our international problems by your fail- 
ure to fully educate all of us ! 

The Department's Debt to the Universities 

You in the field of education have been 
communicating with us in the Department 
of State in a most efl!"ective manner for quite 
a long time — and I don't have in mind just 
the teach-ins and the walkouts and the sign 
carriers. There are a number of things you 
have done for us in which you can take great 
pride. I will briefly mention some of them. 

You send to us each year as junior For- 
eign Service officers some 200 to 300 of the 
best young men and women the colleges and 
universities of this country produce. They 
are intelligent, well educated, dedicated, and 
eager to help solve their country's problems. 
Our Foreign Service today represents some 
500 colleges and universities. In last year's 
group of 190 new oflncers, 137 had attended 
graduate school and nearly half held gradu- 
ate degrees. More than 170 had foreign lan- 
guage capability. They are truly an outstand- 
ing group of young Americans — thanks to 

There have been various suggestions, even 
bills introduced in the Congress, to create 
an Academy for Foreign Affairs, but we do 
not support such an idea. We believe that 
our country will be better served if we take 

our young Foreign Service officers from the 
colleges and universities of this country. 
You are our West Point. To be sure, their 
education, their background, and their out- 
look will be varied and diverse; but in this 
business of foreign policy, as contrasted with 
the needs of the military, we believe diversity 
of discipline, e.xperience, and outlook to be in 
the national interest. 

Historically, much of the original thought 
about the condition of man and his place in 
the world has come in the first instance from 
the universities and colleges of our country. 
And the Marshall Plan itself was born on 
the steps of a college, if not in the college 

We need — we seek — new ideas and con- 
cepts as grist in the foreign policy develop- 
ment process. We need in our deliberations 
and considerations all points of view. But 
dissent alone is not enough. Dissent and pro- 
test are the life of our democracy, but to be 
fruitful, dissent must be coupled with other 
choices and other alternatives. 

In the complex affairs of man no relation- 
ship is static. Even in those cases where our 
relationships appear to be the most frozen, 
accommodation may one day be possible if 
the right combination and formula are found 
on both sides. But this requires an enlight- 
ened and positive input of ideas, suggestions, 
and courses of action. We want these and 
we seek these from you. 

University Research Studies 

The colleges and universities provide us 
with a rich body of information about many 
subjects, countries, and peoples through spe- 
cial research studies prepared for many cli- 
ents and purposes. For example, the United 
States Government is spending $30 million 
this year on foreign affairs studies in Ameri- 
can universities. 

Here in the Department, in our Ofl!ice 
of External Research, we have on file infor- 
mation on more than 5,000 foreign affairs 
studies now underway in American univer- 
sities. Our foreign affairs documentation 
center lends out to State Department officers 

JULY 18, 1966 


and to officers of other agencies 400 unpub- 
lished academic papers each month. The 
Department receives each month over 200 
new academic papers. Thus you are indeed 
still fulfilling the university tradition of 
supplying new ideas and thoughts. 

Finally, by developing the minds of our 
young people, whether or not they elect to 
come into government, you enlighten public 
opinion; and by enlightening public opinion 
you sharpen public awareness of the great 
issues of our day. 

Some Department Programs 

I would like briefly to tell you of some 
of the things we are doing as part of our 
two-way communication with the academic 

Each year we send to a number of colleges 
and universities senior Foreign Service offi- 
cers as officers in residence. They do not go 
as students or teachers. They go to repre- 
sent us to you: to give your colleges and com- 
munities firsthand knowledge of foreign af- 
fairs, how the Department of State works, 
and how foreign policy decisions are made. 
They conduct seminars, give talks, and par- 
ticipate in discussions on curriculum. One 
officer is even helping a university organize 
a new school of foi-eign affairs. 

One of our dreams — far from realization 
at this point — is a program of sabbatical 
exchanges between the Department of State 
and the universities and colleges whereby we 
would conduct an actual exchange: two peo- 
ple to do each other's jobs for a 2-year tour. 
An educator would become a political or eco- 
nomic reporting officer in one of our em- 
bassies, and a Foreign Service officer would 
become a part of the staff at a university 
or college. We would hope that eventually 
several score of these exchanges could be 
made each year on this basis. We believe this 
would bring enlightenment, new ideas, and 
better understanding to both sides. We have 
only one such exchange at the present time. 

To seek out and interest young people in 
the Foreign Service we have an extensive 
college relations program. During the course 

of a year our officers will meet with repre- 
sentatives and students of more than 200 
colleges and universities to discuss career 

An outmoded idea is that we are chiefly 
interested in political science majors. This 
is not the case. We need the input of many 
disciplines and backgi-ounds. We hope you 
can insure that our people see at least the 
public administration and economics stu- 
dents, as well as those majoring in political 
science or history. 

In all the offices of the Foreign Service, 
both here in Washington and abroad, we 
have a great need for competent and highly 
motivated secretaries. One university has 
initiated a program for training secretaries 
for duty abroad in which these young women 
gain a proficiency in a foreign language and 
are graduated with an Associate in Arts de- 
gree. So we would appreciate your referring 
to us interested young women from the uni- 
versities and the secondary schools. 

Summer internships for Students 

As a part of our effort to interest your 
best students in careers in the Foreign Serv- 
ice we offer summer internships to some 120 
college students each year. They come here 
to the Department and work in our policy 
areas. We expose them broadly to the prob- 
lems and issues of the day, to the various 
agencies of our government, and attempt to 
give them an understanding of how our Gov- 
ernment works — as well as making it worth- 
while for them with a paycheck. When they 
go back to their schools we expect them to 
talk about their experiences here and what 
they have seen and learned. 

For a few outstanding students who have 
actually committed themselves to Foreign 
Service careers we have a foreign internship 
program under which they work during their 
second summer with us in one of our embas- 
sies abroad. 

As you all know, the Bureau of Public 
Afl!"airs runs an extensive speakers program. 
Schools can request the services of a Depart- 
mental officer for a foreign policy speech. 



In addition, my office operates a community 
relations projrram through which Foreign 
Service officers in the United States on home 
leave are available free of charge for 

Finally, we have a wonderful opportunity 
for some of the secondary schools of this 
countiy to become involved in a great experi- 
ment in international education. There are 
more than 200 struggling American commu- 
nity schools in countries around the world. 
They are not military schools, and they are 
not tax-supported schools. They are inde- 
pendent American schools. We are giving 
assistance to these schools while maintaining 
their independence. 

At the present time we have paired 25 of 
these schools with secondary schools in the 
United States. For example, the school dis- 
trict of Wilmington, North Cai-olina, is 
paired with our school in Athens, and a 

Lexington, Massachusetts, school is paired 
with our school in Warsaw. These U.S. dis- 
tricts and school administrators give help on 
curriculum, personnel selection, and support. 
They are developing student-exchange as well 
as teacher-exchange programs between the 
schools. They exchange curriculum material 
and texts. 

Eleven of our universities are also involved 
in this program. They are conducting spe- 
cial inservice training programs abroad for 
academic credit for our teachers. For exam- 
ple, the University of Wyoming is conducting 
a summer school in Karachi for our teachers 
in South Asia. Michigan University and the 
University of Florida are doing the same for 
our teachers in South and Central America. 

This is an exciting program for your in- 
vestment in the educational activities of 
Americans ovex'seas. We need your interest 
and your help. 

JULY 18, 1966 


The Foreign Service Institute and tiie Academic Community 

by George V. Allen 

Director, Foreign Service Institute 

Let me point out first of all that the For- 
eign Service Institute does not train people 
to get into the Foreign Service. We only train 
those who are already in. We continue to get 
a good many inquiries from people not only 
in the United States but around the world on 
our entry requirement. Well, there is a very 
simple requirement. You pass the Foreign 
Service examination, and you are in. 

Now, the State Department has been 
somewhat slow in building up a serious in- 
training operation. I think the first career 
consular examination was given in about 
1906. And since that time all the young 
people who have come into the Foreign Serv- 
ice have had a certain amount of orientation 
in government. But the Foreign Service In- 
stitute as such was created by an act of 
Congress in 1946. We are just turning our 
20th birthday. 

We trained during the current year — the 
fiscal year that's just ending now— 16,800 
students. Now, of course there's more in that 
than meets the eye. They're not all full time, 
by any means. About half of them are trained 
outside the United States, and half here. 
Again, about half are in language studies, 
and the other half are not. In most of our 
embassies and consulates around the world 
we have language courses, in the early morn- 
ing usually, where people come in and study 
the local language for an hour a day. Or we 
have various other types of orientation 

We have four principal subsidiary organi- 
zations abroad, two in the Far East and 
two in the Near East, for what we call hard 
languages. We divide the languages of the 
world very roughly into two groups, the 
world languages and the hard languages. The 
world languages are French, Gemian, and 
Spanish, primarily, and the hard languages, 
of course, are such languages as Vietnamese, 
Chinese, Russian, and the languages of 

The Foreign Service Institute is prepared 
to train people in some 60 languages. Now, 
we don't have classes in all those languages 
going all the time. And you can understand, 
you educators, some of the difliculties of 
manning an operation of this kind. We have 
to be prepared to give courses — I'm confin- 
ing my remarks to the language side of it, 
which is about half of our operation — in 60 
languages, and we have to have standby abil- 
ity to offer them, even though they are not 
constantly in demand. We have tutorial sys- 
tems, in which we have a list of tutors who 
can be called on from time to time. 

We are not only the Foreign Service In- 
stitute of the Dej^artment of State but of all 
agencies of the Government who send people 
abroad. Last year we trained people from 
some 40 U.S. Government agencies for serv- 
ice overseas. 

There's been a good deal of interest mani- 
fested by other governments in our institu- 
tion, and during the last 2 months I have 



received visitors from Geiinany, Sweden. 
India, Thailand, and one or two others. This 
business of inservice training is a fast devel- 
oping operation. 

I was a little surprised but pleased to find 
that one of the courses we give has recently 
gotten more attention than any other — the 
course we give for Foreign Service wives. 
And the wife of one of the foreign ambassa- 
dors in \A'ashington just last week asked if 
she could attend some of these lectures so 
she could see if she could get a school of that 
kind started in her own countiy. 

Now, we've had this kind of activity for a 
long time, but 2 or 3 years ago the emphasis 
was changed. Previously it had emphasized 
such things as protocol, the care and feeding 
of infants abroad, and education in elemen- 
tarj- schools around the world, and so forth. 
But now the speakers are concerned with 
serious problems of foreign policy and U.S. 
national interests. 

One new feature of the U.S. Government's 
operations abroad is the development of edu- 

cation attaches. If you look at the diplomatic 
lists for our Embassy in Paris or in Ix)ndon 
or if you look at the list here in Washing- 
ton — the British Embassy and the French 
Embassy — you'll see an amazing assortment 
of attaches: attaches for petroleum, attaches 
for aviation or telecommunication, for labor, 
and of course the regular round of militaiy, 
naval, and air armed services attaches. We 
have cultural attaches; we have information 
attaches. Now we're going to have education 
attaches. You could wonder why we are so 
late in coming to that, but I'm certainly glad 
that we are getting around to that. 

I may say that we have of course been 
carrying on education attache type of work — 
the Fulbright programs, and educational ex- 
change of professors and students under a 
variety of Smith-Mundt grants, and so forth 
— but to have a specific person on the staff 
of the embassy called education attache is 
something new. We must gear our activities 
to the newly developing concepts of the con- 
duct of foreign relations in all of its fields. 

JULY 18, 1966 


Problems and Constructive Trends on the World Scene 

by W. W. Rostow 

Special Assistant to the President ^ 

In Viet-Nam we clearly face not the most 
dangerous but the most difficult of the post- 
war crises. It is difficult, as the Pi-esident ex- 
plained on Memorial Day, for two reasons. 

First, because the character of the aggres- 
sion is obscure and indirect. It would not be 
difficult to understand what is going on if 
we faced, as we did in Korea, troops march- 
ing overtly across frontiers. What we face 
are men no longer walking but coming in 
trucks down the roads of Laos, infiltrating 
in large numbers, and mounting that most 
difficult and painful of operations for a de- 
veloping nation, a major guerrilla war. 

The operation was decided upon in Hanoi. 
It has been built up steadily. We are com- 
mitted to deal with it in the South. And I 
must say that those of us close to the opera- 
tion have never felt more pride in our men 
fighting in combat than we have in those 
who entered into this difficult terrain in a 
new form of war and from the first day, in a 
manner unique in our history, have been on 
top of the job. 

Historically, as De Tocqueville pointed out, 
democracies enter wars and, usually, have to 
take a few defeats; and we did — from the 
Revolution on. 

These men have gone in and performed 
magnificently from the beginning, and they 
have understood the nature of the war. Their 

' These excerpts from Mr. Rostow's address, which 
was made on a background (nonattribution) basis, 
have been edited for release. 

relations with the people in the villages and 
with the kids — the whole political side, 
psychological side, of this — have to be seen 
on the spot to be believed. 

We are working with our airpower in the 
North to obstruct the flow of supplies to the 
South and to extract a price from Hanoi for 
conducting this aggi'ession. We are also 
working constructively in the villages, in the 
cities, with the Government — not merely to 
deal with the inflationary pressure but to 
carry forward operations which include, for 
example, an operation which is well along: 
the distribution of 11 million schoolbooks to 
the children of South Viet-Nam. These are 
books they can take home and which have 
been designed by Vietnamese educators. We 
are working across the whole fi'ont of their 
economic development. 

The people of South Viet-Nam are carry- 
ing these operations forward under most dif- 
ficult circumstances. And this is the second 
fact we face, one which leads to some con- 
fusion and makes the operation difficult: 
They have decided — and they have honestly 
decided — that, despite the war, they are go- 
ing to move toward a constitutional process. 
And this nation with a long histoiy of re- 
gional, religious, racial diflrerences is strug- 
gling with that. 

Although the television cameras have been 
focused on the disturbances in the streets, 
since early April the South Vietnamese Gov- 
ernment has been working in a most extraor- 



dinarily systematic way to lay out rules 
for this election. They are poinjr to have the 
election on September 11 for a constituent 
assembly. And those representing the vast 
majority of the population of South Viet- 
Nam are gn-ipped in a struggle to produce, 
despite the war, a constitutional process and 
a government with that legitimacy which 
comes from government by consent of the 

This may seem improbable — an improb- 
able aspiration to those who feel that some- 
how democracy is only achievable in the 
Anglo-Saxon world. But that's not the way 
it looks to those of us who work day to day 
in the developing areas. There are many fail- 
ures in the efforts to achieve democracy, but 
there are also an increasing number of suc- 
cesses. More and more, the people in South 
Viet-Nam concerned with this are studying 
what is one of the most remarkable and un- 
expected political success stories — as well as 
one of the economic success stories — of the 
last 5 years, and that's Korea. 

Korea is not the most modem of all democ- 
racies, but the Koreans are operating a 
i-eputable constitutional government. And 
that's what these folk in South Viet-Nam 
want. It's tough. And it won't be smooth. 
But there is a lot more going on there than 
you see every night on your television sets. 

What we are engaged in is a great act 
of persuasion — an act of persuasion which 
the Vietnamese and we are fighting on mili- 
tary, political, and economic fronts; an act 
of persuasion to convince Hanoi that they 
must accept the limits set by the Geneva ac- 
cords of 1954 and 1962, honor those accords, 
stop the aggression, and leave their neigh- 
bors alone. 

The tunnel sometimes looks long, and there 
seems to be no light at the end of it. And 
none of us can tell our people when Hanoi 
will come to the conclusion that that is the 
right course — to stop the aggression, and let 
the people of the South Viet-Nam make their 
own future, make their own destiny. 

But those of us who work with this prob- 
lem from day to day have a deep sense of 

confidence that that day is going to come. 
We ai-e determined that this Government 
shall not fail to do one thing that lies within 
our power to do — in the military, political, 
economic si)heres — to hasten that day. 

"Rising Tide of Good Sense in the World" 

The President is determined, however, 
that the burdens of Viet-Nam, which are real 
and obvious to all of our citizens, shall not 
prevent us from carrying forward construc- 
tive enterprises in every corner of the world. 

One reason for this is what the President 
calls a "rising tide of good sense in the world 
and a growing determination to get on with 
the constructive tasks that are ahead of us." 

One often hears the phrase: "We are at 
the end of one postwar generation and the 
beginning of another." I believe that to be 
true. But I believe it to be true in this par- 
ticular sense: that if you look closely at 
what's been happening in the world in the 
last 5 years — notably in the last year or so — 
what has been happening is that one polit- 
ical leader after another who had great ambi- 
tions for the extension of his power at the 
expense of his neighbors has failed. The 
greatest of these failures was, of course, the 
failure of Khrushchev to use the techniques 
of nuclear blackmail to break Berlin and the 
alliance and to break our will by installing 
offensive missiles in Cuba. Historically, the 
Cuba missile crisis may well turn out to be 
the Gettysburg of the cold war. 

But there were others who had ambitions. 
There were men in Africa who sought per- 
sonal leadership in the name of anticolonial- 
ism. There were men in Asia who had visions 
of the extension of their power. 

One after another, these men have either 
been disappearing from the scene or have 
been set back. They have been set back by 
two forces: 

(1) Other people's nationalism. Men are 
attracted sometimes to nationalistic or re- 
gional slogans, but they are not willing to 
turn over their nation to some powerful 
neighbor. That is why you have had, in my 

JULY 18, 1966 


judgment, the resistance to some of these 
romantic, ambitious leaders in the world. 

(2) The demand of the people for simple 
things for themselves and for their children. 
The people found that they could not eat 
xenophobic, anticolonial, or ideological 
speeches; they could not get their kids to 
school through those speeches; they could not 
get housing; they could not develop their 
nations. And there is a rising tide of simple 
demand for progress. 

So we feel that the wave of the future 
does not lie with those who feel that they 
represent an ideological wave of the future 
which they can translate into the control of 
other countries. We have every reason for 
confidence that there is sweeping the world 
a tide of good sense and moderation. 

It is extremely important that these mod- 
erates, who wish to get on with the job of 
fighting against ignorance and hunger and ill 
health, succeed. 

Alliance for Progress 

In the Alliance for Progress, as you know, 
the President launched, in Mexico, his sup- 
port of Argentine President Illia's notion of 
having a summit conference to carry forward 
and accelerate the Alliance for Progress later 
this year or early next. He said that before 
such a conference could be held we need new 
ideas carefully staflfed out. One cannot bring 
the heads of governments together without 
knowing what they, in fact, can agree to. 

I can tell you that we in this Government 
are working with the greatest intensity, in 
contact with the best men outside the Gov- 
ernment on Latin American affairs and with 
our Latin American friends, on new ideas. 

I have had the great privilege in the last 
several years of being the only North Amer- 
ican member of the Inter- American Com- 
mittee on the Alliance for Progress, CIAP, 
which is a very imaginative "board of direc- 
tors" for the Alliance. 

The simple truth is that in 1966, for the 
third year in a row, we are going to have a 
more than 5-percent increase in gross na- 
tional product and achieve the Punta del Este 

target of 2V2-percent per capita increase in 
gross national product. 

Latin America is moving— country by 
country, it's moving. My faith, however, in 
the success of the Alliance for Progress does 
not stem simply from the statistics. It is 
an extraordinary privilege to have been able 
to share this adventure with my Latin Amer- 
ican friends— this new generation that is 
coming in Latin America, men who believe 
that to give an eloquent speech, or to pass 
a resolution at an international conference, 
or to pass a law, does not mean that the 
earth turns and schools are built. There is a 
new, pragmatic, and serious generation in 
government, in industry, in the military, who 
are determined to make their nations and the 
whole region of Latin America a modern 
Latin America— loyal to its own traditions 
and ambitions, and ready to take its place 
as a partner with us on the world scene. I am 
convinced they are going to win. 

The problems are difficult — in some cases 
hideously difficult— but I am convinced that 
we are going to have by the end of this dec- 
ade a Latin America that is not yet rich but 
a Latin America that is clearly proving that 
it can solve its problems. 

Look at Mexico. Mexico is not rich in terms 
of gross national product per capita. There 
are richer countries in Latin America. But it 
is confident that it is on the way to being a 
great nation true to its own traditions. That 
inner confidence that it can solve its prob- 
lems and unfold its development is what, I 
think, we can achieve throughout Latm 
America in the next 3 or 4 years. 

African Development 

In Africa, as you know, the President 
launched a major initiative recently in a 
talk marking the anniversary of the Organi- 
zation of African Unity. 

Africa is less well developed than Latin 
America; it is in an earlier stage. Neverthe- 
less, there are great things to do. And there, 
as in Latin America, we are throwing our 
weight behind regional institutions. I will 
come back, at the end, to why we have come 



to take this regional strategy so seriously. 
But we feel that there are many opportuni- 
ties in Africa for the region as a whole and 
for subregions — east African countries, west 
African countries — to work together in ad- 
vancing their economic and social develop- 

Again, we have a group in the Govern- 
ment working with the best experts outside, 
and we will be talking, of course, to Africans, 
to members of international institutions like 
the World Bank, to Europeans who have 
worked in Africa constructively, and to 
Israelis and Japanese about what concrete 
steps we can take at this moment. The Afri- 
can governments are more focused than ever 
before on the development of the region, to 
move it forward and to give their people, 
too, a sense that they can shape their own 

Asian Economic Development 

Asia is in a quite remarkable stage which, 
because of Viet-Nam, is I think not appre- 
ciated. I think some of us carry in our heads 
the image of a sort of dynamic China; a 
passive, stagnant Asia; and with us strug- 
gling under impossible circumstances with no 
real fiber to hold it together. The image could 
not be less accurate. 

The one major underdeveloped country of 
Asia that is stagnant, that has a lower pro- 
duction than it did in 1958, is Communist 
China. The basic fact about the Communist 
Chinese is that they have not produced a 
policy capable of solving their fundamental 
problem: food and population. 

But in South Korea, they are going ahead 
at something like 7 percent GNP per annum; 
something like that in Taiwan, in Thailand, 
in Malaysia. 

Cambodia is not moving very fast, nor is 
Burma. Indonesia, as you know, is just be- 
ginning after an extraordinarily difficult 
period to face its problems and to find its 

Despite the war, Pakistan has maintained 
its momentum. And we have faith that In- 
dia, having survived this extraordinarily bad 

harvest — the worst in a century — is, never- 
theless, moving forward. 

In Iran, you again have a country with 
something like a 7-percent rate of growth. 

The simple truth about Asia is that free 
Asia is an extraordinarily vital and fast- 
moving i)lace. It is not a region that is about 
to be taken over or wants to be taken over; 
it is an area of basic vitality and rapid move- 

The President gave regionalism an ex- 
traordinary lift in a speech in Baltimore in 
April 1965. That speech had two specific 

One was to revive and give momentum to 
the Committee to Develop the Mekong. In an 
act of extraordinary faith, the United States 
is going forward with its commitment of 
funds to the Mekong Committee's highest 
pi'iority undertaking: to build a dam at Nam 
Ngum, very close to Pathet Lao country be- 
tween Laos and Thailand. The Thais and the 
Laos have made an arrangement to share the 
power; and the whole enterprise, due to the 
President's initiative, took on a new vitality, 
although it will be a precarious area until 
Viet-Nam is settled. 

The other effect was to bring to life the 
Asian Development Bank. I don't know how 
many of you have followed the Asian De- 
velopment Bank, but it is quite an extraor- 
dinary example of how things can happen 
and will happen increasingly in the future. 
It has $1 billion capital. We are putting up 
$200 million, the Japanese are putting up 
$200 million, the other Asians are putting up 
$400 million, and the Europeans and others, 
$200 million. This is really an expression of 
the will of the region to join together, bring 
resources — their own resources and those 
from the outside — to accelerate the develop- 
ment of the whole region. 

Now, this is good — the Mekong develop- 
ment and the Asian Development Bank. But 
I find even more remarkable the emerging 
impulse in Asia for the Asians to come to- 
gether increasingly themselves, to take a 
larger hand in their own destiny. 

There was a major meeting of Asian states 

JULY 18, 1966 


some months ago in Tokyo to discuss their 
own economic development problems. 

A meeting was just completed of Asian 
foreign ministers in Seoul. There have been 
meetings of central bankers. And, again, you 
can see — as in Latin America and in Africa 
— there is beginning a serious movement to- 
ward regionalism and subregionalism, a de- 
sire of the people to take a larger hand in 
their own fate. 

A Creative Pattern of Regionalism 

What this represents — and it's a trend we 
are trying to support — is a reconciliation of 
two major facts about our world. 

One is the desire of people to shape their 
own destinies, increasingly independent of 
the major powers. 

But, too, there is a recognition that this 
cannot be done on the basis of simple nation- 
alism and it cannot be done unless the inter- 
dependencies in this world are recognized. 

What we are doing is finding our way 
toward a pattern of regionalism in which the 
nations themselves carry forward a maxi- 
mum amount of their own business. They 
don't do it to exclude the external powers, but 
they have two advantages: One, they can do 
more themselves if they work together than 
they otherwise could do without this regional 
linking; and, secondly, their relations with 
the United States and other major powers 
become more dignified if they operate on a 
regional basis. This is the synthesis you 
can see emerging in every continent, and we 
are behind it. 

It means that the United States increas- 
ingly will lead from the middle, not from the 
front. In the Asian Development Bank, you 
have about the right jiroportions: We are 
there; we were very helpful. Eugene Black 
played a most creative but modest role in 
helping to bring it alive. But it is an Asian 
enterprise; it will have an Asian president. 
Just as on CIAP there is only one North 
American, a Latin American chairman and 
six other Latin Americans. 

We are making a very creative pattern 
now; and we have an interval in history, due 

to this rising tide of good sense and mod- 
eration, in which to build. We are engaged 
in this architecture at every point in the 
world; the President has moved at every 
chance he has had and is intent that we shall 


Similarly, with respect to NATO, the 
President said he is not content that we sim- 
ply reorganize — which we must do — an effec- 
tive deterrent, either with different rela- 
tions to France or capable of operating with- 
out France, depending on what General de 
Gaulle is prepared to do. But that is not 
enough. It is a minimum condition. 

There is no reason to feel we shall be 
secure if we give up NATO. There are hun- 
dreds of missiles zeroed in from western 
Russia on Western European cities, and thei'e 
is no response in Europe without the United 
States that is persuasive. There are 22 divi- 
sions, Soviet divisions, in East Germany, and 
tactical nuclear weapons are available to 
those divisions which cannot be countered in 
Europe without us. 

But to maintain that basic assurance is not 
enough. We are working and talking with our 
European friends about these two other di- 

One, what we can do together in the At- 
lantic, in our own affairs, and to solve prob- 
lems like the development of underdeveloped 
countries, and the world's food and i)opula- 
tion crisis. 

Second, how we can encourage the extraor- 
dinarily slow-moving but hopeful develop- 
ments in Eastern Europe. 

We don't expect to see the tensions with 
Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union ended 
tomorrow. But we are conscious that the tide 
of histoiy is moving toward more humane 
governments, toward governments which are 
more concerned, and have to be more con- 
cerned, with the consumer; where power 
within them will be diffused; governments 
which are resuming, and wish to resume, 
their continuity with their own history and 
their historic ties to Western Europe. But 



this will take time. We want to play that 
passage of history creatively, and we are 
moving on it. 

Four Tasks of Foreign Policy 

That's the way the world looks to us. And 
it is to that concept that we are working. If 
you wanted to summarize it. I think we are 
working with four tasks in foreign policy: 

1. To deter aggression. And there this 
stubbornly difficult struggle in Viet-Nam is 
one where the stakes are vital, and we are 
going to see it through. 

2. To accelerate the economic and social 
develoi)nient of the less developed parts of 
the world. And I think one must know the 
President well and work with him to under- 
stand the depth of his feeling and determina- 
tion that during his Presidency the lot of 
men and women and children everywhere 
shall be imjiroved. Perhaj^s his deepest feel- 
ing is a sense of waste at a child who is not 
educated, someone who is ill who need not 
be, someone who is hungry who need not be. 
This is true of his feelings at home, and it's 
true abroad. 

3. To develop regionalism. We began it, of 
course, in Europe, with the concept of sup- 
port for European unity in the Atlantic part- 
nership. But we have realized that the poor 
are also proud, that they wish to have more 
dignified, less dependent relations with the 
great powers, and they are beginning to come 
together. So we support regionalism not only 
in Europe, where our support for Western 
Euroi)ean unity remains, but in Latin Amer- 
ica, in Africa, and in Asia. It will all move 
slowly. These are big pieces of architecture 
we are talking about. But that's the third 
part of our account. 

4. To bring into more normal relations our 
ties to the nations now under Communist 
rule: the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and 

ultimately China, when the Chinese are pre- 
pared for that kind of a relationship. 

Those are the headings under which we 
work in this Government. 

I can tell you that we are in a phase — I 
think one of the most creative phases I have 
seen in foreign policy. 

We are working in good heart, because we 
feel that we are working with the grain of 
history. We are working with it in resisting 
aggression in Southeast Asia. We are work- 
ing with it in our support of economic and 
social development in other pai'ts of the 
world. We are with the grain of history in 
maintaining the Atlantic alliance, support- 
ing the unity of Western Europe. And we 
deeply believe that the forces of histoiy with- 
in the Communist world are moving them 
toward greater moderation and toward more 
normal relations with the world, although 
that time may be long in coming. 

The simple truth is that communism, as 
a technique for developing countries, is less 
efficient in both developed and underdevel- 
oped countries than the pragmatic methods 
of free men. The simple truth is that, what- 
ever the power of propaganda and educa- 
tion and indoctrination, children are born in 
the world with impulses to freedom, and na- 
tions have a vitality in asserting their con- 
tinuity with their past far beyond what even 
totalitarianism can achieve. If anyone doubts 
it, look back to Eastern Europe under Stalin, 
and think of it now. 

So we work in good heart. We know that 
if we were to fail in Viet-Nam a great many 
of these constructive possibilities would be 
distorted or destroyed. But we are not tired. 
We are not obsessed with Viet-Nam, al- 
though this is a most serious business. We 
are carrying forward a foreign policy across 
the whole front along the lines that I have 

JULY 18, 1966 


Education for World Responsibility: An Old Phrase, 
a Transformed Problem 

by Charles Frankel 

Assistant Secretary for Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Press release 147 dated June IS 

The subject I have been asked to discuss, 
the underlying subject of this meeting, 
sounds old and hackneyed: "Education for 
World Responsibility." But it will not really 
support old and hackneyed ideas. It takes 
us today into new and imperfectly charted 

It is a territory where the Federal Gov- 
ernment and the educational community 
must work in tandem. On neither side has 
there been developed a capacity to do so 
smoothly. On both sides, to be frank, there 
has been a disquieting disposition to give in 
to irritation, to strike postures, and to smoth- 
er difficult problems under platitudinous 
utterances. Educators, quite rightly, do not 
wish to be turned into tools of everyday Gov- 
ernment policy. Those who have Government 
positions are concerned, quite rightly, that 
the educational system of the Nation serve 
the best interests of the Nation. But neither 
of these points of view solves the problem. 
Taken together, they define a problem for 
which we must find practical and workable 

In these remarks, I should like to review 
what seem to me to be some of the funda- 
mental questions that must be faced when 
we consider the relation of education to the 
activities of the Federal Government and 
particularly to those branches of the Fed- 
eral Government mainly concerned with 
foreign affairs. I am quite sure that I do 

not know all the answers to these questions. 
I certainly do not think that such thoughts 
as I have on these matters are the only 
thoughts that reasonable men might have. 
But I hope they will be useful as points of 
departure for the discussions that will take 
place at this conference. 

Before beginning, however, I think it 
might be useful if I said a word about the 
spirit in which I have tried to approach 
these matters. I am now an official of the 
Department of State and of the present ad- 
ministration. But I have spent most of my 
life as a teacher, scholar, and writer, and 
since coming to Washington I have not 
noticed any substantial changes in the views 
I hold about the relation that should exist 
between Government and the educational 
community. What I am going to say to you 
is, I believe, what I would have said to you 
if I were still a professor of philosophy. 
This will probably not reassure you about 
the probity of my views. It should reassure 
you, however, that I have not adopted these 
views just for this occasion. 

Let me speak first about certain ineluctable 
Imperatives that have changed the meaning 
of the phrase "education for world responsi- 
bility." These imperatives define the problem 
with which we have to deal and set the limits 
within which a good solution must fall. 

The first of these imperatives is that Amer- 
ican education has an international responsi- 



bility whether it makes any conscious deci- 
sion to fiiltiii that responsibility or not. 

There was a time when one could speak 
to Americans about "education for world 
responsibility" as thoujrh the phrase simply 
designated an ideal to which we might give 
our allegiance. There was a time, that is to 
say, when we Americans had a choice: to 
educate for world responsibility or not to do 
so. This freedom of choice is no longer ours. 

Today we have options with regard to the 
way in which we ought to define our respon- 
sibilities in the rest of the world. But we do 
not have any option with regard to the ques- 
tion whether we have world responsibilities. 
If we choose to use our power as a nation, 
we make a choice that deeply affects our 
fellows on this planet. If we choose not to 
use our power, this choice also affects our 

The same applies to the choices we make 
in education. We can ignore the international 
scene; we can courteously salute its existence 
and then go on as though nothing was af- 
fected; we can recognize how little we really 
know or really feel about the facts of life 
in other parts of the world and take steps to 
repair this state of affairs. Whatever we do, 
however, we make a decision that has not 
only national but international impact. We 
shall educate or miseducate for world respon- 
sibility. We cannot avoid doing one or the 

Of course, we must not exaggerate. As 
Secretary [of Defense] Robert McNamara 
said in Montreal last month: "The United 
States has no mandate from on high to police 
the world and no inclination to do so." Quite 
similarly, we have no mandate to educate the 
world, and this Government has no desire 
to do so. Indeed, we do not have the power 
or resources to do so, even if we so desired. 
We Americans have a large task on our 
hands merely educating ourselves. 

But the task of educating ourselves re- 
quires us, in the world as it now is, to be 
in close and steady touch with others. Edu- 
cational cooperation abroad is an indispensa- 
ble tool of international education at home. 
And international education at home is es- 

sential if American education is to succeed 
in equipping Americans with the knowledge 
and guiding ideas they require to make sense 
of the world in which we live. 

Thinking in International Terms 

When we think of education today we must 
think in international terms for a number 
of reasons. 

First, the very materials of education to- 
day are international. Science is interna- 
tional. Technology is international. To an 
increasing extent, literature and the arts are 
produced for an international audience and 
are responses to problems whose major ele- 
ments are common to many nations. 

Second, American education has the task 
at this time, as it has had before, of meeting 
the demands of a new generation. The most 
serious and dedicated members of this gen- 
eration want an education that is serious and 
dedicated. If we are to give them what they 
want and what they are right to want, if we 
are to bring to the school and the campus 
the sense of service and of association with 
large causes that most of us recognize is 
needed, we cannot cut the schoolroom and 
the campus off from the great drama which 
the human race is now enacting. The world 
beyond our borders has become for most of 
us the world that is on our minds a good 
part of the time. To fail to register this fact 
in the education we provide the young is to 
choose unreality in education. And the young 
will recognize this unreality and draw their 
own conclusions. 

Third, education is emerging progressively 
as the indispensable ingredient in the com- 
plex and painful process to which we have 
given the bland name of "economic and social 
development." The development of the poorer 
countries, we now know, is not in the main 
a material process, even though it has mate- 
rial conditions and material rewards. Devel- 
opment is a psychological process, a moral 
transformation. If this transformation is 
to take place in a reasonably peaceful way, 
education must be our main hope. 

JULY 18, 1966 


Accordingly, if we have knowledge or edu- 
cational techniques and resources that can 
be of assistance to other nations in their 
educational efforts, and if they want this 
assistance from us, it is in our own interest 
to give such assistance. Indeed, it is in our 
educational interest. For we, too, are a chang- 
ing and developing country. And one of the 
respects in which we are changing most 
rapidly is that the international environment 
has penetrated our domestic scene so deeply. 
We will cope with this environment more 
effectively in our own classrooms if more 
of our students and teachers have the oppor- 
tunity to work in classrooms elsewhere. 

Imperative of Federal Participation 

In sum, we are in the business of inter- 
national education, and we are going to be in 
that business for a long time to come. And 
so we are faced with a second imperative. 
This is the imperative of Federal participa- 
tion in the national effort. Support and en- 
couragement from the Federal Government 
are necessary if we are to meet today's 
demands for more educational opportunity 
and more equality of educational opportunity. 
They are necessary if we are to have ade- 
quate physical facilities, adequate scientific 
and educational equipment, or adequate 
teachers. And they are necessary if the edu- 
cational capacities of the United States are 
to be brought to the level that is required 
by a state of affairs which we have not 
created but to which we must respond. It 
is a state of affairs in which our educational 
system has become a resource to which many 
countries of the world are turning to help 
meet their own needs. 

We must, of course, be very sure in our 
minds about what we mean when we say that 
the Federal Government has become an in- 
escapable partner in the American educa- 
tional enterprise. We are a pluralistic society. 
We accept the principle of diversity in our 
national life as well as in international af- 
fairs. The Federal Government, though it 
has become a partner in the American edu- 
cational enterprise, is still a junior partner, 
and rightly so. 

The freedom of our educational institu- 
tions, like the freedom of any other of our 
institutions, depends on their being safe- 
guarded from domination from any single 
source. The major purpose of Federal activ- 
ity in any field of education must be to stimu- 
late and release the energies of people in the 
non-Federal sectors. The Federal Govern- 
ment cannot be the executive agent that does 
any large part of the actual educational 
work. And there is no disposition in the 
present Federal Government to make any 
such attempt. 

Yet there are, of course, issues that have 
been raised by Federal activity. They seem 
to me to be four in number: 

There is, first of all, the central problem 
of intellectual freedom. 

Second, there is the problem of insuring 
that the Nation in general, and its Govern- 
ment in particular, will continue to enjoy 
the manifold benefits of free, unafraid, and 
independent counsel and criticism from the 
educational community. 

Third, there is the problem of preserving 
the central role of educators in determining 
the shape of educational curricula and the 
direction of learned inquiry. 

Fourth, there is the problem of meeting 
the needs of American students for education 
even while a portion of our educational re- 
sources and energies goes into the tasks of 
educational cooperation with other nations. 

I cannot here be more than schematic in 
what I say about these issues. But I know 
that during this conference much will be said 
to amplify or to correct the brief remarks 
to which I must limit myself. 

The Question of Intellectual Freedom 

Let us turn first to the question of in- 
tellectual freedom. I take it that we shall 
not argue here about whether teachers or 
schools or universities should have such 
freedom. Our country would be unrecogniz- 
able without it. And I take it, too, that it is 
profitless to yearn for a world in which the 
Federal Government played no part in the 
support and encouragement of education. I 
am not sure it was a better world. I am fairly 



sure that most teachers and students did not 
have more freedom in that world but less. 

In any case, the Federal Government is 
now a junior partner in the enterprise, and 
we must deal with that fact as it exists. In 
approachinp it, I would call your attention to 
certain fundamental patterns of operation 
that have already emergred. 

One is that the choice of accepting Fed- 
eral aid is generally left to schools and col- 
leges themselves. They do not have to accept 
this aid. They remain in the driver's seat, 
and they are not compelled to do anything 
they do not wish to do. The only legal com- 
pulsions that the Federal Government can 
exercise on schools, colleges, and universities 
are compulsions to obey basic laws of the 

But some of you will say that money is 
a great lure, and that the Federal Govern- 
ment can offer so many attractive induce- 
ments that schools and colleges, as well as 
individual teachers and scholars, will inevita- 
bly do all sorts of things they would not 
otherwise be willing to do. This may be. Un- 
fortunately, in education as in other spheres, 
there is no substitute for personal and insti- 
tutional integrity. If, indeed, it is true that 
Federal aid is a kind of bribe, it is salutaiy 
to remember that a bribe is a cooperative 
affair. It requires both a corrupter and some- 
one weak enough to be corrupted. 

I do not really believe, however, that it is 
accurate to speak of the relation between the 
Federal Government and the educational 
community as a relation between tempter and 
tempted. A very large part of Federal aid 
has simply enabled people and institutions to 
do what they have themselves wanted to do 
but have hitherto been unable to do. 

Of course. Federal aid has also undoubt- 
edly encouraged many people and institu- 
tions to develop projects they would not 
otherwise have contemplated. That, to give 
away what is hardly a secret, is one of the 
purposes of offering support. Is this a mis- 
taken purpose? Only if it is right to assume 
that the educational community, alone among 
all human communities, does not need any 
outside stimulation. 

Speaking as a lifetime member of the edu- 
cational guild, I hope you will permit me to 
express some mild skepticism about this doc- 
trine, if doctrine it is. There is a certain 
amount of inertia in the educational commu- 
nity. We cannot assume that all good educa- 
tional ideas will be generated by the educa- 
tional community, nor can we assume that 
this community possesses within itself all the 
powers for self-renewal that it needs. And 
unless we make such assumptions, we cannot 
make a strong case against the efforts of the 
Federal Government along with other bodies, 
private and public, to stimulate and enrich 
the educational performance of the Nation. 

Plurality of Influences 

In this matter, as in many others, the solu- 
tion lies in maintaining in a society a plural- 
ity of influences and of centers of thought 
and leadership. Indeed, this pluralistic princi- 
ple is reflected in the actual procedures of 
the Federal Government in the field of edu- 
cation. A distinctive pattern of operation has 
emerged in the relationship of the Federal 
Government to the educational community. 
The Federal Government regularly and sys- 
tematically works with and through panels, 
committees, and commissions that represent 
and speak for the non-Federal sector of our 

In my own case, I sit regularly with seven 
such committees and commissions established 
by law. In addition, I sit with half a dozen 
other similar groups that are informal in 
character but that also have a considerable 
influence on the decisions that are made. Nor 
am I alone. AID has an advisory committee 
of educators. The new Center for Educational 
Cooperation in the Department of Health, 
Education, and Welfare will have an advi- 
sory council on international education made 
up of people drawn from education, business, 
labor, the professions, and philanthropy. The 
Commissioner of Education is supported — 
or, if j^ou prefer, surrounded — by similar 

We have here a characteristically Ameri- 
can solution to the problem of insuring the 

JULY 18, 1966 


independence of education in conditions in 
which government is an active participant in 
educational development. Perhaps only in 
Great Britain is there a mode of procedure 
that significantly resembles this. It may not 
always work well. Indeed, I am aware that 
in the case of the programs that I supervise 
some improvements are needed. 

We have taken steps in the Department 
of State recently to enhance the direct influ- 
ence of scholars and teachers over our plans 
and programs in the field of educational ex- 
change. But while improvements are neces- 
sary, it is well to remember that by custom 
and by law a whole network of safeguards 
has been created. They are safeguards of 
educational freedom. Equally important, they 
bring to bear on government the special ex- 
perience and insights of professional educa- 
tors. The framework of freedom, I think, is 
present. It remains for educators and govern- 
ment officials to use this framework effi- 

Maintaining Educators' independence 

This brings me to the second problem I 
have mentioned: the problem of insuring that 
the educational community retains its inde- 
pendent stance and that the Nation and the 
Government will enjoy the benefits of this 
community's unhampered counsel and criti- 

This is not, to my mind, a problem of 
freedom. Close association between govern- 
ment and education does not compel any in- 
dividual or institution to agree with govern- 
ment policy or to be silent when there is 
disagreement. The problem we face is the 
problem of maintaining sufficient disengage- 
ment from government to be able and willing 
to speak and act independently. The problem 
is not legal; it is psychological and moral. Do 
contracts and consultantships, grants and the 
prospects of grants, advisory positions and 
the smell of power — do all these undermine 
the independence of scholars and teachers? 
Do they create a stiflingly close relationship 
that eats away at the will and capacity to 

I would be less than candid — I would be 

foolish — to deny that there are serious dan- 
gers in this regard. They are particularly 
conspicuous where foreign aff'airs are con- 
cerned. So far as I can see, furthermore, 
there is no simple formula that will make 
these dangers go away. 

We are dealing with problems of personal 
and institutional integrity. Individuals and 
institutions must police themselves. They 
must not agree to do what they do not be- 
lieve they should do. Normally, they should 
be ready to explain not only to themselves 
but to others why they are doing what they 
are, and the conditions under which they 
have agreed to do it. 

If they move into classified areas, they 
enter fields, of course, where such general 
freedom of discussion is not possible. Par- 
ticularly with respect to such fields, the indi- 
vidual should consult his conscience and ask 
whether he has agreed to do anything which 
will prevent him from living with his con- 
science. The fact that material has been 
classified should not be used as a moral 
crutch. Such injunctions apply, it seems to 
me, to work for all sorts of Government 
agencies, whether they are concerned with 
"intelligence" or not. I have no illusion that 
such self-policing is easy. For we are dealing, 
as I have said, with psychological and moral 
problems, problems of the individual and in- 
stitutional ego. The unconscious and the un- 
noticed are often involved. 

Nevertheless, I do not think the problem 
permits or needs the kind of apocalyptic 
utterance it so often invites. It is often said 
— no, it is not often said, but it is often im- 
plied — that the Federal Government should 
cease supporting research or inviting schol- 
ars to advise it lest the independence of the 
educational community be undermined. I can- 
not believe that the majority of those who 
take such a position, or seem to take it, really 
mean what they say. 

For there are two logical consequences of 
their position. The first is that the Govern- 
ment would be deprived of the active, direct 
service of teachers and scholars. The second 
is that teachers and scholars — and our class- 
rooms and students — would be deprived of 



the insipfhts, perspective, and knowledge that 
come from active duty in the world of poli- 
tics and action. Neither of these, quite ob- 
viously, is desirable. 

In fact, althouR-h a useful service has been 
performed by those who have warned us 
about the dangers in a close association 
between government and academics, these 
dangers, it would seem to me, have been 
exaggerated. Judging from my own long ex- 
perience on a university campus, I would not 
place any bets on the ease with which most 
teachers or scholars can be bought or brain- 

They have attractive careers, tenure, much 
independence, the support and the criticism 
of their professional colleagues. Not least, 
they enjoy the extraordinary privilege of 
being able to speak their minds at length to 
captive audiences. These are considerable en- 
couragements to honesty and independence. 
And I \vould add that no official of the De- 
partment of State would be likely to feel at 
this moment in our nation's history that the 
academic community has been suborned into 
craven silence. 

To this I would add a footnote, a scholar's 
footnote and not an official's. It would be de- 
sirable, I think, to leave room when we speak 
of academic independence for a variety of 
ways in which such independence can be 

Eveiy man has an unquestionable right to 
dissent on any matter he pleases. But having 
a right to dissent does not mean that every 
dissenting opinion is right. Nor does the act 
of assent prove that one has lost one's inde- 
pendence any more than the act of dissent 
proves the contrary. In assenting to official 
policy one may or may not have succumbed 
to influences emanating from official circles. 
In dissenting from official policy one may or 
may not have succumbed to other influences. 
Government, after all, is not the only source 
of pressure in society. 

Moreover, independence does not neces- 
sarily mean irrelevance, and intellectual in- 
tegrity does not require utopianism. There is 
a function to sheer protest. It is necessary 
and desirable that some men should say that 

the stattui quo is absurd and proclaim that 
they will not accept any of its terms or 
limitations. But there is also a function to 
the kind of advice and criticism that is for- 
mulated with due regard to the alternatives 
actually available in a less-than-perfect 

If we want the educational community to 
exercise some direct influence on government, 
a certain proportion of its members ought to 
talk in terms that a government can find it 
possible to translate into practice. I do not 
say that no academic people talk in such 
terms. Many do. I merely say that this is 
useful and that it does not prove that they 
have become tools of the Establishment, 
whatever or wherever this elusive entity may 
be. If we want to intellectualize practice, it 
seems reasonable to try to practicalize intel- 
lect, at least to some degree. 

But this is one man's argument with his 
academic colleagues, and it is entirely the 
responsibility of teachers and scholars to de- 
cide whether it is an argument to which they 
should be sympathetic. 

Research and Curriculum Planning 

It is also, quite properly, a responsibility 
of teachers and scholars to exercise the cen- 
tral role in determining the shape of cur- 
ricula and the direction of inquiry. This is 
the third problem to which I have alluded 
in discussing the issues raised by the asso- 
ciation of educators and government. It is 
probably the most substantial, the least il- 
lusory, problem of all that have been raised. 

In terms of what I have already said, how- 
ever, you will understand why I do not think 
that the problem can be dealt with by nega- 
tive legal restrictions. No one is required 
to take Federal aid, and it is not Governmen- 
tal coercion that is responsible for any dis- 
tortions of educational or scholarly programs 
that have taken place. 

On the side of Government, the practical 
problem is to find ways to strengthen our 
educational institutions without tying them 
too closely to ad hoc arrangements or proj- 
ects. I believe that we are beginning to make 
progress in this direction. The proposed 

JULY 18, 1966 


International Education Act of 1966 is one 

On the side of the educational community, 
the problem is one of finding new institutions 
of self-government appropriate to new prob- 
lems. Innovations in curricula or large-scale 
research contracts imply a new distribution 
of limited educational resources. To be ra- 
tional, this new distribution has to be meas- 
ured against long-range policies which have 
themselves been carefully reviewed. Such a 
measurement and review of decisions prob- 
ably requires a new ethic and new habits in 
the educational world. 

Individual scholars and teachers and ad- 
ministrators, each making his judgment sim- 
ply as an individual, cannot by themselves 
protect the independence of research or cur- 
riculum planning. More than in the past, they 
need to determine together the conditions for 
accepting Government-sponsored research or 
other Government contracts and grants. This 
does not necessitate stricter formal controls 
than now exist. But better and more regular 
channels should exist for mutual consultation 
and advice within the academic community. 
Government cannot do this for educators. 
They must do this for themselves. Govern- 
ment can take steps, on its side, to facilitate 
communication between educators and offi- 

This general problem is very closely re- 
lated to the fourth and last issue I have men- 
tioned. This issue is that of fitting our 
responsibilities in international education to 
our many other responsibilities for the edu- 
cation of young Americans. Obviously, a few 
sentences cannot point the way to the answer 
to this problem. It is large and complex. 

It is useful, however, to avoid misconcep- 
tions when we formulate the issues. The most 
damaging misconception may well be that 
educational exchange and educational activ- 
ity abroad represent a net loss of educational 
strength at home. Reflection indicates, I be- 
lieve, that there is no such necessary 
antinomy. We can do a better job in educat- 
ing Americans if a significant proportion of 
their teachers have had educational experi- 
ence overseas. We can do a better job if for- 
eign teachers and students participate in the 
education of Americans. 

Indeed, an international dimension in 
American education and increased oppor- 
tunities for international experience for 
American teachers may well lead in time to 
the increase rather than the decrease of the 
number of good teachers available for our 
classrooms. Teaching should not be insular 
and need not be. When the wide world is a 
teacher's domain, a career in teaching and 
scholarship may attract many who do not 
now recognize the excitements and rewards 
of such a career. 

That there are such excitements and i-e- 
wards is a rather obvious fact to me. It be- 
comes more obvious every day that I spend 
in government, which is not without its own 
excitements and rewards. And certainly what 
has been particularly enthralling has been to 
be part of the process of communication that 
goes on every day between government and 
the academic community. 

It is not through less communication, but 
through more, that we can insure either the 
strength and integrity of American educa- 
tion or the strength and integiity of Ameri- 
can foreign policy. 



New Initiatives in international Education (Panel Discussion) 

Folloiving are excerpts from remarks made by the four panel mem- 
bers: Joseph G. Cohnen, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Education, 
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; William G. Carr, 
Executive Secretary, National Education Association; Harris L. W af- 
ford. Associate Director of the Peace Corps; and A. H. Moseman, 
Assistant Administrator for Technical Cooperation and Research, 
Agency for Intcniational Development. 


Dr. Joseph Neal, Director of International 
Programs of the University of Texas, was re- 
marking to me of the growing interest in this 
country, and particularly in the university 
world, about international understanding and 

He recalled that at a conference in 1942 
the universities were absorbed in trying to 
work out ways for relocating and absorbing 
the Nisei students, and that this was the ex- 
tent of their involvement in international 
matters. At a conference in Estes Park in 
1949 some university officials- believed that 
the international concerns of the university 
were a passing thing which many hoped 
would go away to leave the university free to 
pursue its traditional roles of teaching and 

Now, however, universities are discussing 
a hundred-year involvement, international 
"overstaffing," and international responsibil- 
ity as a third great function of the university 
in addition to teaching and research. In the 
J. L. Morrill report "The University and 
World Affairs" (1960) it was recommended 
that the Federal and State governments give 
some support to education of Americans in 
world affairs. In 1964 the John W. Nason 
report "The College and Wortd Affairs," 

stressed laboratory training on a cross-cul- 
tural basis, in part stimulated, possibly, by 
the Peace Corps demonstration of the excel- 
lent educational consequences of learning by 

The forces arising out of geometric in- 
creases in the speed of travel, instantaneous 
communication by sight and sound to about 
any part of the world, the uses of nuclear 
power, the emergence of scores of new na- 
tions, the vast economic differential between 
the haves and the have-nots — all of these are 
creating a tremendous urgency for develop- 
ing a human infrastructure that is knowl- 
edgeable, understanding, interested, and 
committed to goals of peace and a better life 
for all. 

We may be an advanced nation in many 
respects, but in at least one, the level of edu- 
cation pf our citizens about most of the 
world, we are tragically underdeveloped. 
Alfred North Whitehead speaks of the need 
for "an understanding of the insistent pres- 
ent," one which demands knowledge of the 
great contemporaiy issues confronting man- 
kind and some detennination to fin-d satisfac- 
tory alternatives for their solution. Dr. Wil- 
liam Rogers of the University of Minnesota 
charges that no longer can education be 
given in the narrow and provincial approach 

JULY 18, 1966 


of the past. The world has changed too much. 

There is then no question that interna- 
tional-mindedness has become a value of our 
society. If this is true, our basic goal must 
be for each citizen to achieve what the Presi- 
dent's Commission on National Goals de- 
scribed as "a sense of responsibility as broad 
as his world concern and as compelling as 
the dangers and opportunities he confronts." 

I was interested recently in learning how 
many students at the undergraduate and 
graduate levels are earning degrees in inter- 
national relations. These figures, to me at 
least, reveal an appalling lack of interest and, 
one might assume, a platform for recom- 
mending development of the talent needed so 
badly, given the expanding importance of 
this field. 

In 1964, for example, the number of bacca- 
laureate degrees awarded in international re- 
lations, anthropologJ^ and geography — 
those disciplines specifically identifiable as 
internationally oriented — was only 3,133 out 
of 78,000 social science baccalaureates 
awarded. At the Master's level in that year, 
1,272 degrees in these fields were awarded, 
and at the Doctoral level, only 199 Ph.D.'s 
across this nation. 

Thus, matters had reached a state of some 
emergency when the President voiced a con- 
cern for international education in his ad- 
dress at the Smithsonian Institution, in 
which he called for an increase and diff'usion 
of knowledge among men, all men every- 
where, by assisting (a) the educational 
eflfort of the developing nations and (b) our 
own schools and universities to increase their 
knowledge of the world and the people who 
inhabit it. 

In his message to the Congress on inter- 
national education in February, the Presi- 
dent set forth four goals. The one for which 
the Department of Health, Education, and 
Welfare is to be responsible concerns 
strengthening our capacity for international 
cooperation. Among the President's princi- 
pal recommendations to accomplish this was 
establishment of a Center for Educational 
Cooperation in the Department of Health, 

Education, and Welfare, to serve as a chan- 
nel of communication between our missions 
abroad and the United States educational 
community, to direct programs that were 
assigned to Health, Education, and Welfare, 
and to assist public and private agencies con- 
ducting international education programs. It 
would stimulate new programs in interna- 
tional studies for elementary and secondary 
schools. It would support programs of inter- 
national scope in smaller and developing col- 
leges by awarding incentive grants. It would 
strengthen centers of special competence for 
international research and training for par- 
ticular functional problems or for particular 
regions of the world. 

It should be made clear that the Presi- 
dent's message was broader than the Inter- 
national Education Act of 1966, because the 
message includes proposals which do not re- 
quire legislation for their implementation, as 
for example, establishment of the Center for 
Educational Cooperation. Other proposals 
are incorporated in other legislation, for ex- 
ample, the Exchange Peace Corps, which is 
included in the separate Peace Corps author- 
izing legislation. 

But the International Education Act does 
three things which are of prime interest to 

First, it authorizes the Secretary of 
Health, Education, and Welfare to arrange 
grants to institutions of higher education or 
to a combination of such institutions to 
establish, strengthen, equip, and operate 
research and training graduate centers. 
Grants may include funds for stipend and for 
travel abroad. 

Second, it authorizes the Secretary of 
Health, Education, and Welfare to make 
grants to institutions of higher education to 
plan, develop, and carry out a comprehensive 
program and to strengthen and improve un- 
dergraduate instruction in international 
studies. Grants may be used for faculty plan- 
ning, training of faculty abroad, expansion of 
foreign language courses, work in social 
sciences related to international studies, 
planned and supervised work-study-travel 



programs, and proprrams under which foreign 
scholars and teachers may visit institutions 
in the United States as faculty or research 

And third, the act proposes to amend the 
National Defense Education Act to liberalize 
its provisions regarding; language instruc- 
tion and to eliminate the 50-percent match- 
ing requirement that not applies. 

Thus, efforts to improve education have 
been launched by Federal action, but the 
Federal Government is looking to colleges 
and universities and to the State and local 
educational agencies for creative ways of im- 

The following are some suggestions for 
your action: 

1. While training of undergraduate and 
graduate students has a merited priority, 
there is urgent need for more and better 
adult and continuing education in world 
affairs to reach a large body of citizens re- 
sponsible today for intelligent discussion of 
alternatives in foreign policy. In this connec- 
tion, we need to distinguish at the under- 
graduate level between education of a world 
affairs specialist and world affairs as part of 
one's general education. Possibly all depart- 
ments and universities should build inter- 
national dimensions into their curriculum, 
or perhaps a required course or two should 
be built into the course of study of every 

2. Colleges and universities must stop 
treating overseas involvement as a stepchild, 
in effect penalizing for tenure and promotion 
those faculty engaging in overseas work and 
instead begin to grant constructive credit for 
such service. 

3. At the elementary and secondary level, 
prospective teachers should be given prefer- 
ence in certification by virtue of their over- 
seas experience, such as the experience ob- 
tained by Peace Corps volunteers serving 

4. Because of the bewildering array of cul- 
tures, and the difficulty of knowing more 
than a few of them in depth, curriculum de- 
velopment must provide the student and 

teacher with techniques for analysis, meth- 
ods of discovering facts and developing 
values for life in a multicultural world. 

5. An integrated multidisciplinarian ap- 
proach to course work in world affairs seems 
necessary at all levels of education so that 
international education can be developed into 
a coherent whole, not apart from other sub- 
ject matters. 

6. At all levels, education must grow out of 
experience in the real world. How to trans- 
late the Peace Cori)s into a curriculum with 
an international, experimental dimension 
that begins at kindergarten and continues 
through college may be one of the greatest 
challenges before you. 

And, lastly, the principles inherent in 
cross-cultural education must be reinforced 
by the day-to-day activities of the school or 
college itself. By this I mean that efforts to 
instruct in understanding and acceptance of 
foreign cultures will fail if the principles of 
civil rights are not part of the nonnal fabric 
of the school's operations. I suggest that at- 
tacks on segregation in the schools and on 
discrimination more broadly in our society 
are a concurrent order of business. 


It is our function to present some specific 
proi)osals, called in the program "new initia- 
tives in international education." I shall try 
to outline four initiatives in intei'national 
education, two already underway and two 
others which are not yet started. 

In the last few years the relationships 
among national teachers organizations have 
been developing very rapidly. The World 
Confederation of Organizations of the Teach- 
ing Profession now has in its membership 
the major teachers organizations of 91 coun- 
tries, with a combined membership of about 
4 million teachers. I believe it is the world's 
largest international nongovenimental or- 
ganization. Its national, regional, and world 
conferences, its committees, its investiga- 
tions, its secretariat, are all thoroughly inter- 

JULY 18, 1966 


It publishes material for teachers in 11 
languages, and it maintains branch offices 
throughout the world. In its activities, I have 
seen Indians and Pakistanis, Israelis and 
Arabs, Ethiopians and Somalis, finding it 
perfectly possible to work together as pro- 
fessional colleagues. Some of the member or- 
ganizations of the World Confederation are 
limited to primary or elementary teachers. 
Others are more inclusive. Some are affiliated 
to the organized labor movements in their 
respective countries; others are independent 
of ties of this kind. 

We have been able to overcome the poten- 
tial di^'isiveness in situations of this kind by 
concentrating strictly on our common desire 
to elevate the standards and the competence 
of the teaching profession. 

In close cooperation with UNESCO, the 
Confederation has prepared the first world 
survey of the status of teachers, beginning 
with studies in Africa, Asia, and the Amer- 
icas. These studies have been followed, when 
published, by conferences which have led to 
the preparation of an international recom- 
mendation on the rights and responsibilities 
of teachers. This most recent new initiative 
will come before a special conference of 
UNESCO in September. We may therefore 
expect, before this year is over, to have be- 
fore us a statement with international back- 
ing which will suggest to governments and to 
the employers of teachers, public and private, 
and to teachers themselves, some minimum 
internationally recognized standards of 
rights and duties. 

The Teach Corps of the National Educa- 
tion Association is now entering its fourth 
year, much expanded over previous years, 
under a broad contract with AID. The Teach 
Corps provides teams of experienced, ma- 
ture, American teachers, who volunteer to 
work in summer workshops for the teachers 
in developing countries. Teach Corps mem- 
bers contribute their time and their skill and 
their services without payment. The Teach 
Corps evolved from a belief that many teach- 
ers in this country want to contribute to the 
foreign aid program in this way, that they 

could do it, and that they had much to con- 
tribute and much to learn by participating 
in an activity of this kind. This is especially 
true, of course, in developing countries, 
where many teachers have meager prepara- 
tion for teaching. 

The Teach Corps, in essence, adapts the 
well-known American university summer 
workshop program to the practical needs of 
teachers in developing countries. We have 
found that a binational workshop is an effec- 
tive method of bringing together as equals 
the American and the teachers of the host 
countries. The corps has rather carefully 
avoided the professor-student relationship 
because it was feared that it might prevent 
real professional cooperative relationships 
and exchanges. Teach Corps teams have al- 
ready worked with several thousand teachers 
in other lands. They are not there to modify 
national education policy; their mission is 
much simpler and yet in a way more pro- 
found. They are there simply and practically 
to help the visitors and the hosts to do a 
better job in the classroom. 

Teach Corps volunteers coming back to the 
United States, of course, have brought with 
them firsthand understanding of another cul- 
ture. Returning Teach Corps volunteers 
share their experiences generously with their 
colleagues and their students and with the 
communities in which they reside. 

Now I would like to suggest two other 
initiatives that could be taken veiy promptly 
and, I believe, with little overhead expense. 

First, the dependents schools operated by 
the United States Department of Defense 
and the other schools attended by children of 
American citizens working overseas should 
be made showcase schools for America and 
for better international relations. The De- 
fense Department schools alone are the ninth 
largest school system under the American 
flag. We are not talking here of a few hun- 
dred teachers; we're talking of teachers scat- 
tered almost everywhere in the world. 

These schools constitute a major oppor- 
tunity for international cooperation in edu- 
cation. The present Congress has taken some 



lonp-overdue steps to improve the quality of 
these schools, but much remains to be done. 
The schools attended by American children 
overseas could develop, as perhaps no other 
agency could, effective contacts with the 
people in the countries within which they 
operate. They could provide also a new kind 
of international experience for the Amer- 
ican teachers who work there. 

Second, the number of foreign students in 
the United States is about 90,000. Many of 
them would be interested, qualified, and 
eager to work with American teachers dur- 
ing the summer in a kind of reverse Teach 
Corps. In cooperation with colleges and uni- 
versities where these visitors are studying 
and teaching, a school system or State de- 
partment of education, or a college of educa- 
tion, or a local or State teachers organiza- 
tion could organize an in-service workshop 
for teachers, staff it with these foreign stu- 
dents and scholars, add a few returned Teach 
Corps or Peace Corps volunteers, and let 
them study with American teachers some 
selected problem of common professional in- 

We have an opportunity to improve now 
education for world responsibility. Public 
opinion is favorable. The President and the 
administration are giving great leadership. 
The Congress seems ready to act. I believe 
we can look forward to an oncoming genera- 
tion of young Americans who will accept 
with growing knowledge and deeper respon- 
sibility their role as American citizens in 
world affairs. If new initiatives in interna- 
tional education are to reach the large num- 
bers of American people, who ultimately de- 
termine both the selection and the success 
of American foreign policy, then the prepa- 
ration and in-service education of the teach- 
ers in the elementary and secondary schools 
of our country is the fulcrum from which 
this leverage can be applied. 

You may have noted that each of the four 
new initiatives to which I've referred has, in 
one way or another, involved the elevation of 
the status, the qualifications, the idealism, 
and the knowledge of the American teacher. 


It is now possible for the benefits of mod- 
ern science and technology to be made avail- 
able to all men everywhere. Since this is true, 
there is a moral duty to do it. Moreover, since 
peoi)le all over the world are coming to know 
this, since the secret is out, there is a polit- 
ical necessity to do it. The problem is to in- 
vent the new institutions and to take the new 
initiatives which will enable the world to 
do it. 

The Peace Corps was and is one of these 
new educational initiatives. We like to think 
of it as a university in dispersion, spread 
over 46 countries. It's a new kind of univer- 
sity engaged not only in learning and re- 
search but also in sei-vice and action, with 
the world its campus. 

Of the 12,000 Peace Corps volunteers 
around the world, 6,000 are teaching in class- 
rooms, mostly in secondary schools, several 
hundred in universities, others in primary 
schools. Another 6,000 are teaching out in 
the communities by example. They are all 
teachers and they are all learning. What they 
are learning and what they are teaching is 
world citizenship. 

Our main early contribution perhaps was 
going in large numbers and thus enabling 
school systems in other countries to move 
faster than they could have moved without 
the volunteers. In Ethiopia, the first 300 
volunteers who went there to teach in 1962 
practically doubled the number of secondary 
school teachers in Ethiopia. In six African 
countries volunteers constitute half of all 
degree-holding secondary school teachers. 
The thousands of Peace Corps volunteers 
teaching English literally multiplied by 10 
the number of those whose mother tongue 
is English who are teaching English in the 
developing counti-ies. 

But now we must go on from this contri- 
bution in quantity to a greater contribution 
in quality. We especially need more experi- 
enced teachers and educators who can give 
professional support to volunteers who have 
never taught before, who can help them learn 
to be good and great teachers. And we need 

JULY 18, 1966 


your help in turning some of our new oppor- 
tunities into great accomplishments. 

But let me go beyond the Peace Corps. To 
some extent, the Peace Corps has proved 
itself on a little piece of land — we have 
staked our claim. Sometimes it seems like a 
big piece of land; but in terms of the need 
for universal education, it is a very little 
piece, and all around it we can see the gaps 
which need to be filled. 

The International Education Act and the 
rest of the President's international educa- 
tion program will help fill a few of those 

First, there will be the Education Place- 
ment Service that the President has proposed 
and promised. Through this program experi- 
enced teachers, including teachers with fam- 
ilies, will be recruited and supplied to the 
school systems of developing nations, sys- 
tems that are able to pay local wages but 
could not pay the international transporta- 
tion or supplement salaries so that these 
teachers could meet their financial obliga- 
tions. Among the 50,000 returned Peace 
Corps volunteers by 1970, about 25,000 will 
have taught while overseas. They will be one 
of the main resources for this new Educa- 
tion Placement Service. Another major re- 
source should be your teachers, who would 
be stretched by the experience and would 
return better, livelier, more imaginative 
teachers with a new view of the world. 

Second, there is the school-to-school part- 
nership program. We have tried that on a 
small scale already. Over 100 overseas 
schools have been constructed with the aid of 
$1,000 each, contributed by American com- 
munities or schools, and with self-help labor 
by the local people. The President has asked 
for 1,000 of these school-to-school partner- 
ships. The Peace Corps is the administering 
agency, but the program depends upon your 
response. Peace Corps volunteers and other 
American teachers overseas can help develop 
the school-to-school relationships by foster- 
ing exchanges of ideas, letters, communica- 
tions, materials, and people. 

Third, there will be the Exchange Peace 
Corps, the reverse Peace Corps. The Presi- 

dent's proposal is now pending before Con- 
gress. He has asked that 5,000 foreign volun- 
teers be brought here to teach in our schools 
and to work in our communities, to do here 
what our volunteers do abroad, and to ac- 
complish in this reverse flow the same three 
purposes the Peace Corps is accomplishing: 
to meet real needs, to promote a better un- 
derstanding of America by other peoples, 
and to promote a better understanding of 
other peoples by the American people. 

We expect that as in the Peace Corps 
overseas about half of the first year's 500 
volunteers to America would teach in our 
schools — teaching supplemental courses in 
some cases, such as oral Spanish by volun- 
teers from Latin America; regular courses 
in some cases; and in many cases teaching 
the world's cultures and problems in teams. 

The pace of international education efforts 
is speeding up. Every step we take leads to 
others. The steps we are now taking will lead 
soon, I think, to the step which both our Sec- 
retary of Defense and the Secretary-General 
of the United Nations have proposed and 
prophesied. The time has come, in the words 
of Secretary-General U Thant, for people 
everywhere to "consider that 1 or 2 years of 
work for the cause of development, either in 
a faraway country or in a depressed area of 
his own community, is a normal part of one's 
education." Robert McNamara says it is time 
to ask "every young person ... to give 2 
years of service to his country — whether in 
the military services, in the Peace Corps, or 
in some other volunteer developmental work 
at home or abroad." ^Vhen you find the Secre- 
tary of Defense and the Secretary-General of 
the United Nations on the same side, propos- 
ing the same thing, it's probably time for 
some action. 

We need far larger numbers serving over- 
seas. The Peace Corps' new Director has said 
he hopes it will grow to 50,000 or 100,000 
volunteers. But you can break the monopoly 
of the Peace Corps by inventing new ways to 
utilize volunteer service outside the Peace 
Corps, ways that you might initiate and run 
yourselves in some cases. And you could do 
this on a far larger scale across the cultural 



frontiers inside America itself. The needs of 
America that could be met by volunteer as- 
sistance in our schools are enormous. 

It has been proposed that there oupht to be 
a progrram by which iargre numbers of stu- 
dents as part of their colleore careers would 
spend a summer in volunteer service along'- 
side VISTA [Volunteers in Service to Amer- 
ica] volunteers, and a summer overseas 
working alongside Peace Corps volunteers. 
Several hundred are trying that under 
VISTA in the United States, and a dozen 
from Radcliffe and Harvard are trying it 
overseas this summer. And we need to invent 
new programs for junior years of service 

The International Education Act will open 
some new ways to do this. But it will be just 
an invitation to the imagination. The central 
message for us today is that we need to be 
more inventive if we are going to do our 


The Agency for International Development 
has a rather long and productive record in 
international education assistance. Since the 
beginning of the Point 4 program in 1950, 
about 94,000 foreign professionals and tech- 
nicians have been trained and educated in 
the United States, with another 19,000 
trained in third countries. 

During the past year, about 8,500 foreign 
trainees were supported in this country un- 
der AID auspices, and another 1,900 were 
supported in third country areas. More than 
670,000 teachers have been graduated from 
colleges and schools which were established 
with the help of AID. These graduates today 
provide about 70 percent of the teachers in 
Ethiopia, about 40 percent in Viet-Nam, 28 
percent in Korea, 45 percent in Iran, and 33 
percent in Turkey. 

In the current fiscal year there are more 
than 675,000 students who are enrolled in 
colleges and universities established in the 
lesser developed countries with AID assist- 
ance; and about another 670,000 in AID- 

supported vocational, technical, and normal 

I should like to touch briefly upon a few of 
the new and added activities that are 
planned under the major categories or initia- 

First, to strengthen our capacity for inter- 
national cooperation, AID has been enjoined, 
together with the Department of Health, 
Education, and Welfare, to provide support 
to American research and educational insti- 
tutions for increasing their capacity to deal 
with the programs of economic and social 
development abroad. 

Second, to stimulate exchange with stu- 
dents and teachers of other lands, AID will 
cooperate with the Peace Corps in extending 
a rather modest program of school-to-school 
partnerships that is already underway in 
Latin America. It is proposed that the num- 
ber of such partnerships be increased to 
about 1,000 in the coming years. 

Third, to assist with the progress of educa- 
tion in the developing nations, AID will ex- 
pand its activities in this field and will play 
a major role in assisting those countries that 
are struggling to improve their standards of 

We will increase our efforts in teacher 
training, in vocational and scientific educa- 
tion, in constructing educational facilities, 
and in supplying textbooks. The Agency will 
also expand specialized training in the 
United States for foreign students. We hope 
to double the number of U.S. teachers and 
professors participating in summer work- 
shops overseas which provide inservice train- 
ing for teachers in the developing countries. 

A rapid expansion of population, coupled 
with the worldwide teacher shortage, is add- 
ing substantially to the ranks of the illiterate 
in many nations. This places new demands 
on the imagination to design and adapt new 
communications techniques so that oppor- 
tunities for learning will be available to 
larger numbers of the world's citizens. AID 
will conduct studies and assist pilot projects 
for applying technology to meet critical edu- 
cation shortages. 

In Colombia at the present time there are 

JULY 18, 1966 


more than 400,000 children who are receiv- 
ing a better education through an educational 
television network that now covers about 80 
percent of the country's most densely popu- 
lated areas. Through this network hundreds 
of schools now have the advantage of special 
subject teachers and of audiovisual teaching 
materials that would otherwise not be avail- 
able. AID, the Peace Corps, and the Colom- 
bian Ministry of Education are cooperating 
in this venture. 

Experiments are being conducted in Africa 
to provide teacher training through radio 
correspondence courses. A contract with 
ETV International provides training in Zam- 
bia in program production for educational 

Through another contract, a self-teaching 
program that includes workbooks, films, 
sound tape, and language master cards has 
been designed to cut the time needed to train 
English-language teachers from about 2 
years or more to about 4 months. We will 
expect to do more in this area. 

The International Institute for Educa- 
tional Planning has just completed for the 
Agency a study of 24 cases of outstanding use 
of new educational media throughout the 
world. We are holding a meeting in July to 
develop guidelines for use of these new tech- 
nologies in the developing countries. 

We will intensify efl'orts to provide as- 
sistance in developing local capabilities to 
teach English as a foreign or a second lan- 
guage. English is not only the principal lan- 
guage in international communication but 
may well serve as a major unifying force in 
those newly independent nations where re- 
gional languages have persisted as abrasive 
and insulating forces between tribes or 
groups that have been slow to mold into es- 
sential national unities. The adoption and 
application of science and technology, much 
of which emerges from the English-speaking 
nations, will benefit most readily those na- 
tions that are capable of understanding the 
language of modern science and engineering. 

The Agency has for some time been a 
major source of assistance to cooperating 
countries in developing their capability to 
teach English. We are now supporting 
English-teaching projects in over 25 of the 
developing countries, including a regional 
center for English-language research in 
teaching at the American University of 

It is expected that the Agency will increase 
its expenditures for activities in the field of 
English-language teaching in 1967 by some 
50 percent, and the budget expenditure for 
such activities at the present time is about 
$2 million. 

Lastly, in the area of building new bridges 
of international understanding, AID shares 
the responsibilities with a number of other 
U. S. Government agencies in stimulating 
conferences of leaders and experts, in in- 
creasing the flow of books and other educa- 
tional materials, in improving the quality of 
U. S. schools and colleges abroad, and in the 
creation of special programs for future 
leaders who are studying in the United 
States. A substantial increase in funds is 
anticipated for fiscal year 1967 to assist po- 
tential leaders among the foreign students 
that are now enrolled in American schools 
and colleges. 

To carry out its new and expanded activi- 
ties under the President's program, AID will 
rely even more heavily than in the past on 
the American academic community for coop- 
eration and support. Teams from 71 univer- 
sities are now at work in 38 diflferent coun- 
tries on AID-financed technical assistance 
projects related to education. 

In fiscal year 1965, AID committed $88 
million for education assistance, and we ex- 
pect to provide about the same amount this 
fiscal year. For next year, in keeping with 
the new initiatives, the support will be in- 
creased to about $155 million for a program 
that should greatly accelerate the efforts of 
developing countries to reach new levels of 
educational accomplishment. 



World Affairs in Our Schools and in Teacher Education 
(Panel Discussion) 

Following are excerpts from remarks made by the jive panel members: 
James M. Becker, director, North Central Association Foreign Rela- 
tions Project; George Angell, president. State University College, 
Plattsburgh, N.Y.; W. R. Goodson, project director, Regional Educa- 
tional Agencies Project — International Education, Texas Education 
Agency; Ward Morehouse, director, Center for International Pro- 
grams and Services, State Education Department, University of the 
State of Netv York; and William C. Rogers, director, Minnesota 
World Affairs Center, University of Minnesota. 


We are in the midst of what has been 
characterized as a midcentury revolution in 
education. Evidence of this movement can be 
seen in the introduction of new methods, new 
content, and new materials into the Nation's 
schools. Although the revolution began in 
science, math, and foreign languages, it is 
now beginning to have an impact on the 
social studies — the area wherein most con- 
tent of international relations is handled. 
Of the more than 40 projects financed by 
major foundations or the U.S. Office of Edu- 
cation in the field of social studies, two or 
three deal with international relations. I 
shall mention briefly the programs and plans 
of two of these projects: the North Central 
Association Foreign Relations Project and 
the Foreign Policy Association Schools Serv- 
ices Program. 

If one keeps in mind that every child in the 
United States is required to take social 
studies, usually for 2 or 3 years of the 4 
years spent in high school, and that Amer- 
ican secondary schools turn out about half 
of the high school graduates in the world, 
the importance of developing programs for 
secondary school social studies is apparent. 

Recent surveys conducted by the Educational 
Testing Service and the North Central Asso- 
ciation reveal an increasing interest in inter- 
national affairs in the schools. Roughly 15 
percent of the Nation's high schools offer a 
course in international relations, generally as 
an elective. Most of the Nation's schools de- 
vote at least a few weeks to each of several 
topics or areas such as: the Soviet Union, 
China, Latin America, Africa, United Na- 
tions, American foreign policy and the search 
for peace. 

Materials in use in at least some of the 
schools today include tapes, films, transpar- 
encies, maps, and artifacts. Instructional 
methods include not only lectures and discus- 
sions but games, simulations, and independ- 
ent studies. All of this adds up to quite a 
different setting in which international rela- 
tions is taught from that of the stage 10 
years ago. Furthermore, the international 
scene is more visible than ever before, with 
the mass media devoting more time and at- 
tention to this area. However, the fact that 
the stage or setting has changed does not 
ipso facto guarantee that today's programs 
are adequate. It would be a serious mistake 
to assume that all or even most high school 

JULY 18, 1966 


students have an adequate understanding- of 
world affairs. 

As an ever-growing number of students 
pour into the schools and on up into the col- 
leges, young people find that the growth of 
knowledge is not the same as the growi;h of 
wisdom or that innovations including new 
methods and new materials do not automati- 
cally guarantee improved instruction. The 
critical qualities of reason, temper, judg- 
ment, and perspective which a study of his- 
tory and the social sciences ought to provide 
are precisely those intellectual qualities 
which as a society we often seem to lack. 

Change is accelerating in the schools, and 
on the whole it appears to be a change for 
the better; but whether it will move fast 
enough to catch up with the urgent needs of 
society and the individuals who will build the 
future remains to be seen. 

Now for a look at some of the work of 
two organizations whose primary concern is 
the improvement of the teaching of interna- 
tional affairs at the secondaiy school level. 

The Foreign Policy Association, a national 
nongovernmental organization, is concerned 
with citizen education in world affairs. 

The NCA Foreign Relations Project is a 
special effort of the North Central Associa- 
tion of Colleges and Secondary Schools to im- 
prove and expand the study of international 
affairs in secondary schools. It offers a vari- 
ety of programs and services to social studies 
educators and administrators at both second- 
ary and teacher-education levels. 

Beginning last year, several joint ventures 
have been undertaken. These cooperative ef- 
forts included developing publications, spon- 
soring conferences, and providing services. 
It is anticipated that cooperation will in- 
crease. Both NCA and FPA work with 
numerous other organizations and groups 
including various divisions of NEA and 
world affairs councils and have on occasion 
worked closely with the Department of State 
in sponsoring conferences or meetings of 
various kinds. 

Among the more widely used instructional 
materials in the high school for the teach- 

ing of international relations are "Great De- 
cisions" published by the Foreign Policy 
Association and the Foreign Relations Series 
developed by the North Central Association 
Foreign Relations Project. Although these 
materials differ somewhat in content, style, 
and format, both make some rather similar 
assumptions: (1) that students should be ex- 
posed to the problems decisionmakers face 
in selecting policy alternatives on major in- 
ternational relations issues; (2) that mate- 
rials of this kind should be authored by 
experts in the field of international relations; 
and (3) that active participation in the 
learning process is desirable. Discussion, 
analysis, evaluation, and choicemaking stim- 
ulate learning among students. 

In spite of much interest and many imag- 
inative efforts, the problem of how to make 
intercultural materials and the study of 
international affairs a part of the school 
curriculum still concerns a minority of educa- 
tors. Compared to many other areas of the 
school program, efforts to improve interna- 
tional affairs education receive little atten- 
tion and lack resources and talent. While it 
is true that some advances in internationaliz- 
ing the curriculum over the past decade have 
been made, it may also be true that the gap 
is widening between the demands and the 
needs of the United States and the world 
community and the ability of American edu- 
cation to meet them. 


The term international education implies 
an education that prepares the student for 
understanding and the ability to live suc- 
cessfully with at least two interacting cul- 
tures. Obviously one begins his education in 
his native culture. But every day I see evi- 
dence that many teachers in today's schools 
appear to be oblivious of much in their own 

In the first place they received, especially 
in lower schools, a narrow, nationalistic 
study of American histoiy that left them 
with the feeling that Americans by and large 



are the most brave, penerous, kind, intelli- 
gent, and certainly the most romantic people 
in the world. Regardless of the extent to 
which this may be true, if teachers are to 
have integrity in their classrooms, they must 
learn frankly about some of our historical 
shortcomings in handling our Indian and 
Mexican neighbors, the people in our col- 
onies, prisoners of war, and minority groups 
in our midst. This is a matter of cleaning up 
our history coui'ses, basing them on scholar- 
ship, not nationalistic propaganda. One can 
hardly be expected to understand another 
culture if he believes his own to be impervi- 
ous to honest criticism. 

Another need of teachers is to experience 
firsthand the machinery which safeguards 
American constitutional rights; they know 
about it but have little understanding of it. 
As an example, many teachers have seldom 
if ever experienced a court in operation. 
Their undergraduate education could well 
include field courses that take them into 
every type of courtroom, from children's 
court to the highest courts of appeal. Per- 
sonal involvement with the full range of 
courtroom drama, from high excitement to 
dreary drawn-out cases, will help the young 
to understand the achievements and failings 
of our systematic search for equality and 
liberty for the rich and poor, the fortunate 
and unfortunate, the intelligent and the not 
so intelligent. 

The usual courses in history and political 
science are often sterile of personal involve- 
ment. Today's students will respond to spe- 
cific requests for social service in helping 
judges, welfare officers, and others to carry 
out a more humane treatment of the poor 
and the unfortunate. Without reality of ex- 
perience, young Americans are often at a 
loss in evaluating foreign criticisms of 
American institutions and have little upon 
which to base their own desire to improve 
our way of life. 

Also essential to an understanding of our 
culture, it seems to me, is the study of 
American aflluence. Future teachers need 
to know what Barbara Ward meant by "the 
rich get richer and the poor get poorer." 

Aflluence not only affects how the poor look 
at the rich but the reasons why they seek 
to change our economic and social systems. 

Future teachers need a much clearer 
understanding of how economic power is 
often used and misused to influence govern- 
ment, politics, foreign policy, court deci- 
sions, education, news reporting, labor de- 
cisions, civil rights, crime, and every walk 
of American, as well as international, life. 
This cannot be adequately done through 
textbook courses. The answer again lies in 
new types of imaginative seminars which 
combine current knowledge of economics, 
political science, and sociology with field re- 
search into the processes by which business, 
industry, labor, government, and the market- 
place, working together, create and use eco- 
nomic services, capital, and power. 

Students should also learn about poverty. 
Here the behavioral scientists have an un- 
paralleled opportunity to put students in 
direct contact with tens of thousands of our 
poor through the Federal, State, and local 
antipoverty programs. For example, the 
idealism and energies of future teachers 
should be marshaled to teach the 2-, 3-, and 
4-year-olds in their meager home environ- 
ments throughout the academic year as well 
as in the summers. They should participate 
in the thousands of community planning and 
economic development studies being funded 
under new legislation. 

Perhaps the most difficult aspect of Amer- 
ican life to comprehend is the current im- 
pact of the scientific revolution on our 
culture. This can be only partly taught by 

The more subtle and fundamental eflFects 
of the scientific revolution have to do with 
the American concepts of philosophy and 
ethics. Our ideas relative to marriage, 
birth, death, religion, population, war, pov- 
erty, labor, art, and even the meaning of 
life have been changed by scientific ad- 
vance. But our cultural habits of living lag 
far behind our advances in thinking. The 
gap between our beliefs and our ways of 
living has created notable social explosions 
in Alabama, Los Angeles, and especially on 

JULY 18, 1966 


college campuses. In academic terms, social 
scientific invention has not kept up with 
social thought. This maladjustment of so- 
ciety creates innumerable human malad- 

To provide understanding of this break- 
down and to create new approaches to 
mental hygiene, colleges should emphasize 
experiences in the humanities that are be- 
yond the traditional courses in literature, 
art, and philosophy. 

The essential steps in learning another 
culture have been amply demonstrated by 
many campuses. They include learning to 
speak as well as to read a second language 

Although in studying another culture it is 
important to understand its differences from 
American culture, it is far more important 
to learn those human characteristics, moti- 
vations, and aspirations that we have in 
common. These are probably best learned 
through direct and continued contact with 
one's peers both at home and abroad. This 
understanding of commonalities will pro- 
vide a mutual respect upon which future 
peace and progi'ess may be confidently con- 

Here again, the many Federally spon- 
sored programs such as the Peace Corps, 
faculty-student exchanges, AID projects, 
and the President's new programs provide 
opportunity for direct contact with students 
from other cultures. Participation in pro- 
grams such as the Peace Corps, properly 
organized, might well be considered as meet- 
ing the usual certification requirements in 
psychology, sociology, student teaching, and 
other related courses. 

Although it is obvious that international 
understanding should include depth studies 
in at least two cultures, it also calls for a 
new concept of educational process. Whereas 
American education in the past has largely 
been directed toward the skills of reading 
and memorization, it must now be broadened 
and redirected toward higher levels of intel- 
lectual effort. 

The goal is intellectual independence, the 
central vehicles, research and service. Stu- 

dents should be groomed for independence 
by laboring in useful research projects being 
carried on by their professors, the com- 
munity, and the nation. Isolated, meaning- 
less laboratory exercises must give way to 
apprenticeshi]) in the important studies 
being contracted by universities, whether 
they be in regional planning, foreign aid, 
sjmce research, or the jjerforming arts. 

This apprenticeship is important not only 
in learning research skills but research atti- 
tudes. I believe that jieace and ]irogress 
among the community of nations dej^end 
primarily on the widespread development of 
humane skills and attitudes. Scientific ad- 
vance is now so rapid and widely accei)ted 
that it cannot be stopped. What is not wide- 
spread are such skills as the ability to listen 
to those with whom we disagree, the ability 
to suspend judgment until sufficient facts 
for action are in hand, and the faith that 
any problem can be settled peacefully if we 
imaginatively use the patience, skills, and 
resources at our command. 

The education of teachers must not be 
left to chance. It is time that their educa- 
tion be organized systematically around re- 
search, community service, and the creative 
arts for the specific i)urpose of achieving 
these skills and attitudes. This in turn re- 
quires a massive effort to use the outside 
world as the classroom — and this will be 
done only at the expense of academic heart- 
aches, attack, and counterattack. But educa- 
tion cannot escape the eflfects of either the 
new educational technology or the current 
social-philosophic revolution. 

In the last analysis we cannot educate 
future teachers for international responsi- 
bility until we have the desire and courage 
to uin-oot much of what we are doing and 
start afresh with clear purpose. In so doing, 
we will be attacking some of our most cher- 
ished traditions of liberal arts as well as of 
professional education. But teacher educa- 
tion is too imjiortant to be left as a schizo- 
phrenic compromise between two academic 
worlds. Each has something to learn from 
the other, including a sense of humility. 
Until these elements of our own caminises 



Iiocome united, we have little to offer the stu- 
dent in the deeper sense of international re- 


My first point is that we must develoi) 
proprams of study in elementary and sec- 
ondary schools that will break down the atti- 
tude of i)seudosui)eriority that is so common 
amonp Americans ai)road. This attitude is 
perhai)s a continuation of the traditional 
feeling of isolation that was a part of our 
history for so lonR'. It is probably one of our 
greatest problems in the lelationship with 
people of other countries. We as educators, 
it seems to me, need to i)rovide information 
and develop attitudes so that we can l^reak 
down the feeling that we are superior in 
eveiy activity, that we have the "word" and 
are prepared to give it. 

This would cause us to be concerned with 
some of the rather sparse and inaccurate 
knowledge that we teach children about 
other cultures. For instance — this relates 
particularly to the Southwest and Latin 
America — we do not do an adequate job of 
teaching about the contributions to our area 
of this country of the pre-Columbian civili- 
zations. For example, the agriculturists of 
Middle America produced food and plants 
that on any given day feed half of mankind, 
but little knowledge of this fact is taught in 
our schools. We are not aware — you people 
from Iowa with your tall com, and Texans, 
too — that com was not invented and de- 
veloped in Iowa. 

But this is just one little sample of the 
whole attitude that I am trying to make 
clear. Another item — particularly in the 
Southwest — has been the continuation of the 
"black myth," as some historians have called 
it, which is the attitude toward the Spanish 
and the Spanish colonial period. This per- 
haps started during the wars in the time of 
the first Elizabeth, in the days of the Span- 
ish Armada, but it has persisted in value 
words that appear in textbooks and attitudes 
of people without full realization of the true 

These are two examples of sparse and 
inadequate education. A little exploration 
will reveal many more and will convince 
anyone that we certainly need to improve 
wlrit is being done in elementary and sec- 
ondary education, as well as teacher prei)a- 

Another area of concein is the matter of 
languages. Too many Americans seem to 
have .some tyi)e of phobia speaking 
anything but Knglish. There is a tendency 
to si)e;ik a little louder and dis))lay one's 
traveler's checks. Surprisingly enough, this 
coml)ination works ([uite often around the 
international liotels, tourist shops, and i)laces 
designed to cai)ture the American dollar. 
Rut true communication in a second lan- 
guage is a really rare achievement for 

One thing of particular concern to the 
Texas Education Agency has been the mat- 
ter that too often we have not ca])italized 
on the Si)anish-speaking background of our 
area. We have insi.sted, traditionally, that 
children begin speaking English on the first 
day of entrance to school. The 6-year-oId is 
faced with learning to read in a new lan- 
guage and a new environment all at the 
same time. This is the root of our great 
dropout problem in this segment of our 

We are now working with a number of 
schools in an attemi)t to teach children to 
read in Spanish, their finst spoken language, 
before they move into reading English. Such 
.schools are developing a modified curriculum 
for grades 1, 2, and 3, in which grade 1 is 
largely devoted to instruction in reading 
techniques in the first language; grade 2 
about .W-.W between English and Spanish; 
and grade 3 emphasizes Some of 
these children are able to move by grade 4 
into the regular English curriculum. In this 
way we hope to develop children who are 
literate in two languages. Too many are 
illiterate in both and English. 

The Southern Association has had a long 
history in accrediting American-type schools 
in Latin America. Many of the overseas 
schools for American dependents have been 

JULY 18, 1966 



so accredited. These schools should become 
showcases of American education. They vary 
greatly in their aims and their objectives, 
but these schools furnish those of us inter- 
ested in interchange at the elementary and 
secondary level with a readymade avenue of 
contact. In addition to the community 
schools that work closely with the overseas 
schools section in the Department of State, 
there are many American-type church- 
related and some company schools through- 
out the world. This movement of American 
schools abroad seems to have started in 
Latin America. 

Many schools — some of you represented 
here — are developing sister-school relation- 
ships with American schools abroad. Mem- 
phis, Tennessee, for instance, and the 
American school in Guatemala City are de- 
veloping this relationship at the moment. 
We foresee that this will continue for 3 or 
4 years at least. There will be interchange 
of administrators, teachers, board members, 
and others in the community to consider 
problems of school support, scheduling, ad- 
ministration, curriculum; and it will be a 
tM'o-way flow. To me, this is an important 
thing in all these relationships, that it not 
be a one-way flow. 

Five States are now engaged in a project 
entitled the "Regional Educational Agencies 
Project — International Education" to de- 
velop concrete progi-ams that will improve 
these State departments of education by 
injecting the international aspect into their 
work. This project is financed through sub- 
section 505, title V, of the National Educa- 
tion Act. The five States are Texas, 
functioning as the contracting State, Louisi- 
ana, Alabama, Tennessee, and North Caro- 
lina. Each will have a full-time coordinator 
working with the State department of edu- 
cation, particularly in the areas of social 
studies and languages; the overseas schools 
section in the Department of State; the 
U.S. Office of Education; and with all of you. 

The objectives of the project are: 

— To strengthen the five State departments 
of education in the project by introducing 

the international dimension into their work 
and planning. 

— To develop the potential inherent in 
educational exchange for increasing inter- 
national understanding. 

— To promote study and action programs 
to improve the instruction of non-English- 
speaking children. 

— To relate educational planning within 
each State to various international activities. 

• — To coordinate educational activities 
within each State developed by the Peace 
Corps, the U.S. Department of State, De- 
partment of Defense, and other groups 
charged with the responsibility for develop- 
ing international programs. 

— To utilize the American-type schools 
located throughout the world as an avenue 
for exchanging information, i)rograms, and 
plans that will promote international under- 
standing. This will be done in cooperation 
with the overseas schools section of the De- 
partment of State. 

— To encourage other State departments 
of education throughout the Nation to de- 
velop i^rograms relating to the development 
of better materials and activities that will 
lead to the utilization of educational facili- 
ties to promote peace and international 
good will. 

Basically, our concern is to develop chan- 
nels of communication between educational 
leaders within and without the United States 
in order to achieve the common desire for | 
better understanding and exchange of ideas. 
Better educational leadership will result in 
each participating State by incorporating in- 
ternational education as a vital part of the 

Through these activities we hope to break 
down the provincialism that has so charac- 
terized many segments of U.S. education and 
life in the past, as well as to overcome the 
amused and contemptuous superiority 
assumed by many Americans when talking 
about or visiting other countries. We hope 
that eventually all U.S. teachers will empha- 
size freedom, including the freedom of other 
peoples to be diff"erent. 




I would like to make just a few ohseiA'a- 
tions to you this niorninj;:, which 1 think have 
as their underlying- theme that they are ori- 
ented to the future. This seems to me to be 
singularly appropriate for a conference such 
as this, concerned with education and for- 
eign policy, because this inevitably makes us 
concerned with the future — indeed with our 
national future. 

I would submit to you that understanding 
our foreign i)olicy is not enough. I think our 
colleagues on the panel have each in a some- 
what different way underscored the need for 
broader educational objectives in jirograms 
of the future about world affairs. In my 
judgment we need equally as much to under- 
stand the cultural, historical, and social back- 
ground of those societies with which our own 
national future is so closely intertwined. 

I can think of no one who has i)ut this 
more eloquently than Secretary Rusk, when 
he observed at a conference a year or so ago 
that in this complex but small world in w^hich 
we cannot live alone, we must not neglect 
the pursuit of knowledge of other cultures. 
"By studying other cultures," he said, "we 
not only acquire a better understanding of 
other peoples but enrich our own civilization 
as well." 

In a sense, what we should be seeking is a 
measure of humility. The eminent historian 
Herbert Muller, in his book The Uses of the 
Past, writes: 

Stick to Asia and we get another elementary lesson 
in humility. Objectively, its history looks more im- 
portant than the history of Europe. ... It has pro- 
duced more civilizations, involving a much greater 
proportion of mankind, over a longer period of time, 
on a higher level of continuity. As for cultural 
achievement, we have no universal yardstick ; but by 
one standard on which Western Christendom has 
prided itself, Asia has been far more creative. It has 
bred all the higher religions, including Christianity. 

It seems to me critically important as we 
look ahead toward the future to begin to 
broaden the range of languages which we 
study in our schools. In my judgment no 
school which teaches French has any busi- 
ness not teaching Chinese. I make this asser- 

tion on what I think are the objective facts 
of the matter. Chinese is a language si)oken 
by more peoj^le in the world than any other; 
and it is an enoimously i-ich literary, histori- 
cal, and intellectual heritage. 

Let me say just a word about some of what 
we are attemi^ting to do in New York State. 
We ai-e attemi)ting to make a small beginning 
through the Center for International Pro- 
grams and Services, which is a part of the 
State education department, oj^erating under 
the aegis of the Board of Regents of the Uni- 
versity of the State of New York, the highest 
educational authority in New York State. We 
are actively concerned with attempting to 
improve opportunities and resources, partic- 
ularly for the study of neglected jieoples and 
cultures, in our schools, colleges, and univer- 
sities, as well as to bring about a more effec- 
tive utilization of library and museum re- 
sources in which New York is fortunate 
enough to be very richly blessed. 

We are actively concerned with the prob- 
lem of international visitors and have re- 
cently begun to develoj), with support from 
title V of the Elementary and Secondary 
Education Act, a special ofRce dealing with 
professional visitors and educational ex- 
change. We have initiated programs for col- 
lege faculty members in an effort to provide 
them with an opportunity to broaden their 
background and interest in areas of the 
world traditionally neglected by our schools 
and colleges, through seminars, fellowships, 
and other similar opportunities. We try to 
encourage the development of library re- 
sources as they pertain to these areas of the 

We have undertaken a number of different 
programs to give teachers and schools a 
broader perspective on the world and more 
opportunity to become familiar with it 
through summer institutes and special semi- 
nars both in this country and overseas. We 
have used foreign educators as lecturers and 
special consultants on a Statewide basis in 
a goodly number of our schools in New York. 

One is struck when one reflects on this 
kind of activity with whether this is really 

JULY 18, 1966 


consonant with the enlarging knowledge of 
our own society and our own national her- 
itage. Putting the matter somewhat more 
provocatively, is this sort of effort in our 
schools and in preparation of our teachers — 
because it is concerned with foreign cultures 
and societies and peoples which are clearly 
non-American — is all this somehow un- 
American? I submit to you in point of fact 
this is the highest form of Americanism, as 
I would define it, but I think we may have 
some difficulties in definition of what Amer- 
icanism is. 

Some years ago the late Ralph Linton, an 
anthropologist who taught at a number of 
our leading universities, produced a very en- 
gaging little article entitled One Hundred Per 
Cent American. This describes in rather joc- 
ular fashion the pattern of activity of a hypo- 
thetical American as he goes through the 
morning ritual of arising and proceeding to 
his place of work. Let me share with you the 
concluding paragraph, because it illustrates 
the point I wish to make". 

"Breakfast over, our unsuspecting Amer- 
ican patriot places upon his head a molded 
piece of felt, invented by the nomads of East- 
ern Asia, and if it looks like rain puts on 
outer shoes of inibber, discovered by the an- 
cient Mexicans, and takes an umbrella in- 
vented in India. He then sprints for his train 
— the train, not the sprinting, being an Eng- 
lish invention. At the station he pauses for a 
moment to buy a newspaper, paying for it in 
coins invented in ancient Libya. Once on 
board he settles back to inhale the fumes of 
cigarettes, invented in Mexico, or cigars in- 
vented in Brazil. Meanwhile he reads the 
news of the day, printed in chai'acters in- 
vented by the ancient Semites, by a process 
invented in Germany upon a material 
invented in China. As he scans the latest edi- 
torial, pointing out the dire results to our 
institutions of accepting foreign ideas, he 
will not fail to thank a Hebrew God in an 
Indo-European language that he is 100 per 
cent — decimal system invented by the Greeks 
— American." 


The Minnesota World Affairs Center is a 
department of the University of Minnesota's 
General Extension Division. We also have an 
advisory board of community associations 
interested in world affairs. 

We have three major programs involving 
the schools. The first is primarily a mass pro- 
gram; the second is more of a class or elite 
program. Both of these are for students. The 
third deals primarily with teachers. 

The mass program is the Program of In- 
formation on World Affairs of the Minneap- 
olis Star, which I have directed since 1952 
with the help of an advisory board of educa- 
tors. It serves 800 schools in four States. 
Some 80,000 students a year are involved. Of 
these, 18,000 take a yearend test. Over half 
of the students take the test for review, and 
about 8,000 enter a competition held in Min- 
neapolis, which culminates in 55 winners at- 
tending an annual banquet. At this banquet 
we have had such speakers as Dag Hammar- 
skjold, Grayson Kirk of Columbia, and the 
chairman of today's panel, Shelton Granger, 
who spoke at the May 1966 banquet. 

The program consists of: (1) a teacher's 
guide with outlines of the year's 26 topics, 
(2) background articles appearing in the 
Star every Monday, and (3) tests and an- 
swers published every Friday for 26 weeks 
during the school year. There is no circula- 
tion tie-in; teachers receive free copies of the 
program materials. 

This was a long-range idea in 1945, when 
there wasn't much foreign news printed. We 
now have had two decades of experience of 
indoctrinating students all over the area with 
the habit of reading foreign news, since they 
have to take a test every Friday. I now have 
balding friends and gray-haired ladies who 
come up to me and claim that I hooked them 
on foreign news back when they were in high 
school and they can't stop reading it. Some 
of them still take the tests. 

Our second main effort is mainly for aca- 
demically talented students. These programs 
are for a very small number of students. 



They are based on the American Assembly 
and the Council on Forei^ Relations pro- 
grams. We started these programs at the 
time of the excitement about Sputnik. We 
felt that it was important that not all the 
bright students go into science but that some 
be encouraged to take an interest in foreign 
affairs careers. We need good diplomats as 
well as siiace engineers. We have consider- 
able evidence that many of the "graduates" 
of these and the Star program have indeed 
elected to study for and work in world af- 
fairs careers. 

We selected two formats which would 
recognize the adult character of the minds 
of our highly selected group. The American 
Assembly ijrogram consists of a specially 
prepared book on which discussions are 
based, roundtable discussions, plenary ses- 
sion speakers, and a final report. 

The other pattern we use is copied from 
the Council on Foreign Relations, except 
that we use a common theme for a series of 
dinner discussions rather than depending on 
ad hoc. irregularly spaced presentations. 
Forty students from as many high schools 
dine at the university faculty club. We hear 
a topnotch authority, and following his talk 
there is a question period. 

These two programs are based on the 
recognition that: (1) only a few high school 
students are deeply interested in or con- 
cerned about world affairs; (2) such stu- 
dents have little chance to talk with others 
in their owti school who share these in- 
terests; (3) they get little recognition for 
their achievements in this field; and (4) they 
are usually bored in school and will respond 
avidly to intellectual stimulation. We believe 
that these programs have really stretched 
their minds through the adult treatment 
they receive, the quality of our faculties, and 
the fact that they are up against the best 
students from 40 to 75 other Minnesota high 
schools. The students are carefully selected 

by their teachers and screened by a commit- 
tee of educators for these affairs. 

Our third major school activity is aimed 
at helping teachers do a better job in their 
world affairs teaching. Our philosophy is 
that the most important qualification for 
good world affairs teaching is knowledge of 
the subject. Everything else is much easier 
after this. The World Affairs Center tries 
to fill a gap by putting teachers into contact 
with the best available sources of informa- 
tion (animate and inanimate) about what is 
happening in world affairs, how, and why, 
and what's likely to happen next. We try to 
go beyond the best of the mass media, and 
not compete with it. We have a large pam- 
phlet shop, a first-rate speakers service, and 
a wide range of seminars and lecture series 
to which teachers are always invited. 

We consider many teachers an important 
part of the "foreign policy elite"— the 1 per- 
cent or so of the population who have a deep 
and abiding interest in world affairs and 
who are able to influence others on the sub- 
ject. I think that teachers profit from being 
included as a part of this influential group 
in our community. They may even prefer 
these community foreign policy seminars to 
"educators' conferences." 

In closing, I would like to inject a note of 
controversy. I think some of us are adopting 
a hairshirt philosophy of foreign policy. If 
anything goes wrong anywhere in the world, 
it's because the United States did something 
wrong. I think, looking back 20 years, as 
I've been doing, that the United States has 
done rather well in its foreign policy since 
the war. We've emerged from a bleakly iso- 
lationist country into one that has become 
very conscious of international affairs. Visit- 
ing in other countries, I don't find that we're 
extraordinarily parochial; I think we're less 
parochial than a lot of countries which have 
a lot less excuse for being so. 

JULY 18, 1966 


National Foreign Policy Conference for Educators 
June 16-17, 1966 

Morning Session, June 16 

Welcoming Remarks 

Richard I. Phillips, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs 

Two-Way Communication With the Education Community 

William J. Crockett, Deputy Under Secretary of State for Administration 

The Foreign Service Institute and the Academic Community 

George V. Allen, Director, Foreign Service Institute, Department of State 

Problems and Constructive Trends on the World Scene 

W. W. Rostow, Special Assistant to the Pi-esident (background) 

Afternoon Session, June 16 

Mrs. Charlotte Moton Hubbard, Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State for Public Affairs, presiding 

Education for World Responsibility: An Old Phrase, a Transformed Problem 

Charles Frankel, Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs 

International Education: The President's Interest 

Douglass Cater, Special Assistant to the President (background) 

New Initiatives in International Education (panel discussion) 
Moderator : Harvie Branscomb, Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and 

Cultural Affairs 
Panel: Joseph G. Colmen, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Education, Department of Health, Educa- 

tion, and Welfare 
William G. Carr, executive secretary. National Education Association 
Harris L. Wofford, Associate Director of the Peace Corps 

A. H. Moseman, Assistant Administrator for Technical Cooperation and Research, Agency 
for International Development 

Reception by U. Alexis Johnson, Deputy Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs 

Morning Session, June 17 

World Affairs in Our Schools and in Teacher Education (panel discussion) 

Moderator : Shelton B. Granger, Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Affairs, Department of 
Health, Education, and Welfare 

Panel: James M. Becker, director. North Central Association Foreign Relations Project 

George Angell, president, State University College, Plattsburgh, N.Y. 

W. R. Goodson, project director. Regional Educational Agencies Project — International Edu- 
cation, Texas Education Agency 

Ward Morehouse, director. Center for International Programs and Services, State Education 
Department, University of the State of New York 

William C. Rogers, director, Minnesota World Affairs Center, University of Minnesota 

Mrs. Katie S. Louchheim, Deputy Assistant Secretary 
of State for Community Advisory Services, presiding 

U.S. Policy in Viet-Nam and the Far East 

William P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs (background) 



Afternoon Session, June 17 
Concurrent Seminars 

A. Scientific Advance and U.S. Foreijfn Policy (background) 

Moderator: Herman Pollack, acting director, International Scientific and Technological Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State 
Panel: John G. Palfrey, Commissioner, Atomic Energy Commission 

Arnold W. Frutkin, Assistant Administrator for International Affairs, National Aeronautics 

and Space Administration 
Herbert Scoville, Jr., director. Bureau of Science and Technology, Arms Control and Disarma- 
ment Agency 

B. Economic Development and Population Pressures (background) 

Moderator: Reuben Sternfeld, Associate U.S. Coordinator, Alliance for Progress 

Panel: Joseph A. Greenwald, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Trade Policy and 

Economic Defense 
Bartlett Harvey, Special Assistant to the Administrator, Agency for International Develop- 
Richard Reuter, Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, Food for Peace Program 

C. International Organizations and World Cooperation (background) 

Moderator: Fred L. Hadsel, director, Office of Inter-African Affairs, Department of State 
Panel: David H. Popper, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs 

J. Robert Schaetzel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs 
Ward P. Allen, director. Office of Inter-American Affairs, Department of State 

D. Foreign Policy Decisionmaking in a Democracy 

Moderator: John Evarts Horner, director. Office of Public Services, Department of State 
Panel: Edmund A. Gullion, dean, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University 

James N. Rosenau, professor of political science, Rutgers University 
Mrs. Jennelle Moorhead, president. National Congress of Parents and Teachers 
Marquis W. Childs, chief Washington correspondent, St. Louis Post-Dispatch 

E. International Dimensions in Teacher Education 

Moderator: Marvin Wachman, president, Lincoln Univer.sity, Lincoln University, Pa. 

Panel: Wallace L. Anderson, dean of undergraduate studies, State College of Iowa, Cedar Falls 

Dale Garvey, associate professor of social sciences, Kansas State Teachers College, Emporia 
Vaughn De Long, chief, Overseas Assistance and Training Branch, Bureau of Higher Educa- 
tion, U.S. Office of Education 
David L. Osborn, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs 

F. Teaching World Affairs in the High School 

Moderator: Martin G. Cramer, chief, Educational Projects Staff, Office of Public Services, Department of 

Panel: Carl J. Megel, Washington representative, American Federation of Teachers 

Douglas McClure, Rockland Country Day School, Congers, N.Y. 

James G. Kehew, social studies coordinator, Pennsylvania Department of Public Instruction 

John G. Howe, Central Community High School, Flint, Mich. 

Merrill Hartshorn, executive secretary, National Council for the Social Studies 

Plenary Session 
Mr. Phillips, presiding 


Dean Rusk, Secretary of State (background) 

JULY 18, 1966 109 



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The Department of State Bulletin, a 
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JULY 18, 1966 


Superintendent of Documents 
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Around the Corner 

Preparing Today's Students To Meet Tomorrow's World Problems 

The need to accelerate education in world affairs is the subject of Around the Corner, a new 
Department of State publication featuring a special article by Secretary Rusk. Addressing par- 
ents and teachers of American high school students, Mr. Rusk points out that, after centuries of 
relatively steady advance, man's achievements — and his problems — have suddenly shot up on an 
accelerated curve. The world "around the corner" will be "even smaller, more complex, and moi'e 
interdependent than today's," the Secretaiy adds, and that is the world teachers must anticipate 
as they prepare their students for future citizenship in the world community. 



To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Waahinston, D.C. 20402 


Enclosed find $ (cash, check, or money order). Please 

send me copies of Around the Corner. 



Enclosed . 

To be mailed 



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City, State, and ZIP code 

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Vol. LV, No. HI 3 

July 25, 1966 

Address by President Johnson 114- 




Statement by Acting Secretary Ball US 

For index see inside back cover 

"The air attacks on military targets in North Viet-Nam 
have imposed and will continue to impose a groiving burden 
and a high price on those ivho ivage war against the free- 
dom of their neighbors." 

Two Threats to Peace: Hunger and Aggression 

Address by President Johnson ^ 

I have come to Omaha today because I 
want to speak to you about the most impor- 
tant business in our time — the business of 
peace in the world. 

Two years ago this week, when I was also 
speaking out here in the Midwest, I said that 
the peace we seek "is a world where no na- 
tion fears another, or no nation can force 
another to follow its command. It is a world 
where differences are solved without de- 
struction and common effort is directed at 
common problems." ^ 

This is still true as we meet here this 
afternoon. I am convinced that after decades 
of wars and threats of wars, peace is more 
within our reach than at any time in this 

I believe this because we have made up our 
minds to deal with the two most common 
threats to peace in the world. We are deter- 
mined to match our resolution with action. 

What are these threats ? 

First is the desire of most people to win 
a better way of life. That is true of you here 
in Omaha, and that is true of most people 

' Made at the Omaha Municipal Dock, Omaha, 
Nebr., on June 30 (White House press release 
(Omaha, Nebr.) ). 

' For text of President Johnson's address at Min- 
neapolis, Minn., on June 28, 1964, see BuU-ETIN of 
July 20, 1964, p. 79. 

who want to win a better way of life every- 
where in the world. 

Second is the design of a few people, the 
design of some people, to force their par- 
ticular way of life on other people. 

If we ignore these threats, or if we at- 
tempt to meet them only by the rhetoric of 
visionary intentions instead of good works 
of determination, I am certain that tyranny 
and not peace will be our ultimate fate. 

If the strong and the wealthy turn from 
the needs of the weak and the poor, frus- 
tration is sure to be followed by force. No 
peace and no power is strong enough to 
stand for long against the restless discon- 
tent of millions of human beings who are 
without any hope. 

That is why we stand here this afternoon 
in Omaha, at the end of a very imi)ortant 
lifeline. At the other end of that lifeline, 
8,000 long miles out yonder, is India — India, 
a nation of 500 million human beings. The 
wheat here this afternoon is part of their 
shield against the catastrophe of drought 
and famine. 

This single load of grain will provide the 
margin of life for more than 2,500 families 
throughout the entire balance of this year. 
But it is only a very tiny fraction of what 
America's response to India's need has been. 

I would remind you that since January 1, 



5 million tons of American wheat have 
already been shipjied to India. That is more 
than 21 -J times the annual wheat jiroduction 
of the State of Nebraska. 

And this is only about half the {jrain that 
we and other nations are providing India 
this year in order to help her overcome the 
worst drought that her people have ever 
suffered in the histoiy of her nation. 

Need for a Global Effort Against Hunger 

And America's job is not yet over. Here 
today, in the center of the greatest food- 
producing area anywhere on this globe, we 
Americans must face a sobering fact: Most 
of the world's population is losing the battle 
to feed itself. If present trends continue, we 
can now see the point at which even our own 
vast productive resources, including the mil- 
lions of acres of farmlands that we now hold 
in reserve, will not be sufficient to meet the 
requirements of human beings for food. 

In my Food for Freedom message that the 
Pi'esident sent to the Congress,^ I requested 
the authority and the funds to provide food 
on very special terms to those countries that 
are willing to increase their own production. 

We will lend America's technical knowl- 
edge. We will lend America's practical ex- 
perience to those people who need it most 
and who are willing to prove to us that they 
are willing to try to help themselves. In 
addition to that, we will support programs 
of capital investment, water development, 
farni machinery, pesticides, seed research, 
and fertilizer. 

We will introduce all the American know- 
how in their country to try to help them 
learn to i)roduce the food that is necessary 
to satisfy the human bodies that live in their 

These are only beginnings. We must work 
for a global effort. Hunger knows no ide- 
olog>'. Hunger knows no single race or no 
single nationality, no party — Democratic or 

We recognize the contributions of the So- 
viet Union. We I'ecognize the contributions 

• For text, see ibid., Feb. 28, 1966, p. 336. 

of Yugoslavia in contributing food to India. 
We are glad that they saw fit to try to do 
their jiart. We welcome the support of every 
nation in the world when that supi^ort is 
given to feeding hungry human beings. In 
this kind of cooperation we find the seeds of 
unity against the common enemies of all 

I long for the day when we and others — 
whatever their ]3oliticaI creed — will tura our 
joint resources to the battle against poverty, 
ignorance, and disease. Because I honestly 
believe that these enemies — poverty and ig- 
norance and disease — are the enemies of 
peace in the world. 

Aggression in Viet-Nam 

But that day is not here because some 
men, in some places, still insist on tiying to 
force their way of life on other people. 

That is the second threat that I want to 
talk about out here in Omaha today. That 
is the second threat to peace — trying 
to force their way of life on other people. That 
is the threat that we are standing up to 
with our proud sailors, soldiers, airmen, and 
marines in South Viet-Nam at this hour. 

Now I want to point out to you that the 
conflict there is important for many rea- 
sons, but I have time to mention only a few. 
I am going to mention three specifically. 

The first reason: We believe that the 
rights of other people are just as important 
as our own. We believe that we are obligated 
to help those whose rights are being threat- 
ened by brute force. 

Individuals can never escape a sense of 
decency and resjiect for others; neither can 
democratic nations. If one man here in 
Omaha unlawfully forces another to do what 
he commands, then you rebel against the 
injustice, because you know it is wrong for 
one man here in Omaha to force another one 
to do what he wants him to do. Unless hu- 
man concern has disaj^peared from all of our 
values, you also know that it is necessary — I 
emjihasize "necessaiy" — to hel]) that man 
that is being forced to defend himself. 

This same principle is true for nations — 
nations which live by res])ect of the rights 

JULY 25, 1966 

of others. If one government uses force to 
violate another people's rights, we cannot 
ignore the injustice, the threat to our own 
rights, the danger to peace in the entire 

That is what is happening at this hour in 
South Viet-Nam. The North Vietnamese are 
trying to deny the people of South Viet-Nam 
the right to build their own nation, the right 
to choose their own system of government, 
the right to live and to work in peace. 

To those people in America who say they 
have never had this thing explained to them, 
I want to repeat that again. 

The North Vietnamese at this hour are 
trying to deny the people of South Viet-Nam 
the right to build their own nation, the right 
to choose their own system of government, 
the right to go and vote in a free election 
and select their own people, the right to live 
and work in peace. 

South Viet-Nam has asked us for help. 
Only if we abandon our respect for the 
rights of other people could we turn down 
their plea. 

Viet-Nam and the Security of Asia 

Second, South Viet-Nam is important to 
the security of the rest of all of Asia. 

A few years ago the nations of free Asia 
lay under the shadow of Communist China. 
They faced a common threat, but not in 
unity. They were still caught up in their old 
disputes and dangerous confrontations. 
They were ripe for aggression. 

Now that picture is changing. Shielded 
by the courage of the South Vietnamese, the 
peoples of free Asia today are driving to- 
ward economic and social development in a 
new spirit of regional cooperation. 

All you have to do is look at that map and 
you will see independence growing, thriving, 
blossoming, and blooming. 

They are convinced that the Vietnamese 
people and their allies are going to stand 
firm against the conqueror, or against ag- 

Our fighting in Viet-Nam, therefore, is 
buying time not only for South Viet-Nam, 
but it is buying time for a new and a vital, 

growing Asia to emerge and develop addi- 
tional strength. 

If South Viet-Nam were to collapse under 
Communist pressure from the North, the 
progress in the rest of Asia would be greatly 
endangered. And don't you forget that! 

The third reason is: What happens in 
South Viet-Nam will determine — yes, it will 
determine — whether ambitious and aggres- 
sive nations can use guerrilla warfare to 
conquer their weaker neighbors. 

It will determine whether might makes 

Now I do not know of a single more im- 
portant reason for our presence than this. 

We are fighting in South Viet-Nam a 
diflferent kind of war than we have ever 
known in the past. 

Sixteen years ago this month. North Ko- 
rea attacked South Korea. By armed inva- 
sion across a national border a Communist 
country attempted to conquer and overrun 
its neighbor. 

The United States of America recognized 
this kind of aggression immediately, and we 
acted. North Korean aggression failed. 
Why? Because President Harry S. Truman 
and the American people, working with the 
forces of the United Nations, supporting 
that great leader, had the courage to help 
the people of South Korea protect their 
homes and protect their country. 

Those peoi)le are helping us in Viet-Nam 
now. Today South Korea is still free and 
thousands of its young men are again fight- 
ing side by side with the Americans to de- 
fend another small country from being 
swallowed up by a more powerful Commu- 
nist neighbor. 

Subversion and Guerrilla Warfare 

Today in South Viet-Nam we are witness 
to another kind of armed aggression. 

It is a war that is waged by men who 
believe that subversion and guerrilla war- 
fare, transported across international bound- 
aries, can achieve what conventional armies 
could not. 

They believe that in the long run a mod- 
ern scientific and industrial nation such as 



ours is helpless to defend a smaller and 
weaker country against the imported terror 
of guerrilla warfare. 

That is what is going on there. The Com- 
munist guerrillas, the Viet Cong, choose 
their targets carefully. They aim at the 
heart of a struggling nation by murdering 
the schoolteachers, by murdering the agri- 
cultural extension workers, by killing the 
health workers, by assassinating the mayors 
and their families. 

In 196:1 alone the Communists killed or kid- 
naped 12,000 South Vietnamese civilians. 
That is equivalent to wiping out the entire 
population of Columbus, Nebraska, or Alli- 
ance County, or one out of every 25 citizens 
that live in this great city of Omaha. 

If by such methods the agents of one na- 
tion can go out and hold and seize power 
where turbulent change is occurring in an- 
other nation, our hope for peace and order 
will suffer a crushing blow all over the 
world. It will be an invitation to the would- 
be conqueror to keep on maixhing. That is 
why the problem of guerrilla warfare — the 
problem of Viet-Nam — is a critical threat to 
peace not just in South Viet-Nam, but in all 
of this world in which we live. 

Let there be no doubt about it: Those who 
say this is merely a South Vietnamese "civil 
war" could not be more wrong. The warfare 
in South Viet-Nam was started by the gov- 
ernment of North Viet-Nam in 1959. 

It is financed, it is supported, by an in- 
creasing flow of men and arms from the 
North into the South. It is directed and it 
is led by a skilled pi-ofessional staff of North 
Vietnamese, and it is supported by a very 
small minority of the population of South 

The military tactics are difl^erent. The na- 
ture of the fighting is different. But the ob- 
jective is the same as we found it in Korea. 
The objective is what? The objective is to 
conquer an independent nation by the force 
and power of arms. Might makes right, so 
think these Communist invaders. 

Well, the war took a new turn in 1964. 
The North Vietnamese decided to step up 
the conflict in the hope of an early victory. 

They recruited and drafted more young men 
from the Communist areas of the South. 

They slipped across the borders of South 
Viet-Nam more than three divisions of the 
North Vietnamese Regular Army. Today 
there are more than three North Vietnamese 
divisions fighting in South Viet-Nam. 

They built all-weather roads. The trails 
turned into boulevards to replace the jungle 
trails they had once used. They began send- 
ing troops in by trucks rather than on foot. 

They shifted over to heavy weapons, using 
imported ammunition, most of it coming 
from Communist China. 

By any definition you want to use — any 
definition — any lawyer can tell you this: This 
is armed aggression, the philosophy that 
might makes right. 

The Turning Tide 

America's purpose is to convince North 
Viet-Nam that this kind of aggression is too 
costly, that this kind of power cannot suc- 

We have learned from their prisoners, 
their defectors, and their captured docu- 
ments that the Hanoi government really 
thought a few months ago that conquest was 
in its grasp. But the free men have rallied 
to pi-event this conquest from succeeding. 

In the past 15 months our actions and 
those of our fighting allies of Korea, Aus- 
tralia, New Zealand, and the Philippines, and 
the courage of the people of South Viet-Nam, 
have already begun to turn the tide. 

The casualties of the Viet Cong and the 
North Vietnamese forces are three times 
larger than those of the South Vietnamese 
and their allies. 

Battle after battle is being won by the 
South Vietnamese and by the troops under 
that gallant leader from the United States 
of America, General [William C. | "VV^esty" 
Westmoreland. He is getting some military 
advice on the side from some of our ai-m- 
chair generals in the United States, but it 
looks like he is doing pretty good using his 
own judgment. 

The air attacks on military targets in 
North Viet-Nam have imposed and will con- 

JULY 25, 1966 


tinue to impose a growing burden and a high 
price on those who wage war against the 
freedom of their neighbors. 

In the South, the Vietnamese are deter- 
mined that their own economic development, 
their own social reform and political prog- 
ress cannot wait until the war ends, so they 
are now moving toward constitutional gov- 

For the past 2 months the political strug- 
gles in South Viet-Nam have been drama- 
tized in our newspapers. They have been 
published on our television screen every day. 

But all during this time, the Vietnamese 
citizens, representing every important group 
in the society, have been quietly meeting in 
orderly assembly. They have formulated 
rules for their elections. The rules have been 
accepted with only minor modifications by 
the Government in Saigon. 

In the provinces and villages, the Viet- 
namese have gone on building schools for 
their children, improving health facilities 
and agricultural methods, and taking the 
first steps toward land reform. 

We can take heart from all of this. We are 
backing the Vietnamese not only in their de- 
termination to save their country; we are 
supporting their determination to build, to 
construct a modern society in which the Gov- 
ernment will be their government, reflecting 
the will of the people of South Viet-Nam. 

Our Objective in Viet-Nam 

Our objective in Viet-Nam is not war. Our 
objective is peace. 

There is nothing that we want in North 
Viet-Nam. There is nothing we want from 
North Viet-Nam. 

There is nothing we want in Communist 
China. There is nothing the American people 
want from Communist China. 

We have made it very clear by every means 
at our disposal that we wish the killing to 

We have made it very clear that we wish 
negotiations to begin on the basis of inter- 
national agreements made in 1954 and 1962. 

For 37 long days we halted bombing in 
the North in the hope that the government in 

Hanoi would signal its willingness to talk in- 
stead of fight.^ But I regret to tell you that 
no signal came during those 37 days. 

In many more ways than I can now tell 
you here in Omaha, we have explored and we 
are continuing to explore avenues to peace 
with North Viet-Nam. But as of this mo- 
ment, their only reply has been to send more 
troops and to send more guns into the South. 

Until the day they decide to end this ag- 
gression and to make an honorable peace, I 
can assure you that we, speaking for the 
United States of America, intend to carry on. 

No one knows how long it will take. Only 
Hanoi can be the judge of that. No one can 
tell you how much effort it will take. None 
can tell you how much sacrifice it will take. 
No one can tell you how costly it will be. 

But I can, and I do here and now, tell you 
this: The aggression that they are conducting 
will not succeed. The people of South Viet- 
Nam will be given the chance to work out 
their own destiny in their own way, and not 
at the point of a bayonet or with a gun at 
their temple. 

I hear my friends say, "I am troubled," "I 
am confused," "I am frustrated," and all of 
us can understand those people. Sometimes 
I almost develop a stomach ulcer just listen- 
ing to them. 

We all wish the war to end. We all wish 
the troops would come home. But I want 
to see the alternatives and the calculations 
that they have to present that give them a 
better chance to get the troops home than 
the very thing we are doing. 

There is no human being in all this world 
who wishes these things to happen — for 
peace to come to the world — more than your 
President of the United States. 

If you are too busy, or not inclined to 
help, please count 10 before you hurt. We 
must have no doubt today about the deter- 
mination of the American men wearing 
American uniforms, the marines who are out 
there fighting in the wet jungles, wading 
through the rice paddies up to their belts, 
the sailors who are searching the shores and 

* For background, see ibid., Feb. 14, 1966, p. 222. 



patrolling the seas, the airmen who are out 
there facing the missiles and antiaircraft 
guns, carrying out their mission, trying to 
protect your liberty. The least they are en- 
titled to is for you to be as brave as they are 
and to stand ui) and give them the support 
they need here at home. 

These men are not going to fail us. 

The real question is: Are we going to fail 
them? Our staying power is what counts in 
the long and dangerous months ahead. 

The Communists expect us to lose heart. 
The Communists expect to wear us down. 
The Communists expect to divide this na- 
tion. The Communists are not happy about 
the militaiy defeat they are taking in South 

But sometimes they do get encouraged, as 
they said this week, about the dissension in 
the United States of America. They believe 
that the political disagreements in Washing- 
ton, the confusion and doubt in the United 
States, will hand them a victory on a silver 
platter in Southeast Asia. 

Well, if they think that, they are wrong. 
To those who would try to pressure us or 
influence us, mislead us or deceive us, I say 
this afternoon there can be only one decision 
in Viet-Nam, and that is this: 

We will see this through. We shall persist. 
We shall succeed. 

Other Presidents have made the commit- 
ment. I have reaffirmed it. The Congress has 
confirmed it. I plan to do all that I can in my 
own limited way to. see that we not permit 
14 million innocent men, women, and chil- 
dren to fall victims to a savage aggression. 

There are many nations, large and small, 
whose security depends on the reliability of 
the word and the reliability of the power of 
the United States. The word of the United 
States must remain a trust that men can live 
by, can live with, and can depend upon. 

Some day we will all work as friends and 
neighbors to grow more food, to build more 
schools, to heal the sick, to care for the old, 
to encourage the young. 

We have programs in that direction in the 
United States going on now, and we are not 
going to junk them. But we are not going to 

tuck our tail and run out of South Viet-Nam 

History is not made by nameless forces. 
History is made by men and women, by their 
governments and their nations. 

This nation, working with others, must 
demonstrate in Viet-Nam that our commit- 
ment to freedom and peace is not a fragile 
thing. It can — and it will — sustain the major 
test and any test that may confront it. 

With your support — with your faith — we 
will fulfill America's duty. 

We have a proud and a glorious heritage. 
We are going to be true to it. 

U.S. Reports to U.N. on Actions 
Taken Against North Viet-Nam 

U.S./U.N. press release 4884 

FoUoiv'mg is the text of a letter from Ar- 
thur J. Goldberg, U.S. Representative to the 
United Nations, to Frank Corner, President 
of the U.N. Security Council during June. 

June 30, 1966 
Dear Mr. President: Pursuant to our 
policy of reporting to the Security Council 
periodically on the situation in Southeast 
Asia, I wish to submit the following infor- 

In recent days, my Government has been 
required to take further steps to counter and 
limit the increased intensity of North Viet 
Nam's aggression against the Republic of 
Viet Nam. Specifically, on June 29, after 
consulting the Government of the Republic 
of Viet Nam, the United States sent its air- 
craft to attack the largest petroleum facili- 
ties in North Viet Nam — those located near 
Hanoi and Haiphong. This action has been 
made necessary by a substantial increase in 
the level of infiltration of armed men and 
war supplies from North Viet Nam into 
South Viet Nam — an increase in which pe- 
troleum products have been a key factor. 

The increased intensity of North Viet 
Nam's aggression against the Republic of 

JULY 25, 1966 


Viet Nam is attested to by the following 
facts : 

1. Enemy truck movements to South Viet 
Nam have doubled during the first five 
months of 1966, compared with the same 
period in 1965. 

2. The daily tonnage of supplies moved 
overland has increased 150 percent and per- 
sonnel infiltration has increased 120 percent 
during 1966, compared with 1965 averages. 

3. The rate of infiltration of North Viet- 
namese military personnel into South Viet 
Nam is estimated to have increased during 
this year by more than 100 percent com- 
pared to 1965. 

In all these war activities against the 
South, petroleum has played a key role. Fur- 
ther evidence of the importance of petro- 
leum to North Viet Nam's war activities is 
found in the actions North Viet Nam has 
taken to construct new infiltration routes 
and improve existing ones, often outside its 
own borders. The purpose of these actions 
is unmistakable: North Viet Nam wishes to 
have available for use in all types of 
weather roads which will permit the infiltra- 
tion by truck into South Viet Nam of arms, 
military supplies and armed personnel re- 
quired to carry on the increased tempo of 
its military operations in the South. 

In the recent attacks on petroleum facili- 
ties, every eflFort has been made to prevent 
harm to civilians and to avoid destruction 
of non-military facilities. The petroleum fa- 
cilities attacked were located away from the 
population centers of both Hanoi and Hai- 
phong. The pilots were carefully instructed 
to take eveiy precaution so that only mili- 
tary targets would be hit. Moreover, to 
assure accuracy, the attacks have been 
scheduled only under weather conditions 
permitting clear visual sighting. Unfortu- 
nately, no such discrimination and concern 
for civilian life is to be found in the be- 
havior of the communists in Viet Nam, a 
fact clearly demonstrated by their record of 
terrorism and assassination of innocent 

It is a tragedy for all Vietnamese — north- 
erners as well as southerners — that repeated 
and increased efforts, by my Government 
and many others, to open negotiations and 
turn from fighting to talking have been 
answered from North Viet Nam only by the 
increased tempo of their military build-up 
and military operations against South Viet 

Despite this tragedy, the United States 
will continue its search for peace in Viet 
Nam. Our policies to achieve this goal re- 
main constant and unchanged: 

We seek limited objectives in Viet Nam. 
We do not seek to change or destroy the 
Government of North Viet Nam, nor do we 
seek to destroy or injure its people; we do 
not seek to turn South Viet Nam into a per- 
manent military ally of the West; we do 
not seek to develop permanent military 
bases in South Viet Nam. Our sole objective 
is to help the people of South Viet Nam pre- 
vent the success of the aggression being 
waged against them from the North and to 
permit them the opportunity to shape their 
own destiny — free of coercion — by choosing 
the political and economic institutions under 
which they wish to live. We seek an end both 
to bombing and to infiltration, to killing and 
terrorism, and to every form of violence by 
all forces involved. We know already from 
two aerial bombing pauses, the most recent 
thirty-seven days long, that it is not enough 
to stop the bombing over North Viet Nam 
while the war in all its other manifestations 
continues. It is the war, not just the bomb- 
ing, that should come to an end. 

A peaceful solution to the problem must 
be found. This could be accomplished 
through reconvening the Geneva Confer- 
ence in order to reaflfirm and revitalize the 
Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962 as the 
basis for peace in Southeast Asia, or in some 
other forum. 

I wish to request that this letter be circu- 
lated as a Security Council document. 

Sincerely yours, 

Arthur J. Goldberg 



Acting Secretary Ball's News Conference of July 6 

Pr«es release 169 dated July 6 

Acting Secretary Ball: Good morning, 
ladies and gentlemen. I have no set pieces to 
speak this morning. Secretary Rusk, as you 
know, is expected to return to Washington 
on late Saturday afternoon. In the meantime, 
we have no problems. 

Q. Ready for questions, Mr. Secretary? 

A. Yes, please. 

Q. As you know. President Johnson said 
yesterday ' that diplomatic reports indicated 
that the Communists no longer expect to 
achieve a military victory in Viet-Nam. 
Would you be able to tell us whether this 
conclusion is based on any specific instances 
of hard intelligence, or is it just a general 
impression gathered through diplomatic con- 

A. As you know, we have a good many 
sources of information about the situation 
in North Viet-Nam, about the attitude of 
the leaders of the Hanoi regime — through 
intelligence sources, some hard, some not so 
hard; through diplomatic channels of other 
nations that do have representation in Hanoi. 

I think it is only natural that the leaders 
in Hanoi would at some point come to the 
conclusion that their chances of succeeding 
in the military field were not very good. 

Certainly what we have seen is a very con- 
vincing demonstration that American mili- 
tary power can be applied under the extraor- 
dinarily difficult conditions of terrain in 
South Viet-Nam, and we have seen clear indi- 
cations that the bombing against military 

' At his news conference at the LBJ Ranch in 
Texas on July 5. 

targets in North Viet-Nam has very materi- 
ally raised the cost to the North Vietnamese 
regime in carrying on their aggression. So 
that we were not surprised that there has 
been information coming back through sev- 
eral channels from North Viet-Nam within 
the past few weeks, and more particularly 
within the past few days, which indicates 
that the North Vietnamese at long last are 
coming to the realization that they are not 
going to have military success in the South. 
So far as we are concerned, the sooner 
they come to that firm decision, the better, 
from their own point of view as well as 
from the point of view of the rest of the 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the North Vietnamese 
have committed a number of their torpedo 
boats to action in the last few days, and 
today 27 to 29 missiles. I wonder, sir, do you 
see this as a political decision to commit 
what remaining military strength they have 
to battle at this time, or perhaps as acts of 

A. Well, I suppose that it does reflect a 
sense of increasing pressure — the fact that 
they have defensive military equipment, that 
they want to use it, because they feel that 
the actions which have been taken against 
North Viet-Nam are beginning on a cumu- 
lative basis to hurt them very much, and 
therefore they are committing more and 
more of what they have and committing it 
not very successfully, either, as the events 
of the past few days would testify to. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I was intrigued about 
your remark about the last few days we are 

JULY 25, 1966 


getting information. Does this mean there is 
some truth in the report in the French m,aga- 
zine yesterday about Ho Chi Minh saying 
that North Viet-Nam did not expect to con- 
tinue to fight alone through mid-1967? 

A. We have no confirmation at all of the 
Enterprise story. When I say in the last few 
days, that does not necessarily mean there 
have been decisions taken in the past few 
days, but it does mean we have been re- 
ceiving some information in the past few 
days which does not necessarily reflect any 
decisions or any abrupt change in mood but 
simply a kind of result of a cumulative 

Q. Mr. Secretary, can I change the sub- 
ject for a minute ? Now that Professor Bowie 
and Mr. Owen ^ are in rather key 2)0sts in the 
State Department, does this mean sort of a 
reaffi7-mation of the administration's interest 
in "Atlanticism" and perhaps the multilat- 
eral force? 

A. Well, there certainly has been no dim- 
inution of the administration's interest in 
the development of strong institutions for 
cooperation within the Atlantic world. 

As far as the multilateral force is con- 
cerned, I think we have made our position 
clear on that. That was one of several pro- 
posals that have been put forward as possi- 
ble arrangements to permit the nonnuclear 
powers in NATO to have some participation 
in their own nuclear defense. The question 
as to how that should be accomplished re- 
mains unfinished business. It is a matter 
upon which we are continuing to work. 

But I would not read anything special into 
Mr. Bowie's appointment. He is a man of 
high competence who has been serving as an 
adviser, a consultant, to the Department of 

' At his news conference on July 5, President John- 
son announced that he was nominating Robert B. 
Bowie, professor of international relations and direc- 
tor of the Center for International Affairs at Har- 
vard University, to be Counselor of the Department 
of State. Henry D. Owen is Chairman of the Policy 
Planning Council of the Department. 

State. We are delighted that he is going to 
come on board. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Senator Thruston Mor- 
ton is suggesting a blockade be established 
of oil tankers going to North Viet-Nam — not 
a blockade of food or clothing or medicine 
and the likes of that but of easily identifiable 
oil tankers. Do you think this proposal has 
merit ? 

A. Well, there are many proposals for 
additional actions that we might take in an 
effort to raise the cost to the North Viet- 
namese of obtaining necesssary supplies to 
conduct the war. This is one of them. I 
would not want to comment on the military 
advantages or disadvantages of it. Obviously 
it raises some very big political questions. 

Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons 

Q. Mr. Secretary, reporters in Texas have 
been led to understand that the President's 
reference yesterday to a compromise on the 
nonproliferation treaty was notice to the 
Russians that ive were prepared to modify 
the language of our draft treaty. I toonder, 
sir, is the State Department preparing a neiv 
draft treaty? 

A. Well, we have tabled a draft ^ at 
Geneva, as you know. The British have 
tabled a draft. We are constantly looking at 
what might be done in the way of changes 
in language that would facilitate an agree- 
ment at Geneva. 

At the same time we are very determined 
that we are not going to invite the Soviet 
Union to sit at the NATO table and deter- 
mine NATO nuclear policy. 

So that we have — this is a matter which 
we are not going to decide on a unilateral 
basis. Whatever kind of agreement is tabled 
there — draft agreement — is going to be one 
which is fully satisfactory to the other na- 
tions which are particularly interested. 

' For background and texts of the draft treaty 
and amendments, see Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1965, 
p. 466, and Apr. 25, 1966, p. 675. 



Q. Do you foresee certain concessions on 
either the European claicse in the draft 
treaty or on the nuclear-hardware-sharing 

A. I think we have made quite clear our 
interest in meeting: what seemed to us to be 
legitimate interests on the part of the non- 
nuclear countries in Europe in having- a 
share in the management of their nuclear 
defense. The exact ways in which that may 
be accomplished are not finally determined, 
and meanwhile we do not want to foreclose 
possible options. 

What is quite clear — and this is something 
that we must insist upon — is that the draft 
treaty that we have now tabled does not in 
any way permit proliferation, because, as 
we see proliferation, it means adding to the 
number of nations that have national nu- 
clear deterrents, and this we are not pro- 
posing to do. So that we find no legitimate 
objection to the language that we have 

To the extent that the objections to it may 
stem from a desire to interfere in other ar- 
rangements within the NATO organization 
among the NATO countries that do not con- 
stitute proliferation, we have made it clear 
that we are not proposing to acquiesce in 

At the same time, if problems can be cured 
bj' some modification of language, obviously 
this is something that we will work at and 
we are continuing to work at. And it may 
well be that we will have some suggestions, 
further suggestions, to make. 

Search for Political Solution in Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary, some of the critics are 
charging that the administration, by bomb- 
ing the oil installations, is noiv committed to 
a policy of total military victory in Viet- 
Nam. What can you say about this? 

A. Well, I would say that the efforts that 
we have been making and are continuing to 
make to probe every possible avenue whereby 
a political solution might be achieved directly 
negates those charges. 

The President made clear yesterday that 
what we are doing is looking for the ways 
and means to find a political solution which 
will be consistent with the objectives that 
we have set for ourselves in South Viet-Nam 
and which have been set for us by the com- 
mitments that we have made there. We will 
continue to do so. We have always regarded 
the military effort as in aid of a political 
solution, and that is the position today. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us ivhat 
the purpose of Secretary [of Defense Robert 
S.J McNamara's visit is to Honolulu? 

A. J\ is just one in a long series of con- 
sultations on all aspects of the struggle in 
South Viet-Nam, not merely the military 
cost, which was being imposed upon North 
aspect but progress that is being made on 
the economic side, and also to have a report 
on the progress which the South Vietnamese 
are making in the political process which 
they are carrying forward looking toward 
the development of a broadly based govern- 

Q. Mr. Secretary, are these political intel- 
ligence reports you are getting from Hanoi 
as hazy as you make them sound, or is there 
some intimation that there may be a willing- 
ness to negotiate? 

A. I would not read too much into them. 
What I said was that we had many channels 
by which we were able to gain information 
about prevailing attitudes. 

Now, a prevailing attitude is one thing. Its 
translation into a political decision is an- 
other. And I would not read too much into 
these things. But they are encouraging; they 
are not only encouraging, but they are quite 
to be expected, because it seems to us rather 
extraordinary that the regime in Hanoi has 
not recognized even long before this that 
there was no future in its military opera- 
tions in the South and that they could not 
have military success there. 

Q. Does this mean a change from the vieiv 
that has been so prevalent here — that Hanoi 
expects the President is going to be repudi- 

JULY 25, 1966 


U.S. Suspends Diplomatic 
Relations With Argentina 

Department Statement * 

The United States regrets the break in con- 
tinuity of democratic constitutional government 
in Argentina. We are followang developments 
there carefully. Diplomatic relations are sus- 
pended in keeping vi^ith the international prac- 
tice in such cases, and officials of the U.S. 
Embassy in Buenos Aires will have no formal 
contact with the new Argentine government un- 
til further notice. Consultations will be under- 
taken with other members of the Organization 
of American States in accordance with the pro- 
visions of Resolution 26 of the 1965 Rio 

' Read to news correspondents by a Depart- 
ment spokesman on June 28. 

ated at the polls and that the war will col- 
lapse in Washington as it once collapsed in 
Paris? Have we abandoned that theory? 

A. I think that one of the elements that 
may be delaying a political decision in Hanoi 
is its misreading of the situation in the 
United States. After all, the leaders in Hanoi 
are scarcely familiar with the operation of 
an open society such as ours, of a society in 
which democratic process does prevail, in 
which there -is a very high measure of free 
speech. And consequently I think that they 
do tend to misread this, and that this has 
been one of the problems in their coming to 
a full realization of what the prospects were 
that they faced. 

Questions Concerning Latin America 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there are several unre- 
solved questions concerning Latin America. 
One of them is the recognition of the Argen- 
tine military government, and the other is 
tvhether rve favor or not the removal of the 
conference from Buenos Ai7-es and the pend- 
ing summit conference. I wonder if you 
would address yourself to those? 

A. First, on the question of i-ecognition; as 
you know, following the change of govern- 
ment in Brazil, at the conference — the Rio 
conference in November of 1965 — there was 
a resolution, Resolution 26, which provided 
for consultation among the OAS [Organiza- 
tion of American States] countries on the 
question of recognition when there was a 
change in government. This consultation is 
now going forward. Some governments have 
recognized, or may recognize within the next 
few days. We are continuing our consulta- 
tions, and when that process is completed, 
we will make our own decision. 

Now, on the question of the foreign min- 
isters conference, we continue to favor a 
foreign ministers conference. The foreign 
ministers conference has been set, I think, 
for the 29th of August. And where that will 
be held is a matter for the OAS to decide, 
and we are not expressing any opinion on 
that today. 

As far as the summit conference is con- 
cerned, you will recall that President John- 
son said yesterday that he thought that there 
might be very useful possibilities of a sum- 
mit conference and therefore we look with 
favor upon a well-prepared summit confer- 
ence at some point later on. 

Attitude in Hanoi 

Q. Mr. Secretary, just another try at that 
new attitude in Hanoi. Could you tell us how 
this is being expressed? We don't see it in 
what they are saying out loud. Are these 
private attitudes? Is it evidence of dissension 
among them, or are they appealing for help 
from Peiping? 

A. No, no, these are the reports of ob- 
servers in Hanoi who are there in different 
capacities, the impressions that they have 
from the conversations that they have with 
people within the regime and outside of it. 

Q. Is one of the elements feeding this im- 
pression a so7-t of desperate call for help, or 
is it dissension among the North Vietnannese 
leaders about — 



A. I have no very clear information as to 
what foini it may be taking as far as the in- 
ternal workings of the regime are concerned. 
But all I'm reporting to you today is that 
we do have a quite clear impression, from 
the information that is coming back through 
many channels, that there is a change in 
sentiment not only within the government, 
but it's reflected in a greater war-weariness 
among the people and a greater concern that 
the bright hopes that they had been led to 
have earlier are frustrated — have been frus- 

Q. Has this set us to thinking about try- 
ing to hold out a carrot as well as the stick? 

A. We have from the beginning in our 
diplomatic probing tried to explore all the 
possibilities for a political settlement of this. 
We will continue to do so. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, hoiv do you evaluate re- 
ports of possible Chinese Communist inter- 
vention on the ground in Viet-Nam and Laos 
and Cambodia ? 

A. Reports that it has occurred or will 

Q. No, that it may occur. 

A. We see no evidence that it's likely to 
occur. I think that it's well enough known 
that there are in North Korea some construc- 
tion battalions working on the railroads — 
Chinese. I mean — I beg your pardon — in 
North Viet-Nam, some construction bat- 
talions working on the railroads and per- 
forming other tasks of that kind. They are 
not combat forces. We see no evidence that 
there is likely to be under present circum- 
stances a decision by the Chinese to intervene 
in any other way. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us anything 
about the bilateral talks in Paris between 
the United States and France, the bilateral 
agreements, and in this connection ivhat Mr. 
Bohlen [Charles E. Bohlen, U.S. Ambassador 
to Fra^ice'] and Mr. Cleveland [Harlan Cleve- 

land, U.S. Representative on the NATO 
Co2incil] are doing here? 

A. Well, Mr. Bohlen and Mr. Cleveland are 
coming back — I think they are here today — 
for some conversations about just how we are 
going to continue to cari-y on these bilateral 
discussions which are largely on the — so far 
as the bilaterals are concerned — on the 
rather technical basis of arrangements for 
moving our own men and facilities out of 

But also we must also discuss with them 
the question of the conduct of the multi- 
lateral talks which will concern not only us 
but the other NATO members in a very di- 
rect way. And I think it's only natural that 
at this point we should have this kind of a 
conversation to make sure that we are all 
on the same wicket as far as this is con- 

President de Gaulle's Moscow Visit 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you see — did you see 
any results from President de Gaulle's Mos- 
cow visit which you thought further damaged 
the unity of the Atlantic alliance? 

A. Not so far. The impression we have 
had of the visit was that President de Gaulle 
expressed his views and the Soviet Union ex- 
pressed its views. There did not seem to be 
a wide measure of agreement on any new 
initiatives or new policies in the declaration, 
the communique, that was issued after the 

Q. Did you — would you give us your inter- 
pretation of that portion of their com- 
munique in which they talked about in the 
first instance European participation in a 
European settlement? How do you interpret 

A. I don't think this is anything very new. 
There have been expressions before, both 
on the part of the French Government and 
the Soviet Government, along this line. The 
imin-ession we had is that General de Gaulle 
made very clear, however, that he didn't 

JULY 25, 1966 


think that there could be any final settlement 
in Europe unless the United States were in- 
volved because of the extent of our interests 
there. And certainly this is the feeling, I 
know, which is shared by the other members 
of NATO. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do we have any reason 
for believing that Soviet or other Eastern 
European tankers may he on the way to 
Haiphong to unload fuel, and do loe have 
any thoughts as to how they can unload that 
fuel if we have destroyed those facilities? 

A. If they can't unload in Haiphong-, they 
may unload in Chinese ports and have the 
fuel brought in by railroad. This is one of 
the possibilities. But I have no specific in- 
formation of the kind you asked about. 

Problem of Nuclear Test Inspection 

Q. Mr. Secretary — 

A. Yes, sir? 

Q. To return to the disarmament question, 
do yoii see more hope for progress on a com- 
prehensive test ban treaty than on a non- 
proliferation treaty? 

A. A comprehensive test ban treaty has 
always suflFered from the same problem, 
which is the problem of how there can be 
adequate inspection in order to provide ade- 
quate safeguards. This is a problem we keep 
working at continually to see to what extent 
technological developments may have given 
us ability to obtain that assurance with less 
on-the-spot inspections. But we haven't any- 
thing that we are prepared to put forward 
at this point along this line. And when you 
talk about comparative rates of progress on 
these, I think it's very difficult to hazard a 

So far as we are concerned on the non- 
proliferation agreement, we have put for- 
ward a draft treaty in Geneva which meets 
any reasonable standard with regard to the 
prohibition of proliferation. And we have a 
feeling that it's largely extrinsic, extraneous 
political considerations on the part of the 
Soviet Union that are influencing them not 

to agree. However, as I said a moment ago, 
we will continue to examine the possibility 
that there may be some language that might 
be found which would facilitate an agree- 
ment on their part. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Fidel Castro was back 
making a speech recently and holding an 
interview, and he says the State Depart- 
ment's questioning of his political status is 
ridiculous. What is your impression of his 
political status at the moment in his own 
country ? 

A. I think it's very hard for me to hazard 
any guess. He is probably a pretty good 
judge of what his own political status may 

Q. Mr. Secretary — 

A. Yes, sir? 

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us what is 
it exactly that has brought about this re- 
ported change in attittide that you speak of 
in North Viet-Nam ? 

Situation in North Viet-Nam 

A. Well, I think that if you were in North 
Viet-Nam and looked at the total situation, 
it would be rather surprising if you didn't 
come to that view. In the first place, there 
has been, at least for the time being, very 
serious progress made in bringing about a 
reconciliation of the different groups in South 
Viet-Nam who were competing politically and 
where the competition was resulting in tur- 
bulence. That turbulence has been eliminated 
and the groups seem to be working to- 

So that if I were in North Viet-Nam, look- 
ing at this situation, I would say there 
doesn't seem to be any real prospect of a 
collapse of the political base for the eflfort 
that the South Vietnamese are making. Then 
if I looked at the rate of attrition of the 
Viet Cong forces, I would be veiy depressed, 
indeed. And then if I looked at the increased 
cost which was being imposed upon North 
Viet-Nam in order to continue to supply and 
support the effort in the South, I would be 



even more depressed. 

So, as I say, if you add up these cumulative 
sources of depression, it seems only reason- 
able that you would expect this kind of an 
attitude. And particularly if they were be- 
ginning to lose hope of a failure of will on 
the part of the United States. And I think 
that the vigorous expressions and the 
vigorous actions by the United States, the 
magnificent, truly magnificent, display of 
valor and aVMlity on the part of the American 
Armed Forces in the South, that they 
wouldn't expect that we would come to any 
national decision to quit. Therefore, why 
shouldn't there be a change in attitude? This 
is perfectly normal and natural to expect. 

Q. They} it icas not the byproduct of the 
raids at Hanoi and Haiphong? 

A. I think that is only one further step in 
a cumulative building u]) of pressure by rais- 
ing the cost of conducting the war in the 

Q. Mr. Secretary — 

Q. By inference, Mr. Secretary — 

A. Yes, this gentleman here, please. 

NATO Policy 

Q. Coming back to this question of NATO 
and France's ivithdrawal from it, do you feel 
that NATO should noiv be carried on on the 
same basis and with the same responsibili- 
ties and tasks as before ivith lU members, or 
do you feel that there is a need and a willing- 
ness on the part of the United States to adapt 
NATO to the changed conditions in Europe, 
or otherwise do you prefer the European al- 
lies to come forivard with sort of a sugges- 
tion in this respect? 

A. Well, this isn't a decision for us alone. 
Obviously, we are one of 14 nations that are 
working together within NATO at the 
moment, within the organization, and I think 
that there has been a very clearly expressed 
deteiTnination on the part of all of the 14 to 
carry forward. 

Now, this doesn't mean that there may not 

be changes in the command arrangements, 
the structural arrangements, within the or- 
ganization. I think there certainly will l)e a 
greater emphasis as a result of the Brussels 
meeting'' on the utility of NATO as an in- 
strument for bringing about a common pur- 
pose, looking toward the ultimate solution of 
the East-West problems. And this is, if you 
like, not so much a new element as a shift in 
emi)hasis, a greater emphasis on this particu- 
lar aspect of NATO policy. 

Q. If I may just follow this up, Mr. Sec- 
retary, you see no possibility then of coming 
forward with any kind of revision that 
might in any way meet the point of vietv of 
the French with regard to NATO's obliga- 
tions and operations ? 

A. I see no possibility of that. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the other pact over 
there, the Warsa^v Pact, could you discuss 
some of their discussions going on now? 
How you see it at this point ? 

A. Well, as you know, they have been hav- 
ing a meeting which has not yet produced a 
declaration. When we see it, we may know 
more about what their decisions may be. 

Q. Well, could you tell us some of the 
elements of their problems as you see them 
from here? 

A. Well, I think we can see the problems 
from our point of view. The problems from 
their point of view may look rather differ- 
ent. That there has been a development of 
dissension within the NATO ranks, within 
the Warsaw Pact ranks, I think has been 
clear. But I don't think it is particularly use- 
ful for us to comment on it because these are 
highly sensitive problems, and I think that 
for us to inject ourselves into an argument 
of that kind isn't very helpful. 

Q. Mr. Secretary — 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. — is there any evidence that this ivar- 

* For background, see ibid., June 27, 1966, p. 1001, 
antl July 4, 1966, p. 7. 

JULY 25, 1966 


weariness or the depression is having an 
effect on their war effort? 

A. I don't think it is for me to comment 
on that. I think Secretary McNamara might 
have some impressions. Certainly, up to this 
point, the monsoon offensive which had been 
rather expected has not come off. But to 
what extent this may be related to psycho- 
logical factors of this kind, I don't think I 
should try to suggest. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you pointed out earlier 
that this is a general attitude that you are 
speaking about in Hanoi and that a political 
decision, based on the general attitude, is 
another matter. 

A. That is right. 

Q. I am stire that you are hopeful that 
there would be such a political decision soon. 
But the question I'd like to ask you is 
whether you are optimistic that there ivill be 
such a decision soon. 

A. Well, I don't know quite what "soon" 
means and I think it is very dangerous to 
tiy to be a prophet in this situation. I don't 
want this morning to create an overly opti- 
mistic picture. I am merely suggesting that 
there are some elements which we are per- 
ceiving which we haven't perceived before. 
You are quite right in emphasizing the point 
I made earlier, that there is a substantial 
difference between a psychological attitude 
or mood and a political decision. When that 
political decision will come, what form it 
will take, how it will come, it is not for me 
to say. It may be quite a long time off. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, isn't it — / am trying to 
understand the reasons why there should be 
an expression of even limited optimism. I 
was wondering whether it is not possible 
that that kind of expression, coming from 
Washington, might become a political factor 
in Hanoi, leading them away from any kind 
of political decision? 

A. That is the reason I have been so very 
discreet this morning. 

Q. Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. 

Mr. Komer Reports to President 
on Civil Programs in Viet-Nam 

White House press release (San Antonio, Tex.) dated July 2 

Robert W. Komer, Special Assistant to 
the President, returned on June 29 from his 
most recent trip to South Viet-Nam. He met 
with the President on June 30 to discuss his 
observations and recommendations concern- 
ing the program of revolutionary develop- 
ment in South Viet-Nam. The President 
asked him for a full report to be sent to the 
ranch July 1. Following are the highlights of 
that report: 

— Prime Minister Ky's devaluation of June 
18, which should help to contain inflation. 
Some prices have risen in the immediate 
aftermath, as is to be expected in the con- 
fusion attending any such dramatic move 
and as the piaster cost of imports has been 
increased; but prices should soon level off. 
At the President's instruction Mr. Komer 
assured the GVN [Government of the Re- 
public of Viet-Nam] that, our Congress will- 
ing, we would continue to back it up with 
the high level of economic aid needed to off- 
set the impact of war. 

—Both the GVN and we are devoting 
great efforts to reducing the congestion in 
Saigon port and speeding up the flow of 
goods into the economy. The port and other 
unloading facilities are already handling 
roughly double the tonnage handled at the 
same time last year. New projects and meas- 
ures already underway will permit a further 
steady increase in capacity. 

— We are also improving the efficiency of 
our economic aid program, strengthening our 
AID [Agency for International Develop- 
ment] team in Saigon, and working out with 
the GVN a series of measures designed to 
free up the import system and reduce profit- 
eering and waste. 

— The extent of our public health and med- 
ical assistance programs is not generally rec- 
ognized. Some 1.3 million inoculations for 
cholera, smallpox, plague, and other diseases 
were given in 1965 alone. Eighty-three per- 



cent of the population subject to malaria risk 
is now protected. Twenty-six surgical suites 
have been constructed in provincial hospi- 
tals. In the first 5 months of this year alone, 
some 35 free-world medical teams treated 
26,091 patients, conducted 977 mijor and 
2,73-1 minor operations. 

- — Our massive education assistance effort 
is also making an impact on the countryside. 
Over 4,000 hamlet school classrooms have 
been built by AID, plus another 2,500 built 
by village self-help. Almost 5,900 teachers 
have been trained, and 6.7 million elemen- 
tary textbooks distributed. This program is 
roughly halfway toward its goal. 

— There is visible evidence of progress in 
fisheries and agriculture. In Phan Thiet, the 
capital of Binh Thuan Province, the province 
chief proudly showed me the new fishing 
port. With the help of AID-supplied motors 
and fishing gear, Viet-Nam's fish catch has 
increased from 165,000 tons in 1963 to 368,- 
000 tons in 1965. Some 66,000 acres were 
improved by irrigation and water control in 
1965 alone, to bring the amount of newly 
irrigated land to 550,000 acres. 

— As one key indicator of the impact of 
our military and civil efl'orts on Viet Cong 
morale, one could cite the results of the 
GVN's Chi(m Hoi (Open Arms) Returnee 
Program, which we vigorously support. In 
1965 there were over 11,000 Viet Cong de- 

fectors. There have been about 10,000 in the 
first half of 1966 alone. 

— One could continue to cite statistics for 
several pages, including those on the impres- 
sive civic action programs of our own mili- 
tary forces. But the above will give you some 
idea of the magnitude and diversity of our 
effort, and of the progress being made. Yet 
even this is not enough. We should be hope- 
ful and realists. Our Vietnamese allies, with 
our support, still have a long way to go in 
truly pacifying the countryside, ending the 
Viet Cong terror, and providing Viet-Nam's 
war-ravaged people with security and a bet- 
ter life. So the Vietnamese Government in- 
tends to step up its Revolutionary Develop- 
ment Program, and informed me of several 
measures being considered to this end. In 
turn. Ambassadors | Henry CabotJ Lodge 
and [William J.] Porter join me in recom- 
mending yet further actions to strengthen 
our own support of this program, which we 
— like you — regard as fully comparable in 
importance to our joint effort to defeat 
aggression. We shall be making such recom- 
mendations to you in the days and weeks 
ahead. In closing I should like to report on 
the outstanding contribution of our military 
forces — not only in the shooting war but in 
the massive support which they provide to 
the civil reconstruction effort in Viet-Nam. 
It could not succeed without them. 

JULY 25. 1966 


"You have in us not merely an understanding friend, but 
one stanch in the belief of the need for our presence with 
you in Viet-Nam. We are not there because of our friend- 
ship; we are there because, like you, we believe it is right 
to be there, and, like you, ive shall stay there as long 03 
seems necessary . . . ." 

Prime Minister Holt 

United States and Australia Reaffirm Common Goals 

Prime Minister Harold E. Holt of Aus- 
tralia visited the United States June 28- 
July 6. Folloiving is the text of an exchange 
of greetings between President Johnson and 
Prime Minister Holt at a ivelcoming cere- 
mony on the South Lawn of the White House 
on June 29, together with an exchange of 
toasts at a White House luncheon that day. 


White House press release dated June 29 

President Johnson 

Mr. Prime Minister and Mrs. Holt: We 
greet you this morning as friend and part- 
ner. It is a very genuine pleasure to welcome 
you and Mrs. Holt and the distinguished 
members of your party to our country. 

My personal ties to your country are as 
deep as a man's can be. During the war I 
found among you openhearted friendship 
when I was far from home. Now, once again, 
our two nations are fighting side by side in 
the defense of freedom. 

The first thing that I read every morning 
are the battle reports from Viet-Nam. I want 
you to know that I follow the exploits of 
4,500 Australians fighting there with the 
same interest and concern as those of our 
own men. Mr. Prime Minister, I take great 
pride in their courage and their dedication. 

I derive great strength from the sacrifices 
they are making. 

You in Australia know that in Viet-Nam 
we are meeting a challenge which just must 
be met. It must be met because it is always 
dangerous to let aggression succeed. It must 
be met because our SEATO [Southeast Asia 
Treaty Organization] commitments require 
us to defend the people of South Viet-Nam 
from external attack. 

It must be met because the security of 
Australia and the United States of America 
is directly at stake in preserving the inde- 
pendence and the freedom of the nations of 
Southeast Asia. 

We also know that behind the struggle 
against aggression in Viet-Nam a vital free 
Asia is rapidly emerging. Shielded by the 
courage of the Vietnamese and their allies, 
many Asian countries are driving forward 
with real success in their economic and social 

We all know of the remarkable growth of 
Australia and Japan in recent years. But last 
year the growth rate in South Korea was 8 
percent; in Taiwan it was 7 percent; in 
Malaysia it was 51/2 percent; in Thailand it 
was 6 percent. Growth in Iran has been aver- 
aging better than 6 percent a year. 

Pakistan is rapidly recovering from the 
setback caused by the conflict last year. 

Last week I received word from India 
which moved me greatly. The monsoons have 



begun. It looks as though the rainfall this 
year will be ample and the harvest will be 
good. Witli adequate rainfall, the courageous 
measures of the Indian Government, and the 
support of the world community, I hope and I 
expect that India will surge forward in the 
year ahead. 

Indonesia is turning the corner into the 
most promising phase of its postwar histoiy. 

Meanwhile, there is rising in Asia a new 
spirit of regional association and regional 
self-confidence. It was that spirit to which I 
responded and which I tried to encourage in 
the talk I gave in Baltimore in April 1965.' 

Now the dream of an Asian Develojiment 
Bank is a reality, binding up the peoples from 
Tehran to Seoul in a great common enter- 
prise. Work goes forward to develop the 
Mekong Valley despite the conflict close by. 

I know that Australia has for many years 
assumed a major responsibility for the se- 
curity and the development of its region, 
through the Colombo Plan, the Mekong Com- 
mittee, SEATO, and bilateral contributions 
to develoi)ing regions of the area. Our own 
security is heightened because we are joined 
with you in ANZUS [Australia, New 
Zealand, United States Security Treaty]. 

We feel a new sense of fellowship and 
common destiny emerging in Asia. We fol- 
lowed with great interest the recent meeting 
in Seoul of the Asian and Pacific Council, in 
which your Government participated. 

Nations that were long isolated from each 
other are now beginning to know each other 
and to find new common ground. Old antag- 
onisms are giving way to a new awareness 
that there are great possibilities in working 
together, great challenges to be met, and 
great jobs to be done. 

Above all, Asia is proving once again that 
stability and power are not to be found in 
tyranny and aggressive wars against a neigh- 

Stability and power come from free men 
and free nations working together on behalf 
of the leople. We both know that should we 

For text, see Bulletin of April 26, 1965, p. 606. 

fail in Viet-Nam these new possibilities in 
free Asia would be endangered or destroyed. 

Mr. Prime Minister, as you come this 
morning to this house on your long-awaited 
visit, I wish to tell you and, through you, 
to tell your wonderful peoi)le that we shall 
not fail. We shall persist. We shall succeed. 

The good, brave people of South Viet-Nam 
shall be given their chance to forge their own 
destiny in peace. The free i)eoples of Asia 
shall be given their chance to shape the des- 
tiny of their own region. These are your 
goals in Asia, Mr. Prime Minister, and they 
are also the goals of the United States of 


Prime Minister Holt 

Mr. President and Mrs. Johnson: Thank 
you for your warm welcome, Mr. President. 
You have said warm and generous things 
about Australia and its people. 

What a memorable morning for the Aus- 
tralian people and for an Australian Prime 
Minister. I thank you for the honor which 
by this ceremonial you have accorded to my 
country and you have accorded to me. What 
has been done will be appreciated deeply by 
my people as it is by myself as head of my 

We meet, Mr. President, as heads of gov- 
ernment while our two nations are again 
comrades in arms. This is at least the fourth 
time in this century that Americans and 
Australians have combined together with 
other friendly forces to resist aggression. 
We fought alongside each other in two 
World Wars, and then Australia was the 
first country, I believe, to announce itself 
beside you when America made the historic 
decision to bring its strength to the aid of 
South Korea. 

I say historic decision advisedly, because 
I believe that to have been, Mr. President, 
one of the turning points in human history. 
I believe at that critical point of time was de- 
cided the issue of whether we handed Asia 
over to penetrating aggressive communism, 
or whether we kejit intact a large part of 

JULY 25, 1966 


Asia as member countries of the company of 
free people throughout the world. 

Australia was with you when you decided 
on the decision, critical also to you and to 
us, in South Viet-Nam, another battleground 
against Communist aggression. 

You have spoken of the task force of 
Australians which is now assembled in Sai- 
gon. You will be aware, Mr. President, that 
in other parts of Southeast Asia, Australia 
is making a military contribution, small by 
the standards of your own great country but 
useful in the company in which we find our- 
selves there. 

I know that this task force in South Viet- 
Nam will acquit itself with distinction. The 
men that are serving there are men of 
quality. They are well trained. The First 
Battalion was accorded the highest com- 
mendation by your own leaders and by the 
leaders of South Viet-Nam. The task force 
which follows them will acquit themselves 
with no less courage and distinction. 

The outcome of this struggle is critical for 
the hopes that you and we share for a better 
and more secure way of life for the free 
people of Asia. 

You have spoken of the vital free Asia 
that is emerging. I can speak of this from 
some personal experience; because not merely 
do we have a view from Down Under which 
is perhaps a different perspective from that 
of others in different parts of the world, but 
it has been my own good fortune in recent 
times to have traveled over several of these 
countries of Southeast Asia. 

What has occurred over recent years is a 
transformation. To go through Thailand, 
Malaysia, and even South Viet-Nam itself 
and see the massive support being rendered 
there, see the security, the progress, which 
has been found possible by these other coun- 
tries where communism has successfully 
been held in check — to see these things is to 
give heartening encouragement to go on with 
the job of resisting aggression where we 
find it. 

But it does not take a war to bring Amer- 

icans and Australians close together. We like 
each other. Friendships form quickly be- 
tween us. We have many mutually beneficial 
links: our trade with each other; the invest- 
ment that you make with us with your capi- 
tal. We cooperate in many constructive inter- 
national interests and causes. 

You mentioned, Mr. President, your time 
in Australia 25 years ago. A new Australia 
has arisen since then. When can we see you 
there again? And this time, we hope, with 
Mrs. Johnson and perhaps the whole family. 
You will be encouraged to see the national 
growth in which many American skills and 
resources have assisted. 

Mr. President, we recognize all too clearly 
in my own country that on you personally 
falls the heavy and at times lonely responsi- 
bility of free-world leadership. On your 
country these burdens have been assumed 
in comparatively recent times in terms of 
modern history. But America has shouldered 
those burdens firmly, and you have inspired 
and encouraged us all by the strength of your 
own resolution. 

You know that in Australia you have an 
understanding friend. I am here, sir, not ask- 
ing for anything — an experience which I am 
sure you value at times when it is not so 
frequent as it might be. 

You have in us not merely an understand- 
ing friend, but one stanch in the belief of 
the need for our presence with you in Viet- 
Nam. We are not there because of our friend- 
ship; we are there because, like you, we be- 
lieve it is right to be there, and, like you, we 
shall stay there as long as seems necessary 
in order to achieve the purposes of the South 
Vietnamese Government and the purposes 
that we join in formulating and progressing 

And so, sir, in the lonelier and perhaps 
even more disheartening moments which 
come to any national leader, I hope there will 
be a corner of your mind and heart which 
takes cheer from the fact that you have an 
admiring friend, a stanch friend, that will 
be all the way with L.B.J. 




White House press release date<l June 29 

President Johnson 

Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Vice President, 
gentlemen: It has been said that a poem is 
like a jiictiire — worth a thousand words of 
prose. So today I want to welcome you, Mr. 
Prime Minister, with just a few lines from a 
grand poem. It begins like this: 

I love a sunburnt country, 

A land of swcopinp plains. 
Of ragged mountain range.s. 

Of droug-hts and flooding rains. 
I love her far horizons, 

I love her jeweled sea. 
Her beauty and her terror. 

The wide brown land for me. 

The poem ends: 

Though earth holds many splendours, 

Wherever I may die, 
I know to that brown country 

My homing thoughts will fly. 

Any American who read those words 
would think of our o^\^l broad land, the 
United States. No man from Texas could 
help think of the sunburnt country, the wide 
brown land that we call home. 

An Australian, Mr. Prime Minister, what 
would he think of? Surely of his own home- 
land. For these words were written by an 
Australian about Australia. But it speaks 
from the heart to Americans, also, about 

Our countries could hardly be farther 
apart physically, yet we could hardly be 
closer in spirit, in tradition, in outlook, in 
friendship. As our able Ambassador, Edward 
Clark, has said, we are natural partners. We 
are, both of us, an immigrant people, men 
and women who crossed wide oceans to form 
a new world. 

We found rugged and largely empty con- 
tinents. But we poured ourselves into the 
land. We emerged as great nations. 

Our nature is to work hard and to build 
high. Our nature is to prize the individual 
as our foremost national treasure. Both of 

us believe in government as the servant of 
the peoi)le. Ours is a heritage of human 
rights and of resiionsibility. Our highest hope 
is peace in the world. 

But when duty summons us, we are there. 
We have become accustomed, when duty 
calls, to be there together, as we were in 
North Africa together, in New Guinea to- 
gether, at Savo Island, in Korea, and as we 
stand today shoulder to shoulder in Viet- 

Every American is grateful for the truth 
that so many men of peace have spoken: 
When a fight comes looking for you, it is 
good to have Australians standing and fight- 
ing by your side. 

So today in your capital of Canberra, our 
ministers are meeting as partners in SEATO. 
Tomorrow they will be meeting as partners 
in the ANZUS Treaty. In these, as in most 
other enterprises that occupy us, we are 
closely working together. So, pray God, shall 
it always be. 

Mr. Prime Minister, it gives us a great 
deal of pleasure and happiness to welcome 
you back to the United States. It is a pleasure 
to have you come here in the first house of 
the land to meet with some of our most dis- 
tinguished leaders in Government, business, 
and agriculture as the leader of the Aus- 
tralian people and the Australian Govern- 
ment, as a stanch partner in the common 
cause of peace with justice, and always as 
our very good, warm, and cherished friend. 

We ask you to remember us to one of the 
great friends of the United States, one of 
the world's leading statesmen, your prede- 
cessor. Prime Minister [Robert G.] Menzies. 
He has thrilled us in this room on many occa- 
sions with his eloquence. 

A very wise man once said, "A faithful 
friend is the medicine of life." So, Mr. Prime 
Minister, we fear no illness. 

Gentlemen, I should like for you, my 
friends, to join me in a toast to the dis- 
tinguished Prime Minister of the Common- 
wealth of Australia — Mr. Holt. 

JULY 25, 1966 


Prime Minister Holt 

Mr. President and your many distin- 
guished guests: This is a memorable moment 
that no man who is not completely insensi- 
tive to human affairs could either forget or 
raise as a recollection moving to himself, 
and an occasion which will be received with 
pride by my own country. 

This company around us contains people 
whose names are international words, words 
of distinction, meaningful names contribut- 
ing to the American democracy, which in 
these difficult times has been called upon to 
give leadership to the free people through- 
out the world. 

It is a difficult world. There are many 
complex and difficult situations. In the demo- 
cratic society which we share as inheritors 
of a great democratic tradition, it is good 
that people should express themselves articu- 
lately. But finally there is a point of respon- 
sibility in which experience, judgment, and, 
we hope, wisdom can come together to accept 
the responsibility of leadership which a 
democratic people have entrusted to the head 
of the nation. 

You, sir, cany that responsibility in this, 
the greatest power, economic and military 
power, that the world has ever known. I 
carry it in respect of a small community 
of people but occupying an area of land 
about the same as the United States of 
America — if we leave Alaska out of the pic- 
ture. I don't know why we should leave 
Alaska out of the picture, but it spoils my 
illustration if I can't. But at least there is 
still a lot of countiy left to the two of us. 

I want to say a word or two about that, 
if I may. Before doing so, Mr. President, I 
have mentioned that I have looked around 
this room and have seen many friends and 
many notabilities. One of the closest friends 
is seated at your table. You did great service 
to Australia when you selected Ed Clark to 
be your representative. He has endeared him- 
self to all with whom he has come in contact 
there. I felt that I should start paying the 
Department of State a monthly amount for 
the meals that I have been consuming there. 
At one stage they were so frequent I sug- 

gested he might install me in one of the back 
rooms to save the running time going back- 
wards and forwards. 

In addition, I see those great astronauts 
that you sent out as ambassadors for your 
country. I have one of them here at the table 
with me. In my office in Canberra at this time 
there is a picture of the two of them fitting 
a space helmet onto my grandson. It is one of 
my most treasured possessions. 

Sir, you mentioned a little earlier today 
your visit of 25 years ago. The Australia of 
that time compared with the Australia of 
today is an entirely different country. 

I think you ought to have some under- 
standing of the problems of growth that we 
have faced, because I know at times we have 
our friendly discussions as to whether we 
ought to be doing more, or this, or that. 

We, for our part, want to carry our own 
share of the responsibility which exists 
amongst us in the Southeast Asian region. 

Next week you will be celebrating your 
July 4th, your Declaration of Independence 
Day. I think it is about this week that a great 
British occasion is celebrated, the Magna 
Carta signing at Runnymede. 

On your Independence Day you celebrate 
this notable occasion which is part of the 
heritage of freedom of people who study 
these matters around the world. In the long 
struggle for freedom, the American Declara- 
tion of Indejjendence is an important chap- 

At the time you signed that Declaration, 
you were less than 21/2 million people. When 
the first foundation of Australia occurred 12 
years later, you were less than 4 million peo- 
ple. In those intervening years, you have 
grown to — what — 190-odd millions at the 
present time. 

We, at the end of the two World Wars, 
having sustained about half a million casu- 
alties in those two World Wars, were still 
about 7 million peojile. We set about as 
vigorously as we could to the business of 
building our population and developing a na- 
tion. We were a long way behind you in the 
race. It is not an aspiration of ours to catch 
up; but it is an aspiration of ours to build a 



strong- Australia, a country which can make 
a contribution to tlie art'airs of the world in 
order to preserve, as you wish to preserve, 
the things we stand for. 

We believe we can make a significant con- 
tribution; and the stronger we grow, the 
more jiopuloUs we become, the more we de- 
velop our resources, then the better we think 
that will be for all like-minded people. We 
are busily about that task. 

Although we have — and you mentioned it 
in that poem, I recall — our jn-oblems of 
drought, of flood, economic recession in the 
1930's, and the problems of a country of 
small population with great transportation 
costs, with great tasks of development and 
inadequate capital resources for that develop- 
ment, we are still managing to make pretty 
good progress. 

Today our 11.5 million people have one of 
the highest standards of living in the world. 
I think we rank about third per capita in the 
use of motor cars, if that is a test of a stand- 
ard of living. Unfortunately, we haven't the 
good roads that you have on which to drive 

We have, I think I can claim, the highest 
standard occupancy of houses to be found 
anywhere in the world. It is a good commu- 
nity and a community of fine people. 

We are not lacking, by any means, in re- 
sources. We have, for many years, established 
a high export income which brings this small 
country, in terms of population, amongst the 
12 toj) trading nations in the world. We shall 
improve that rating considerably over the 
years ahead, because we seem to have un- 
covered a Pandora's box of mineral wealth. 

Almost eveiy week that passes turns u]) 
some amazing new discovery. We, with 
American, British, and European capital, are 
now launched on the business of getting that 
mineral production undei^way. 

Could I just give you a couple of illustra- 
tions? It is not so long ago that we felt that 
we should place an embargo on the export 
of iron ore, and we maintained that for 
some years because we felt we needed the 
iron ore for our own domestic steel industry. 
Then they started discovering high-grade 

iron ore by the mountainful. In Western 
Australia currently it is estimated that there 
is somewhere between 15,000 and 18,000 
million tons of iron ore above 60 grade. 

Already the .lapanese have placed orders 
with us for about $2,300 million of this iron 
ore; and inciuiries, in fact orders, have actu- 
ally been taken from the United Kingdom, 
and inquiries from Europe as well. 

We have the largest bauxite deposits in 
the world. Broken Hill has recently been ex- 
ploiting very large manganese deposits. 
There has been a recent new discovery of 
nickel. And so it goes. Our production of cop- 
l)er, lead, and zinc is too well known for me 
to mention here. 

But I do mention these things, Mr. 
President, because you are not going to find 
our country a liability. We have managed to 
stand on our own feet in terms of what we 
have provided for ourselves without turning 
to you for aid at any time, and we intend 
to go on that way. 

Increasingly you will find us capable of 
taking part in the exciting new developments 
that are occuri-ing in Southeast Asia and 
which in turn will have a quite critical bear- 
ing on what happens in Asia as a whole. 

I say exciting new developments because 
you mentioned some of them in what you 
said to us earlier today. I live in the area. 
I have what I call the view from Down 
Under. But I travel a good deal on my own 
official business through the countries to the 
north of us. 

I believe that while attention is being con- 
centrated on the episodic reporting, the day- 
to-day reporting, of what has been going on 
in South Viet-Nam, this country — and indeed 
the rest of the world — has lost sight of the 
fact that there are other countries in the 
region for whom you have been buying time, 
whom you have enabled to build themselves 
in strength, whom you have enabled to 
strengthen their defenses or strengthen their 

Perhaps measured by the achievement of 
a tremendous economic power such as this, 
what occurs amongst these populations with 
relatively primitive industrializations or 

JULY 25, 1966 


economies is of little consequence measured 
statistically, but it means a lot to the people 
in that area and eventually it will mean a lot 
to Asia as a whole. 

I hope you carry this in mind, because for 
anybody who has lived in that region there 
is a new era of hope, of expectation, opening 
up before us. 

The gathering at Seoul just a few weeks 
ago, the atmosphere at the SEATO Con- 
ference, which I formally opened on Monday 
of this week in Canberra — all these things 
and many others that, time pennitting, could 
be mentioned promise a more exciting, posi- 
tive, and constructive future for that area of 
the world. 

Do you believe, does anyone believe, that 
we would have had this hopeful emergence 
of favorable development in Indonesia if it 
had not been for the fact that you were 
sticking on in South Viet-Nam, that it had 
become clear to the whole of Asia that the 
resolution was there and that eventually this 
situation, complex and difficult though we all 
know it to be, will be brought under a degree 
of control which will enable the rest of Asia 
to breathe and go on with its business ? 

We will all be making a contribution to 
those positive, constructive measures which 
you have emphasized repeatedly as the need 
which exists for the world of the future. 

We don't live in a world where victoiy can 
be won and sustained by military means 
alone. In Asia, of all countries, there has to 
be a feeling that there will be a better life, 
that life is to have some meaning for them, 
that the people will be fed, that they will 
be educated, that their health will be at- 
tended to, that there will be this positive and 
constructive side to the efforts which are 
now being made. 

In every military force with which I have 
come in contact in the course of this year, 
of whatever country I have visited, and of 
the friendly forces which are assisting in 
South Viet-Nam, I don't know one in which 
there is not included in the military program 
an active program of civic action and rural 

The cynics and the critics can point to 
inadequacies, failures of achievements, but 
the spirit is there, the sentiment is there, the 
excitement, the dynamism, the movement is 
there. It is something which I have never 
felt in this way in Asia before. 

So, Mr. President, I think you can feel, 
you can claim, that American policies have 
gained much, even at this stage, in Asia and 
there are people there who are today living 
more hopefully, looking more expectantly to 
a brighter future because of what they be- 
lieve to be the intentions of your government. 

I said earlier I am not going to weary you 
by repetition of it now, but our own country 
is there not because we just go along with 
everything that America wants to do. There 
are some people who say that. 

I think Australia has a record as an inde- 
pendent-minded, quite spirited people. But 
we are there not just because you are there. 
My greatest worry, frankly, Mr. President — 
not knowing you as I know you now — when 
you assumed the Presidency was that per- 
haps there might be some weakening in the 
American effort in Viet-Nam. We were 
deeply relieved when we found that in the 
new American President there was the firm- 
ness of resolution, the clarity of recognition 
which assured continued uninterrupted ef- 
fort, indeed, an accelerated and augmented 
effort in this field. 

We are involved far more directly than 
you are. If this area were to go, where then 
do you attempt to hold the line? Perhai^s an 
attempt is made in Thailand, perhaps down 
the neck of the Malay Peninsula. I don't 
think anyone would attach greater confidence 
to our capacity to hold the line in these places 
than where we are trying to hold it today. 

In the meantime, there would have been 
more people overrun, more disaster, more 
destruction. You are right to be where you 
are, and we are right to be there with you. 
That at least, Mr. President, is our con- 

Thank you for what you mean to the peo- 
ple whose hopes rest with you. 

May I finally say I don't know whether I 



can draw with your facility upon poetry, but 
there is the old poem that will come readily 
to your mind: 

Say not the struggle naught availeth, 

The labour and the wounds are vain, 
The enemy faints not, nor faileth. 

And as things have been they remain. 
And not by eastern windows only. 

When daylight comes, comes in the light; 
In front the sun climbs slow, how slowly! 

But westward, look, the land is bright ! 

We feel that there are brighter develop- 
ments, Mr. President; and we look confidently 
with you, combining- together in order to 
secure the kind of outcome from these ter- 

rible difficulties in which we have found our- 
selves immersed in order to jjroduce for 
East Asia and finally for Asia — and indeed, 
I believe, for the well-being of the world as 
a whole — that better world order to which 
we all aspire. 

This at least is the vision. It is your vision; 
it is a vision that we are happy and proud 
to share with you. 

Thank you for the warmth of your hos- 
l)itality to me today and for the message of 
friendship that I will be able to carry back 
from this room to the stanchest ally you ever 

The Legacy of Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy 

by W. Aver ell Harriman 
Ambassado}- at Large ^ 

I come before you as a Yale man who has 
spent the best years of his life working for 
Harvard Presidents. 

But, now that you have made me a Har- 
vard man today, at last I am beginning to 
feel legitimate. 

The Nation has owed a good deal to Har- 
vard in these years: not only two great 
Democratic Presidents but any number of 
Democratic brain trusters on the faculty as 
well as even more Republican voters, I am 
reliably informed, among the alumni. 

But one thing stands out: In one way or 
another this university seems to have taught 
its graduates that there are more important 
things in life than purely personal gain. It 
has held out an ideal of public service and 
established a record of public achievement. 

' Address made before the Associated Harvard 
Alumni at Cambridge, Mass., on June 16 (press re- 
lease 146). 

Its graduates work for the community, the 
Nation, and the world — who knows how 
many governments, beside our own, are in- 
fluenced by Harvard men? 

No men in our time have better exempli- 
fied this tradition of public service than 
Franklin D. Roosevelt, class of 1904, and 
John F. Kennedy, class of 1940. It has been 
my good fortune to have served them both. 

Both these Harvard Presidents were dis- 
tinguished, among other things, by their pre- 
cise and vivid understanding of history. They 
understood that change in the world was in- 
exorable, that the velocity of history has 
never been greater, and that our nation can 
keep abreast of history only as it presses 
ever forward to new deals and new frontiers. 

They knew also that the changes were 
not only in man's machines and his institu- 
tions but, even more, in his aspirations and 
values. They understood that the towering 

JULY 25, 1966 


fact of the 20th century has been the awak- 
ening around the planet of the masses of 
humanity so long the victims of misery, ex- 
ploitation, and oblivion. 

President Roosevelt used to speak of "the 
forgotten man." In our own country we have 
begun to remember the forgotten man: the 
unemployed and the impoverished, the sick 
and the aged, the man whose color consigned 
him to second-class citizenship, and the man 
whose lack of education denied him oppor- 

As President Kennedy said: "For one true 
measure of a nation is its success in fulfill- 
ing the promise of a better life for each of 
its members. Let this be the measure of our 
nation." ^ 

In the more than 30 years since I first went 
to work for Franklin Roosevelt in the Na- 
tional Recovery Administration, the old 
NRA, our country has made steady prog- 
ress in widening the promise of American 
life. Today, President Johnson's determina- 
tion to make all American citizens full mem- 
bers of the national community, to strike 
down the barriers which hold men and 
women back for reasons beyond their own 
control, is carrying this efi'ort toward its 
fulfillment in the goals of the Great Society. 
In so acting in our own society, we are re- 
covering the sense of public purpose — we 
are reclaiming our moral heritage. 

Yet, even as we make progress at home, 
we find ourselves confronted by the same 
problems on a far larger scale in the world 

In the thirties Franklin Roosevelt told us 
that the Nation as a whole could not move 
ahead so long as one of its parts lagged be- 
hind in poverty and underdevelopment. In 
the sixties John F. Kennedy told us that 
the world could not move ahead if one part 
lived in affluence and the rest in squalor. 

The great task, the overriding challenge. 

* For President Kennedy's special message to the 
Congress on national health needs, see Public Papers 
of the Presidents, John F. Kennedy, 1962, p. 165. 

for mankind in the rest of the 20th century 
is to do in the world what we began to do 
a generation ago in the United States: to 
help build a world society where everyone 
can start to hope for a better life, if not for 
himself at least for his children and his 
children's children. 

We cannot survive as an island of safety 
and prosperity, aloof from poverty, wretch- 
edness, and strife elsewhere on this small 
planet. We must off"er a helping hand to 
those who ask our aid to fulfill their hopes 
for a better life in freedom from outside 

At this same gathering 19 years ago, Gen- 
eral Marshall pointed to the needs of a war- 
torn Europe and proposed a cooperative plan 
for European recovery. This, combined with 
the North Atlantic Treaty, made possible the 
revival of the genius and vitality of West- 
ern Europe. Now Western Eui'ope is more 
vigorous and dynamic than ever. 

Today we are reviewing the relationship 
within the North Atlantic community and 
the role of NATO which has served us so 
well in the past. In looking ahead we find a 
wide measure of unity of purpose among 14 
of the 15 allies. It is agreed that our inte- 
grated strength continues not only to give 
essential security but greater opportunity 
for progress. In the political field this unity 
can contribute to breaking down the unnat- 
ural barriers of the Iron Curtain — the strong 
desire of the peoples of both East and West. 
It can provide, as well, combined economic 
resources needed to assist the developing 
countries of the world in attacking the fun- 
damental problems confronting them. 

Nineteen years ago the acute problem com- 
pelling our concern was a stricken Europe. 
Today it is the plight of the underdeveloped 
countries. Many of these have only recently 
attained their independence. 

I vividly recall President Roosevelt press- 
ing Prime Minister Churchill during the war 
to grant India independence. This advice, I 
might add, was not at the time fully appre- 
ciated. Roosevelt's influence and the example 



of our actions in the Philippines have con- 
tributed to the rapid emerg-ence of 57 new 
nations from colonial status. 

President Kennedy stated our position in 
the United Nations in unequivocal words: 
". . . my country intends to he a participant 
and not merely an observer in the peaceful, 
expeditious movement of nations from the 
status of colonies to the partnership of 
equals." ^ 

These 57 newly independent nations are 
now faced with the staggering problems of 
self-government combined with the need for 
rapid economic development. These are for- 
midable tasks, and outside help is needed to 
deal with them. 

In recent years we have undertaken to 
give a helping hand both through our sup- 
port of international organizations as well 
as through bilateral assistance. Much con- 
structive work has been accomplished, but 
the dimensions of the problem are greater 
than the means provided to meet it. 

Unhappily, the gap between the poorer 
countries and the richer is increasing. Coun- 
tries which have about half the population 
of the free world have an average per capita 
gross national product of $100 or less, com- 
pared to ours of over $3,000. 

The President of the World Bank, George 
Woods — - a product of Boston — recently 
pointed out that by the turn of the century 
at present gro\\i;h rates the poorer countries 
will increase their per capita annual income 
by no more than $50, while we will add 
$1,500. Similar comparisons are applicable to 
the other industrialized nations. Mr. Woods, 
therefore, calls for a sharp increase in the 
flow of capital to the developing nations and 
on better terms, together with greater con- 
sideration for the acute problems created by 
the instability in the terms of trade. 

A former World Bank president, Eugene 
Black, is taking the lead in formulating plans 
for the cooperative development of South- 
east Asia and the new Asian Development 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 16, 1961, p. 619. 

It may be reassuring to some to realize 
that these two men are not academic brain 
trusters but hardheaded successful bankers 
with whom 1 used to work during the years 
1 was involved in international banking. 

Clearly, both moral obligation and political 
necessity require us to do all we can to join 
in helping the awakening peoples to move 
as rationally and quickly as they can into 
the 20th century. Unfortunately, I detect a 
new mood in some quarters today — a retreat 
from the idea of larger responsibility, a de- 
sire to return to our own concerns, almost 
a neoisolationism. One can understand the 
causes of this mood, because the burdens 
have been heavy, the problems intractable, 
the results slow. Yet we cannot let frustra- 
tion become the ruler of our judgment, or 
fatigue the arbiter of our policy. 

I feel that something like this is happen- 
ing today when men who have previously 
fought for foreign aid now regard these pro- 
grams with indifference or reject them with 
indignation. For foreign assistance is one 
essential way in which we can meet our re- 
sponsibilities to the developing world and 
thereby protect our national interest. 

No doubt the aid programs have had their 
defects and failures — though they have never 
been better directed than they are by a Har- 
vard man today. Certainly they have not 
wi-ought magic or passed miracles, although 
the Marshall Plan was in fact a miraculous 
success. Yet they are the means by which 
we can join in partnership with brave and 
patriotic men in other lands working for 
the modernization of their countries. To cast 
off this hope of a constructive relationship 
would be a blow not only against our 
national security but against our moral 

Economic aid, I have said, is one indisput- 
able way by which we can associate ourselves 
with those seeking national and social ful- 

There is one other way, even more pro- 
found, and that is the influence of our demo- 
cratic ideals. Our leadership in the world 

JULY 25, 1966 


does not rest ultimately on our material 
wealth or on our military power. It rests — 
in any enduring or significant way — on the 
extent to which our society and our policies 
embody aspirations which touch the minds 
and hearts of the rest of mankind. 

I was in Moscow when Franklin Roose- 
velt died, and I will never forget the shock 
and sorrow of the Russian people, the weep- 
ing in the streets, the sense of desolation. 
Roosevelt represented a hope of peace and 
friendship, even in Stalin's Russia. 

And no member of the class of 1966 will 
ever forget when and where he heard about 
the death of John F. Kennedy. 

Yet yours was not a private grief. Shock 
and grief encircled the world. Today, in 
hovels and shanties in Latin America, 
Africa, Asia, I am told, photographs of Presi- 
dent Kennedy, torn from newspapers, still 
hang, recalling the faith forgotten men 
everywhere had in his purpose and leader- 
ship. Even behind the Iron Curtain, people 
still feel and speak of his loss. 

This, I would like to think, is the Harvard 
heritage, the legacy of Franklin Roosevelt 
and John F. Kennedy. It is a challenge to 
self-satisfaction and complacency. It is a 
summons to generosity and magnanimity. It 
is a call to action — bold action, gallant action. 
It carries us beyond the narrow confines of 
our personal lives and private concerns into 
a realm of higher and deeper fulfillment. 
It reminds us that we live in the most ex- 
traordinary century in history — -and that, as 
another Harvard man, Mr. Justice Holmes, 
once said: "As life is action and passion, it 
is required of a man that he should share 
the passion and action of his time at peril of 
being judged not to have lived." 

This is the meaning of the lives of Frank- 
lin Delano Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy. 
They shared the actions and passions of 
their times. They knew there was nothing to 
fear but fear itself. They asked not what 
humanity could do for them but what they 
could do for humanity. As Harvard men you 
inherit an inspiring tradition. 

Let us recall the words John F. Ken- 

nedy, while still a Senator, used at Hyde 
Park in tribute to President Roosevelt: 

"It is essential, from time to time, that 
we pay tribute to past greatness and his- 
toric achievement. But we would betray the 
very cause we honor if we did not now look 
to the future as well. We would be unfaith- 
ful to the man we honor if we did not look 
beyond his work to the new challenges — the 
new problems — the new work which lies 
ahead. For the last public message he ever 
wrote, on the morning of his death, closed 
with these words to the American people: 
'The only limit to our realization of tomor- 
row will be our doubts of today. Let us move 
forward with strong and active faith.' " 

Summary of Proposed East- West 
Trade Relations Act of 1966 

Following are a summary and analysis of 
the principal features of the proposed East- 
West Trade Relations Act of 1966,^ ivhich 
has been prepared in the Department to pro- 
vide information on the main effects the 
legislation would have. 


The proposed East-West Trade Relations 
Act would give the President authority to 
use trade with Eastern European countries 
and the Soviet Union as a flexible tool in the 
conduct of relations with these countries. As 
a companion to existing provisions of law 
which use the negative power of trade de- 
nial — the Export Control Act, the Battle Act, 
and restrictive provisions of other laws — the 
East-West Trade Relations Act would equip 
the President to use the positive aspects of 
trade to serve our national objectives. 

' For a Department announcement and texts of 
Secretary's letter of transmittal and the pro- 
posed legislation, see Bulletin of May 30, 1966, p. 



The major substantive provision would be 
authority to extend most-favored-nation 
(MFN) tariff treatment to certain individual 
Communist countries when this is determined 
to be in the national interest. The authority 
could be exercised only in a commercial 
agreement with a ])articular country in which 
such MFN treatment would be granted in 
return for equivalent benefits to the United 
States. MFN treatment for the products of 
any country would stay in effect only as long 
as the commercial agreement with that coun- 
tiy would be in effect. 

The i)urpose of these commercial agree- 
ments would be both to facilitate individual 
business transactions and to afford the 
United States Government an opportunity to 
deal with individual Communist countries on 
a variety of matters in the context of peri- 
odic trade negotiations. Agreements made 
pursuant to the act would set the framework 
for trade, but the trade itself — both exports 
and imports — would depend on decisions of 
individual finns. 


Statement of Purposes 

The stated purposes of the proposed act 
are to use trade with Communist countries 
as a means of advancing the national inter- 
ests of the United States, to provide a frame- 
work for U.S. firms to conduct business with 
Communist state trading agencies, and to 
expand markets for U.S. products in those 
countries by giving their products an oppor- 
tunity to compete in U.S. markets on a non- 
discriminatory basis. 

MFN Trade Treatment 

The act would give the President authority 
to use most-favored-nation treatment as a 
bargaining instrument in negotiating com- 
mercial agreements with individual Commu- 
nist countries. The authority to conclude 
agreements could be exercised only upon a 
determination by the President that an 

agreement with a particular country would 
promote the purposes of the act, would be in 
the national interest, and would i-esult in 
benefits to the United States equivalent to 
those provided by the agreement to the other 
country. The act would not jiermit negotia- 
tion of individual tariffs. It would not permit 
negotiating or granting of tariff rates lower 
than those agreed on an MFN basis and set 
out in column 1 of the Tariff Schedules. 

Exchange of Benefits 

Commercial agreements under the act 
would be made only on the basis of exchange 
of benefits. The proposed act sets forth by 
way of illustration a number of benefits that 
might be obtained by the United States in 
exchange for most-favored-nation trade 
treatment. Among the possible benefits are 
arrangements for protection of industrial 
property, settlement of commercial disputes, 
promotion of trade and tourism, trade fairs, 
trade missions, entry and travel of com- 
mercial representatives, most-favored-nation 
treatment for United States products, other 
arrangements to secure market access and 
assure fair treatment for United States 
products, improvement of consular relations, 
and settlement of claims. Agreements au- 
thorized by the act would provide for regular 
consultations. Such periodic review and con- 
frontation procedures could cover not only 
commercial matters but also relevant aspects 
of overall relations between the United 
States and the other country. 


The act would provide that before the 
President would enter into any agreement 
under the act, he should seek information 
with respect to it from all of the United 
States Government agencies concerned, inter- 
ested private persons, and other appropriate 
sources. Since the act would not authorize 
negotiation on individual tariffs and would 
not authorize reductions in tariffs below the 
prevailing most- favored-nation rates, there 

JULY 25, 1966 


is no special provision for prenegotiation 
procedures. However, the procedures for ad- 
justment assistance and escape-clause relief 
set forth in the Trade Expansion Act would 
be applicable in the case of articles imported 
in increased quantities as a result of most- 
favored-nation tariff treatment extended to 
a country in accordance with an agreement 
pursuant to the act. Antidumping laws and 
all other laws for the protection of United 
States industry, agriculture, and labor would 
remain in full effect. In addition, problems 
of interest to American businessmen could 
be dealt with under the consultation proce- 
dures or in the periodic negotiations to be 
provided for in agreements under the act. 

Any initial agreement would be limited to 
3 years and could be renewed for periods not 
to exceed 3 years each. Any agreement could 
be suspended or terminated at any time on 
reasonable notice. MFN would apply only 
while an agreement was in effect. The Presi- 
dent would be directed to suspend or ter- 
minate MFN whenever he determined that 
the other party was no longer fulfilling its 
obligations under the agreement or that the 
suspension or tennination was in the national 

Countries Covered by the Act 

The act would apply with regard to Com- 
munist countries except Cuba, Communist 
China, North Korea, and North Viet-Nam, 
and the Soviet Zone of Germany. Existing 
law and regulations will assure that no bene- 
fits of the act will be made available to these 

Poland and Yugoslavia now receive most- 

favored-nation treatment under section 231 
(b) of the Trade Expansion Act, and they 
could continue to do so. 

Relation to Other Laws 

The act would provide that the President 
could terminate the prohibition on the im- 
port of furs from the Soviet Union if an 
agreement with that country is concluded 
pursuant to the act. 

The act would not disturb the Battle Act, 
the Export Control Act, or regulations there- 
under. Thus, controls on strategic exports 
would remain in effect, and there would be a 
continued prohibition on aid to any of the 
Communist countries concerned. 



The Senate on June 27 confirmed the following 
nominations : 

John H. Crimmins to be Ambassador to the Domin- 
ican Republic. 

Henry E. Stebbins to be Ambassador to Uganda. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 165 dated July 13.) 


Henry D. Owen as Chairman of the Policy Plan- 
ning Council, effective June 19. (For biographic de- 
tails, see White House press release dated June 18.) 




U.S. Policy Toward NATO 

Statement by Acting Secretary Ball ^ 

This committee has served the Nation well 
by this inquiry in depth, for no issue is more 
important to the peace of the world than the 
relations among European nations and the 
relations of Europe with America. 

This is the testimony of history, for in 
the last three centuries every worldwide war 
has had its origins in the commercial rival- 
ries and power ambitions of European states. 
The danger, if anything, is even greater to- 
day, since any serious disturbance in West- 
ern Europe runs the risk of triggering a 
head-on clash between the United States and 
the Soviet Union. And this is a nuclear age. 

But if there is danger in Europe, so also 
is there potential for constructive action. 
Western Europe and North America to- 
gether are the principal workshop of the 
world. They possess 90 percent of free- world 
industry. They are an enormous reservoir of 
capital and technology and trained man- 

These are priceless world assets. They are 
the basis for progress and security, not only 
for the people of the Atlantic nations but 
for the men and women who live in the vast 
developing areas of Asia, Africa, and Latin 

We have, therefore, a vital interest in 
making sure that Western Europe orga- 
nizes itself so as to use these assets to secure 

' Prepared for delivery before the Senate Commit- 
tee on Foreign Relations on June 30 (press release 
155). Mr. Ball's statement was entered into the com- 
mittee's record but was not read during the hearing, 
which was devoted to questions and answers. 

the peace and to advance the objectives of 
our common civilization. 

We should not be hesitant to speak out 
on this subject. We have both the right and 
the obligation to hold clear views on the 
structure of Europe and to express them 
clearly. We have earned that right. For 
twice within the lifetime of many of us, the 
United States has been called upon to help 
rescue Europe from aggression, and today 
our military might guards Europe against 
new dangers. 

To be sure, conditions have altered since 
the first years after the war. The nations 
3f Europe are now fully recovered. They 
enjoy a prosperity they have never known 
before. Europeans no longer live in constant 
fear of Soviet attack. And the Communist 
world, too, has changed. It has lost its mono- 
lithic character; it is divided and distracted 
by a quarrel between Moscow and Peiping 
and by the weakening of Soviet authority 
over Eastern Europe. All this tends to blur 
the confrontation between the United States 
and the Soviet Union and to diffuse the 
bipolar structure of the immediate postwar 

Taken together, these developments have 
had a sharp effect on people's thinking. With 
increased well-being, the Western European 
nations no longer feel so dependent on the 
United States. Quite naturally they seek a 
more effective, a more self-reliant, role in 
this changing world. 

All this is good. It is on the side of free- 
dom, and, if we and our European friends 

JULY 25, 1966 


behave wisely, it can be on the side of peace. 
It results in large part from the success of 
the policies we have pursued together over 
the last two decades and from the common 
institutions we have built. But neither pol- 
icies nor institutions are immutable, and it 
is quite appropriate that we and our allies 
should now take a thoughtful look at the 
changing realities, at where we wish to go 
and how best to get there. 

There are two questions that demand our 
first attention: 

Are the interests of the United States and 
Western Europe still basically parallel? 

If so, how should we pursue those in- 
terests ? 

Common Interests of the Atlantic Nations 

The answer to the first question seems to 
me quite clear. We and our European allies 
are in the same boat and we shall sink or 
navigate together. 

— The security of the United States de- 
pends on the security of Western Europe; 
and Western European countries still count 
on us for their security. The words of the 
North Atlantic Treaty are as valid as ever: 
An attack on one is an attack on all. 

— Economic well-being is also indivisible. 
Prosperity on both sides of the North Atlan- 
tic depends on what happens in the area as 
a whole. 

— We have great tasks that we must 
achieve together. The most difficult is to set- 
tle the obdurate problems left over from the 
Second World War, the problems between 
East and West. We shall make little progress 
toward a lasting settlement of these prob- 
lems without common purpose and common 

— But our common responsibilities extend 
far beyond our own boundaries, for the At- 
lantic nations have a common duty also to 
assist the peoples of the developing areas 
toward peace and progress. 

We should, therefore, answer the first 
question in the aflnrmative. Recent changes 
have not diminished but expanded our com- 

mon interests. In the light of these changes, 
how can we best fulfill those interests, not 
merely today but tomorrow? 

Progress Toward European Unity 

The answer, it seems to me, is that we 
must first form a clear concept of relation- 
ships among Atlantic nations and stick to it. 
Only in this way can we build an enduring 
structui'e. For the broad lines of that struc- 
ture we should consult both history and com- 
mon sense. 

The first lesson of history is clear. The 
world should never again have to live with 
the dangers of a Europe in which each indi- 
vidual nation-state seeks to advance its own 
interests at the expense of its neighbors or 
to gain ascendancy over its neighbors by 
shifting coalitions or balance-of-power poli- 
tics. For 300 years, such a system produced 
one bloody and senseless war after another. 
To return to a Europe of 1914 or 1939 would 
be folly beyond belief. 

Our European friends have fully recog- 
nized this. One of the most hopeful develop- 
ments of the postwar world has been their 
determination to substitute unity for national 
rivalry and to break forever with the pat- 
tern of the past. 

They have expressed this determination 
by action. Through the Treaty of Rome, six 
European nations have established common 
institutions which are applying common 
principles and practices to serve a common 
economic purpose. In a few brief years the 
European Economic Community has made 
remarkable strides toward the integration of 
the separate economies of the member na- 
tions. Not only has it helped to create a pros- 
perous Europe and to raise the standard of 
living of the European peoples to unprece- 
dented heights, but that prosperity has rein- 
forced the well-being of the whole Atlantic 

Yet the building of a stable Europe will 
require something more than economic inte- 
gration. It can be achieved only by progress 
toward political unity. For, until the West- 



ern European peoples can be drawn together 
on a basis of equality and under common 
rules and institutions, there can be no assur- 
ance that the nationalistic quarrels of the 
past will be permanently put aside. 

Serious obstacles, of course, now block 
prog-ress toward political unity in Europe. 
But in a great affair such as this it is a 
grave mistake to judge the future on the 
basis of day-to-day events. For political unity 
responds to a compelling logic that, in the 
longer term, can hardly be avoided. In West- 
ern Europe there are more than a quarter of 
a billion of the most highly educated, trained, 
skilled people in the world. It is their tradi- 
tion to play a sig'nificant role in world 
affairs. But today they are facing the hard 
fact that, in spite of their intellectual and 
material i-esources, they will not again play 
such a role unless they organize their affairs 
to accord with the needs of the modern age. 

For the postwar world has been marked 
by a new^ and decisive political reality: the 
predominance of two nations, the United 
States and the Soviet Union. Each is orga- 
nized on a continent-wide basis; each com- 
mands vast resoui'ces of men and material 
equal to, or surpassing, the combined re- 
sources of all the Western European nations. 
The emergence of these two powers reflects 
the needs and consequences of an age of tech- 
nolo^^ And it has transformed the whole 
structure of world politics. European states 
which a quarter of a century ago occupied 
the center of the stage now find themselves 
only medium powers, with a limited capacity 
to influence world events. 

I do not think that the European peoples 
will be content for very long to stand aside 
from a major participation in world affairs. 
Yet, so long as Europe remains in itvS present 
form, their participation will be severely 
limited. If Europeans are to play a role 
worthy of their resources and their abilities, 
it is clear what they must do. They must 
build their political arrangements on a scale 
commensurate with the requirements of the 
modern world. 

Building an Atlantic Partnership 

This question of size has a special signifi- 
cance in our transatlantic relations. 

During the past few years some have sug- 
gested that the proper policy was to forget 
European unity and try to move directly to 
some form of Atlantic political structure. 
This proposal, it seems to me, creates a false 
choice between the steps toward unity in 
Europe and the establishment of a closer 
partnership across the ocean. There is no 
contradiction between these ideas; they go 
hand in hand. A healthy relationship be- 
tween Europe and America can ))e fully es- 
tablished only when the principle of equality 
is solidly grounded in the facts of relative 

For, so long as there remains the great 
disparity in size and resources between the 
United States and the nations of Europe 
acting individually, there will be awkward- 
ness in any Atlantic arrangement. The 
Europeans will be concerned by what some 
regard as the undue weight of American in- 
fluence in our common counsels. Some Euro- 
pean industrialists will be concerned by fear 
of the disproportionate power of American 

Something can be done to meet these con- 
cerns even within the present structure. Our 
Government can make a greater effort to im- 
prove consultation, although our initiatives 
in that direction have not met much re- 
sponse. But, in the long pull, equality be- 
tween Western Europe and America is not 
something that the United States can gri-ant 
or create merely by avoiding unilateral ac- 
tions. It springs from the fact that we Amer- 
icans can act through a single set of institu- 
tions and can thus apply the full resources of 
our continent to a single purpose, while the 
Europeans cannot. For they are not yet or- 
ganized, as President Kennedy said, to speak 
with one voice and act with one will. 

The efforts to build the basis of Atlantic 
partnership cannot, of course, await the 
emergence of a united Europe — and they 
need not. There is much that we can and 

JULY 25, 1966 

should do. For some years, in OECD and 
NATO, the Atlantic nations have been seek- 
ing to perfect instruments for common action 
for defense, economic policies, and foreign 
policy, and we should get on with this work. 
But we should have no illusions as to the 
limits of possible progress. So long as Europe 
remains disunited the essential goal of equal- 
ity will be more a matter of manners than 

Achieving Permanent East-West Settlement 

European unity and Atlantic partnership 
have a meaning beyond the stability of the 
West. They are essential for the achievement 
of a secure settlement of the great unfin- 
ished business left over from the war. This 
point cannot be too strongly emphasized. A 
permanent East-West settlement will not be 
achieved by fragmenting Europe or by loos- 
ening the institutional bonds that tie the 
West together but only if the Western Pow- 
ers, acting from a base of unity, bring about 
a situation in which a settlement is possible. 

The obvious preconditions to a settlement 
are changes in the attitude of the Soviet 
Government. Such changes as have already 
occurred have not come through the inde- 
pendent action of individual Western states. 
They have occurred in part because of in- 
ternal shifts and movements within the 
Soviet system. But equally as important, they 
have occurred because the Western Powers, 
acting together, have created conditions to 
which the Soviet Union has had to adjust. 

The common action of the West has 
blunted Soviet hopes for expansion. 

The stability and prosperity that followed 
economic integration in Western Europe 
have created new aspirations and have stim- 
ulated new thinking in Eastern Europe. 

By sublimating nationalistic ambitions. 
Western cohesion has dampened traditional 
fears among the Eastern European peoples. 

In short, Western unity does not conflict 
with the serious pursuit of an East- West set- 
tlement, it opens the only efl!"ective route 
to it. 

We should not, of course, seek any settle- 
ment as an end in itself. What we must 

achieve is a settlement embodying condi- 
tions that will assure stability and lasting 
peace for all of Europe, a settlement that 
will endure. This means that it must be free 
from built-in stresses and tensions. The 
essential condition of such a settlement is 
that it must be fair to all. It must embody 
the same basic principle that is essential to 
enduring relations within the West — the 
principle of equality. 

This point is central. No secure settlement 
of Europe can leave the German people di- 
vided. Nor can a lasting settlement place the 
German people under permanent discrimina- 
tion. This was tried before, and, as we all 
know, it did not work. We must aim for 
something better and not for improvisations 
that are inherently unstable. 

U.S. Has a Constructive Role To Play 

In working toward a lasting settlement, a 
sense of both security and unity in the West 
is needed to set in motion the process of 
ending the partition of Europe. 

We have a constructive role to play in that 
undertaking. Our purpose is to create condi- 
tions that will make it possible for Europe 
to be reunited, with neither the United States 
nor the Soviet Union seeing in that happy 
event any threat to themselves. 

That is why the United States is commit- 
ted to a policy of peaceful and intimate en- 
gagement toward the countries of Eastern 
Europe and the Soviet Union. Ours is not 
an effort to subvert their governments nor to 
make those states hostile to the Soviet Union 
or to each other. No one would benefit from 
an Eastern Europe that is again balkanized. 
We wish to build bridges to the East so that 
the Soviet Union and the Eastern European 
states can begin to see a genuine interest 
for themselves in moving toward ending the 
partition of Europe and Germany. 

All of us — Americans, Russians, Euro- 
peans — can benefit from drawing closer to- 
gether. In that way we can reduce the risks 
of war, minimize the bitter legacies of na- 
tional conflicts, and increase the tangible 
fruits of economic cooperation so that the 
wealth and the talent which Europe, the 



United States, and the Soviet Union have in 
sucii abundance can serve the cause of hu- 
manity. What we thus desire for Europe, we 
firmly believe, is wiiat most Europeans want, 
and that is why America remains so relevant 
to Europe's future. 

This kind of peace and stability in Europe 
will not be achieved by any sudden or dra- 
matic gesture. The difficulties are many and 
the obstacles great. The road to the even- 
tual ending of the partition of Europe and 
of Germany will be long. But a start has 
been made. 

There are already many contacts between 
East and West. These must be expanded. 
That is why the President has asked the 
Congress for authority to extend most- 
favored-nation privileges to Eastern Euro- 
pean states.- Cultural contacts must also 
grow, and it may be pertinent to note that 
it was American foundations that took the 
first major initiative in developing such 
East-West cultural exchanges. 

It is also important to expand multilateral 
ties. Existing multilateral institutions, such 
as OECD, can and doubtless will respond to 
these emerging opportunities. 

If we can help in all these ways to nar- 
row the existing differences in European 
standards of living, to develop East-West 
communications systems, and to facilitate 
trade, we can create some of the precondi- 
tions for solving basic political and security 
issues. The United States is prepared to 
share in this effort, for we believe that it 
represents a serious and a constructive way 
of working to end the partition of Europe. 

We believe that just as peace and stability 
in Western Europe have been advanced by 
reconciliation between the Germans and their 
Western neighbors, so too in the East a rec- 
onciliation between the German people and 
particularly the Poles, the Czechs, and the 
Russians is in the interest of all of us. The 
German Federal Republic recently reaffirmed 
its desire to develop friendly relations with 
the East, and the United States will do 
everything it can to promote that desirable 
end. The continuance of old hatreds, however 

real and bitter may be their causes, is not 
in the interest of Europe, and in the nuclear 
age they are dangerous to all of us. 

These, then, are the general principles that 
define our policy. Changed conditions have 
not impaired their basic validity. Yet this 
does not mean that their application need 
not be reexamined in the light of changing 
conditions or that all of the institutional ar- 
rangements established since the war are 
perfect or may not need to be adapted. 

Certainly, some changes in the structure 
of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
will be required as a result of the i-ecent 
actions of the French Government. The alli- 
ance has weathered those actions and stayed 
remarkably well on course. 

Our first common task was to maintain a 
solid defense and an effective deterrent. We 
made good progress toward this end at the 
recent Brussels meeting.^ The 14 membei's 
other than France agreed to relocate the 
North Atlantic Organization military head- 
quarters and will probably move in a few 
months to relocate the North Atlantic Coun- 
cil. They laid the basis for negotiation with 
France about French forces in Germany. 

But defense and deterrence are not 
NATO's sole objects. It must also provide 
the unity of purpose that will facilitate a 
lasting settlement between East and West. 

This does not mean, of course, that we 
should think of NATO as a negotiating in- 
strument. But it can help to insure that in- 
dividual Western nations, in dealing with the 
East, will work toward a common purpose 
rather than toward competing national ad- 
vantage. Only on this basis will there be any 
chance of success. 

Elements of U.S. Policy Toward Europe 

I have tried in this brief statement to out- 
line the main elements of United States 
policy toward Europe. Those elements briefly 
are three in number: 

' For back^ound and text of the proposed East- 
West Trade Relations Act of 1966, see Bulletin of 
May 30, 1966, p. 838. 

' For background, see ibid., June 27, 1966, p. 1001. 

JULY 25, 1966 


First, to encourage the nations of West- 
ern Europe to submerge their old national 
rivalries in the achievement of a new polit- 
ical unity based on principles of equality; 

Second, at the same time to continue to 
build the institutional arrangements that can 
result in a more effective partnership be- 
tween the United States and a Europe mov- 
ing toward unity; and 

Third, to continue by every means avail- 
able to create the conditions that will make 
possible a secure and lasting settlement of 
the division of Europe. 

These principles form a broad framework 
for United States policy. Obviously, no one 
of them can be realized by U.S. efforts alone. 
We cannot, solely by American efforts, bring 
about the unification of Western Europe; 
that is a task primarily for Europeans. 

We cannot by ourselves create an effective 
working relation with the Western European 
peoples; it takes more than one to make a 

Finally, we cannot alone bring about a set- 
tlement of the fundamental issue of a divided 
Europe; that will come to pass only when 
the conditions are created that will influence 
the Soviet Union to take the necessary de- 
cisions to make that possible. 

But we can, by a loyal adherence to these 
principles, prevent their frustration and en- 
courage their achievement. For we have a 
great deal running for us: good sense, logic, 
the lessons of history, and the desire of 
peoples to contribute their full share to a 
peaceful world. 

These, Mr. Chairman, are heavy battalions 
on our side. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

89th Congress, 2d Session 

Eleventh NATO Parliamentarians' Conference. Re- 
port of the United States House of Representatives 
Delegation to the Eleventh Conference of Mem- 
bers of Parliament from the NATO Countries, 
Held in New York City, October 4-9, 1965. H. 
Rept. 1649. June 23, 1966. 47 pp. 


U.S. and Austria Conclude 
Air Transport Agreement 

Press release 152 dated June 23 


The United States and Austria on June 23 
concluded an air transport agreement to pro- 
vide a continuing basis for commercial air 
services between the two countries. The 
agreement replaces an interim arrangement 
of 1947,1 under which United States airlines 
acquired rights to serve Vienna and the Aus- 
trian route was to be defined at a later date. 

Under the new agreement, U.S.-designated 
airlines may continue services to Vienna and 
beyond. Austria acquires two defined routes, 
one to New York and the other to Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

The agreement was signed at Vienna by 
United States Charge d'Affaires Robert M. 
Brandin and Austrian Minister for Foreign 
Affairs Lujo Toncic-Sorinj. 


Air Transport Agreement Between the Govern- 
ment of the United States of America and the 
Austrian Federal Government 

The Government of the United States of America 
and the Austrian Federal Government, 

Desiring to conclude an agreement for the pur- 
pose of promoting air communications between their 
respective territories. 

Have accordingly appointed authorized represent- 
atives for this purpose, who have agreed as follows: 

Article 1 

Each Contracting Party grants to the other Con- 
tracting Party rights necessary for the conduct of 
air services by the designated airlines, as follows : 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 



the rights of transit, of stops for non-traflfic pur- 
poses, and of taking on and discharging interna- 
tional traffic in passengers, cargo, and mail sepa- 
rately or in combination, at the points in its territory 
named on each of the routes specified in the appro- 
priate paragraph of the Schedule of this Agreement. 

Article 2 

Air service on a route specified in the Schedule of 
this Agreement may be inaugurated by an airline or 
airlines of one Contracting Party at any time after 
that Contracting Party has designated such airline or 
airlines for that route and the other Contracting 
Party has given the appropriate necessary permis- 
sion. Subject to the provisions of Article 3, such 
other Contracting Party shall give this permission 
with a minimum of procedural delay, provided that 
the designated airline or airlines may be required to 
qualify before the competent aeronautical authori- 
ties of that Contracting Party, under the laws and 
regulations normally applied by these authorities, 
before being permitted to engage in the operations 
contemplated by this Agreement. 

Article 3 

(A) Each Contracting Party reserves the right to 
withhold, revoke or impose conditions on the permis- 
sion provided for in Article 2 of this Agreement 
with respect to an airline designated by the other 
Contracting Party in the following circumstances: 

(1) in the event of the failure by such airline 
to qualify before the aeronautical authorities of that 
Contracting Party under the laws and regulations 
normally applied by these authorities; 

(2) in the event of failure by such airline to 
comply with the laws and regulations referred to in 
Articles 4 and 5 hereof ; or 

(3) in any case where it is not satisfied that 
substantial ownership and effective control of such 
airline are vested in the Contracting Party desig- 
nating the airline or in nationals of that Contract- 
ing Party. 

(B) Unless immediate action to withhold or re- 
voke the permission provided for in Article 2 of this 
Agreement is essential to prevent further infringe- 
ment of the laws and regulations referred to in Arti- 
cles 4 and 5, the right to withhold or revoke such 
permission shall be exercised only after consultation 
with the other Contracting Party. 

Article 4 

The laws and regulations of one Contracting 
Party relating to the admission to or departure 
from its territory of aircraft engaged in interna- 
tional air navigation, or to the operation and navi- 
gation of such aircraft while within its territory, 
shall be applied to the aircraft of the airline or air- 
lines designated by the other Contracting Party 
and shall be complied with by such aircraft upon 

entrance into or departure from and while within 
the territory of the first Contracting Party. 

Article 5 

The laws and regulations of one Contracting 
Party relating to the admission to or departure from 
its territory of passengers, crew or cargo of air- 
craft, including regulations relating to entry, clear- 
ance, immigration, passports, customs, and quaran- 
tine, shall be complied with by or on behalf of such 
passengers, crew or cargo of the airline or airlines 
of the other Contracting Party upon entrance into 
or departure from and while within the territory 
of the first Contracting Party. 

Article 6 

Certificates of airworthiness, certificates of com- 
petency, and licenses, issued or rendered valid by 
one Contracting Party and still in force, shall be 
recognized as valid by the other Contracting Party 
for the purpose of operating the routes and services 
provided for in this Agreement, provided that the 
requirements under which such certificates or 
licenses were issued or rendered valid are equal to 
or above the minimum standards which may be es- 
tablished pursuant to the Convention on Interna- 
tional Civil Aviation. Each Contracting Party re- 
sei-ves the right, however, to refuse to recognize, 
for the purpose of flight above its own territory, 
certificates of competency and licenses granted to its 
own nationals by the other Contracting Party. 

Article 7 

Each Contracting Party may impose or permit 
to be imposed just and reasonable charges for the 
use of public airports and other facilities under its 
control, provided that such charges shall not be 
higher than the charges imposed for use by its na- 
tional aircraft engaged in similar international 

Article 8 

(A) Each Contracting Party shall exempt the 
designated airlines of the other Contracting Party 
to the fullest extent possible under its national law 
from import restrictions, customs duties, excise 
taxes, inspection fees, and other national duties 
and charges on fuel, lubricating oils, consumable 
technical supplies, spare parts including engines, 
regular equipment, ground equipment, stores, and 
other items intended for use solely in connection 
with the operation or servicing of aircraft of the 
airlines of such other Contracting Party in interna- 
tional air service. 

(B) The immunitier, granted by this Article shall 
apply to the items referred to in paragraph (A) : 

(1) introduced into the territory of one Con- 
tracting Party by the other Contracting Party or its 
nationals ; 

JULY 25, 1966 


(2) retained on aircraft of the airline of one 
Contracting Party upon arriving in or leaving the 
territory of the other Contracting Party; or 

(3) taken on board aircraft of the airlines of 
one Contracting Party in the territory of the other 
and intended for use in international air service; 

vifhether or not such items are used or consumed 
wholly within the territory of the Contracting 
Party granting the immunity. 

Article 9 
There shall be a fair and equal opportunity for 
the airlines of each Contracting Party to operate on 
any route covered by this Agreement. 

Article 10 

In the operation by the airlines of either Con- 
tracting Party of the air services described in this 
Agreement, the interest of the airlines of the other 
Contracting Party shall be taken into consideration 
so as not to affect unduly the services which the 
latter provide on all or part of the same route. 

Article 11 

(A) The air services made available to the pub- 
lic by the airlines operating under this Agreement 
shall bear a close relationship to the requirements 
of the public for such services. 

(B) Services provided by a designated airline un- 
der this Agreement shall retain as their primary 
objective the provision of capacity adequate to the 
traffic demands between the country of which such 
airline is a national and the countries of ultimate 
destination of the traffic. The right to embark or dis- 
embark on such services international traffic des- 
tined for and coming from third countries at a point 
or points on the routes specified in this Agreement 
shall be exercised in accordance with the general 
principles of orderly development to which both Con- 
tracting Parties subscribe and shall be subject to the 
general principle that capacity should be related: 

(1) to traffic requirements between the coun- 
try of origin and the countries of ultimate des- 
tination of the traffic ; 

(2) to the requirements of through airline op- 
erations; and 

(3) to the traffic requirements of the area 
through which the airline passes after taking ac- 
count of local and regional services. 

Article 12 

(A) Without prejudice to the right of each Con- 
tracting Party to impose such uniform conditions 
on the use of airports and airport facilities as are 
consistent with Article 15 of the Convention on In- 
ternational Civil Aviation, neither Contracting 
Party may unilaterally impose any restriction on 
the airline or airlines of the other Contracting Party 
with respect to capacity, frequency, scheduling or 

type of aircraft employed in connection with serv- 
ices over any of the routes specified in the schedule 
of this Agreement. 

(B) In the event that one of the Contracting Par- 
ties believes that the operations conducted by an air- 
line of the other Contracting Party have been incon- 
sistent with the standards and principles set forth 
in Articles 9, 10, or 11, it may request consultation 
pursuant to Article 14 of the Agreement for the pur- 
pose of reviewing the operations in question to deter- 
mine whether they are in conformity with said 
standards and principles. 

Article 13 

(A) The rates to be charged by the designated 
airlines of either Contracting Party for carriage to 
or from the territory of the other Contracting Party 
shall be reasonable, due regard being paid to all 
relevant factors, such as cost of operation, reason- 
able profit, and the rates charged by any other air- 
lines, as well as the characteristics of each service. 

(B) The rates referred to in this Article shall be 
subject to the approval of the aeronautical authori- 
ties of the Contracting Parties, who shall act in 
accordance with their obligations under this Agree- 
ment, within the limits of their legal powers. 

(C) Any rates proposed by an airline of one 
Contracting Party shall, if required, be filed with 
the aeronautical authorities of the other Contracting 
Party at least thirty days before the proposed date 
of introduction. This period of thirty days may be 
reduced in particular cases with the approval of the 
said aeronautical authorities. 

(D) (1) In the event that power is conferred by 
law upon the aeronautical authorities of the United 
States to fix fair and economic rates for the trans- 
port of persons and property by air on international 
services and to suspend proposed rates in a manner 
comparable to that in which the Civil Aeronautics 
Board at present is empowered to act with respect to 
such rates for the transport of persons and property 
by air within the United States, each of the Con- 
tracting Parties shall thereafter exercise its author- 
ity in such manner as to prevent any rate or rates 
proposed by one of its airlines for sei-vices from the 
territory of one Contracting Party to a point or 
points in the territory of the other Contracting 
Party from becoming effective or remaining in effect 
if, in the judgment of the aeronautical authorities of 
the Contracting Party whose airline or airlines is or 
are proposing such rate, that rate is unfair or un- 
economic. If one Contracting Party on receipt of 
the notification referred to in paragraph (C) above 
is dissatisfied with the rate proposed by the airline 
or airlines of the other Contracting Party, it shall 
so notify the other Contracting Party prior to the 
expiry of the first fifteen of the thirty days referred 
to, and the Contracting Parties shall endeavor to 
reach agreement on the appropriate rate. 



(2) In the event that such agreement is reached, 
each Contracting- Party will use its best efforts to 
put such rate into effect as regards its airline or 

(3) If agreement has not been reached at the end 
of the thirty day period referred to in paragraph 
(C) above, the proposed rate may, unless the aero- 
nautical authorities of the country of the airline 
which proposed the change in rate see fit to suspend 
its application, go into effect or remain in effect 
provisionally pending the settlement of any dispute 
in accordance with the procedure outlined in para- 
graph (F) below. 

(E) (1) Prior to the time when such power may 
be conferred upon the aeronautical authorities of the 
United States, if one of the Contracting Parties is 
dissatisfied with any rate proposed by the airline or 
airlines of either Contracting Party for services 
from the territory of one Contracting Party to a 
point or points in the territory of the other Contract- 
ing Party, it shall so notify the other Contracting 
Party prior to the expiry of the first fifteen of the 
thirty day period referred to in paragraph (C) 
above, and the Contracting Parties shall endeavor to 
reach agreement on the appropriate rate. 

(2) In the event that such agreement is reached, 
each Contracting Party will use its best efforts to 
put such rate into effect as regards its airline or 

(3) If no such agreement can be reached prior to 
the expiry of the thirty day period, the Contracting 
Party raising the objection to the rate may, in the 
case of a rate different from that then in effect, take 
such steps as it considers necessary to prevent the 
inauguration of the air service in question at the 
proposed new rate. However, the Contracting Party 
raising the objection to the rate shall not require 
the charging of a rate higher than the lowest rate 
charged by its own airline or airlines for compa- 
rable services between the same points. Until such 
time as a new rate has been established either by 
agreement of the Contracting Parties or in accord- 
ance with the procedures of Article 15, the rates 
previously approved shall remain in effect. 

(F) Either Contracting Party may request arbi- 
tration in accordance with Article 15 of this Agree- 
ment in any case where the aeronautical authorities 
of the two Contracting Parties cannot agree upon 
the appropriateness of a proposed or an existing rate 
pursuant to the procedures set forth in either para- 
graphs (D) or (E) of this Article or following con- 
sultations in accordance with Article 14 of this 

(G) It is recognized by both Contracting Parties 
that, during any period for which either Contracting 
Party has approved the traffic conference procedures 
of the International Air Transport Association or of 
any other associations of international air carriers, 
any rate agreements concluded through these pro- 
cedures and involving airlines of that Contracting 

Party will be subject to the approval of the aero- 
nautical authorities of that Contracting Party. 
During the jieriod that any such rate agreements 
have been approved by the aeronautical authorities 
of both Contracting Parties, the provisions of para- 
graphs (D), (E), and (F) of this Article shall 
not apply. 

( H ) The aeronautical authorities of each Con- 
tracting Party shall use their best efforts to insure 
that the rates charged and collected conform to the 
rates filed with either Contracting Party, and that 
no airline rebates any portion of such rates, by any 
means, directly or indirectly, including the payment 
of excessive sales commission to agents or the use 
of unrealistic currency conversion rates. 

(I) Unless otherwise agreed between the Con- 
tracting Parties, each Contracting Party undertakes 
to use its best efforts to insure that any rate speci- 
fied in terms of the national currency of one of the 
Contracting Parties will be established in an amount 
which reflects the effective exchange rate (including 
fees or other charges) at which the airlines of both 
Contracting Parties can convert and remit the reve- 
nues from their transport operations into the na- 
tional currency of the other Contracting Party. 

Article 14 

(A) Either Contracting Party may at any time 
request consultations on questions concerning the 
interpretation, application or amendment of this 
Agreement. Such consultations shall begin within 
a period of sixty (60) days from the date the other 
Contracting Party receives the request. 

(B) Amendments of this Agreement, other than 
those pertaining to the Schedule, will come into 
force in the same manner as this Agreement comes 
into force. 

(C) Amendments of the Schedule will come into 
force after approval in accordance with the domestic 
laws and procedures of each Contracting Party on 
the date of an exchange of diplomatic notes. 

Article 15 

(A) Any dispute with respect to matters covered 
by this Agreement or any amendment thereto not 
satisfactorily adjusted through consultation shall, 
upon request of either Contracting Party, be sub- 
mitted to arbitration in accordance with the proce- 
dure set forth herein. 

(B) Arbitration shall be by a tribunal of three 
arbitrators constituted as follows: 

(1) One arbitrator shall be named by each Con- 
tracting Party within two months of the date of 
delivery by either Contracting Party to the other of 
a request for arbitration. Within one month after 
such period of two months, the two arbitrators so 
designated shall by agreement designate a third ar- 
bitrator, provided that such third arbitrator shall 
not be a national of either Contracting Party. 

JULY 25, 1966 


(2) If either Contracting Party fails to designate 
an arbitrator, or if tlie thii'd arbitrator is not agreed 
upon in accordance with paragraph (1), either Con- 
tracting Party may request the President of the 
Council of the International Civil Aviation Organi- 
zation to designate the necessary arbitrator or arbi- 

(C) The Contracting Parties shall use their best 
efforts consistent with national law to put into effect 
any decision or award of the arbitral tribunal. 

(D) The expenses of the arbitral tribunal, includ- 
ing the fees and expenses of the arbitrators, shall be 
shared equally by the Contracting Parties. 

Article 16 

This Agreement and all amendments thereto shall 
be registered with the International Civil Aviation 

Article 17 

Either Contracting Party may at any time notify 
the other Contracting Party of its intention to 
terminate this Agreement. Such notice shall be sent 
simultaneously to the International Civil Aviation 
Organization. The Agreement shall terminate one 
year after the date of receipt of the notice of inten- 
tion to terminate, unless by agreement between the 
Contracting Parties .such notice is withdrawn before 
the expiration of that time. 

Article 18 

This Agreement shall supersede the Interim Air 
Transport Agreement between the Government of 
the United States of America and the Austrian Fed- 
eral Government signed at Vienna on October 8, 1947. 
In any case in which an air service has been author- 
ized up to the date of the coming into force of this 
Agreement and is also provided for in this Agree- 
ment, an airline authorized by the aeronautical au- 
thorities of both Contracting Parties to operate such 
service shall be deemed to have been authorized to 
operate the sei-vice under this Agreement and in ac- 
cordance therewith. 

Article 19 
For purposes of this Agreement: 

(A) "Agreement" shall mean this Agreement and 
the Schedule attached thereto. 

(B) "Aeronautical authorities" shall mean, in the 
case of the United States of America, the Civil Aero- 
nautics Board or any person or agency authorized 
to perform the functions exercised at the present 
time by the Civil Aeronautics Board and, in the case 
of Austria, the Federal Ministry of Communications 
and Nationalized Enterprises or any other authority 
lawfully empowered to perform the functions exer- 
cised at present by the said Ministry. 

(C) "Designated airline" shall mean an airline 
that one Contracting Party has notified the other 

Contracting Party, in writing, to be the airline which 
will operate a specific route or routes listed in the 
Schedule of this Agreement. 

(D) "Territory" in relation to a State shall mean 
the land areas under the sovereignty, suzerainty, 
protection, jurisdiction or trusteeship of that State, 
and the territorial waters adjacent thereto. 

(E) "Air service" shall mean any scheduled air 
service performed by aircraft for the public trans- 
port of passengers, mail or cargo. 

(F) "International air sei-vice" shall mean an 
air service which passes through the air space over 
the territory of more than one State. 

(G) "Stop for non-traffic purposes" shall mean 
a landing for any purpose other than taking on or 
discharging passengers, cargo or mail. 

Article 20 

This Agreement will come into force thirty days 
from the day it is signed. 

In witness whereof, the undersigned, being duly 
authorized by their respective Governments, have 
signed this Agreement. 

Done in duplicate at Vienna this 23rd day of 
June, 1966, in the English and German languages, 
both texts being equally authentic. 

For the Government of the United States of 
America : 

Robert M. Brandin 
For the Austrian Federal Government: 



(A) An airline or airlines designated by the 
Austrian Federal Government shall be entitled to 
operate air services on each of the routes specified, 
in both directions, and to make scheduled landings 
in the United States of America at the points speci- 
fied in this paragraph: 

(1) From Austria via inteiTnediate points in 
Europe to New York. 

(2) From Austria via intermediate points in 
Europe and via Montreal to Washington, D. C. 

(B) An airline or airlines designated by the 
Government of the United States of America shall 
be entitled to operate air services on the route speci- 
fied, in l)oth directions, and to make scheduled land- 
ings in Austria at the points specified in this para- 
graph : 

(1) From the United States via intermediate 
points to Vienna and beyond to points in Turkey 
and Lebanon and beyond. 

(C) Points on any of the specified routes may at 
the option of the designated airline be omitted on 
any or all flights. 



Current Actions 


Consular Relations 

Vienna convention on consular relations. Done at 
Vienna April 24, 1963." 
Ratificatioti deposited: Liechtenstein, May 18, 1966. 

Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on con- 
sular relations, concerning the compulsory settle- 
ment of disputes. Done at Vienna April 24, 1963.' 
Ratification deposited: Liechtenstein, May 18, 1966. 


Articles of agreement of International Cotton Insti- 
tute. Open for .signature at Washington January 
17 through February 28, 1966. Entered into force 
February 23, 1966. TIAS 5964. 
Accessioyi deposited: Uganda, June 24, 1966. 


Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done 
at Washington March 18, 1965.' 
Signature : Norway, June 24, 1966. 
Ratificatiojix deposited: Congo (Brazzaville), June 
23, 1966; Tunisia, June 22, 1966. 


Amendment to Article 7 of the Constitution of the 
World Health Organization of July 22, 1946, as 
amended (TIAS 1808, 4643). Adopted at Geneva 
May 20, 1965.' 

Acceptances deposited: Algeria, May 27, 1966; 
Syrian Arab Republic, June 2, 1966. 

Law of the Sea 

Convention on fishing and conservation of the living 
resources of the high seas. Done at Geneva April 
29, 1958. Entered into force March 20, 1966. TIAS 

Ratification deposited: Switzerland, May 18, 1966. 
Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva 
April 29, 1958. Entered into force June 10, 1964. 
TIAS 5578. 

Ratification deposited: Switzerland, May 18, 1966. 
Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 
29, 1958. Entered into force September 30, 1962. 
TIAS 5200. 

Ratification deposited: Switzerland, May 18, 1966. 
Convention on the territorial sea and the contiguous 
, zone. Done at Geneva April 29, 1958. Entered into 
I force September 10, 1964. TIAS 5639. 

Ratification deposited: Switzerland, May 18, 1966. 
Optional protocol of signature concerning the com- 
pulsory settlement of disputes. Done at Geneva 
I April 29, 1958. Entered into force September 30, 
' 1962.' 

Ratification deposited: Switzerland, May 18, 1966. 

Load Line 

International load line convention. Done at London 
July 5, 1930. Entered into force January 1, 1933. 
47 Stat. 2228. 
Accession deposited: Iran, April 23, 1966. 

Maritime Matters 

Amendments to the convention on the Intergovern- 
mental Maritime Consultative Organization (TIAS 
4044). Adopted at London September 15, 1964.' 
Acceptance received: Iran, June 8, 1966. 


Convention of Union of Paris of March 20, 1883, as 
revised, for the protection of industrial property. 
Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958. Entered into 
force January 4, 1962. TIAS 4931. 
Notification of accession: Israel, June 18, 1966. 

Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at sea, 
1960. Done at London June 17, 1960. Entered into 
force May 26, 1965. TIAS 5780. 
Acceptance deposited: Portugal, June 14, 1966. 

Trade, Transit 

Convention on transit trade of land-locked states. 
Done at New York July 8, 1965.' 
.4 f cession deposited: Nigeria, May 16, 1966. 


Protocol for the further extension of the Interna- 
tional Wheat Agreement, 1962 (TIAS 5115). Open 
for signature at Washington April 4 through 
29, 1966.' 

Acceptances deposited: Ireland, June 27, 1966; 
New Zealand, June 27, 1966; Philippines, July 
1, 1966; Saudi Arabia, June 17, 1966; South 
Africa, June 30, 1966; Sweden, June 21, 1966; 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, June 28, 
1966;' Western Samoa, June 27, 1966. 
Accession deposited: Libya, June 28, 1966. 
Notifications of undertaking to seek acceptance de- 
posited: Belgium, July 1, 1966; * Federal Repub- 
lic of Germany, July 1, 1966. 



Air transport agreement. Done at Vienna June 23, 
1966. Entered into force July 23, 1966. 


Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense 
assistance agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 
2010). Effected by exchange of notes at Brussels 
.A.pril 5 and Mav 26, 1966. Entered into force 
May 26, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the construction of a sewage 
line from Dunseith, North Dakota, to Bois.sevain, 
Manitoba. Effected bv exchange of notes at Ot- 
tawa January 13, April 22, and June 9, 1966. 
Entered into force June 9, 1966. 


Agreement amending the agreement of June 9, 1965 
(TIAS 5832), regarding trade in cotton textiles. 
Effected by exchanges of notes at Washington 
June 24, 1966. Entered into force June 24, 1966. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of December 30, 1964, as amended 
(TIAS 5713, 5955). Effected by an exchange of 
notes at Reykjavik June 13, 1966. Entered into 
force June 13, 1966. 

' Not in force. 

' Not in force for the United States. 

' With a -statement. 

* For Belgium and Luxembourg. 

JULY 25, 1966 



Agreement relating to the reciprocal granting of 
authorizations to permit licensed amateur radio 
operators of either country to operate their sta- 
tions in the other country. Effected by exchange of 
notes at New Delhi Mav 16 and 25, 1966. Entered 
into force May 25, 1966. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of April 18, 1966 (TIAS 6016). Effected 
by an exchange of notes at Djakarta June 6, 1966. 
Entered into force June 6, 1966. 

Agricultural commodities agreement under Title IV 
of the Agricultural Trade Development and Assist- 
ance Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 454; 7 U.S.C. 
17.'-!1-1736), with exchange of notes. Signed at 
Washington June 28, 1966. Entered into force 
June 28, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the reciprocal granting of 
authorizations to permit licensed amateur radio 
operators of either country to operate their sta- 
tions in the other country.^ Effected by exchange 
of notes at The Hague June 22, 1966. Enters into 
force on the date of receipt by the United States 
of a note stating the Netherlands has complied 
with the constitutional requirements for entry 
into force. 

Supplementary convention modifying and supple- 
menting the convention with respect to taxes on 
income and certain other taxes, signed at Wash- 
ington on April 29, 1948, as amended (TIAS 1855, 

' Applicable to the Netherlands Antilles. 

3366, 5665). Done at Washington December 30, 

Ratified by the President of the United States: 
June 25, 1966. 
Additional agreement to the agreement of May 17, 
1949 (TIAS 1946) for financing certain educa- 
tional and cultural programs. Effected by ex- 
change of notes at The Hague June 22, 1966. 
Enters into force on the date of receipt by the 
United States of a note announcing that the pro- 
cedures constitutionally required by the Nether- 
lands have been complied with. 


Amendment to the agreement of July 27, 1955, as 
amended (TI.A.S 3316, 4515, 5677), for cooperation 
concerning civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at 
Washington June 27, 1966. Enters into force on the 
date on which each Government shall have re- 
ceived from the other written notification that it 
has complied with all statutory and constitutional 
requirements for entry into force. 


Treaty of amity and economic relations, with ex- 
changes of notes. Done at Bangkok May 29, 1966. 
Enters into force one month after date of ex- 
change of ratifications. 


Amendment to the agreement of June 10, 1955, as 
amended (TIAS 3320, 4748, 5828), concerning civil 
uses of atomic energy. Signed at Washington May 
11, 1966. 

Entered into force: July 5, 1966, operative from 
June 9, 1966. 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Services, Bureau of Public Aflfairs, 
provides the public and interested agencies 
of the Government vnth information on 
developments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Deiiartment, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other officers of 

the Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for sale by the Super- 

intendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office. Washington, D.C.. 20102. 
Price; 52 issues, domestic $10, foi^ign $15 : 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publi- 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

NOTE: Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 



INDEX July 25, 1966 Vol. LV, No. U13 

American Principles. The Legacy of Franklin D. 
Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy (Harriman) 137 

American Republics. Acting Secretary Ball's 
News Conference of July 6 121 

Argentina. U.S. Suspends Diplomatic Relations 
With Argentina (Department statement) 124 

Asia. United States and Australia Reaffirm 
Common Goals (Holt, Johnson) 130 

Atomic Energy. Acting Secretary Ball's News 
Conference of July 6 121 

Australia. United States and Australia Reaf- 
firm Common Goals (Holt, Johnson) . . . 130 

Austria. U.S. and Austria Conclude Air Trans- 
port Agreement (text) 148 

Aviation. U.S. and Austria Conclude Air Trans- 
port Agreement (text) 148 


Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 

Policy 148 

U.S. Policy Toward NATO (Ball) .... 143 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Crimmins, Stebbins) 

DesigTiations (Owen) 142 

Disarmament. Acting Secretary Ball's News 
Conference of July 6 121 

Dominican Republic. Crimmins confirmed as 
Ambassador 142 

Economic Affairs. Summary of Proposed East- 
West Trade Relations Act of 1966 ... 140 


Summary of Proposed East-West Trade Rela- 
tions Act of 1966 140 

U.S. Policy Toward NATO (Ball) 143 

Foreign Aid 

The Legacy of Franklin D. Roosevelt and John 
F. Kennedy (Harriman) 137 

Two Threats to Peace: Hunger and Aggression 
(Johnson) 114 

France. Acting Secretary Ball's News Confer- 
ence of July 6 121 

India. Two Threats to Peace: Hunger and Ag- 
gression (Johnson) 114 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

Acting Secretary Ball's News Conference of 

July 6 121 

U.S. Policy Toward NATO (Ball) 143 

Presidential Documents 

Two Threats to Peace: Hunger and Aggression 114 
United States and Australia Reaffirm Com- 
mon Goals 130 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 153 

U.S. and Austria Conclude Air Transport 
Agreement (text) 148 

Uganda. Stebbins confirmed as Ambassador . 142 

U.S.S.R. Acting Secretary Ball's News Confer- 
ence of July 6 121 

United Nations. U.S. Reports to U.N. on 
Actions Taken Against North Viet-Nam 
(Goldberg) 119 


Acting Secretary Ball's News Conference of 
July 6 121 

Mr. Komer Reports to President on Civil Pro- 
grams in Viet-Nam 128 

Two Threats to Peace: Hunger and Aggres- 
sion (Johnson) 114 

United States and Australia Reaffirm Com- 
mon Goals (Holt, Johnson) 130 

U.S. Reports to U.N. on Actions Taken Against 
North Viet-Nam (Goldberg) 119 

Name Index 

Ball, George W 121, 143 

Crimmins, John H 142 

Goldberg, Arthur J 119 

Harriman, W. Averell 137 

Holt, Harold E 130 

Johnson, President 114, 130 

Komer, Robert W 128 

Owen, Henry D 142 

Stebbins, Henry E 142 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: June 27-July 10 



may be obtained from the Of- 

fice of 

\'ews, D 

epai-tment of State, Washing- 

ton, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to June 27 which ap- | 

pear in 

this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 

146 of June 10 and 152 of June 23. | 






SEATO communique. 



Ball: "U.S. Policy Toward 



Carlson sworn in as Ambas- 
sador to Guyana (bio- 
graphic details). 



U.S.-Israel cotton textiles 
agreement amended. 



Ball: "Independence and Free- 
dom — a Continuing Strug- 



Ball : news conference of July 

ANZUS communique (re- 






U.S.-Japan Committee on 
Trade and Economic Af- 
fairs: joint communique. 



Supplementary income tax 
convention with Nether- 
lands enters into force. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

■CiU.S. Government Printing Office: 1966— 201<940/58 




'oreign Relations of the United States 

.944, Volume IV, Europe 

The Department of State recently released another volume in the Foreign Relations series 
overing documentation of American policy and diplomacy for the year 1944. 

Volume IV includes documents on United States wartime relations with Portugal, Romania, 
an Marino, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Vatican, and 
'ugoslavia. Volume III, which was released last year, included documents on the other major 
luropean nations and on the British Commonwealth. 

Many of the documents in volume IV show the efforts of the United States and its allies to 
/^eaken the German military machine by cutting off supplies of vitally needed war materials from 
eutral nations. There is also extensive documentation on the armistice with Romania and on the 
imerican efforts to assist the Soviet Union and the difficulties that this entailed. 

One other volume for 1944 has also been published, and four others are in preparation. 


Supt. of Documents 
Govt. FriDtins OfBce 
Washington, D.C. 20402 

Enclosed find $ (cash, check, or money order). Please send 

le copies of Foreign Relations of the United States as indicated below: 

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Vol. LV, No. UU 

August 1,1966 

Address by President Johnson 158 


Statements, Texts of Communiques of ANZUS, SEATO, and Joint U.S. -Japan 

Cabinet Committee Meetings 169 

For index see inside back cover 

"A peaceful mainland China is central to a peaceful Asia." 

Four Essentials for Peace in Asia 

Address by President Johnson ■ 

Ladies and gentlemen: I wanted very 
much to be in West Virginia tonight to speak 
to the American Alumni Council, but the 
weather has prevented it. However, the mir- 
acle of electronics has made it possible. 

I am happy to be speaking to you tonight 
from here in the White House. In a very spe- 
cial way, this is really your house. 

I have great respect for the work that you 
do. My own career owes a large debt to men 
and women like you, who have made it possi- 
ble for the young people of our country to 

I know what alumni mean to the support 
of higher education. Last year alumni con- 
tributed almost $300 million to the colleges 
and universities of this nation. As the father 
of two daughters, and as the President of a 
country in which more than half of our citi- 
zens are now under 25 years of age, I think 
I know how important that assistance is to 
the youth of this nation. 

Throughout my entire life, I have taken 
seriously the warning that the world is en- 
gaged in a race between education and chaos. 
For the last 2V2 years I have lived here with 
the daily awareness that the fate of man- 
kind really depends on the outcome of that 

So I came here tonight because you are 
committed in the name of education to help 

' Made from the White House on nationwide radio 
and televi.sion to the American Alumni Council on 
July 12 (White House press release). 

US decide that contest. That is the most im- 
portant victory we can ever win. 

We have set out in this country to improve 
the quality of all American life. We are con- 
cerned with each man's opportunity to de- 
velop his talents. We are concerned with his 
environment — the cities and farms where he 
lives, the air he breathes, the water he 
drinks. We seek to enrich the schools that 
educate him and, of course, to improve the 
governments that serve him. We are at war 
against the poverty that deprives him, the 
unemployment that degrades him, and the 
prejudice that defies him. 

As we look at other parts of the world, we 
see similar battles being fought in Asia, in 
Africa, and in Latin America. On eveiy hand 
we see the thirst for independence, the strug- 
gle for progress, and the almost frantic race 
that is taking place between education on the 
one hand and disaster on the other. 

In all these regions we, too, have a very 
big stake. Nowhere are the stakes higher 
than in Asia. So I want to talk to you tonight 
about Asia and about peace in Asia. Asia is 
now the crucial arena of man's striving for 
independence and order, and for life itself. 

This is true because three out of eveiy 
five people in all this world live in Asia to- 
night. This is true because hundreds of mil- 
lions of them exist on less than 25 cents a 

This is true because Communists in Asia 
tonight still believe in force in order to 
achieve their Communist goals. 



So if enduring peace can ever come to 
Asia, all mankind will benefit. But if peace 
fails there, nowhere else will our achieve- 
ments really be secure. 

By peace in Asia I do not mean simply the 
absence of armed hostilities. For wherever 
men hung:er and hate, there can really be no 

I do not mean the peace of conquest. For 
humiliation can be the seedbed of war. 

I do not mean simply the peace of the 
conference table. For peace is not really 
written merely in the words of treaties, but 
peace is the day-by-day work of builders. 

The peace we seek in Asia is a peace of 
conciliation between Communist states and 
their non-Communist neighbors, between 
rich nations and i)oor, between small nations 
and large, between men whose skins are 
brown and black and yellow and white, be- 
tween Hindus and Moslems and Buddhists 
and Christians. 

It is a peace that can only be sustained 
through the durable bonds of peace: through 
international trade, through the free flow 
of people and ideas, through full participa- 
tion by all nations in an intei'national com- 
munity under law, and through a common 
dedication to the great task of human prog- 
ress and economic development. 

U.S. Obligations in Asia 

Is such a peace possible? 

With all my heart I believe it is. We are 
not there yet. We have a long way to jour- 
ney. But the foundations for such a peace in 
Asia are being laid tonight as never before. 
They must be built on these essentials: 

First is the determination of the United 
States to meet our obligations in Asia as a 
Pacific power. 

You have heard arguments the other way. 
They are built on the old belief that "East 
is East, and West is West, and never the 
twain shall meet." 

— that we have no business but business 
interests in Asia; 

— that Europe, not the Far East, is really 
our proper sphere of interest; 

— that our commitments in Asia are not 
worth the resources they require; 

— that the ocean is vast, the cultures alien, 
the languages strange, and the races differ- 

— that these really are not our kind of 

But all of these arguments have been thor- 
oughly tested. All of them, I think, really 
have been found wanting. 

They do not stand the test of geography 
because we are bounded not by one but by 
two oceans. Whether by aircraft or ship, by 
satellite or missile, the Pacific is as crossable 
as the Atlantic. 

They do not stand the test of common 
sense. The economic network of this shrink- 
ing globe is too intertwined, the basic hopes 
of men are too interrelated, the possibility 
of common disaster is too real for us to ever 
ignore threats to peace in Asia. 

They do not stand the test of human con- 
cern, either. The people of Asia do matter. 
We share with them many things in com- 
mon. We are all persons. We are all human 

And they do not stand the test of reality, 
either. Asia is no longer sitting outside the 
door of the 20th century. She is here, in the 
same world with all of us, to be either our 
partner or our problem. 

Americans entered this century believing 
that our own security had no foundation out- 
side our own continent. Twice we mistook 
our sheltered position for safety. Twice we 
were dead wrong. 

If we are wise now, we will not repeat our 
mistakes of the past. We will not retreat 
from the obligations of freedom and security 
in Asia. 

Making Aggression a "Losing Game" 

The second essential for peace in Asia is 
this: to prove to aggressive nations that the 
use of force to conquer others is a losing 

There is no more difficult task, really, in 
a world of revolutionary change, where the 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


rewards of conquest tempt ambitious appe- 

As long as the leaders of North Viet-Nam 
really believe that they can take over the 
people of South Viet-Nam by force, we must 
not let them succeed. We must stand across 
their path and say: "You will not prevail; 
but turn from the use of force and peace will 

Every American must know exactly what 
it is that we are trying to do in Viet-Nam. 
Our greatest resource, really, in this con- 
flict — our greatest support for the men who 
are fighting out there — is your understand- 
ing. It is your willingness to carry, perhaps 
for a long time, the heavy burden of a con- 
fusing and costly war. 

We are not tiying to wipe out North Viet- 

We are not trying to change their govern- 

We are not trying to establish permanent 
bases in South Viet-Nam. 

And we are not trying to gain one inch 
of new territory for America. 

Then, you say, "Why are we there?" Why? 

We are there because we are trying to 
make the Communists of North Viet-Nam 
stop shooting at their neighbors; 

— because we are trying to make this Com- 
munist aggression unprofitable; 

— because we are trying to demonstrate 
that guerrilla warfare, inspired by one na- 
tion against another nation, can never suc- 
ceed. Once that lesson is learned, a shadow 
that hangs over all of Asia tonight will be- 
gin, I think, to recede. 

"Well," you say, "when will that day 
come?" I am sorry. I cannot tell you; only 
the men in Hanoi can give you that answer. 

We are fighting a war of determination. 
It may last a long time. But we must keep 
on until the Communists in North Viet-Nam 
realize the price of aggression is too high — 
and either agree to a peaceful settlement or 
to stop their fighting. 

However long it takes, I want the Com- 
munists in Hanoi to know where we stand: 

First, victory for your armies is impossi- 
ble. You cannot drive us from South Viet- 
Nam by your force. Do not mistake our firm 
stand for false optimism. As long as j'ou 
persist in aggression, we are going to resist. 

Second, the minute you realize that a mili- 
tary victory is out of the question and turn 
from the use of force, you will find us ready 
and willing to reciprocate. We want to end 
the fighting. We want to bring our men back 
home. We want an honorable peace in Viet- 
Nam. In your hands is the key to that peace. 
You have only to turn it. 

Building Asia's Economic Progress 

The third essential is the building of polit- 
ical and economic strength among the na- 
tions of free Asia. 

For years they have been woi-king at that 
task. And the untold story of 1966 is the 
story of what free Asians have done for 
themselves, and with the help of others, while 
South Viet-Nam and her allies have been 
busy holding aggression at bay. 

Many of you can recall our faith in the 
future of Europe at the end of World War 
II, when we began the Marshall Plan. We 
backed that faith with all the aid and com- 
passion we could muster. 

Our faith in Asia at this time is just as 
great. And that faith is backed by judgment 
and reason. For if we stand firm in Viet- 
Nam against military conquest, we truly be- 
lieve the emerging order of hope and prog- 
ress in Asia will continue to grow and to 

Our very able Secretary of State, Dean 
Rusk, has just returned from a trip through 
the Far East. He told me yesterday after- 
noon of many of the heartening signs he saw 
as the people of Asia continue to work to- 
ward common goals. And these ai'e just some 
of them. In the last year: 

— Japan and Korea have settled their long- 
standing disputes and established normal re- 
lations with promise for closer coo iteration; 

— One country after another has achieved 



rates of economic growth that are far beyond 
the most optimistic hopes we had a few 
years ago; 

— Indonesia and its more than 100 million 
l)eoi)le have already pulled back from the 
brink of communism and economic collapse; 

— Our friends in India and Pakistan — 600 
million strong — have ended a tragic conflict 
and have returned to the immense work of 

— Japan has become a dramatic example 
of economic progress through political and 
social freedom and has begun to help others; 

— Communist Cliina's policy of aggression 
by proxy is failing; 

— Nine Pacific nations — -allies and neu- 
trals, white and colored — came together on 
their own initiative to fonn an Asian and 
Pacific Council; 

— New and consti-uctive groupings for eco- 
nomic cooperation are under discussion in 
Southeast Asia; 

— The billion-dollar Asian Development 
Bank, which I first mentioned in Baltimore 
in my televised speech a few months ago,^ is 
already moving forward in Manila with the 
participation of more than 31 nations; 

— And the development of the Lower Me- 
kong River Basin is going forward despite 
the war. 

Throughout free Asia you can hear the 
echo of progress. As one Malaysian leader 
said: "Whatever our ethical, cultural, or re- 
ligious background, the nations and peoples 
of Southeast Asia must pull together in the 
same broad sweep of histoiy. We must create 
with our own hands and minds a new per- 
spective and a new framework. And we must 
do it ourselves." 

For this is the new Asia, and this is the 
new spirit we see taking shape behind our 
defense of South Viet-Nam. Because we have 
been firm, because we have committed our- 
selves to the defense of one small country, 
others have taken new heart. And I want to 
assure them tonight that we never intend to 
let you down. America's word will always 
be good. 

U.S. Policy Toward Communist China 

There is a fourth essential for peace in 
Asia which may seem the most diflficult of 
all: reconciliation between nations that now 
call themselves enemies. 

A peaceful mainland China is central to a 
peaceful Asia. 

A hostile China must be discouraged from 
aggression. A misguided China must be en- 
couraged toward understanding of the out- 
side world and toward policies of peaceful 
cooperation. For lasting peace can never 
come to Asia as long as the 700 million people 
of mainland China are isolated by their 
rulers from the outside world. 

We have learned in our relations with 
other such states that the weakness of neigh- 
bors is a temptation, and only fiiTnness, 
backed by power, can really deter power that 
is backed by ambition. But we have also 
learned that the greatest force for opening 
closed minds and closed societies is the free 
flow of ideas and people and goods. 

For many years, now, the United States 
has attempted in vain to persuade the Chi- 
nese Communists to agree to an exchange of 
newsmen as one of the first steps to increased 
understanding between our people. 

More recently, we have taken steps to per- 
mit American scholars, experts in medicine 
and public health, and other specialists to 
travel to Communist China. Only today we 
have here in the Government cleared a pass- 
port for a leading American businessman to 
exchange knowledge with Chinese mainland 
leaders in Red China. 

All of these initiatives have been rejected, 
except the action today, by Communist 

We persist because we know that hunger 
and disease, ignorance and poverty, recog- 
nize no boundaries of either creed or class or 

We persist because we believe that even 
the most rigid societies will one day awaken 

» For text, see BULLETIN of Apr. 26, 1965, p. 606. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


to the rich possibilities of a diverse world. 

And we continue because we believe that 
cooperation, not hostility, is really the way 
of the future in the 20th century. 

That day is not yet here. It may be long 
in coming, but I tell you it is clearly on its 
way, because come it must. 

Earlier this year the Foreign Minister of 
Singapore said that if the nations of the 
world could learn to build a truly world 
civilization in the Pacific through coopera- 
tion and peaceful competition, then, as our 

great President Theodore Roosevelt once re- 
marked, this may be the greatest of all 
human eras — the Pacific era. 

As a Pacific power, we must help achieve 
that outcome. Because it is a goal worthy of 
our American dreams, and it is a goal that 
is worthy of the deeds of our brave men who 
are dying for us tonight. 

So I say to you and I pledge to all those 
who are counting on us: You can depend 
upon us, because all Americans will do their 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 

Press release 164 dated July 12 

The trip from which I returned Saturday 
evening was very encouraging — in many 
ways the most gratifying of the eight trips 
I have made to the Westeni Pacific as Secre- 
tary of State. From Australia in the south 
to Japan and Korea in the north, new winds 
are blowing. 

Three fundamental facts stand out. 

First, the governments of the free nations 
of the area are deeply concerned about 
security and peace. They understand the 
issues in Southeast Asia. They appreciate 
what the United States and others are doing 
to assist the Republic of Viet-Nam to repel 
North Viet-Nam's aggression by armed 

Five members of SEATO have, or soon will 
have, military forces in Viet-Nam. One na- 
tion from outside SEATO, the Republic of 
Korea, grateful for the help it received when 
it was defending its own freedom against 
Communist aggression, has sent to Viet-Nam 
a full division plus a Marine brigade and a 
contingent of engineers and is about to send 
another full division. 

More than 30 nations are providing eco- 

nomic and humanitarian assistance to South 

The SEATO ministerial conference ^ in 
Canberra found that "the past year has seen 
serious setbacks for Communist ambitions" 
but that, nevertheless, "Communist aggres- 
sion and efforts at subversion remain a ma- 
jor threat. . . ." It described the situation in 
the treaty area as "the most dangerous in 
the world" and declared that "eflforts to meet 
the Communist challenge there must not 
fail." It endorsed the 14-point peace program 
of the United States and "the joint commit- 
ment of the Governments of Viet-Nam and 
the United States, as expressed in the Decla- 
ration of Honolulu: to defense against 
aggression, to the work of social revolution, 
and to the goal of free self-government." 

The ANZUS Council meeting,^ which fol- 
lowed the SEATO ministerial conference, 
found that "the aggression against South 
Viet-Nam has in fact been blunted," and that 
"the presence of approximately one million 
Vietnamese and allied fighting men in South 

' For text of a communique, see p. 172. 
* For text of a communique, see p. 175. 



Viet-Nam in support of the Republic of 
Viet-Nam assures that the North Vietnam- 
ese Communist regime will not succeed in 
imjiosino: its dictatorship on the people of 
South Viet-Nam." It noted that "for the 
fourth time in half a century armed forces 
of the three members are fighting side by side 
in the defence of freedom." 

Asian Economic Progress 

The second fundamental fact is that, be- 
hind the shield which the United States is 
helping to provide, the free nations of the 
Westei'n Pacific are moving ahead eco- 
nomicallj' and socially, several of them with 
great speed. Australia has surged forward. 
In Southeast Asia a new spirit is at work. 
Thailand and Malaysia continue to make im- 
pressive gains. Indonesia has turned an im- 
poitant corner, although it still faces veiy 
difficult problems. The Philippines have a 
vigorous and experienced leader in President 
[Ferdinand E.] Marcos, who is bringing 
fresh energj- and new ideas to Philippine eco- 
nomic development. 

Further north, the Republic of China on 
Taiwan continues its remarkable economic 
and social progress — which stands in sharp 
contrast to the failures of the Communist 
regime on the mainland. I found veiy stimu- 
lating a briefing on the technical assistance 
which the Republic of China is now render- 
ing to some 2.5 other countries, mainly in 
agricultural production. 

The new democratic Japan continues its 
extraordinary economic growth. At its pres- 
ent rate, it may well become, within a very 
few years, third in rank among industrial 
nations. Increasingly it is playing a con- 
sti'uctive role in the affairs of the Western 
Pacific and the free world as a whole. 

The Republic of Korea, under President 
[Chung Hee] Park, is making very gratify- 
ing economic gains. At the same time, it con- 
tinues to play a large role in defending the 
security and peace of the Western Pacific. 

The third fundamental fact is that the free 
nations of Asia and the Pacific are moving 
rapidly toward regional cooperation. The 
Asian Development Bank promises to be a 

veiy important instrument in Asian develop- 
ment. Japan took the initiative in convening 
a conference on Southeast Asian develop- 
ment. Korea took the initiative in bringing 
together representatives of 10 Western 
Pacific nations at the recent conference in 
Seoul at which ASPAC [Asian and Pacific 
Council] was founded. New cooperative 
groupings of great promise are in the mak- 
ing in Southeast Asia. These are some of the 
main examples of increasing regional coop- 
eration. What is more, they are Asian in 

Asian communism has lost most of what- 
ever appeal it once had among the free peo- 
ples of the area. It has proved itself the 
enemy of nationalism. It has proved itself 
unable to compete with the free societies in 
improving people's living conditions. It is 
generally regarded today as a reactionary 
force — but one which has to be reckoned 
with because of its militant doctrine and its 
refusal to cooperate in peaceful processes in 
Southeast Asia. 

But, in spite of the dangers stemming 
from Communist aggression and threats, the 
free nations of the Western Pacific look to 
the future with confidence. They now know 
that the United States can be relied upon to 
meet its commitments and that, as the Presi- 
dent has made plain, we and our allies have 
both the will and the means to see things 
through in Viet-Nam. 

In my talks with leaders of the Asian and 
Pacific states during my visit, we had a 
chance to review in some detail the present 
situation in Viet-Nam. I found encourage- 
ment over the demonstration by South Viet- 
namese and allied forces that they will not 
permit a militaiy takeover of South Viet- 
Nam by Hanoi. There was also a sense of 
hope that the political processes initiated in 
South Viet-Nam would produce a broader 
consensus among all elements, who agree 
with each other that the eflfort by Hanoi must 
be resisted. But all recognized that the strug- 
gle is not over and that, as the President put 
it in his recent Omaha speech: * 

' For text, see BULLETIN of July 25, 1966, p. 114. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


No one can tell you how much effort it will take. 
None can tell you how much sacrifice it will take. 
No one can tell you how costly it will be. 

I found no one who had any indication or 
belief that the authorities in Hanoi had de- 
cided to give up their aggressive ambitions 
or to come to a conference table to bring 
about a peaceful settlement. It seems to me, 
therefore, that our present course is clear: 
to support our own men in uniform and their 
allies and to proceed as rapidly as possible 
with the political, economic, and social meas- 
ures in Viet-Nam which are required even 
in the midst of war. The President has em- 
phasized that no one wants peace more than 
he does. But peace is not here, and there is 
a job to be done. 

I am ready for your questions. 

"Winds of Change" in Peking and Hanoi 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you say that the 
winds of change are also blowing in Peking 
and in Hanoi? 

A. Well, we know that there are changes 
occurring in mainland China. The exact 
character and the significance of those 
changes are not entirely clear. But we do 
not see those changes resulting in hands ex- 
tended to other nations in the direction of 

Just in the last few hours, the authorities 
there have blasted a combination of the U.S. 
imperialists, the Soviet revisionists, and the 
Indian reactionaries, which makes a pretty 
big basketful. 

We hear daily charges that efforts toward 
peace are a swindle, that this is all a part of 
a great Munich to try to trap somebody into 
a surrender, when actually the purposes of 
these efforts are to get Hanoi to stop shoot- 
ing at somebody and let peace occur so that 
countries out there can live side by side 
without violence. 

As far as Hanoi is concerned, we know 
that they are having some problems and 
troubles, that the course upon which they 
are embarked has not been an easy one for 
them, and they must now surely understand 

that the commitment of the South Vietnam- 
ese, the United States, and other allies is 
such that they cannot expect to have their 
military victory in South Viet-Nam. 

So I would not say that these winds that 
I am talking about in free Asia are blowing 
very freely in Hanoi and mainland China at 
this point. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been empha- 
sis in recent days, if not weeks, on the 
rather cautious optimism that many Ameri- 
can officials feel about the war in South Viet- 
Nam. And now it seems that there is a swing 
back to the long war, the costly war, the "no 
signs from Hanoi." And a lot of Americans, 
including myself, incidentally, seem a bit con- 
futed about hoiv we are doing from day to 
day. And I tvonder if you can explain why 
this sort of seesaw syndrome in the official 
actions or reactions. 

A. Well, I really think I should put that 
question to you gentlemen. I mean when we 
expressed concern about the political dis- 
turbances that were called the "resistance 
movement" up in Hue, and Da Nang, there 
were some who thought that the whole situ- 
ation was about to collapse. Well, it wasn't 
about to collapse. 

When someone expresses encouragement 
over the stellar performance of the militaiy 
forces in the field — at least during my trip, 
I had the impression that some felt that we 
were somehow saying that the war was about 
over. I had the feeling that there was an 
overreaction to this editorial yesterday in 
Peking about — dubbed the "go it alone" 

I believe that one can be encouraged with- 
out believing that the war is over. I think 
what is needed is a balance, and we in Gov- 
ernment have our responsibility to try to 
keep these matters in balance. But this is a 
responsibility shared by other people in this 
room as well. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on the same point, sir, 
the recent public opinion polls have showed 
considerable support for the bombing of the 



0(7 depots around Hanoi and Haiphong, hut 
they also indicated that this feeling of en- 
couragement was based on the expectation 
of a quick end to the war. Now, I tvould 
gather that the concluding portion of your 
opening statement tvas addressed to that 
point. Could you amplify on this public — o?i 
your vieu's about this public expectation that 
the bombing is likely to produce an early end 
to the wa r ? 

A. Well, I think that any measure which 
seriously interferes with or makes more diffi- 
cult the infiltration of men and arms into 
the South cannot help but be taken into ac- 
count by the other side when it makes its 
judgments about its future plans and its 
future course of action. But we have not seen 
indications of a change of heart on the other 
side. We do know that men and anns con- 
tinue to come south. We do know that those 
forces are going to have to be engaged. They 
have been engaged veiy successfully, and the 
hoi)es that the other side might have had a 
few months ago that they would have a mili- 
tary success have, undoubtedly, been seri- 
ously blunted, as we stated in the ANZUS 

But we are not over the hump yet. We 
haven't begun to see the end of this thing 
yet. Because we haven't seen yet the neces- 
saiy decisions on the other side to bring this 
matter to a conclusion. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, tvould you say that the 
bombing of the oil installations, so far, has 
produced the kind of military gains that you 
had hoped they would produce? 

A. Well, it is much too early to try to draw 
a direct connection between those and the 
flow of material. Naturally, we will be watch- 
ing that veiy closely. But certainly POL 
[petroleum-oil-lubricants] that is knocked 
out is not available to move trucks on the 
same scale as before, and something has got 
to give somewhere on terms of shortening up 
on the various tasks undertaken, including 
the infiltration tasks. But it is much too 
early to try to make any particular assess- 
ment on that particular point. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you told us what the "do 
it yourself" editorial didn't mean. What do 
you think it did mean? 

A. Well, this was a restatement of a posi- 
tion which has been familiar, particularly 
to the Chinese Communists since the late 
fifties. It did not say that there would not 
be international help. It is usual Chinese 
Communist doctrine that the main reliance 
upon any "people's revolution," as they put 
it, must be the people themselves, the peoples 
directly concerned. But it did not exclude the 
possibility of outside help. And it did not 
indicate that in any sense that Hanoi had 
better sue for peace for lack of outside help. 

I just feel that the "go it alone" theme did 
not take sufficiently into account the other 
things that were said in that editorial and 
its known relationship to previous Mao doc- 
trine on that subject. 

A Big Job Still Ahead 

Q. Mr. Secretary, some of the reports of 
optimism in official quarters that appear in 
the press have been sparked at least in part 
by a statement by one of the President's spe- 
cial assistants on TV that the enemy has been 
tactically defeated in South Viet-Nam. Do 
you take issue with that characterization? 

A. I think that there have been some very 
important successes in South Viet-Nam, that 
organized units of the North Vietnamese and 
Viet Cong forces have been engaged and 
severely mauled, that their casualties since 
the first of the year have been very heavy, 
and that base areas have been penetrated 
and many of them destroyed. Those things 
obviously are going on. 

But in a guerrilla-type situation it is not 
easy to bring these matters to a quick conclu- 
sion on the ground because there is always 
another band and another place to cause diffi- 
culty until it's found and fixed and engaged. 

So I think there is a big job still ahead 
and that we shouldn't expect an early change 
in the situation unless there is some decision 
on the other side, which has not yet been 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


taken — of which we have no present 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that the — 
do you feel that from this last statement — do 
I read that you feel that the war is returning 
to a guerrilla stage rather than a massive in- 
volvement of North Vietnamese regiments — 
they have changed their tactics? 

A. Well, we have not seen organized forces 
on a large scale who have tried to maintain 
themselves in sustained combat. There was 
some indication during the last year's mon- 
soon season that they might have in mind 
that kind of an operation. I believe some 
people referred to it as "phase three" of Mao 
Tse-tung's strategy. But we have not seen 

The primary problem still is to find the 
other fellow, to locate these units. It has not 
taken the pattern of a great land war in 
Asia. It is not easy to have that kind of a 
war against an enemy that is difficult to find. 
But nevertheless the techniques for finding 
him have improved. He is being engaged 
more frequently and with greater effect, and 
his losses are running much heavier than 
they did, say, the second part of last year. 
So the general technique is still basically that 
of the guerrilla tactic, the hit-and-run, the 
hide-and-seek, and not that of a sustained, 
fixed engagement. 

Now, it may be during the present mon- 
soon season we shall see some actions of a 
large scale by the other side. But General 
[William C] Westmoreland has been tiying 
to prevent the development of such actions 
by preventive moves against units as they 
are located, as a sort of spoiling tactic. And 
thus far those tactics on our side have worked 
quite effectively. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on several occasions you 
have called on the Soviet Union to act as a 
Cochairman and reconvene the Geneva con- 
ference with the British. The only public re- 
sponse has been a toughening of the Soviet 
position — it seems at least verbally — on Viet- 
Nam and of coxirse yesterday's decision not 

to send a track team. I just rvonder if there 
are any encouraging signs privately from the 
Soviets that they are ^villing? 

A. No. I think the public indications of 
their attitude are consistent with the private 
indications. We regretted this unfriendly 
gesture of canceling certain sports events, 
partly because it's unnecessary to draw ath- 
letes into this kind of political issue. And 
there will be a future to be worked on when 
the Viet-Nam problem is behind us and ex- 
changes of that sort help to build toward this 

But we also miss another element, and that 
is some active and serious effort by the Soviet 
Union to move this problem toward peace. 
The communique which resulted from Presi- 
dent de Gaulle's visit indicated support for 
the Geneva agreements of 19.54. The recent 
declaration of the Warsaw Pact countries 
called upon the United States to comply with 
the Geneva agreements of 1962 and 1954. 
Prince [Norodom] Sihanouk has asked the 
two Cochairmen to be of assistance in 
strengthening the ICC [International Control 
Commission] to help protect the neutrality 
and territorial integrity of Cambodia. 

Now, there are many opportunities here 
for the Cochairmen to do something, to take 
some step, to grasp a handle and begin to 
work at this problem. And we would hope 
that both Cochairmen would find a way to do 
it. This is a matter, of course, being dis- 
cussed with them at the present time, I 
gather, by the Prime Minister of India; 
undoubtedly it will be taken up by the British 
Prime Minister on his visit. 

But one needs to do more than just make 
hostile statements. One needs to address one- 
self responsibly and directly to the business 
of how do you make peace. And we would 
hope that would occur. 

Problem of Nuclear Proliferation 

Q. Mr. Secretary, can I change to another 
subject? The President previously talked 
about the administration's desire to find some 



acceptable compromise on the nonproUfera- 
tion treaty.* Does this mean, sir, that the 
administration is now preparing to give pri- 
ority to a nonproliferation treaty over some 
nuclear-haMware sharing tvith the countries 
of Wester7i Europe? 

A. No. I think an approach based on pri- 
orities is a wrong approach. Because you 
have got two quite different things involved 
here. The one is the proliferation of nuclear 
weapons. We are opposed to proliferation. 
We began to be opposed to it in 1946, when 
we made the Baruch proposals that would 
have eliminated any nuclear power. If 1 was 
too many, certainly 5 are too many and 8 or 
10 or 20 are too many. 

Now, there is another question, and that is 
the nuclear arrangements in NATO, which 
have nothing to do with proliferation. We 
have never discussed any proposal in NATO 
which involves adding to the number of 
nuclear powers or turning these weapons 
over to any national government that doesn't 
have them, or anything that could be called 

Unfortunately, the Soviet Union has 
mixed these two subjects up. Now, we are 
continuing to work at this problem of pro- 
liferation because it is important and urgent, 
and it may be that we can find some language 
which will help close the difference, provided 
all parties concentrate on the problem of pro- 
liferation and don't try to use the urgent 
need for a nonpi-oliferation treaty to accom- 
plish other purposes which have nothing to 
do with the question of the spreading of 
nuclear weapons. 

So I wouldn't approach it in terms of pri- 
orities, but we will continue to talk about this 
matter at Geneva and with our allies and it 
may be that we can make some progress. 
Progress is an urgent requirement, and it's 
needed very badly. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I ivonder if you could 
explain to us how one could reconcile your 
description of the nature of the war in Viet- 

Nam on the side of the Communist forces 
when Secretary [of Defense Robert S.] Mc- 
Namara's description of it has become, he 
said, qucLsi-conventional? 

A. Well, I think that we are talking about 
the scale of the forces involved. I don't intend 
to get into any argument with either Secre- 
tary McNamara or you about particular 
expressions. But we have not seen, for ex- 
ample, as much as a two-regimental force of 
the Viet Cong engaged at the same place 
and the same time for quite a long time. 
We have never seen a divisional force 
engaged as such. 

So that when you look back to other en- 
gagements, back through recent history, I 
would think that the basic pattern of the 
struggle is still that of the guerrilla tech- 
nique. Even though on occasion you may run 
across a substantial force of two or three 
thousand men, I don't think that Secretary 
McNamara and I would argue over that 

Prospects for NATO 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you have given us an 
expose, rather hopefully I think, of the eco- 
nomic and political cooperation in Southeast 
Asia. Could you also tell u^ lohat your views 
are on the state of NATO at the moment and 
how you see its prospects and its develop- 
ment in the near future after the withdratval 
of France from it ? 

A. Well, I am not sure that I have any- 
thing new to say on that. Since our recent 
NATO meeting,^ I think it is clear that the 
Fourteen are determined to proceed with 
NATO and not to permit the withdrawal of 
French participation in the military arrange- 
ments of NATO to cripple it. 

Discussions are now going on, as you know, 
between France and Gennany on the one side 
and the North Atlantic Council on the other 
and the United States on various aspects of 


* For text of a communique issued at Brussels on 
June 8 at the close of the meeting, see ibid., June 27, 
1966, p. 1001. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


the problems raised by the announcement by 
President de Gaulle of his decisions. Those, I 
think, will take a little time so that there is 
nothing very clear yet to be said on those 
particular subjects. 

But I have no doubt that the 14 members 
of NATO are determined to go ahead, do 
what is necessary to keep it together, stream- 
line it, strengthen it if need be, and not per- 
mit it to be set off track by the actions taken 
by France. 

Recognition of Argentine Government 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in this area we have a 
problem that is coming up pretty soon on 
recognition of the Argentine military regime, 
which took over from an elected government. 
I wonder if you can give us something of 
your philosophy on recognition of such a 
regime ? 

A. Well, we have joined with the other 
members of the hemisphere in strongly sup- 
porting elected and constitutional govern- 
ments in this hemisphere. We did agree at 
the most recent foreign ministers meeting at 
Rio, under Resolution 26, I think it was, that 
in the event of a takeover of this type there 
would be consultation among all the mem- 
bers of the hemisphere. We are now engaged 
in that consultation. Certain members of the 
hemisphere have already recognized the new 
regime in Argentina, but we are at the pres- 
ent time continuing to consult and will have 
to come to our conclusion on that point in the 
next several days, one way or the other.* 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I'd like to get at both 
the range and the reason of your rvord of 
caution about the statement out of China. Mr. 
Ball [Under Secretary George W. Ball] on 
two occasions last iveek led us to believe that 
ive certainly had no serious expectation or 
sign that the Chinese would do what is com- 
monly called "intervention" either with their 
airpower or on the ground. 

A. Right. 

Q. Noiv, what are you warning us atvay 
from — in other words, in terms of this state- 
ment ? 

A. Well, I had the impression quite frankly 
that the "go it alone" theme in that editorial 
was emphasized at the expense of those parts 
which referred to international Communist 
support for such movements as are present 
in Viet-Nam, and I had the feeling that too 
much interpretation was being given that 
this meant somehow that Peiping would not 
do anything to help North Viet-Nam. 

Now, we don't see indications at the pres- 
ent time of major moves in this direction, 
but I just think that we ought not to be too 
confident that this is in any sense cutting the 
strings between Peiping and Hanoi or leav- 
ing Hanoi adrift or anything of that sort. 

Q. Are you suggesting it doesn't mean less 
help, but it doesn't necessarily point to more? 

A. That is correct. I am not making a 
judgment on what Peiping's actions will be. 
All I am saying is that it would be, I think, 
a little risky to base that judgment on this 
particular editorial. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is it conceivable that 
ivithout a peace treaty we can free South 
Viet-Nam, and, that being the case, could ive 
do it without invasion of North Viet-Nam? 

A. Oh, I think the attack against South 
Viet-Nam can be thrown back. I quite frankly 
don't know whether this matter will come 
to an end at a conference table or whether 
it will come to an end de facto, simply by 
events. It could come to an end either way. 
But I have no doubt that the military effort 
to grab South Viet-Nam by force can be 
thrown back and will be thrown back; so that 
at some point here the other side will have 
to recognize quite clearly that its effort to 
grab South Viet-Nam by force has failed and 
there is no future in it. 

Q. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. 

• See p. 184. 



Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders 

Secretary Rii^k left Washington on June 2A for Canberra, where he 
attended the 11th meeting of the Council of Ministers of the Southeast 
Asia Treaty Organization June 27-29 and the annual meeting of the 
Australia-Netv Zealand-United States Council June 30-July 1. From 
Canberra the Secretary flew to Manila and then to Taipei for talks 
on July 3 with President Ferdinand E. Marcos of the Philippines and 
ivith President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China. In Kyoto 
July 5-7 the Secretary attended the fifth meeting of the Joint United 
States-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic Affairs, and on July 
8 and 9 he was in Seoul, where he met tvith President Chung Hee 
Park of the Republic of Korea and attended a ceremony driring which 
he signed the agreement concer^iing the status of U.S. forces in Korea. 

Folloiving are statements by Secretary Ru^k on various occasions 
during the trip, transcripts of neivs conferences, and texts of com- 
muniques released after the meetings at Canberra and Kyoto. 


Arrival Statement, June 26 

Mrs. Rusk and I are delighted to be here 
in Australia again in this fine capital city 
and to bring you the greetings of President 
Johnson and the American people. 

We were last here in 1962 at a meeting of 
the ANZUS Council. Since that time, Aus- 
tralia and the United States have been work- 
ing even more closely together than we have 
in the past. For the fourth time in this cen- 
tury Australians, New Zealanders, and 
Americans are finding themselves as com- 
rades in ai-ms — this time fighting in South- 
east Asia, where Hanoi is refusing to make 
peace and seems determined to seize South 
Viet-Nam by force. That will not be per- 

I can say to you that we in America very 
greatly respect the fine job being done by 
the Australian soldiers there in Viet-Nam. It 

is always good for the two of us to be to- 
gether when things get tough. 

We also have been working closely with 
you on the great space-tracking enterprise. 
There are four stations here cooperating 
with NASA [National Aeronautics and 
Space Administration]. They are about 98 
percent manned by Australians, and we very 
much enjoy that close cooperation in that 

After our SEATO meeting, where we will 
undoubtedly concentrate on Southeast Asia 
and Viet-Nam, then we will be having our 
ANZUS Council meeting with Australia and 
New Zealand. 

Statement Before SEATO Ministerial 
Council, June 27 

First, I should like to join my colleagues 
in thanking our Australian hosts for their 
justly famed hospitality. I can think of no 
more agreeable environment for these im- 
portant discussions. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


I should also like to extend my best wishes 
to our new Secretary General, General Jesus 
Vargas, who brings to the weighty tasks be- 
fore him the wisdom and experience of a 
distinguished career. 

We are meeting here to look at the situa- 
tion in Southeast Asia. We still face the mor- 
tal challenge of Communist aggression to the 
peace and security of this area. This Com- 
munist threat is most starkly evident in Viet- 
Nam. But it is not confined to that country. 
It is active in Laos and Thailand. It hangs 
over all of Southeast Asia — and over nations 
elsewhere in Asia and the Pacific. Indeed, it 
is a naked challenge to world peace and or- 
der, thus ultimately to the security of every 
free nation. 

Our objective in Viet-Nam — as in all 
Southeast Asia, all of Asia, and all the rest 
of the world — is peace; a peace in which each 
nation can live under the governments and 
institutions of its own choice, the kind of 
peace sketched out in the preamble and arti- 
cles 1 and 2 of the United Nations Charter. 

The central issue in Viet-Nam is whether 
the Communist regime in Hanoi will be per- 
mitted to impose its will on the people of 
South Viet-Nam by force. It is whether ag- 
gression shall be allowed to succeed. 

We believe that the people of South Viet- 
Nam have as much right as any other people 
in the world to live in peace and freedom. 
And we know — all of us should know — from 
costly experience that success in aggression 
whets the appetite of the aggressor and may 
cause others to emulate him. 

In responding to the request for assistance 
from the Republic of Viet-Nam, the United 
States has repeatedly made it clear: 

— That we want no bases or other special 
positions or rights in South Viet-Nam. 

— That we do not wish, or expect, to keep 
our troops there after peace is assured. 

— That we support free elections to give 
the South Vietnamese people a government 
of their own choice. 

— That we regard reunification of Viet- 
Nam as a matter for the Vietnamese them- 
selves to determine through their own free 

— That, in sum, we are in Viet-Nam for no 
other reason than to assist the Republic of 
Viet-Nam to repel an aggi-ession directed 
against it by the Communist regime in 

And, while they can speak better for them- 
selves, I know that these purposes are shared 
by the other nations which are helping to de- 
fend South Viet-Nam. 

The American Government and people 
have warmly welcomed Australia's decision 
to increase substantially its fighting forces 
in Viet-Nam; New Zealand's enlargement of 
its contingent; the increased assistance from 
Thailand; the decision of the Republic of the 
Philippines to send an engineer and security 
force; and the powerful contribution of the 
Republic of Korea, a regiment of engineers 
with their security forces, followed by a full 
combat division, with another division soon 
to come. 

We have also been pleased by the fact that 
more than 30 nations have joined us in ex- 
tending technical, economic, and humani- 
tarian aid to the Republic of Viet-Nam. 

Despite growing assistance, the South 
Vietnamese themselves continue to bear the 
main brunt of the effort and suflfering. They 
have absorbed at least 140,000 casualties — 
pai't on the battlefield, part through the as- 
sassination of civilian oflficials, farmers, and 
workers. They have demonstrated their de- 
termination to defend their freedom. It is 
surely significant that, in spite of divisions 
of political opinion within South Viet-Nam, 
all agree that they want no part of the Viet 
Cong and Hanoi. 

The defense of South Viet-Nam is going 
well. The Communist forces have not enjoyed 
an important military success for several 
months and have suff'ered a number of seri- 
ous defeats. Their casualties far exceed those 
on our side. Free world forces in Viet-Nam 
are meeting, and will continue to meet, the 
Communist military challenge successfully. 
There is no reason for pessimism on this 

But as the leaders of South Viet-Nam have 
made clear repeatedly: This is not a struggle 
of their making and is not the struggle they 



would prefer to wage. Rather, they long to 
get on with the business of wiping out illit- 
eracy and of building the political, economic, 
and social institutions that South Viet-Nam 
needs to build its own future. 

And, despite the war, much is being done 
to work toward these goals. Encouraging 
progress has been made in preparing for 
constituent assembly elections next Septem- 
ber. Revolutionaiy development programs 
are well underway in the Vietnamese coun- 
tryside, and efforts are now in course to com- 
bat inflation. 

While we are determined to do our full 
share of whatever may be necessary to repel 
the aggression against South Viet-Nam, we 
shall continue our persistent efforts to move 
the struggle from the battlefield to the con- 
fei'ence table. 

We have reason to think that Hanoi is 
banking heavily on criticism within the 
United States and elsewhere in the free 
world, as well as political dissent within 
South Viet-Nam. Hanoi will find that it is 
mistaken. Eventually it will have to realize 
that South Viet-Nam and its free-world 
allies have both the means and the will to 
prevent the Communists from seizing South 
Viet-Nam by force. 

In their assault against South Viet-Nam, 
the North Vietnamese leaders have had the 
full and vociferous support of the leaders of 
Communist China. Peking's invective has not 
spared even its own fonner friends. Its ti- 
rades are directed against not only the West 
but India, China, Eastern European Com- 
munist governments, and particularly the 
Soviet Union. 

It is a matter of deep regret to the United 
States that the Soviet Union has seen fit to 
give both moral and material support to the 
aggression against South Viet-Nam. What 
we should like to see them do is to take up 
their duties as Cochairman and help the 
Geneva machinery establish peace in South- 
east Asia. 

On the economic side, the failures of the 
Peking regime stand in startling contrast to 
the rise in production and living standards 

in most of the non-Communist nations of 

A struggle for power appears to be under- 
way in Peking. It would be fruitless to try 
to draw conclusions from recent events. In 
due time mainland China will have a govern- 
ment more compatible with the abilities and 
great traditions of the Chinese people. The 
people of the United States look forward to 
the time when they can resume their historic 
ties of friendship with the people of the 
Chinese mainland. And we will welcome the 
day when the nations who now oppose us 
join in contributing to the peaceful develop- 
ment of Asia. 

We are gratified by improved relations and 
increased cooperation among the free nations 
of the Western Pacific. We welcome the re- 
establishment of diplomatic relations be- 
tween Malaysia and the Philippines. We take 
encouragement from the recent indications 
of progress toward improved Indonesian- 
Malaysian-Singapore relations. 

In a broader regional context, we welcome 
the constructive and forward-looking initia- 
tives taken by the ASPAC [Asian and Pacific 
Council] nations who met at Seoul earlier 
this month. This and subsequent such meet- 
ings can make a significant contribution to 
regional understanding, as well as facilitate 
cooperation toward common political and 
economic goals. 

We also note with satisfaction the begin- 
ning of expanded regional cooperation as evi- 
denced by the Asian Development Bank and 
the work done within the framework of the 
Mekong River Committee. 

We note Japan's increasing role in South- 
east Asian development. I refer particularly 
to the recently concluded successful minis- 
terial conference in Tokyo for Southeast 
Asian development. All this constructive en- 
deavor is in heartening contrast to the pic- 
ture of earlier years, as well as to the 
destructive work of the Communist aggres- 

We also note — again in this context — the 
considerable contributions of Australia, in 
close concert with New Zealand and the 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


United Kingdom as well as my country, 
within the framework of the Colombo Plan. 

In the effort to bring security and to pro- 
mote economic progress and social well-being 
SEATO is contributing its share. On the eco- 
nomic and cultural side, I wish especially to 
commend SEATO's accomplishment with the 
Graduate School of Engineering, which is 
now on its way to becoming an autonomous 
institution. Other valuable SEATO projects 
are making their contributions to the area. 

It is quite obvious that what is preventing 
progress toward human betterment and the 
elimination of disease, illiteracy, and human 
misery is Communist aggression and subver- 
sion: It is the efforts by Communist leaders 
to force their will on their neighbors. In 
those countries not seriously affected by ma- 
jor Communist subversion, economic and 
social development is moving ahead rapidly 
and impressively, and the battle against hu- 
man misery and social injustice is being won. 
To insure this victory, we, as men of good 
will, are gathered here to consider what we 
can do to halt aggression and to promote 
human welfare, so that the SEATO members 
and their neighbors may achieve their goals 
of freedom, security, and progress. 

SEATO Council Communique, June 29 

Press release 1B4 dated June 30 

1. The Council of the Southeast Asia Treaty Or- 
ganization held its eleventh meeting in Canberra 
from June 27 to 29, 1966, under the Chairmanship 
of the Right Honorable Paul M. C. Hasluck, M.P., 
Minister for External Affairs, Commonwealth of 
Australia. The inaugural address was delivered by 
the Right Honorable Harold E. Holt, M.P., Prime 
Minister of Australia. 

2. All member governments were represented at 
the Council meeting. The Govei-nment of France was 
represented by an observer. 

3. The Council welcomed the presence of Secretary- 
General Vargas, who was attending the Council for 
the first time since assuming his office. 


4. The Council surveyed conditions in the Treaty 
area as a whole and found encouraging signs of prog- 
ress. It noted that greater efforts than ever before 
are being made to advance the welfare of the people 

of the area, and that economic conditions in general 
are improving. 

5. The Council was gratified with the recent im- 
provements in relations among some of the states of 
the area, with the resultant easing of tensions. 

6. The Council welcomed steps towards increased 
regional cooperation in political, economic and cul- 
tural matters that have been taken, largely on Asian 
initiative, since it last met, and to which SEATO 
members have made direct contributions, including 
such initiatives as the organization of the Asian 
Development Bank with Headquarters at Manila; the 
Tokyo Ministerial Conference for Southeast Asian 
Economic Development; and the Bangkok Conference 
of Asian Ministers of Education. The Council ex- 
pressed its desire to support those initiatives in every 
practicable manner, in addition to continuing to help 
to provide the security necessary for sustained prog- 
ress and well-being in the area, which is central to 
SEATO's objectives. The Council also watched with 
interest the Asian initiatives for closer regional co- 
operation in economic and cultural fields such as 
the association of Southeast Asia and the recently 
concluded Ministerial meeting for Asian and Pacific 
cooperation, in which many countries in the Treaty 
area have participated. 

7. The Council found that the past year has seen 
serious setbacks for Communist ambitions. Neverthe- 
less Communist aggression and efforts at subversion 
remain a major threat to the peace and security of 
the area. The Council considered that the situation 
in the Treaty area is at present the most dangerous 
in the world and that efforts to meet the Communist 
challenge there must not fail. The Council concluded 
that actions taken by members of SEATO continue 
to be important in stabilizing Southeast Asia, both 
by helping to deter aggression in all its forms and 
by measures to improve social and economic condi- 
tions. It also noted with considerable interest that 
SEATO members are continuing to work towards 
common ends with other countries of the area. 


8. The Council reviewed with care current devel- 
opments relating to the continuing armed attack 
against the Republic of Viet-Nam by the Communist 
regime in North Viet-Nam in contravention of the 
basic obligations of international law and in flagrant 
violation of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962. 
The Council noted that during the past year Hanoi 
has infiltrated into South Viet-Nam increased quan- 
tities of arms and increased numbers of combat per- 
sonnel, including many units of regular armed forces 
of North Viet-Nam. 

9. The Council was assisted in its review by a re- 
port presented at its first closed session by Dr. Tran 
Van Do, Minister of foreign Affairs of the Govern- 



ment of the Republic of Viet-Nam, who was invited 
to attend the Council as an observer. It reaffirmed 
its admiration and support for the Republic of Viet- 
Nam in its courageous defense of its freedom and 
expressed its deep concern and s>Tnpathy for the 
suffering endured for so long by the Vietnamese 

10. The Council recalled that Communist leaders 
have reiterated their belief that the assault on the 
Republic of Viet-Nam is a critical test of the concept 
of what they call a "war of national liberation" but 
which is in reality a technique of aggression to im- 
pose Communist domination. The Council reaffirmed 
its conclusion at Manila in 1964 ' and at London in 
1965- that the defeat of this Communist campaign 
is essential not only to the security of the Republic 
of Viet-Nam but to that of Southeast Asia, and 
would provide convincing proof that Communist ex- 
pansion by such tactics will not be permitted. 

11. The Council reaffirmed its statement in London 
in 1965 that "History shows that the tolerance of 
aggression increases the danger to free societies 
everywhere." It reaffirmed its belief that the rule 
of law should prevail and that international agree- 
ments should be honored and steps taken to make 
them operative. It declared its conviction that the 
elimination of aggression is essential to the estab- 
lishment and maintenance of a reliable peace. 

12. The Council affirmed its belief that the Four- 
teen Point program put forth by the United States 
constitutes a reasonable basis for a settlement.' It 
particularly condemned the continued insistence by 
the North Vietnamese that the National Liberation 
Front, established and controlled by North Viet-Nam, 
without regard to the wishes of the South Vietnamese 
people, be accepted as the "sole representative" of 
South Viet-Nam. The Council took cognizance of the 
efforts made by the United States, the United King- 
dom as co-ChaiiTTian of the 1954 Geneva Conference, 
various other countries, His Holiness Pope Paul VI 
and the United Nations Secretary-General to initiate 
negotiations for a peaceful settlement. It reaffirmed 
its Declaration in 1965 that it is "self-evident that, if 
the aggression were ended, the Governments and peo- 
ples of both South and North Viet-Nam could live 
in peace and devote their energies to economic and 
social progress." All members expressed their com- 
mon resolve to do everything in their power to pro- 
mote the peaceful settlement of the conflict. 

13. The Council noted with approval the joint 
commitment of the Governments of Viet-Nam and 

' For text of a communique issued at Manila on 
Apr. 15, 1964, see Bulletin of May 4, 1964, p. 692. 

' For text of a communique isssued at London on 
June 7, 1965, see ibid., June 7, 1965, p. 920. 

' For background, see ibid., Feb. 14, 1966, p. 225. 

the United States, as expressed in the Declaration 
of Honolulu : * to defense against aggression, to the 
work of social revolution and to the goal of free 
self-government. The Council expressed its admira- 
tion for the resolve of South Viet-Nam, even while 
engaged in fighting, to carry out a prograVn for the 
improvement of the life of the South Vietnamese 

14. The Council observed with satisfaction the in- 
crease in military, economic and humanitarian as- 
sistance by member governments during the past 
year, in fulfillment of or consistent with their obli- 
gations under the Southeast Asia Collective Defense 
Treaty. Member governments reaffirmed their deter- 
mination to continue, and consistent with their 
commitments elsewhere, to increase their assistance 
to South Viet-Nam. The Council deplored the escala- 
tion of the war by North Viet-Nam. The Council 
welcomed the substantial increase in forces provided 
by the United States of America; the increase in the 
forces contributed by Australia; New Zealand's con- 
tribution of a combat unit; the increased assistance 
from Thailand, in addition to Thailand's other con- 
tributions to the security of the treaty area; and 
the recent decision of the Philippines to send a con- 
struction engineering unit with security support. 

15. The Council also noted with approval the in- 
crease in military, economic and humanitarian con- 
tributions to South Viet-Nam from non-SEATO 
members. It acknowledged with great appreciation 
the contribution of considerable combat forces by the 
Republic of Korea — a nation which itself had been 
a victim of Communist aggression. 


16. The Council again expressed its grave con- 
cern over the continuing and aggravated violation 
of the 1962 Geneva Agreements by the presence of 
North Vietnamese military forces in Laos, by the 
activities of the Pathet Lao and by increasing North 
Vietnamese use of the territory of Laos to reinforce 
and supply the Communist forces in South Viet- 
Nam. The Council again called for the imple- 
mentation of the 1962 Geneva Agreements and ex- 
pressed support for the efforts of Prime Minister 
Prince Souvanna Phouma's Government of national 
union to secure the sovereignty, unity, and territorial 
integrity of an independent and neutral Laos. 

17. The Pakistan delegation took note of the views 
of the Council .stated in paragraphs 7-10 and 12-16. 
In regard to the situation in Viet-Nam, the delega- 
tion expressed its deep concern over the grave conse- 
quences to world peace that are likely to result from 
a continuation of the armed conflict. The delegation 
considered it both imperative and urgent that fur- 

•For text, see ibid., Feb. 28, 1966, p. 305. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


ther efforts towards the achievement of a peaceful 
solution on the basis of the Geneva Agreements of 
1954, should be made. 

The Pakistan delegation also expressed its concern 
over the situation in Laos, and reiterated its support 
for the 1962 Geneva Agreements. 


18. The Council noted with satisfaction the im- 
provement in relations between Indonesia and Malay- 
sia and expressed the hope that a spirit of co- 
operation will prevail between them. The Council 
expressed its admiration for the part played in this 
improvement by its members, particularly the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand and the Secre- 
tary of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines. 


19. The Council noted with concern that Commu- 
nist subversive efforts in Thailand, supported and 
directed from outside the country, had intensified 
in recent months, particularly in the Northeast. It 
noted further that Communist radio broadcasts had 
intensified their threats and propaganda against 

20. The Council noted with admiration the meas- 
ures taken by Thailand to contain and defeat these 
subversive efforts. The Council members reiterated 
their determination to do whatever is necessary to 
assist their ally to eliminate this threat. 


21. The Council noted that Communist subversion 
remains a serious threat to the Asian member coun- 
tries, and stressed the importance of continuing to 
provide material and other types of assistance when 
requested by the affected countries. It also noted 
with satisfaction the emphasis placed by the Secre- 
tary-General on the need to counter Communist 
subversion and indicated that support would be given 
to appropriate proposals to intensify SEATO pro- 
grams designed to assist in countering that insidious 
campaign, consistent with the interests and capabil- 
ities of the various member countries. 


22. The Council expressed satisfaction with the 
progress being made on the various SEATO projects 
concerned with economic development, cultural inter- 
change and medical research. It noted a report of the 
council representatives on future plans for the 
SEATO graduate school of engineering. The Council 
recorded its high regard for the standard of excel- 
lence achieved by this school. After a transitional 
period the school will be ready to assume an autono- 
mous status under arrangements yet to be worked 

23. The Council reviewed other projects including 
the Regional Community Development Technical As- 
sistance Centre, the Thai-SEATO vehicle rebuild 

workshop, the skilled labor projects, the Hill Tribes 
Research Centre, the research fellowships, under- 
graduate and graduate scholarships, lectureships and 
professorships, the SEATO General Medical Re- 
search Laboratory, the SEATO Cholera Research 
Laboratory and the SEATO Clinical Research 

24. The Council agreed that the economic, medical 
and cultural work of SEATO is of proved and sub- 
stantive value and should be continued. 


25. The Council noted the report of the military 
advisers and expressed satisfaction at the way in 
which the military planning office continues to func- 


26. The Council accepted with pleasure the invita- 
tion of the Government of the United States to hold 
its next meeting in the United States. 


27. The French Observer indicated that, as he had 
not participated in preparing this Communique, the 
French Government does not consider itself to be 
committed by it. 


28. The Council expressed its gratitude to the 
Government and people of the Commonwealth of 
Australia for their hospitality and for the excellent 
arrangements made for the meeting. The Council 
voted warm thanks to the Chairman, the Right 
Honorable Paul Hasluck. 


29. The leaders 
Eleventh Council 


New Zealand 

United Kingdom 

United States 

of the National Delegations to the 
Meeting were : 

The Rt. Hon. Paul Hasluck, M.P., 
Minister for External Affairs 

The Rt. Hon. Keith Holyoake, 
M.P., Prime Minister and Min- 
ister of External Affairs 

H. E. Dr. A. M. Malik, High 
Commissioner in Australia 

H. E. Mrui Narciso Ramos, Sec- 
retary of Foreign Affairs 

H. E. Mr. Thanat Khoman, Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs 

The Rt. Hon. Michael Stewart, 
M.P., Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs 

The Hon. Dean Rusk, Secretary 
of State » 

^ For names of nbr r members of the U.S. delega- 
tion, see Department < ' State press release 150 dated 
June 23. 



Observers were: 

France H. E. Mr. Achillo Clarac, Anil)as- 

sador to Thailand and Council 

Viet-Nani H. E. Dr. Tran Van Do, Minister 

for Foreign Affairs 

ANZUS Council Communique, July 1 

Press release 160 (revised) dated July 1 

The ANZUS Council held its annual meeting in 
Canberra on 30th June and 1st July. The Right 
Honourable Keith J. Holyoake, Prime Minister and 
Minister for External Affairs, represented New 
Zealand; the Honourable Dean Rusk, Secretary of 
State, represented the United States;* and the Right 
Honourable Paul Hasluck, Minister for External 
Affairs, represented Australia. 

As is their custom, the ANZTJS partners engaged 
in a candid broad-ranging discussion of world politi- 
cal and security matters, with particular reference 
to the Far East. They expressed satisfaction with 
the results of the Eleventh SEATO Council meeting 
just concluded in Canberra. They fully endorsed the 
main points set forth in the final communique of 
that meeting in regard to the SEATO Treaty area 
generally, the Republic of Viet-Nam, Laos, Indo- 
nesian/Malaysian relations, Thailand, and counter- 

The ANZUS partners expressed their conviction 

The most dangerous current threat to their se- 
curity and to world peace and order arises from 
Communist aggression and attempts at subversion 
in Southeast Asia; 

The spearhead of this threat is the continuing 
aggression by armed attack on the Republic of South 
Viet-Nam by Communist North Viet-Nam; 

The free nations must not and will not fail to deal 
effectively with Communist threats in Southeast 
Asia ; 

The aggression against South Viet-Nam has in 
fact been blunted, and the presence of approxi- 
mately one million Vietnamese and allied fighting 
men in South Viet-Nam in support of the Republic 
of Viet-Nam assures that the North Vietnamese 
Communist regime will not succeed in imposing its 
dictatorship on the people of South Viet-Nam. 

The treaty partners recog^nized the military neces- 
sity for the recent bombing of fuel installations in 
the Hanoi-Haiphong area which played an important 
role in sustaining the aggression against the Re- 
public of Viet-Nam. The Council noted that these 
attacks had been carried out with great precision 
and with all possible care to avoid civilian casualties. 

' For names of other members of the U.S. delega- 
tion, see Department of State press release 151 dated 
June 23. 

The ANZUS Council noted with deep interest the 
social and economic programme of the Government 
of Viet-Nam an<l welcomed its decision to hol<l elec- 
tions for a constituent assembly in .September as a 
major step in its political development. 

The Ministers reaffirmed their hope that the deter- 
mination shown by the Republic of Viet-Nam and 
its allies to resist aggression would lead the Com- 
munists to realize that their aggn-ssion could not 
succeed, and that they should enter into negotiations 
for a peaceful settlement. The ANZUS partners con- 
firmed that they would continue to make every effort 
to bring about a just and lasting peace. 

The Council looked forward to the time when the 
achievement of a peaceful settlement would permit 
the concentration of resources on developing the 
great potential wealth of the area, thus providing 
a better future for the peoples of Asia. It welcomed 
the increasing degree of friendly cooperation between 
the countries of the region and the active steps which 
were being taken towards self-reliance and mutual 

Noting that Communist China has continued its 
testing of nuclear devices in the atmosphere in the 
past year and that French nuclear testing in the 
Pacific is Imminent the Council reaffirmed its opposi- 
tion to all atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons, 
in disregard of world opinion as expressed in the 
limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. 

The Ministers reaffirmed their belief that the frank 
exchanges of view that take place annually at the 
ANZUS Council meetings are of great value and 
testify to the importance and vitality of the ANZUS 
alliance — an alliance anchoi'ed in common institu- 
tions, interests, values, and purposes. They noted 
that for the fourth time in half a century armed 
forces of the three members are fighting side by side 
in the defence of freedom. 

Exchange of Greetings, July 3 


Mr. Secretary, on behalf of the Goveiii- 
ment and people of the Republic of China, I 
wish to extend to you, to Mrs. Rusk, and to 
the members of your disting-uished party our 
veiy warm welcome. Maybe I should apolo- 
gize that the air-conditioning is out of order 
— but it only added warmth to the reception. 

Mr. Secretaiy, we deeply appreciate your 
presence here, though your stay will be short. 
But it does give us an opportunity to ex- 
change views on matters of mutual concern. 
Your visit, I am sure, will strengthen the 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


friendship and cooperation between our two 
countries and further promote the solidarity 
among nations in this part of the world. 


Thank you very much, Mr. Minister. 

Mrs. Rusk, and I, and the members of our 
party are very grateful to you and to your 
distinguished colleagues for coming to the 
airport this afternoon to welcome us. I am 
very pleased to have this opportunity to visit 
the Republic of China again and to confer 
with the high officials of your Government. 
My only regret, Mr. Minister, is that our 
visit must necessarily be very short. But I 
bring to you, to your President, the warm 
greetings from the President of the United 
States and the American people. I especially 
wish to convey congratulations to President 
Chiang on assuming his high office for 
a fourth term and to Prime Minister 
Yen [Chia-kan] on his elevation to the Vice 
Presidency. And I have already said to you, 
Mr. Minister, that I welcome you to the 
trade union of foreign ministers. 

I know that free China has made great 
progress since my last visit just over 2 years 
ago. And I know that you must take special 
pride in the fact that your economy has ad- 
vanced strongly during this past year with- 
out grants of foreign aid. And I look for- 
ward to learning more of these accomplish- 
ments, because they are an inspiration to 
and a valuable lesson for many countries. 

My visit, Mr. Minister, comes at a time 
when American soldiers are once again fight- 
ing in defense of freedom in Asia. The sacri- 
fices of these men speak more eloquently than 
could any words of the steadfast determina- 
tion of the United States to meet its com- 
mitments to freedom. The American people 
have always regarded the Chinese people 
with admiration and affection. The United 
States continues to value highly its alliance 
with the Republic of China. We stand firmly 
behind our mutual defense treaty. We oppose 
any proposal to deprive the Republic of 
China of its rightful place in the United Na- 
tions and to seat the Chinese Communists in 
its place. 

I look forward to my talks with your lead- 
ers, and particularly to the opportunity to 
exchange views with President Chiang Kai- 
shek, whose advice and friendship I have 
long valued for many years. 

It is a great joy for us to be here. And 
I would just only hope that we could make 
our visit somewhat longer. 

Questions and Answers 

Foreign Minister Wei: Now, ladies and 
gentlemen, Mr. Rusk has kindly consented 
to answer two or three questions of you 
who have questions. 

Q. Sir, there has been some talk here that 
you will discuss problems of common concern 
to the United States and the Republic of 
China. Can you specify what some of these 
problems are? 

A. Well, I really believe that if you were 
at the airport tomorrow when I am leaving, 
it would be better to ask that question. I 
think it, quite frankly, would be discourteous 
for me to go into those matters before I have 
actually discussed these problems with the 
leaders of the Republic of China. But sim- 
ply as a matter of good manners, I would 
prefer not to get into that tyi^e of question 
this afternoon. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been a con- 
siderable amount of criticism here about 
your recent statement that Red China, the 
Peking regime, is there to stay and that you 
don't foresee any possibility of a great up- 
heaval in Peiping. Would you care to com- 
ment on that, sir ? 

A. Well, I am not sure you are quoting me 
exactly, but I think that perhaps you had 
better let my recent statements stand. I did 
testify at some length before the House For- 
eign Affairs Committee,' where I made it 
clear that we are constant to our relations 
and our alliance with the Republic of China, 
that we oppose the seating of the Peking 
regime in the United Nations. And I have no 
doubt that that will be the basis of our re- 

' Bulletin of May 2, 1966, p. 686. 



lationshi]) in the weeks and months and years 
to come. 

Q. Sir, how do you analyze the purge of 
intellectuals now going on in mainland 
China ^ I mean the significance of the purge, 
as you see it. 

A. Well, if I were to speak entirely 
frankly, I would have to say that I don't 
know that we fully understand exactly what 
is hapiJening' on the mainland and what fac- 
tors are involved. I hope to learn more about 
that here durinjr my visit in Taipei. But ob- 
viously there are some tensions and some 
strain and some rivahy for leadership g-oinp: 
on on the mainland. We are following those 
with great interest, but I think it would be 
simply pretense for me to tell you that I felt 
that I fully understand exactly what is hap- 
l)ening: there. We are watching it with great 
interest, of course. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in vieiv of the recent 
discussion at the United Nations, and in vietv 
of Washington policy toivards China, does 
the U.S. still consider the Nationalist Gov- 
ernment of China to be the sole and legiti- 
mate Government of all China? 

A. We recognize the Republic of China as 
the Government of China with all of the im- 
plications that go with that. 


Statement Before U.S.-Japan Committee 
on Trade and Economic Affairs, July 5 

This is the fifth meeting of our Committee 
and the fifth in which I have had the great 
personal privilege of participating.^ It would 
be hard to imagine a more gracious setting 
for our meeting than this ancient and beau- 
tiful city. 

Much has occurred, much has changed, 
since Prime Minister [HayatoJ Ikeda and 
President Kennedy decided to set up this 
Committee.* Many of the problems that 

' For texts of joint communiques issued at the con- 
clusion of the four previous meetings, see ibid., Nov. 
27, 1961, p. 891; Dec. 24, 1962, p. 959; Feb. 17, 1964, 
p. 235; and Aug. 9, 1965, p. 247. 

" For background, see ibid., July 10, 1961, p. 57. 

loomed so large at that time have been re- 
solved or ameliorated. Others linger, and we 
must live with them while we continue to 
work at them. Meanwhile, new and different 
problems have continued to arise. Perhaps 
the greatest strength of this Committee is its 
ability to adjust itself to changing require- 
ments in our relationships in a rapidly 
changing world. 

During the past 5 years the relationships 
between Japan and the United States have 
steadily deepened and broadened. Both of our 
countries have continued to enjoy vigorous 
economic growth. Our two-way trade has 
greatly expanded; it totaled $41/2 billion in 
1965. That expansion has helped to make 
much more manageable many of the eco- 
nomic issues which were troubling us 5 years 
ago. Between dynamic trading nations with 
expanding economies there will always be 
situations which require adjustments, how- 
ever. The important question is whether we 
tiy to work them out in a friendly way, each 
of us with understanding of the other's 
needs. I have no doubt that we shall do so in 
the future, just as we have done in the past 
5 years. I believe that our success in solving 
or diminishing problems justifies high confi- 
dence in our ability to deal effectively with 
the problems of the future. 

I recall that when we first met, our Japa- 
nese colleagues were concerned about the size 
of their deficit of trade with the United 
States and their balance-of-payments prob- 
lems. These past 18 months Japan has run a 
substantial surplus in its trade with the 
United States and other countries, and its 
balance-of-payments position is strong. We 
also had a grave balance-of-payments pi-ob- 
lem in 1961. Our determined countermeas- 
ures have reduced the gravity of this prob- 
lem, but it is still by no means solved. 

As economic problems between our two 
countries have loomed less large, the Joint 
Committee has increasingly shifted its atten- 
tion to the effect of our economic policies on 
international peace and political stability. 
Japan and the United States have a common 
interest in these goals, for we both realize 
the future security and well-being of our 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


citizens are dependent in large measure on 

We are heartened by the increasing sense 
of community among the free nations of 
Asia. We are aware that constructive Japa- 
nese initiatives have played a significant role 
in stimulating this growing regional eco- 
nomic cooperation. We regard as particularly 
noteworthy your conference in the spring 
on Soutlieast Asian economic development. 
Since our last meeting, the Asian Develop- 
ment Bank has been established; and when 
fully organized, it will be a keystone of Asian 
economic cooperation. Economic progress in 
the region also requires the cooperation and 
support of the developed countries, both 
Asian and non-Asian. We stand ready to help 
in terms of President Johnson's pledge of 
April 7, 1965.'° We share with Japan the un- 
derstanding that economic aid is only a part 
of the answer to economic progress in the 
developing countries. Growing earnings from 
trade on world markets are equally impor- 
tant. We have demonstrated our readiness 
to seek constructive solutions to the trade 
problems of the less developed nations in the 
UNCTAD [United Nations Conference on 
Trade and Development], the Kennedy 
Round, the OECD [Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development], and 
other forums. 

The success of our Committee in the eco- 
nomic sphere has been closely paralleled in 
the political and cultural spheres. We have 
accepted it as natural that two great nations, 
widely separated in geography and histoiy, 
would not necessarily make the same assess- 
ments of all situations or hold the same 
views on all issues. This diversity adds to the 
strength and durability of our partnership — 
provided that we never forget that we have 
some vital common interests in freedom, 
security, and peace. I believe that our dis- 
cussions in this Joint Committee have helped 
us to work together in protecting these vital 

We have been heartened by Japan's strong 

'" For te.xt of President Johnson's address at Balti- 
more, Md., on Apr. 7, 1965, see ibid., Apr. 26, 1965, 
p. 606. 

leadership in the search for peace in the 
United Nations and its specialized agencies 
and elsewhere. We look upon the agreement 
between Japan and Korea as an act of high 
statesmanship on the part of both Govern- 
ments, and one which will contribute to the 
security and welfare of both countries and of 
free Asia generally. We noted with interest 
the recent meeting of the Asian and Pacific 
nations in Seoul, in which Japan partici- 
pated — the meeting at which ASP AC [Asian 
and Pacific Council] was formed. 

Joint U.S. -Japan Communique, July 7 

Press velesse 161 dated July 8 


The Fifth Meeting of the Joint Japan-United 
States Committee on Trade and Economic Affairs 
was held in Kyoto on July 5, 6 and 7, 1966, under 
the chairmanship of the Minister for Foreign Af- 
fairs, Etsusaburo Shiina. 

The Committee reviewed the general world situa- 
tion with particular emphasis on recent developments 
in Asia, noting that there are major problems in Asia 
which are a cause of anxiety for all nations of the 
world. The Committee was heartened by the in- 
creased awareness of nations in the region of the 
need for strengthening cooperative relationships 
among themselves. The Committee recognized that 
the situation in Asia called for increased effort on 
the part of Japan and the United States to help 
attain peace and prosperity in the region. 


1. The Committee noted with satisfaction that the 
efforts of the two Governments to foster mutually 
beneficial economic relations had brought about satis- 
factory solutions to several major bilateral issues 
during the past year. It recognized, however, that 
with their rapidly growing economic relationships, 
problems were likely to arise between the two coun- 
tries from time to time. The Delegations agreed to 
the need for cooperation between the United States 
and Japan for effective pursuit of policies that will 
assist each other in promoting growth of their econ- 
omies and assuring continued expansion of trade. 

2. The Committee was gratified with sustained 
prosperity in the United States and Japan's steady 
recovery from its 1965 recession. Both Delegations 
exchanged views at length on their economies and 
their prospects for continued stable growth. The 
Committee noted the astonishing growth of bilateral 
trade during 1965 between the United States and 
Japan, which reached a total of $4.5 billion. 

3. The Committee reviewed progress made by the 
United States in its efforts to achieve equilibrium in 
its balance of pajTnents and noted the current im- 



proved balance of pa>'ments position of Japan. 

4. The two Delegations had an active exchange of 
views on the flow of commodities and capital be- 
tween their countries. They noted the examination 
being undertaken by the U.S. Government of its 
customs valuation methods and the continuing re- 
view by the Japanese Government on its quantitative 
restrictions on imports. They agreed that the two 
Governments should keep under constant review, 
not only bilaterally but in mutilateral forums, pos- 
sibilities for reducing trade practices likely to be 
unduly' restrictive. 

The United States and Japan recognized the im- 
portance of international investment as a factor 
contributing to economic growth, and expressed con- 
fidence that increased levels of foreign investment 
on both sides would provide substantial benefits. The 
American Delegation repeated its welcome to Jap- 
anese investment in the United States. The Japanese 
Delegation expressed its intention to relax the re- 
strictions covering direct foreign investment in 
Japan, but explained the necessity for due consid- 
eration of transitional problems inherent in the 
Japanese economic structure. 

5. The Committee exchanged views on matters re- 
lated to fisheries. It was agreed that both countries 
would continue their efforts to resolve, in a spirit of 
mutual understanding and cooperation, outstanding 
questions with respect to the revision of the North 
Pacific Fisheries Convention and other problems that 
might arise in this field between the two countries. 

6. The two Delegations had an active exchange of 
views on shipping, aviation and travel matters and 
agreed to continue consultations. 


The Committee acknowledged the importance of 
continued close cooperation on matters of interest 
to other countries as w-ell as to Japan and the United 
States, in the following areas: 

1. The Committee recognized the vital importance 
to both countries of the success of the Kennedy 
Round for the reduction of tariffs and non-tariff bar- 
riers to world trade. Both Delegations welcomed 
indications that the pace of negotiations is being 
accelerated, and they stressed the need to reach 
conclusions by the spring of 1967 which can substan- 
tially reinforce further advances toward expanding 
world trade. The members of the Committee agreed 
that both Governments should continue their efforts, 
in a realistic manner and in cooperation with other 
interested countries, to obtain maximum trade bene- 
fits from their offers. 

2. The Committee exchanged views on develop- 
ments in East- West trade relations and the policies 
of both Governments in this field. Referring to the 
economic environment within which the growth of 
trade between Japan and the Communist countries 
had occurred, the Japanese Delegation stated that 
its Government intends to develop trade relations 

with these countries on the basis of the principle of 
separating the political and economic aspects of 
Japan's relations with them. The U.S. Delegation 
stated its reasons for having no economic relations 
with Communist China, North Korea, or North Viet- 
Nam and for the economic embargo of Cuba by the 
Organization of American States. While stating its 
opposition to long-term credits for the countries of 
the Communist world, it pointed out that trade in 
non-strategic goods with the U.S.S.R. and the coun- 
tries of Eastern Europe was under review in con- 
nection with a U.S. interest in developing avenues 
of communication and contact with those countries. 


The Committee discussed various problems related 
to economic assistance to the developing countries 
and exchanged views on the aid policies of both 

The Committee welcomed evidence of growing in- 
terest in regional cooperation among the countries 
of Asia and the Far East. It considered those activ- 
ities in which both countries were engaged, and 
noted, also, those other activities in which Japan was 
an active participant. The Committee looked to the 
establishment of the Asian Development Bank whose 
future role was seen to have very far-reaching poten- 
tial significance. The Japanese Delegation reported 
that in the Ministerial Conference for Economic De- 
velopment in Southeast Asia held in Tokyo in April, 
1966, the participating countries expressed their 
strong desire to make further efforts toward their 
economic development, and agreed that agricultural 
development was of the utmost importance for steady 
progress of the region. The Committee took note of 
Prime Minister Sato's statement to that Conference 
that Japan intended to increase significantly its eco- 
nomic aid. The U.S. Delegation reafiirmed the U.S. 
interest in the broad purposes sought by President 
Johnson when he pledged, on April 7, 1965, the 
support of U.S. resources to Asian programs de- 
signed to meet the economic and social needs of 
those societies in Southeast Asia dedicated to peace 
regardless of the diversity that might exist among 
their economic and political systems. The Committee 
agreed that lasting peace in the Asian region, par- 
ticularly in Southeast Asia, depends upon coopera- 
tion of the developed countries in initiatives taken 
by Asians to improve the welfare of people. 

1. Both Delegations expressed satisfaction with 
the agreement between the two countries to continue 
the training of Japanese agricultural workers in 
the United States. The early and successful conclu- 
sion of the Joint Wage Study initiated at the First 
Meeting of the Joint Committee at Hakone in 1961 
was foreseen with satisfaction by the Committee, 
which believed it would promote better understand- 
ing of wage problems in both countries. The Com- 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


mittee recognized that better utilization of human 
resources was a significant means for using human 
potential and for coping with employment problems 
arising in connection with economic growth. 

2. The Committee received an interim report of the 
United States-Japan Conference on Development and 
Utilization of Natural Resources. The Committee was 
pleased to note the continued progress being made 
in exchange activities which contribute to promoting 
understanding between Japanese and American spe- 
cialists concerned with natural resources problems. 


The Committee agreed that the Fifth Meeting of 
the Joint Committee had contributed to understand- 
ing between the two countries and to a strengthen- 
ing of their relations. Both Delegations look forward 
to the next meeting in the United States. 

Japan was represented by Etsusaburo Shiina, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs; Takeo Fukuda, Min- 
ister of Finance; Eiichi Sakata, Minister of Agricul- 
ture and Forestry; Takeo Miki, Minister of Interna- 
tional Trade and Industry; Hisao Kodaira, Minister 
of Labor; Torata Nakamura, Minister of Trans- 
portation; and Aiichiro Fujiyama, Director-General 
of the Economic Planning Agency. Ryuji Takeuchi, 
Japanese Ambassador to the United States was also 

The United States was represented by Dean Rusk, 
Secretary of State; Stewart L. Udall, Secretary of 
the Interior; Orville L. Freeman, Secretary of Agri- 
culture; John T. Connor, Secretary of Commerce; 
W. Willard Wirtz, Secretary of Labor; Joseph W. 
Barr, Under Secretary of Treasury; and Arthur M. 
Okun, Member of the Council of Economic Advisers. 
Edwin O. Reischauer, United States Ambassador to 
Japan was also present. 

News Conference, July 7 

Mr. Akatane, Counselor, Information and 
Cultural Affairs Bureau, Javanese Foreign 
Office (intervretation): We are ready to open 
the joint press conference by Secretary of 
State, Mr. Rusk, and Foreign Minister, Mr. 


Foreign Minister Shiina {interpretation): 
We have just completed the fifth meeting of 
the Joint United States-Japan Committee on 
Trade and Economic Affairs here in Kyoto. 
We have discussed many problems of mutual 
concern and interest, including a variety of 
international matters of concern to both 
Japan and the United States. 

We have had a very fruitful meeting in a 

very friendly atmosphere. I know you have 
been previously briefed as to the outcome of 
the conferences on several occasions in previ- 
ous press conferences. But the final summary 
of this meeting is contained in the official 
communique that I believe has been already 
made available to you. And, if you would ask 
questions on the basis of the joint communi- 
que, we would be glad to answer them. 

Secretary Rusk: Mr. Shiina, I should like 
to express to you and to your Japanese Cabi- 
net colleagues and their wives our very great 
appreciation for the warm hospitality that 
we have enjoyed here in Kyoto, and the com- 
fort and enthusiasm of the conference site. 

As the communique indicates, this has 
been an important meeting and a highly 
profitable meeting. Thinking back to the first 
meeting, one can observe important differ- 
ences in the emphasis of our discussion. 

At our first meeting, we were greatly pre- 
occupied with bilateral trade questions. Many 
of those have been eased by the striking de- 
velopment in our bilateral trade beyond $41/2 
billion now and by such constructive steps as 
the conclusion of our civil air agreement.^! 

So that although we discussed the bilateral 
questions in some detail at this meeting, we 
gave great attention to economic questions of 
importance to the entire world, as well as to 
both our countries; for example, the im- 
portance of the success of the Kennedy 
Round of negotiations on releasing trade 
barriers and tariff barriers. 

We also emphasized the role of Japan and 
the United States and the new momentum 
which one feels in the economic and social 
development among Asian countries. The re- 
cent conference held in Tokyo on Southeast 
Asian economic development, the forthcom- 
ing conference on agriculture in Manila, the 
recent meeting of the ASPAC countries in 
Korea, are all evidences of that development. 
Of course, in the background is the monu- 
mental importance of the Asian Development 
Bank, in which both Japan and the United 
States will be playing an important role. 
So we have had, I think, a very good meet- 

" For background, see ibid., Jan. 24, 1966, p. 140. , 



ing. And I want to express to j'ou, Mr. 
Shiina, our deep appreciation on our side for 
your hospitality. 

Mr. Akatane (interpretation): We are 
ready to answer questions. 

Q. {interpretation): I would like to ad- 
dress this question to Secretary Rusk. With 
the recent domestic trotibles or difficulties 
within Communist China a7id their manifest 
failure in their diplomatic relations, it is said 
that their prestige has lowered considerably 
recently. Now, against this background, I 
have the following three questions to ask of 
you, sir. 

Question number one is: Wotild you say 
that, despite their present setback in pres- 
tige, there is still fear of Communist Chinese 
expansionism in Asia? 

Question number two is: If there is that 
fear, what is the United States view with 
respect to the question of defense in Asia and 
the Pacific regions? 

Question number three is: What is the 
United States assessment of the Communist 
Chinese nuclear poiver or capability, and 
future direction in things nuclear? 

Secretary Rusk: I would not tiy to analyze 
what is going on inside mainland China on 
these recent purges or, I believe they call it, 
a "cultural revolution." 

However, one does find anxiety in Asia 
about a possible threat from mainland China. 
One hears from Peiping a doctrine of mili- 
tancy, a doctrine which isolates them even 
within the Communist world. One knows that 
they are not willing, at the present time, to 
convene the Geneva machineiy for a peaceful 
settlement of Southeast Asia. And so natu- 
rally there are fears and anxieties in Asia 
about their intentions. 

As far as the United States is concerned, 
we have mutual defense treaties with Korea, 
Japan, with the Philippines, the Republic of 
China, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand. 
And South Viet-Nam is a protocol state 
under the SEATO treaty. So we, too, are 
I concerned about the direction of policy and 
action on the Chinese mainland. We have 
mutual security treaties to which we will give 

oui- fullest support. We will meet those com- 
mitments. We would iirefer to see peace. And 
there can be peace if the authorities at 
Peiping are prepared to live at peace. 

On the nuclear question, we regret the 
increase in the number of nuclear powers. 
You will recall that the United States be- 
lieved that one nuclear power is too many 
and that 20 years ago we proposed in the 
United Nations that all nuclear weapons be 

We regret that mainland China did not 
sign the nuclear test ban treaty. But, never- 
theless, there it is. They have exploded 
nuclear devices over the years; presumably 
they have developed nuclear weapons. But 
the United States will take that fully into 
account in our own defense arrangements. 
And I would add that our mutual security 
treaties in the Pacific do not depend upon the 
character of the weapons. That is, a threat to 
our allies — with whatever means — would in- 
voke the obligations of those security treaties. 

Q. Mr. Rusk, would you say that the 
United States and Japan agree basically on 
the policies in Asia, tvith the exception of 
the trade problem, with Red China, ivhich was 
mentioned in the communique? I include, 
also, Viet-Nam in the question. 

Secretary Riisk: Let me comment very 
briefly — and Mr. Shiina may wish to add a 
comment — that I think both sides recognize 
the veiy far-reaching important common 
interests, common interests not only in Asia 
but throughout the world. We are interested 
in peace in the Pacific. We are interested in 
the safety and the independence of the free 
nations of the Pacific and Asia. We are inter- 
ested in the prosperity and the economic and 
social development of these nations. 

So in the broadest sense, the United States 
and Japan are working closely together on 
many of the major problems in the world. 

There may be an occasional point of detail 
where there might be a different view. After 
all, we live in different places; we have dif- 
ferent responsibilities. But those differences 
are relatively inconsequential compared to 
the broad areas of common interest. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


I would think that the common policies 
that we follow — not because one country is 
following the other, but because each is look- 
ing at its own basic national interest in the 
world — give us the platform for very close 
cooperation between our two countries. 

Mr: Shiina (interpretation): I would like 
to add a few comments to Secretary Rusk's 

During this conference we have discussed 
here a very wide range of questions and mat- 
ters between us, and of mutual concern. 

I would like to endorse what Secretary 
Rusk stated by saying that our common basis 
between the United States and Japan is a 
very firm one, indeed. However, of course, he 
inferred we have different stands, and in 
some way different ways of opinion, where 
we are not necessarily completely identified. 
But the main thing is that through the com- 
plete mutual understanding we have an at- 
mosphere of the spirit of fullest possible 
cooperation. And, to me, that is all that is 
needed. And, for everj^hing else that Secre- 
tary Rusk said, I express my full concur- 
rence; and this is not being just a follower. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, a moment ago you said 
that the threat to our obligations by what- 
ever means ivould invoke those treaties. Re- 
ferring to treaties in the Far East, I ivould 
like to ask you: Does that mean that if an 
Asian nation is attacked by nuclear weapons, 
the United States would be prepared to 
launch a retaliatory nuclear attack on the 
aggressor nation? 

Secretary Rusk: I cannot think of anything 
that would be more insane than launching a 
nuclear attack against an ally of the United 
States in Asia. The direct answer to your 
question is that we would meet our obliga- 
tions under our mutual security treaties with 
whatever means would be required. 

Q. (interpretation): Secretary Rusk, I 
wish to direct the following question to you in 
reference to the recent bombings of Hanoi 
and Haiphong, about which the people of 
Japan are vitally concerned. We have three 

Question number one is an overall ques- 
tion: Will this bombing of the North escalate 
itself into an expanded xvarfare there? 

Question number tivo: Is this kind of bomb- 
ing really militarily effective at all? 

Question number three: Is this kind of 
bombing of North Viet-Nam the best avenue 
toivard the negotiated peace that the United 
States ivishes to have? 

About these questions, about this situation 
of botnbing in North Viet-Nam, the Japanese 
people have a very sincere doubt and anxiety. 

Secretary Rusk: Well, first, we did not 
bomb Hanoi and Haiphong. We bombed POL 
[petroleum-oil-lubricants] installations in 
Hanoi and Haiphong with no impact, so far 
as we can tell, outside of the actual POL 
installations themselves. 

We are not interested in attacking civilian 
populations, for example. 

Your question about what the future will 
hold, I cannot answer. Much depends upon 
the attitude of Hanoi and of mainland China 
about peace in Southeast Asia. 

The military pur]3ose of these bombings 
was to make it more difficult for North Viet- 
Nam to send large numbers of men and large 
quantities of supplies into South Viet-Nam 
for the purpose of taking over that country 
by force. 

There are more than four regiments of the 
official North Vietnamese army now present 
in South Viet-Nam. In recent months, they 
have greatly extended and improved the road 
system running from North Viet-Nam 
through Laos into South Viet-Nam — directly 
contrary to the Geneva agreement on Laos 
of 1962, quite apart from the agreement of 
1954 on Southeast Asia. 

So they are relying more and more heavily 
upon POL for their aggression against South 
Viet-Nam, and, therefore, that oil became the 
primary military target. 

Now, there are those who have expressed 
concern about whether striking these POL 
attacks will interfere with the possibilities 
for a negotiated peace. 

What possibilities? 

We have been working for 5 years to bring 



about a peaceful settlement in Southeast 
Asia. We haxe taken these banners — "Peace 
in Viet-Nam" — into every capital of the 
world repeatedly. We have tried at confer- 
ences, the U.N., direct contacts, indirect con- 
tacts, unofRcial contacts, without response 
from the other side. So we have not seen evi- 
dence that the other side is prepared for that 
negotiated settlement or shows the slightest 
interest in them. 

So I cannot see that the striking of the 
POL interferes with something that has been 
blocked for 5 years by the unwillingness of 
the other side to discuss these matters seri- 
ously. As I have said, many times, I would 
be in Geneva tomorrow afternoon if there 
was someone there from Hanoi and Peking 
to talk to about peace. 


Arrival Statement, July 8 

On behalf of al! the members of my party, 
J thank you, Mr. Minister [Tong Won Lee, 
Korean Minister of Foreign Affairs] for your 
invitation to visit the Republic of Korea. 

For me, returning to Korea is always a 
moving experience. I was Assistant Secre- 
taiy of State in 19.50 when the aggression 
against the Republic of Korea was launched. 
When I paid my first visit more than 15 
years ago, the situation was such that I 
could not proceed beyond Pusan. I first vis- 
ited this great capital in November 1961 for 
talks with Chairman [Chung Hee] Park and 
his colleagues. I came again in .January 1964 
when your present Government was less 
than 2 months old and confronted with many 
difficult problems. From each visit I came 
away with renewed admiration for the en- 
ergy, ability, and courage of the Korean 
people and with increased confidence in your 

In recent years, the Republic of Korea has 
made great strides politically, economically, 
and in international standing. The interaa- 
tional prestige which Korea has won was 
demonstrated just a few weeks ago, Mr. 

Minister, by the participation of 10 Asian 
and Pacific nations in the mini-sterial confer- 
ence in Seoul at whicli ASPAC was estab- 
lished. All who took part in that highly con- 
structive meeting deserve the compliments of 
all people of good will. Your own initiative, 
Mr. Minister, in convening this meeting, and 
the i^ersonal attention given by President 
Park, you, and your Government, were vital 
contributions to that significant achievement 
of Asian statesmanship. 

We in the United States have taken deep 
pride in the progress of the Republic of 
Korea. And it is a source of special pride — 
and comfort — to us that you have joined 
American and allied forces in assisting the 
Republic of Viet-Nam to repel the aggression 
by armed attack of the North Vietnamese 
Communist regime. By their skill and their 
valor your troops have earned the full re- 
spect of all their brothers in arms in South 
Viet-Nam. And we know, from many reports, 
that the Vietnamese in the paddy fields prize 
very highly the civic-action help that you 
now are providing. I have in mind partic- 
ularly rural reconstruction, the building of 
sehoolhouses, and medical help to relieve the 
people's suffering. 

These, in brief, are some of the reasons 
why it gives me such great pleasure to come 
here again and to consult with President 
Park and you and other leaders of this reso- 
lute Republic. 

Mrs. Rusk is delighted to be here with me, 
and we extend our best wishes. 

statement at Signing of Agreement 
on status of Forces, July 9 

I count it a personal privilege to be able to 
participate in the signing of this agreement 
concerning the status of the United States 
forces in the Republic of Korea. 

American forces here have stood and still 
stand shoulder to shoulder with Korean 
forces along the demilitarized zone in the 
common task of providing a powerful bul- 
wark against any possibility of aggression 
from the North. 

We value highly the friendliness and hos- 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


pitality with which these forces have always 
been treated by the Government and people 
of Korea. 

The agreement which we have signed here 
today will still further strengthen the com- 
pact between us. 

The progress your country has made on 
many fronts, under the leadership of Presi- 
dent Chung Hee Park, is an inspiration to 
your friends everywhere and a source of en- 
couragement to all countries that wish to 
live in freedom. 

The Korean economy has made giant 
strides, particularly in the past few years. 
Even more encouraging is the prospect that 
this growth will go on into the future. This, 
too, is a measure of the increasing stature 
which your Republic and its energetic and 
courageous people have so justly earned in 
the world community. 

Your contributions to regional peace and 
security have much impressed your free- 
world friends. As I noted upon my arrival, 
the successful convening of the recent Asian 
and Pacific ministerial conference, attended 
by representatives from 10 Asian countries, 
is a notable example of Korean initiative. 
And as I said in Japan a few days ago, the 
United States regards the agreement be- 
tween the Republic of Korea and Japan as 
"an act of high statesmanship on the part 
of both Governments, and one which will con- 
tribute to the security and welfare of both 

Never forgetting our common defense of 
freedom here in Korea, we Americans ap- 
preciate profoundly your willingness to help 
substantially in the defense of the Republic 
of Viet-Nam against Communist aggression 
today. You have not forgotten that when you 
were the victim of aggression, others came 
to fight at your side. 

You realize, as we do, that the elimination 
of aggression is essential if the world is to 
enjoy peace and security. You and we share 
the resolve to achieve a reliable peace^a 
peace based on the principles of the United 
Nations Charter — a secure peace in which 

all nations, large and small, can live and 
prosper under governments of their own free 
choice, without fear of attack from their 

And this, Mr. Prime Minister [II Kwon 
Chung], Mr. Minister [Mr. Lee], is why I 
feel so deeply privileged to visit this country 
at this time in history and to participate in 
the signing of this document which repre- 
sents one more step in our common efforts to 
advance the cause of peace and freedom 
throughout the world. 

United States Recognizes 
New Government of Argentina 

Press release 168 dated July 15 

Following is the text of a note which was 
delivered to the Argentine Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs at Buenos Aires on July 15 by 
U.S. Charge d' Affaires ad interim Leonard 
J. Saccio. ' 

The Embassy of the United States of 
America presents its compliments to the 
Ministry of Foreign Aff'airs and Worship of 
the Argentine Republic and has the honor to 
acknowledge the receipt of the Ministry's 
note No. 539 of June 30, 1966,2 by which the 
Embassy was informed that Lieutenant Gen- 
eral Juan Carlos Ongania had assumed the 
presidency of the Argentine nation on June 
29, 1966. 

In thanking the Ministry for this informa- 
tion, the Embassy wishes to reciprocate the 
Ministiy's desire to maintain good and tra- 
ditional relations between the United States 
of America and the Argentine Reiniblic. 

The Embassy takes this opportunity to 
express to the Ministry of Foreign Aflfairs 
and Worship the assurances of its highest 

' For a Department statement on suspension of 
diplomatic relations with Argentina, see BULLETIN 
of July 25, 1966, p. 124. 

* Not printed here. 



President Reports to Congress 
on Food for Peace Program 


White House ppess releBse daU^d June 30 

President Johnson sent to the Congress 
on June 30 the annual report on Food for 
Peace, covering activities under Public Law 
480 during the 1965 calendar year.' In his 
letter of transmittal to the Congress, the 
President sets forth the accomplishments 
and objectives of the Food for Peace pro- 
gram and discusses the challenge posed by 
trends in population growth and food sup- 

The following additional facts about 
activities under P.L. 480 are drawn from 
the annual report: 

— Shipments: Nearly 18 million tons of 
Food for Peace commodities worth $1.4 bil- 
lion were shipped overseas during 1965. 
This brings total shipments since P.L. 480 
began in 1954 to 155 million metric tons of 
faiTn products worth $14.6 billion. 

— New commercial record: Total U.S. 
agricultural exports in 1965, both P.L. 480 
and commercial, reached $6.2 bilHon. The 
$4.8 billion in normal commercial exports 
of faiTn products was a record high. 

— Increased dollar savings: Foreign cur- 
rencies received for title I sales were 
increasingly used to pay U.S. overseas ex- 
penses. During the year this saved a dollar 
outflow of $311 million. Of currencies to be 
generated by new title I agreements signed 
in 1965, over 20 percent will be set aside for 
U.S. uses, while 62 percent will be set aside 
for economic development loans to foreign 

— Food for work gains: Over 12 million 
people in 49 countries received P.L. 480 
commodities in 1965 as part payment of 
wages on food-for-work and other self-help 
economic and community development proj- 

' H. Doc. 457, 89th Cong., 2d sess. 

—Donations for the needy: Direct dona- 
tions of U.S. food and fiber, through private 
agencies and government-to-government ar- 
rangements, reached 93 million people in 
116 countries, including 40 million .school- 
children and 10 million disaster victims. 

— Stress on nutrition: In view of findings 
that the quality of diet is as important as the 
quantity, the Agency for International De- 
veloiiment spent $2.5 million to fortify milk 
and grain donations with additional vita- 
mins and minerals to combat the debilitating 
physical and mental effects of malnutrition. 

— Cooley loan activity: 38 Cooley loans 
worth $35 million were made last year to 
private enterprise overseas from local cur- 
rencies generated by title I sales. This 
brings the total to 356 loans in 25 countries. 

— Market development programs: Since 
P.L. 480 began, more than half of the $109 
million spent under USDA's Foreign Agri- 
cultural Service program to create and de- 
velop markets overseas for U.S. farm prod- 
ucts has come from title I sales proceeds. 
Dollar exports of U.S. agricultural commodi- 
ties increased from $2 billion in 1955 to $4.8 
billion in 1965. 

— Financing research: Some 800 research 
projects in such fields as medicine, agricul- 
ture, and education were financed from title 
I sales proceeds. These scientific inquiries 
abroad were directed by the Department of 
Health, Education, and Welfare, the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, and other U.S. Govern- 
ment agencies. 

— Benefits to education: 16 percent of 
total local currency disbursements — the 
equivalent of over $200 million — was di- 
rected toward the advancement of knowl- 
edge and education in 1965. 

—Books for U.S. libraries: Over 300 
American libraries received 1.5 million pub- 
lications from Library of Congress offices 
overseas supported by P.L. 480 local cur- 

— Stepped-up dollar credit sales: In the 
past 41/2 years, since title IV was enacted, 
65 agreements for long-term dollar credit 
have been entered into with 23 countries. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


The 1.7 million metric tons of commodities 
shipped under title IV last year nearly 
equaled the combined tonnage shipped under 
this title in its first 31/2 years of operation. 
Dollar repayments have totaled $35 million. 


To the Congress of the United States: 

The United States in 1965 shipped $1.4 
billion of food and fiber overseas under our 
Food For Peace program. This brings to 
$14.6 billion our food aid efl'ort since the 
enactment of Public Law 480, the Agricul- 
tural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act of 1954. 

Food For Peace moved into its second 
decade continuing food aid programs that 
had proved so beneficial in the past, initiat- 
ing imaginative new approaches to spur 
self-help, and facing an array of difficult 
challenges. The increasing pressure of world 
population growth was the most disturbing 
indicator in a year otherwise highlighted 
with promise in the war against hunger and 
malnutrition. Population growth of 2 per- 
cent a year — increasing to 3 percent in some 
of the underdeveloped countries — made it 
difficult to increase per capita food consump- 
tion. There was more food grown in 1965 
than in 1964. But there were 64 million more 
mouths to feed. 

In simplest terms, the task of bringing 
food and population into balance — while 
maintaining progress in health, education, 
and economic grov/th — is the most critical 
challenge many countries are facing today. 
It will probably remain their most urgent 
challenge in the immediate years ahead. The 
world's capacity to respond will dramat- 
ically affect the course which individuals 
and nations choose in confronting their 
problems and their neighbors in coming gen- 

This is a world ])rol)lem. The stakes are 
too large, the issues too comi)licated and too 
interbound with custom and commerce, to 
leave the entire solution to those countries 
that have supplied, or received, the most 

food assistance during the postwar era. The 
experience, the ideas, the skills, and the re- 
sources of every nation that would avoid 
calamity must be significantly brought to 
bear on the problem. 

The United States Congress recognizes 
the moral and practical implications of hun- 
ger and malnutrition. Over the years its 
members have taken the lead in developing 
programs to prevent famine and to improve 
diets. The basic instrument Congress has 
used for this effort has been Public Law 480 
— the authorizing legislation for the Food 
For Peace program. 

It is not easy to measure the achievements 
of a program with such multiple objectives 
as Food For Peace — aiding the needy, as- 
sisting economic development, supporting 
U.S. foreign policy, inci'easing trade, bol- 
stering American agriculture. Yet as we 
look back on more than a decade of effort, 
the accomplishments are remarkable by any 

Hundreds of millions of people have di- 
rectly benefited from American foods. The 
lives which otherwise might have been lost 
— the grief which otherwise might have 
occurred — could have dwarfed the total casu- 
alties of all the wars during the period. I 
tend to think historians of future genera- 
tions may well look back on this expression 
of America's compassion as a milestone in 
man's concern for his fellow man. 

Food For Peace, however, is aimed at more 
than individual survival — and individual 
growth. It is directed toward national sur- 
vival — and national growth. P.L. 480 has 
been an important resource in the growth 
process. With the day-to-day difficulties 
which countries face, we sometimes fail to 
recognize how far many of the nations we 
have aided have come in their development 
effort. An analysis of Food For Peace pro- 
graming — which constitutes more than a 
third of our total economic assistance effort 
— is a good yardstick to measure such 
achievement. Frequently a country's develop- 
ment is directly reflected in its graduation 
from being a recipient of heavily subsidized 
food aid. 



Consider, for example, the countries re- 
ceiving our food and fiber for local cur- 
rency in the first full year of operation a 
decade ago. There were 27 of them in mid- 
1956. Today, more than half have reached a 
point of economic development where they 
no longer require such aid. This group which 
had graduated from Title I programs, last 
year purchased more than $2 billion in agri- 
cultural commodities through commercial 
channels. This is more than triple their com- 
bined dollar purchase of a decade ago. Even 
excluding Britain, France and West Ger- 
many — today's big dollar customers who pur- 
chased only small amounts under P. L. 480 
and left the program early — the gains are 
still impressive. Dollar sales of U.S. farm 
products to the other Title I graduates were 
well over a billion dollars last year — more 
than four times the amount in 1956. 

Growing economic strength is also evident 
in that group of 13 countries receiving Title 
I food a decade ago which continued to buy 
U.S. farm commodities for local currency in 
FY 1965. They still face economic difficulties, 
but together these nations have more than 
doubled their dollar agricultural purchases 
from the United States over the ten-year 

Global generalizations are difficult. But the 
broad pattern clearly shows substantial 

Indeed, the problems today are in many 
ways more serious than those facing the 
Congress when it enacted this law. The crit- 
ical food shortage in India, though aggra- 
vated by drought, should be read as a warn- 
ing that a crisis in food and population 
trends is already at the world's doorstep. 
The Food for Freedom legislation^ which I 
have proposed to Congress faces up to these 
problems. It takes into account the experi- 
ence and lessons of P.L. 480, along with the 
changing conditions in food needs and sup- 
plies. It recognizes that the progi-am will be 
judged in the long run by its success in en- 
couraging self-help programs and attitudes 
in the recipient countries. 

^ For background, see BULLETIN of Feb. 28, 1966, 
p. .336, and Mar. 28, 1966, p. 496. 

We have progressed a great deal during 
the past decade. We now know that food 
assistance can: 

— make an important contribution to eco- 
nomic development 

— serve the highest objectives of U.S. for- 
eign policy 

— help American agriculture 

— strengthen the habit of international 

— help to dispel Malthusian fears which 
have historically haunted mankind. 

By any standards, this nation can be proud 
of its Food For Peace program. It gives me 
pleasure to submit to the Congress the an- 
nual report on the 1965 activities carried on 
under Public Law 480, 83rd Congress, as 

Lyndon B. Johnson 
The White House, June 30., 1966. 

Letters of Credence 

Costa Rica 

The newly appointed Ambassador of 
Costa Rica, Fernando Ortuiio, presented his 
credentials to President Johnson on June 28. 
For texts of the Ambassador's remarks and 
the President's reply, see Department of 
State press release dated June 28. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

89th Congress, 2d Session 

Amending the National Science Foundation Act of 
1950 To Make Improvements in the Organization 
and Operation of the Foundation. Report to ac- 
company H.R. 14834. H. Kept. 1650. June 23, 1966. 
54 pp. 

Foreign Assistance Act of 1966. Report of the House 
Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 15750. H. 
Rept. 1651. June 23, 1966. 91 pp. 

National UNICEF Day. Report to accompany S. J. 
Res. 144. S. Rept. 1316. June 24, 1966. 2 pp. 

Coast Guard E.xamination of Foreign Passenger 
Vessels. Thirty-Third Report by the House Com- 
mittee on Government Operations. H. Rept. 1663. 
June 27, 1966. 29 pp. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 



Security Council Recommends 
Guyana's Admission to U.N. 

Statement by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Representative in the Security Council^ 

As the representative of my country, I 
take special pleasure in joining my colleagues 
on the Security Council in voting to recom- 
mend the admission of the newly independ- 
ent state of Guyana to membership in the 
United Nations. Guyana last month became 
the 25th independent nation in this hemi- 
sphere; and we welcome it as a sovereign 
state and as a good neighbor, and we were 
privileged to participate in the independence 
celebration in Georgetown on May 26. 

We believe Guyana enters the family of 
nations equipped with institutions to serve it 
well. We congratulate both Guyana and the 
United Kingdom for the essentially peaceful 
way and the careful deliberate planning that 
prepared the way for independence, despite 
many difficulties and obstacles. Perhaps, Mr. 
President, we ought to take note that Guyana 
is the 25th British dependent territory to be 
granted independence after World War II. 

Guyana's 650,000 people enjoy universal 
suffrage, have an 86-percent literacy rate and 
a gross national product that has been grow- 
ing at the rate of 8 percent per year. With 
a 7-year development program underway and 
with assistance from the United Nations and 
the specialized agencies, the United Kingdom, 
Canada, the United States, and other coun- 
tries interested in Guyana's welfare, I am 
sure that the future will show even further 
progress, with a broadening of the agricul- 
tural base and increasing industrial produc- 

It is appropriate on this happy occasion 
to recall the significant role the United 
Nations has played in Guyana's progress 
toward independence. We can all be proud 
of the economic and social assistance which 
U.N. agencies under the leadership of our 
distinguished Secretary-General and the 
directors general of the agencies such as the 
World Bank, the Special Fund, UNESCO 
[United Nations Educational, Scientific and 
Cultural Organization], FAO [Food and Ag- 
riculture Organization], and WHO [World 
Health Organization] have given and will 
continue to give the new nation. 

We welcome Guyana into the United 
Nations, mindful of the fact that its Govern- 
ment, as has been mentioned by others of my 
colleagues, in the initial throne speech de- 
livered on Independence Day, May 26, en- 
dorsed the principles of the Charter of the 
United Nations and expressed its intention 
to maintain good relations with all nations 
that support those principles. In this "land 
of waters," where hospitality is legendary — 
which many of us have enjoyed — the need to 
bring to fruition the new nation's motto of 
One People, One Nation, One Destiny is fore- 
most in the minds of its talented leaders, and 
we all wish them well in the task ahead. 

It is appropriate also at this time to note 
the completion, under the agreement between 
the Governments of the United Kingdom 
and of Venezuela concerning the frontier of 
Guyana and Venezuela,^ of negotiations to 
establish a Mixed Commission with the task 
of seeking a solution for the practical settle- 
ment of this controversy. The negotiations 
which led up to this agreement and the 
spirit which motivated the parties are in the 
highest tradition of the United Nations and 
in keeping with the provisions of the charter. 
I cannot conclude without conveying on be- 
half of the United States our sincere con- 
gratulations to the distinguished Prime 
Minister of Guyana, Forbes Burnham, whom 
I am personally proud to claim as a longtime 

' Made in the Security Council on June 21 (U.S./ 
U.N. press release 4878) . 

» U.N. doc. A/6326. 



Mr. President, the United States welcomes 
the application of Guyana and looks for- 
ward to close association with its representa- 
tives here. We shall gladly support the 
resolution submitted today by Argentina, 
New Zealand, Nigeria, Uganda, the United 
Kingdom, and Uruguay.' 


U.S. and Israel Amend 
Cotton Textiles Agreement 

Israel tx) the United States and to the cotton textile 
a^eement between our two Governments effected 
by an exchange of notes dated November 5 and 22, 

In view of the special circumstances discussed by 
the representatives of our two Governments, I pro- 
pose that, on a one-time basis, 1,200,000 pounds of 
yam may be exported from Israel to the United 
States during the period between June 1, 1966 and 
extending through December 31, 1966, without being 
charged against the limitations of the agreement. 

If this proposal is acceptable to the Government 
of Israel, this note and your Excellency's note of 
acceptance on behalf of the Government of Israel 
shall constitute an amendment to the cotton textile 
agreement between our two Governments. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

For the Acting Secretary of State: 
Anthony M. Solomon 

Press release 157 dated July 1 

A revision of the 1963 bilateral agreement 
concerning trade in cotton textiles between 
the Governments of the United States and 
Israel ' was announced on July 1. 

The revision is embodied in an exchange 
of notes which took place in Washington 
between Assistant Secretary of State for 
Economic Affairs Anthony M. Solomon and 
Ambassador Avraham Harman of Israel. 

The revision provides that because of spe- 
cial circumstances 1,200,000 pounds of yarn 
may be exported from Israel to the United 
States during the period June 1-December 
31, 1966, without being charged against the 
limitations of the agreement. 


Department of State 
Washington, June SO, 1966 

Excellency: I have the honor to refer to discus- 
sions between representatives of our two Govern- 
ments concerning exports of cotton textiles from 

' The Council on June 21 unanimously recom- 
mended that Guyana be admitted to membership in 
the United Nations. 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 

Current Actions 


Diplomatic Relations 

Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at 
Vienna April 18, 1961. Entered into force April 
24, 1964." 

Ratification deposited : Canada (with a statement) , 
May 26, 1966. 

Maritime Matters 

Amendments to the convention on the Intergovern- 
mental Maritime Consultative Organization (TIAS 
4044). Adopted at London September 15, 1964.* 
Ratified by the President: July 6, 1966. 

Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at sea, 
1948. Done at London June 10, 1948. Entered into 
force November 19, 1952. TIAS 2495. 
Denunciation received: Poland, June 24, 1966. 

International convention for the safety of life at sea, 
1960. Done at London June 17, 1960. Entered into 
force May 26, 1965. TIAS 5780. 
Acceptances deposited: Mexico, June 22, 1966; 
Portugal, June 14, 1966. 


Protocol for the further extension of the Interna- 
tional Wheat Agreement, 1962 (TIAS 5115). Open 
for signature at Washington April 4 through 29, 
1966. . , , ^. 

Senate advice and consent to ratification: July 14, 

Acceptances deposited: Australia, July 12, 1966; 
Austria, Brazil, Israel, Southern Rhodesia, 
United Kingdom, July 14, 1966; United States, 

' Not in force for the United States. 
' Not in force. 

AUGUST 1, 1966 


July 15, 1966; Vatican City State, July 14, 1966. 

Notifications of undertaking to seek acceptance, ap- 
proval, or accession deposited: Cuba, July 8, 
1966; Dominican Republic, July 14, 1966; El 
Salvador, July 15, 1966; Guatemala, July 13, 
1966; Italy, July 12, 1966; Korea, July 15, 
1966; Portugal, Julv 14, 1966; Spain, June 30, 
1966; Switzerland, July 14, 1966: United Arab 
Republic, July 11, 1966. 

Entered into force: July 16, 1966, for part I and 
parts III to VII, and August 1, 1966, for part II. 


Supplementary convention modifying and supple- 
menting the convention \nth respect to taxes on 
income and certain other taxes, signed at Wash- 
ington April 29, 1948, as amended (TIAS 1855, 
3366, 5665). Done at Washington December 30, 

Ratificaticms exchanged: July 8, 1966. 
Entered into force: July 8, 1966. 



Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense 
assistance agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 
2010). Effected by exchange of notes at Brussels 
April 5 and May 26, 1966. Entered into force 
May 26, 1966. 


Agreement providing for the continued use by the 
U.S. Navy of certain land adjacent to leased base 
area at RedclifF, Newfoundland, in connection with 
operation of U.S. Naval communication site at 
Argentia. Effected by exchange of notes at Ot- 
tawa June 15, 1966. Entered into force June 15, 



The Senate on July 13 confirmed the nomination 
of William S. Gaud to be Administrator of the 
Agency for International Development. (For bio- 
graphic details, see White House press release dated 
June 20.) 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Services, Bureau of Public Affairs, 
provides the public and interested agencies 
of the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other officers of 

the Department, as v;ell as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become 'a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department. United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for sale by the Super- 

intendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Oftioe, Washington, D.C., 20402. 
PRICE: 52 issues, domestic $10, foreign $15: 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publi- 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 196G). 

NOTE: Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers* Guide to Periodical Literature. 



INDEX August 1, 1966 Vol. LV, No. U14 

Afiriculture. President Reports to Congress on 
Food for Peace Pronrani (White House an- 
nouncement, letter of transmittal) .... 185 


Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 162 
United States Recognizes New Government of 
Argentina (U.S. note) 184 


Four Essentials for Peace in Asia (Johnson) . 158 
Socretar>- Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders 

(statements, communiques, news conferences) 169 
Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 162 


Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders (ar- 
rival statement, ANZUS communique) . . 169 
Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 162 


Four Essentials for Peace in Asia (Johnson) . 158 
Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders (ex- 
change of greetings, news conference at 

Taipei) 175 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 162 


Confirmations (Gaud) 190 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 
Policy 187 

President Reports to Congress on Food for 
Peace Program (White House announcement, 
letter of transmittal) 185 

Costa Rica. Letters of Credence (Ortuno) . . 187 

Department and Foreign Service. Confirmations 
(Gaud) 190 

Disarmament. Secretary Rusk's News Confer- 
ence of July 12 162 

Economic Affairs. U.S. and Israel Amend 
Cotton Textiles Agreement (U.S. note) . . 189 

Foreign Aid 

Gaud confirmed as Administrator, Agency for 
International Development 190 

President Reports to Congress on Food for 
Peace Program (White House announcement, 
letter of transmittal) 185 

Guyana. Security Council Recommends Guy- 
ana's Admission to U.N. (Goldberg) . . . 188 

Israel. U.S. and Israel Amend Cotton Textiles 
Agreement (U.S. note) 189 

Japan. Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Lead- 
ers (statement and communique, fifth meet- 
ing of Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade 
and Economic Affairs; news conference at 
Kyoto) 177 

Korea. Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Lead- 
ers (statements) 183 

New Zealand 

Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders 

(ANZUS communique) 175 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 162 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Secretary 
Rusk's News Conference of July 12 . . . . 162 

Presidential Documents 

Four Essentials for Peace in Asia .... 158 
President Reports to Congress on Food for 
Peace Program 185 

Recognition. United States Recognizes New 
Government of Argentina (U.S. note) . . 184 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization 

Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders 
(statement and communique, 11th meeting of 
SEATO Council of Ministers) 169 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 162 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 189 

Secretai-y Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders 
(statement on signing of agreement on status 

of U.S. forces in Korea) 183 

U.S. and Israel Amend Cotton Textiles Agree- 
ment (U.S. note) 189 

United Nations. Security Council Recommends 
Guyana's Admission to U.N. (Goldberg) . . 188 


Four Essentials for Peace in Asia (Johnson) . 158 
Secretary Rusk Meets With Asian Leaders 

(statements, communiques, news conferences) 169 
Secretary Rusk's News Conference of July 12 162 

Name Index 

Gaud, William S 190 

Goldberg, Arthur J 188 

Johnson, President 158, 185 

Ortuiio, Fernando 187 

Rusk, Secretary 162, 169 

Shiina, Etsusaburo 177 

Wei Tao-ming 175 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: July 11-17 

Press releases may be obtained from the Of- 
fice of News, Department of State, Washington, 
B.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to July 11 which ap- 
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
154 of June 30, 157 and 160 of July 1, and 161 
of July 8. 

No. Date Subject 

tl63 7/11 Guidelines for travel to restricted 
164 7/12 Rusk: news conference of July 12. 

*165 7/13 Stebbins sworn in as Ambassador 
to Uganda (biographic details). 

*166 7/13 Ball : supplementary statement on 
"U.S. Policy Toward NATO." 

*167 7/13 Program for visit of Prime Min- 
ister of Australia. 
168 7/15 Recognition of Argentine Govern- 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

■it U.S. Government Printing Office: 1966—521 929/3 



BOX 280 


(Ground the Corner 

Preparing Today's Students To Meet Tomorrow's World Problems 

The need to accelerate education in world affairs is the subject of Around the Corner, a new 
Department of State publication featuring a special article by Secretary Rusk. Addressing par- 
ents and teachers of American high school students, Mr. Rusk points out that, after centuries of 
■elatively steady advance, man's achievements — and his problems — have suddenly shot up on an 
iccelerated curve. The world "around the corner" will be "even smaller, more complex, and more 
nterdependent than today's," the Secretaiy adds, and that is the world teachers must anticipate 
is they prepare their students for future citizenship in the world community. 



'o: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
WashinEton, D.C. 20402 


Enclosed find $ (cash, check, or money order). Please 

end me copies of Around the Comer. 



To be mailed 


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Street address 

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Vol. LV. No. HI 5 

August 8, 1966 

Address by Under Secretary Ball 19 U 

Address at Tokyo by Secretary of Commerce John T. Connor 215 


OECD Development Assistance Committee Meeting at Washington: 

Statements by Secretary Ruek and Secretary Freeman, 

Remarks by Vice President Humphrey, and Text of Communique 199 

For index see inside back cover 

Independence and Freedom — a Continuing Struggle 

by Under Secretary Ball 

Four years ago, President John F. Ken- 
nedy, standing where I am today, delivered 
an address men will recall for many years.2 
He spoke of two memorable events that had 
taken place in this hall — the signing of the 
Declaration of Independence and the drafting 
of the Constitution of the United States — 
and he related each to critical problems of 
the present time. 

It was clear to President Kennedy, as it is 
clear to thoughtful men and women over the 
world, that those two American documents 
have been a potent, influence on the history 
of the last two centuries, extending far be- 
yond our own borders. 

The forces unleashed by the Declaration 
of Independence have inspired a revolution 
in human affairs that is worldwide. That 
revolution has brought about the destruc- 
tion of ancient empires, the dismantling of 
great colonial systems, and the perilous 
passage to independence of more than a bil- 
lion people — one-third of the earth's popu- 

A great part of this has occurred within 
the past two decades of highly concen- 
trated history. Never has there been such a 
revolutionary shift in power arrangements 
throughout the world. That it has been 
largely a peaceful revolution is heartening. 
It suggests a slowly growing maturity in our 
human relations. It means that the ringing 

' Address made at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, 

Pa., on July 4 (press release 158; as-delivered text). 

• For text, see Bulletin of July 23, 1962, p. 131. 

Declaration signed in this hall, combining as 
it did the principles of English law with the 
precepts of the Age of Reason, is now the 
guiding principle for a great part of man- 

During the 4 years that have passed since 
President Kennedy spoke, the process he 
then applauded has continued. Since 1962, 
more than 36 million additional peoples have 
moved from colonial status to establish 11 
new countries. Today, only a handful of 
people on this side of the Iron Curtain still 
live under some form of colonial rule. Within 
the foreseeable future, the entire colonial 
period will be a closed chapter in the history 

The Founding Fathers were quite aware 
that the condition of man was not fulfilled 
merely by an act of national independence. 
They did not at all confuse the independence 
of nations with the freedom of the indi- 

Today we Americans are at long last be- 
ginning to apply in our relations with one 
another the principles of liberty enunciated 
so loudly and clearly 19 decades ago 
here in Philadelphia. We are working to- 
gether to correct an ancient injustice of 
which we ourselves have been the author. We 
are finally making it possible for the liberty 
and equality that we endorse as a nation to 
be available to all Americans, whatever their 
race or creed. 

The adventurous men who signed the Dec- 
laration of Independence — could they ob- 



>orve today the results of their handiwork — 
would be gratified, but they would be any- 
thing: but comijlaceiit. For they were not only 
men of principle; they were also realists. And 
they recoprnized, as Jefferson said, that free- 
tlom is never secured once and for all; it is 
something each generation must win for 

Today we know this to be true in many 
places of the world. The passing of colonial- 
ism, the achievement of juridical independ- 
ence for a nation and a people, is not the end 
but the beginning of the struggle. 

For wherever men are free there are other 
men who would destroy their fi-eedom. We 
Americans have learned that lesson through 
hard effort. Within the past two decades we 
have assisted many nations to resist aggres- 
sion. Today, once again, we are fighting in 
the jungles and rice paddies of Southeast 
Asia so that the people of South Viet-Nam 
may enjoy the inalienable rights of life, lib- 
erty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

We shall continue that fight, and we shall 
prevail. North Viet-Nam will learn, as so 
many other aggressors have learned in the 
past, that our commitment to the principle 
of independence is never to be doubted. For 
as Jefferson said: "Whensoever hostile ag- 
gressions . . . require a resort to war, we 
must meet our duty and convince the world 
that we are just friends and brave enemies." 

The war in Viet-Nam is, therefore, an- 
other chapter in the attempt of aggressors 
to destroy the forces unleashed by the prin- 
ciples of our Declaration of Independence. 
For our forefathers believed, and 200 years 
of national experience have proved, that the 
great revolution in the histoiy of man is the 
revolution of freedom. 

This is the meaning of the changes in the 
world in this past 20 years. For in their na- 
tional revolutions, the new statesmen of the 
new nations have, with very few exceptions, 
looked to the American Revolution — to Jef- 
ferson, not Djzhei'jinsky, to James Madison 
and not to Karl Marx. 

It was indeed we Americans who fired the 
shot heard around the world. And, if today 

it comes back in louder and louder echoes 
(and sometimes in ricochets), most of the 
new nations are still singing our song. They 
are closer to Lincoln than to Lenin. 

Europe's Growing Commitment to Unity 

President Kennedy saw with clai'ity that 
the revolution of the new nations was an 
extension of our Revolution and that their 
principles were inspired by the great Decla- 
ration signed in this hall. But he did not con- 
fine his vision to the emerging countries. He 
looked also across the Atlantic Ocean at 
those great nations of Western Europe 
where so much of our civilization began. He 
saw there, also, a growing recognition of the 
spirit of the American Constitution as a 
practical instrument for organizing human 
affairs. And he made it clear that in this 
modern age, while the human spirit requires 
the recognition of effective independence, 
effective human enterprise requires also the 
recognition of interdependence. 

Nowhere is this more true than in the At- 
lantic world, this heartland of industry and 
modernity, these nations of North America 
and Western Europe that face each other 
across the northern ocean. There is in West- 
ern Europe today a deep desire to establish 
some kind of unity as a substitute for corro- 
sive national rivalries. With their colonial 
systems largely dismantled, the European 
peoples have looked hard at their own his- 
tory and geography. For 300 years, ever 
since the Peace of Westphalia, the attempt 
of one nation-state after another to achieve 
superiority over its neighbors has kept 
Europe in a state of recurrent civil war. 

Jefferson looked out on the national rival- 
ries of his age and saw, in Europe, a "great 
Mad-House" in which the "law of the hyena 
and the jackal" operated through war to 
blast the hopes of men for prosperity and 
civil tranquillity. He saw in such conflicts the 
unnatural devastation of a continent torn 
asunder. Two hundred years later, farseeing 
European statesmen came together to ad- 
dress themselves to the same problems that 
had worried Jefferson. 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


Looking at the ashes of the Second World 
War, they recognized the catastrophic conse- 
quences of restoring a fragmented Europe of 
quarrehng nation-states. The alternative was 
to build common institutions based on equal- 
ity through which they might subordinate 
national interests to a large unity, just as 
our forefathers did in this hall. 

The European Common Market 

Our European friends have been remark- 
ably successful in uniting the economies of 
six European states. Few, either in Europe 
or America, fully realize the extraordinary 
meaning and implications of the European 
Economic Community, the Common Market. 

Not long ago my attention was drawn to 
an article that appeared in the London Times 
just at the turn of the century, on December 
26, 1900. In that article a distinguished 
French economist argued strongly for the 
creation of a European common market. But 
he concluded: "It would be chimerical to sup- 
pose that it were possible in 100 or in 200 
years to abolish all the customs duties be- 
tween the different European states . . . ." 
And the editors of the London Times, in re- 
printing his article, stated: ". . . if M. Paul 
Leroy-Beaulieu had time to devote a little 
more attention to the study of the interna- 
tional political firmament, he would discover 
that, however desirable may be the project 
he sets forth ... its realization must inevi- 
tably be put off to the Greek Kalends." 

Yet, as so often occurs, history has proved 
more venturesome than the prophets. Today 
six nations of Europe have built a Common 
Market — and this has not had to wait until 
the Greek Kalends, as the London Times 
insisted, or even 100 or 200 years, as that 
reckless optimist, the French professor, pre- 

They made the decision to establish the 
Common Market only a half century after 
the article was published. More than that, 
they have now moved far down the road to- 
ward creating a single European economy. 

To be sure, Europe has not made com- 
parable progress toward political unity, but 

the commitment to unity is growing — par- 
ticularly among the young — and political 
unity should hopefully include not only the 
six present members of the Common Market 
but Great Britain and other nations as well. 

There is a compelling logic that underlies 
the movement toward unity today. For the 
world is marked by an inescapable political 
fact — the predominance of two nations, the 
United States and the Soviet Union. Each is 
organized on a continent-wide basis; each 
commands vast resources of men and mate- 
rial. The emergence of these two powers re- 
flects the needs and consequences of an age 
of technology. It has transformed the whole 
structure of world politics. It has created a 
new requirement of size for nations that are 
to play a significant role in world affairs. 
European states that a quarter of a century 
ago occupied the center of the stage now 
find themselves only medium powers, with a 
limited capacity to influence world events. 

I do not think that the European peoples 
will be content for long to stand aside from 
a major participation in world affairs. Yet, if 
Europeans are to play a role worthy of their 
resources and their abilities, it is clear what 
they must do. They must build their political 
arrangements on a scale commensurate with 
the requirements of the modern world. 

The Atlantic Alliance 

As Europe has moved toward unity, we 
Atlantic nations acting together have created 
the instruments of common defense. We have 
made a solemn alliance; we have given effec- 
tiveness and reality to that alliance by creat- 
ing an integrated defense. 

NATO has succeeded brilliantly. It has 
given security to Europeans and has made 
it possible for them to enjoy the pros- 
perity resulting from the Common Market. 
Beyond that, it has tended to alter our rela- 
tions with the East by creating conditions 
of strength to which the Soviet Union has 
had to adjust. 

The common action of the West has 
blunted Soviet hopes for expansion. 

The stability and prosperity that followed 



economic integration in Western Europe 
have created new aspirations and have stim- 
ulated new thinking: in Eastern Europe. 

By subhmating nationaHstic ambitions, 
Western cohesion has dampened traditional 
fears among the Eastern European peoples. 

As a consequence, the arrangements we 
have created have produced stability within 
the West and have opened the path through 
which an ultimate settlement between East 
and West may one day be obtained. 

This is an achievement of epic dimensions. 
Yet today there are those who would turn 
their backs on what has been accomplished. 
Just as those policies have begun to bear 
fruit they ask paradoxically: Why retain 
them? After all, they contend, Europe has 
not yet established political unity, and a 
Europe of nation-states has deep historic 
roots. Moreover, they assert, the world has 
changed and the dangers from an aggressive 
Soviet Union are no longer serious. 

Such sentiments are not surprising. This 
is not the first time that success has engen- 
dered agitation to destroy the institutions 
that have produced that success. 

But we should not be deflected by these 
clamorous voices. Those who have absorbed 
the American experience and the meaning of 
the drama played in this hall will under- 
stand the fatuity of these expressions. 

For it is not easy to build a united Europe 
today; it was also difficult two centuries ago 
to weld together the Thirteen Colonies into 
the United States of America. The common 
struggle against England that had brought 
them together had ended. There were many 
who deplored the whole idea of trying to 
transform a loose confederation of states 
into a permanent union. They were emphatic 
in asserting that it would not work. There 
were powerful voices for separatism. 

But wise men in this hall 'knew that the 
American people could never realize the 
dream that had brought them across an 
ocean, could never achieve the security they 
sought, could never tame a continent and 
build a nation, unless they united under com- 
mon institutions to express their common 

Yet they did not achieve this quickly. It 
took 5 years from the Declaration of Inde- 
])endence to the Articles of Confederation, 6 
years from the Articles of Confederation to 
the signing of the Constitution, and 2 more 
years before the Constitution was ratified. 
Nor was that the end; it took several decades 
after that until effective Federal institutions 
could be established. 

It is, of course, dangerous to belabor his- 
torical analogies. Skeptics continually remind 
us that the problems of constructing a unified 
Europe are far more difficult than putting 
together 13 colonies of common origin. Yet 
the logic of unity in Europe is today quite as 
compelling as that facing the Colonies in the 
late 18th century. And the next few years 
may demonstrate, as has been so often shown 
in the past, that histoiy is more venture- 
some than the skeptics. 

Effecting a Constructive Partnership 

As Europe moves forward toward unity, 
we must ourselves move forward — in com- 
pany with our European friends — to effect a 
constructive partnership of equals. More- 
over, we must continue to maintain an effec- 
tive Western defense as we have maintained 
it for the past 18 years. For we should be 
foolish to assume, as some complacently sug- 
gest, that because NATO has prevented 
Europe from being overrun for more than a 
decade and a half, we no longer need an in- 
tegrated common defense. 

Those who make this argument overlook 
the arithmetic of Soviet power. The Soviet 
Union today has some 3 million men under 
arms, most of whom are stationed in west- 
em areas of the country. Three hundred 
thousand Soviet soldiers are stationed in 
Eastern Europe. In addition, the Eastern 
European countries have armed forces total- 
ing a half million, making a total of 800,000 
men facing NATO in Europe. Also to be 
taken into account in the overall equation 
are hundreds of Soviet intercontinental bal- 
listic missiles, more than 700 medium-range 
missiles aimed at Western Europe, squadrons 
of the most modern bomber and fighter 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


planes, and a constantly growing fleet of 
submarines, including many armed with nu- 
clear missiles. There is no basis to think that 
we can safely let down our guard. We must 
continue in close concert with our allies to 
deter these forces. The words of the North 
Atlantic Ti'eaty are as solid as ever: An at- 
tack on one is an attack on all. 

Yet, as we continue to maintain and 
strengthen our defensive efi'orts to ward off 
possible danger from the East, we must per- 
sist in our constructive efforts to shape a 
workable world order better than the one 
that existed before 1914, which was de- 
stroyed by a half century of war and revolu- 
tion. Both are needed. Effective defense with- 
out constructive efforts will confine us to an 
indefinite future of rushing from one fire- 
fighting exercise to another; constructive ef- 
forts without effective defense will not pro- 
duce lasting results. 

Yet, as I have suggested, European unity 
and Atlantic partnership have a meaning be- 
yond the stability of the West. They are 
essential for the achievement of a secure set- 
tlement of the great unfinished business left 
over from the war. This point cannot be too 
strongly emphasized. A permanent East- 
West settlement will not be achieved by frag- 
menting Europe or by loosening the insti- 
tutional bonds that tie the West together 
but only if the Western Powers, acting from 
a base of unity, bring about a situation in 
which a settlement is possible. 

We should not, of course, seek a settlement 
as an end in itself. We must be sure that it 
creates the conditions that will assure stabil- 
ity and lasting peace for all of Europe. It 
must be free from built-in stresses and ten- 
sions. It must be fair to all. It must embody 
that same basic principle which is essential 
to enduring relations within the West — the 
principle of equality. 

This point is central. No secure settlement 
of Europe can leave the German people di- 
vided. Nor can a lasting settlement place the 
German people under permanent discrimi- 
nation. This was tried before, and, as we 

all know, it did not work. We must aim for 
something better and not for improvisations 
that are inherently unstable. 

The Task for the Atlantic Nations 

This, then, is the task for the Atlantic na- 
tions: to build a strong Western partnership 
between North America and a Europe mov- 
ing toward unity — a task that can assure 
the end of the rivalries that have produced 
so many catastrophes in the past, preserve 
the security of the West, and finally, promote 
the conditions that will make possible an 
ultimate settlement between East and West 
on a sound and lasting basis. 

We join in this task with no less determi- 
nation than we have joined in the struggle 
in Viet-Nam. We are committed to interde- 
pendence in the Atlantic world no less faith- 
fully than to independence for the newly 
emergent nations. 

Today we and our European allies have 
built from the ruins of war in Europe, and 
we shall build from the bitter struggles for 
independence in Asia. But the goal of Euro- 
pean unity endures, and it must endure " 'til 
hope creates, from its own wreck, the thing 
it contemplates." 

We Americans have a vital interest in the 
process our friends in Europe are now un- 
dertaking. For not only should it contribute 
mightily to peace and provide us with an 
able and equal partner to join in performing 
our great common tasks around the world. 
But we bear a heavy responsibility for what 
is being undertaken. 

For Europeans today are beginning to fol- 
low the example set almost two centuries ago 
in this hall — an example of how men through 
unity can build a great nation. The inspired 
men who worked with such dedication in this 
hall were well aware, in Jefferson's words, 
that we were "not acting for ourselves alone 
but for the whole human race." 

That is the measure of our responsibility 
as a Nation and a people — to show the 
"American experiment" continues to work. 



The World Food and Population Crisis 

At the invitation of the United States, ^ 
the Development Assistance Committee of 
the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development held its fifth anmial high- 
level meeting at Washington, D.C., July 20- 
21. Following are a statement made before 
the Committee on July 20 by Secretary Rusk 
and remarks made by Vice President Hum- 
phrey at a luncheon on that day, a statement 
made on July 21 by Secretary of Agriculture 
Orville L. Freeman, a message from Presi- 
dent Johnson read by Secretary Rusk on 
July 21 at the conclusion of the meeting, 
and texts of a communique and a recom- 
mendation on food problems of less devel- 
oped coitntries released by the Committee on 
July 21. 


Press release 170 dated July 20 

We are very pleased to have the Develop- 
ment Assistance Committee in Washington, 
and I consider it a privilege to welcome 
you. In inviting DAC to meet here, Presi- 
dent Johnson had in mind the great impor- 
tance both of DAC and of the looming world 
food and population crisis. 

The chairman [Willard L. Thorp] has re- 
ported on the work of the Committee and 
the progress of development aid during the 
past year. Mr. Bell [David E. Bell, Adminis- 
trator, Agency for International Develop- 
ment] will outline our views on the whole 
range of urgent problems raised in Mr. 
Thorp's report. Let me say merely that its 
excellence confirms the confidence we have 
in the DAC approach. 

' For background, see Bulletin of July 11, 1966, 
p. 55. 

Tomorrow, Mr. Freeman, our Secretary 
of Agriculture, will tell you about the Food 
for Freedom program of the United States. 

For my part, I want to focus on the world 
food problem and what it implies for our 
aid efforts. 

In its essence, we all know what the world 
food problem is. It resolves itself into four 
bleak facts: 

First, even now substantial numbers of 
human beings are chronically undernour- 
ished, with all that implies for infant mor- 
tality, ill-health, and economic stagrnation. 

Second, world population is growing 

Third, per capita food production in some 
of the less developed countries has actually 
begun to decline. Despite rising foreign food 
imports, consumption per capita has barely 
remained stable in some of these nations and 
has diminished in others. The story is, of 
course, uneven. Some countries have made 
remarkable progress in increasing food pro- 
duction — along lines that can be helpful to 

Fourth, the reserve food production ca- 
pacity of the developed countries will not 
indefinitely fill the widening gap between 
food needs and food production in the less 
developed countries. For the long haul, it 
would make neither political nor economic 
sense for a few countries to try to fill that 
gap with food aid. 

Behind these four ominous facts lies a 
series of political, economic, and scientific 
problems that concern each of us. Yet they 
are problems which no one of us, however 
rich, however strong, however determined, 
can hope alone to resolve. 

The histoiy of our world is punctuated 
with the interplay of politics and hunger. 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


Hunger has been intensely political from the 
Biblical famines and the uprisings of Rome 
to the great European migrations to Ameri- 
ca of the 19th century and to the present 
food crises affecting hundreds of millions 
of people. 

Projected to the scene of the developing 
nations, these four facts spell deepening 
misery, political upheaval, economic reversal, 
impaired world prosperity, accentuated con- 

The mounting world food and population 
crisis is a fundamental challenge to modem 
society. It is second only to maintenance of 
world peace in our concerns. 

"Hunger poisons the mind. It saps the 
body. It destroys hope. It is the natural 
enemy of every man on earth." ^ 

When President Johnson spoke those 
words, he defined the meaning of the world 
food crisis for the United States. And on 
this conclusion he based his statement to 
our Congress that: "Hunger is a world prob- 
lem. It must be dealt with by the world." 

It is because of this conclusion and crisis 
that we are here today. I urge that we set 
out jointly and with decision to help our 
fellow men to win the war against hunger. 

I propose that in the next 2 days and in 
the months ahead we work out together a 
better understanding of this problem. 

I propose that we develop a consensus 
about what needs to be done. 

I propose that we join in developing a 
new attack on a critical world problem, 
which will yield only to our common efforts. 

The Tasks To Be Accomplished 

I believe that three steps must be taken 
to avert a calamitous food-population crisis: 

First, food production in the less devel- 
oped nations must be increased — increased 
in the context of sound overall economic 
development. This requires strong action by 
the developing countries and increased tech- 
nical and capital assistance from the de- 
veloped countries. 

' For President Johnson's message to Congress on 
Food for Freedom, see ibid., Feb. 28, 1966, p. 336. 

Second, assistance in the form of food, 
shipping, storage and handling facilities, and 
other resources must be supplied as an ur- 
gent claim on all the advanced countries 
during the interim until food production in 
the developing countries has been increased. 

Third, there must be increasing oppor- 
tunities for men and women consciously to 
decide the size of their families. 

I am all too conscious of the enormous 
difficulties entailed in applying these reme- 
dies. Also, our chairman's report testifies 
that all represented here are already en- 
gaged in the attack on the world food prob- 
lem and inadequate economic growth. Some 
of us are doing more, some of us less. 

For its part, the United States plans 
nearly to double in the coming year its 1964 
level of assistance for agriculture. We ex- 
pect soon to be investing more than $500 
million a year in financing fertilizer imports, 
transferring modern fanning techniques and 
equipment to the developing countries, con- 
structing fertilizer plants, establishing more 
extension services, cooperatives, and credit 
facilities, and financing research for better 
and more nutritious crops. 

In addition, the President has proposed a 
new Food for Freedom program, which will 
be closely integrated with our economic as- 
sistance efforts. The new Food for Freedom 
legislation will increase food aid shipments 
while the recipient countries expand their 
output. Part of the local currency gener- 
ated under food sales will be reinvested in 
agricultural development and food process- 
ing industries. The food supplied in many 
cases will be used as wages in rural develop- 
ment programs to promote self-help. 

In determining our assistance, whether 
through food aid or in other forms, we will 
take particular note of each country's efforts 
to develop its owti food capabilities, through 
either agricultural development or improved 
capacity to buy in world markets. And, if 
required, we are prepared to do still more 
as less developed countries intensify their 
efforts to help themselves. We urge each of 
the governments represented here to do like- 



We also would welcome an increase in the 
contribution of the Soviet Union and the 
Eastern European states to this task, for ex- 
ample, through participation in the FAO 
[Food and Agriculture Organization] and the 
World Food Program. 

How should we organize an increased 

In the case of food aid the problem is rela- 
tively simple — not simple, relatively simple. 
It seems clear that more will be required 
in the years to come. 

Here is how we might provide it, supple- 
menting national programs with collective 

First, the World Food Program has per- 
formed well. It has the capacity to do an in- 
creasing share of the job. We note that, for 
lack of sufficient matching funds, the United 
States pledge of $130 million for the years 
1966-68 may not be fully used. Pledges re- 
ceived so far from other FAO members are 
still some $60 million short. We hope this 
need will be met. And, beyond that, we would 
be prepared to increase substantially our con- 
tribution to the World Food Program to 
match pledges by others. Those who cannot 
provide food could provide funds to purchase 
food and to meet sei^vices and transportation 

Second, the United States is prepared to 
agree with other producer nations on the 
creation of a World Food Resei-ve held avail- 
able for emergency use. 

Developing a Plan of Attack 

Population control and measures to in- 
crease agricultural production and produc- 
tivity are relatively more complex problems. 
We should proceed with existing lines of na- 
tional attack and the multilateral efforts of 
the IBRD [International Bank for Recon- 
struction and Development] , the IDA [Inter- 
national Development Association] , the FAO, 
the U.N. Development Program, and the nu- 
merous regional efforts already under way. 
But we should also undertake an intensive 
joint study of how best to broaden the attack. 

The recommendation to be put before this 
meeting would give this Committee and 

our distinguished Secretary General, Mr. 
[Thorkil] Kristensen, a mandate to mount 
that study, to develop comprehensive practi- 
cal plans, and to make recommendations to 
governments. My Government supports this 
draft recommendation. 

The OECD and its Development Assistance 
Committee are uniquely suited to lead in de- 
veloping plans for the participation of its 
members in the war on hunger. Almost two 
decades of experience, including intimate co- 
operation with the FAO and the World Bank, 
recommend the OECD for this great task. 

For 5 years our combined aid programs 
have hovered around $6 billion annually. I 
know that each of us has problems within 
our own countries in getting support for ad- 
ditional foreign aid. Yet it seems to me that 
over the months ahead we should openly and 
honestly seek answers to the following kinds 
of questions: 

— Could a substantial expansion of foreign 
aid to meet the food and population crisis be 
wisely used? 

— If so, what kind of aid would be most 

— What would be an equitable basis for 
providing collectively this additional assist- 

— Should coordinated national progi'ams be 
stepped up, or should we rely more on multi- 
lateral institutions? 

— What should be our response to Dr. Sen's 
[B. R. Sen, Director General of FAO] idea 
of an FAO agricultural input scheme? 

— How should we go about expanding fer- 
tilizer supplies? 

— Can we, individually or collectively, pro- 
vide new incentives for private enterprise in 
this key area? 

— How can we encourage additional agri- 
cultural research and training institutes in 
the less developed countries? 

— Could the educational investment plan- 
ning and technical assistance concept, suc- 
cessfully applied in the Mediterranean re- 
gional projects of the OECD, be adapted to 
help developing countries? 

— How can our national technical assist- 
ance programs more adequately reinforce 
those of the U.N. and FAO? 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


Without either asking for or giving com- 
mitments at this stage, we urge an open- 
minded examination of these questions and 
any others suggested by the members of this 

Finally, there is the third step: stabiliza- 
tion of population. We are glad to see that 
an increasing number of nations are develop- 
ing plans and facilities to give families free- 
dom of choice. We stand ready to assist coun- 
tries which ask for our help in these efforts 
to assure that children brought into the world 
are wanted. 

The Need for Solidarity 

It was to confront together a somber pros- 
pect and a vital challenge that we invited you 
here. I have spoken of the gravity of the im- 
pending food and population crisis as we see 

We are all conscious that there are many 
people who are not yet aware that the loom- 
ing world famine will threaten their indi- 
vidual peace and well-being and that the 
tragedy of famine must be averted in the in- 
terest of peace and humanity. 

But I am confident that, when they become 
familiar with the facts of the problem, the 
people of my own country will respond af- 
firmatively — as they have done time and 
again during the last 20 years and more. 

When you return to your capitals, I hope 
that you will bear with you the full measure 
of the commitment of this Government. And 
I hope that you will carry a firm resolve that 
all our nations will work together to wage a 
war against hunger. As President Johnson 
has said: "There can only be victors in this 
war. Since evei-y nation will share in that 
victory, every nation should share in its costs. 
I urge all who can help to join us." ^ 

JULY 20 

The greatest threats to peace in the world 
today are poverty and hunger. There was a 
time — and not long past — when men stood 
by in the face of poverty and hunger. They 
were accepted as inevitable. 

But today, for the first time in human 
history, man has the capacity to overcome 
both poverty and hunger. We have the tools, 
the knowledge, the technology, the means. 

The only question is this: Do we have 
the will? 

Today my subject is hunger. 

Despite our resources, the world food 
situation has changed dramatically — and 
ominously — in recent years. 

Thirty years ago the less developed regions 
of Asia, Africa, and Latin America were 
exporting 11 million tons of grain yearly 
to the developed countries, principally West- 
ern Europe. During the war decade of the 
1940's that flow was reversed. This year 
more than 30 million tons will move from 
the "have" to the "have not" regions of the 
world. And we are not meeting the need. 

It is clear that decisive action must be 
taken if famine is to be avoided in the 
densely populated developing countries. If 
present trends continue for another 10 to 20 
years, half the world will be facing outright 
starvation whenever there is a bad harvest, 
and serious malnutrition even when there is 

In such a world, what are the prospects 
for peace? 

The ultimate remedy is to achieve a 
balance between food and people. There is an 
obvious need for family planning policies to 
be adopted on a wide scale. But even if this 
is done, present population growth will not 
drop sharply before the end of the 1980's. 
So the next two decades will be critical. 

Strategy in the War on Hunger 

To meet this crisis, a radical increase is 
needed in the food output of the developing 

This cannot be done by treating agricul- 
ture in these countries as an isolated sector. 
It requires modernization in both agriculture 
and its supporting industry. It requires mas- 
sive capital investment and, in many cases, 
a reallocation of development priorities. 

To wage this war, a strategy with four 

' Ibid. 



main components is needed in the developing 

First, the marketing mechanism must be 
modernized, emphasizing the need to give the 
farmer an incentive to produce more. He 
must be able to sell his products at a fair 
price. And he must be able to buy essential 
consumer and producer goods in return. The 
farmer must be offered a chance to play a 
rewarding part in an expanding market 

Second, the farmer's capital plant must be 
improved through a sound rural development 
program. This means roads, water, fertilizer 
plants, rural electrification, agricultural re- 
search centers, better seeds, more farm 
equipment, good pesticides and insecticides, 
and adequate credit at reasonable rates of 

Third, the farmer must be educated to 
receive and absorb modem agricultural tech- 
nology. We must bring education not only 
to the fanners of today but to children who 
will be the farmers of tomorrow. That this 
will take a generation is no reason for de- 
spair; it is, rather, an urgent reason to get 
on with it. 

Fourth, we must make sure that farmers 
are healthy enough to do the job. Adequate 
health programs are fundamental to expand- 
ing agricultural development and should 
never be neglected. Such programs range 
from diet improvement for undernourished 
children to malaria control and projects to 
insure livestock health. 

These four elements are the beginnings of 
a winning strategy in the war on hunger. 
These elements are all part of the same effort 
and cannot be separated. 

Priorities for the Developed Countries 

If this strategy is to be carried out, we in 
the developed countries will need to expand 
our current programs of aid and technical 
assistance. This means giving agricultural 
development top priority in our foreign 
assistance programs. 

To this end, the United States is increas- 
ing its provision of technical and capital 
assistance for agi-icultural improvement, for 

health, and for education. We also are pro- 
viding needed food to meet emergencies, such 
as those incurred under unexpected adverse 
weather conditions. 

Since 1954 the American Food for Peace 
program has provided more than 140 mil- 
lion tons of food to hungry people. 

To help meet a continuing emergency food 
need, President Johnson has launched the 
Food for Freedom program, now awaiting 
final action in Congress. 

Under this program, our acreage and farm 
production would be expanded as necessary 
to feed hungiy people in areas of emergency 
need. The new program also contemplates 
two related steps: greatly expanded emphasis 
on self-help efforts in and by the recipient 
countries, and an expansion and improved 
coordination of efforts in the field of tech- 
nical agricultural assistance in the develop- 
ing nations by the nations here represented. 

Let me make it clear: The United States 
cannot meet the need alone. An enlarged 
effort will be required by every countiy 
represented in this room. 

Our effort should be directed to the fol- 
lowing objectives: 

to provide developing countries with the 
technical aid required to increase food pro- 
duction within their borders; 

to meet emergency needs for food ship- 
ments while development programs are cre- 
ated and put into operation; 

to give these countries whatever help they 
request in arranging family planning pro- 

To attain these objectives we must have an 
overall plan for coordinating our aid pro- 
grams. The place to develop this plan and 
to facilitate its execution is here — in the 
Development Assistance Committee of the 

This Committee represents a collective $6 
billion annual aid effort by the 15 leading 
sources of aid today: 14 national govern- 
ments and the Commission of the European 
Economic Community. 

Its predecessor, the OEEC [Organization 
for European Economic Cooperation], was 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


created by a great challenge: the postwar 
breakdown of Europe's economy. To meet 
this challenge, it had to develop new tech- 
niques of international cooperation. Its 
achievement is one of the great success 
stories of our time. 

International Cooperation Against Hunger 

Now we face a new and enlarged chal- 
lenge: worldwide hunger. Again new tech- 
niques of international cooperation are 

We in DAC must answer two key ques- 

How much help is needed? 

How can our countries best work together 
in providing that help? 

Our study should look not just to piling 
up data but should look to action — action 
directed toward a clear and feasible goal: 
the eradication of large-scale famine and 

Every country represented in this room — 
including my own — will have to do more, far 
more, in this effort than is being done today. 
The United States is ready to join with 
others in doing so. 

In the last decade all our countries have 
grown richer. But our levels of aid have 
not expanded at an equal rate. We in the 
industrial countries, taken as a whole, are 
providing less, proportionately, to others 
than we did 10 years ago. At the same time 
the need has grown. 

As you learned this morning. President 
Johnson has offered to increase this country's 
pledge to the World Food Program, if other 
participants, together, will match our pledge. 

He has also expressed our willingness to 
join other producer nations in creating a 
World Food Reserve, if this is needed to meet 
emergency requirements. 

Both these initiatives underline the Presi- 
dent's conviction that a program which 
affects us al! can best be met by effort which 
involves us all. 

In this expanding effort, such existing in- 
ternational institutions as the FAO, the 

World Bank, IDA, and the U.N. Develop- 
ment Program have a large role to play. 

And every country, whatever its political 
and social system, should have an oppor- 
tunity to play a part in this humanitarian 

It would be welcome news indeed if the 
Soviet Union and the nations of Eastern 
Europe were to join the FAO and the World 
Food Program. 

And I hope that the rulers of mainland 
China may some day decide that coopera- 
tion with others in fighting hunger is more 
rewarding than policies which presently 
hinder their relations with the rest of the 

The True Enemies of the People 

I hope they may recognize that the true 
enemies of the people — the enemies to be 
purged — are hunger and want. These are 
enemies without ideology. These are enemies 
which threaten all nations. 

At the turn of this century the American 
poet Edwin Markham, inspired by Millet's 
painting. The Man With the Hoe, described 
the man still standing today in a hundred 
thousand villages around the world: 

Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans 
Upon his hoe and gazes on the ground, 
The emptiness of ages in his face. 
And on his back the burden of the world. 

And Markham cried out: 

masters, lords and rulers in all lands, 
Is this the handiwork you give to God? 

This is the question we must ask our- 
selves today. For the man with the hoe, bent 
though he may be, will not forever stand 
bowed — nor should he. His fate, and ours, 
need not be determined by ruthless, unjust 
tides of history. 

And world peace need not be hostage to 
the bursting pressures which surely must 
build in human societies cut off from the 
affluence and well-being which surround 
them. For our world today is a world in 
which we do have the means to break the 



patterns of centuries and to build a new 
foundation for a peaceful world order. 

We have the means. The only question is 
the question of our will. 

JULY 21 

There is today a deep and growing con- 
cern throughout the world over the outcome 
of the food-population race. This is par- 
ticularly evident here in the United States. 

Several factors contribute to this deepen- 
ing concern. The encouraging advances in 
per capita food production recorded in the 
developing countries during the 1950's have 
been reversed in many cases during the pres- 
ent decade. The depletion of worldwide food 
reserves, particularly wheat and rice, has 
also contributed to the rising level of con- 

The realization that serious malnutrition 
in the early years of life can permanently 
reduce the lifelong potential for mental devel- 
opment sharpens our awareness of the long- 
term implications of the current short sup- 
plies of food. The incongruousness of the 
space era on the one hand and growing 
world hunger on the other is causing us to 
question our values and reorder our prior- 

Over the past several years many efforts 
have been made by both individual countries 
and international agencies to project world 
food production and demand. Virtually all 
studies, regardless of when or where they 
were done, have had certain things in com- 
mon. They have underestimated increases in 
the demand for food, largely because of un- 
derestimates of population growth, and they 
have overestimated increases in food pro- 
duction in the developing countries. The net 
result has been that food import deficits in 
less developed countries are widening much 
more rapidly than anticipated. 

For some time now the food-population 
problem has been discussed as though it were 

a problem of the future. It is not a prob- 
lem of the future. It is here now. Some of 
the recent trends and developments that lead 
me. as Secretary of Agriculture, to this con- 
clusion are outlined below. 

Until quite recently we had in the United 
States two of the world's major reserves 
in the race between food and people. These 
are the vast quantities of surjilus grain we 
had in storage and the large area of crop- 
land idled under our fann programs. In 1961 
we had a carryover of 115 million metric 
tons of grain. Today we have only 61 million 
tons. The excess carryover has disappeared. 

As recently as last year we had 56 million 
acres of cropland idled under our farm pro- 
grams and diverted to conservation uses. 
Actions already taken to increase acreage 
will bring a sizable part of this idled crop- 
land back into production by the end of this 
year. Further actions to exjjand acreage are 
now being considered. Thus, within the past 
5 years, one of these two strategic reserves 
has disappeared and the other is now being 
rapidly reduced. 

These trends in both our grain reserves 
and our acreage reserve reflect the basic 
fact that food consumption is rapidly out- 
stripping production in the rest of the world. 
Once both of these two ready reserves are 
exhausted, the world will find it much more 
difficult to cope with any continuing excess 
of demand over production. 

World Wheat Situation 

Wheat, along with rice, accounts for a 
dominant share of the world's total supply 
of food staples. Five years ago wheat carry- 
over in the major exporting countries totaled 
59 million tons. As of 1966 it is scarcely 30 
million tons — well below the desirable level. 
It is projected to decline even further by this 
time next year. 

World wheat imports have more than 
doubled during the past decade. If the rate 
of increase over the next decade should even 
i-emotely approach that of the decade just 
ended, world import demand for wheat will 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


far exceed the supply capabilities of the ex- 
porting countries. 

Several factors account for this rapid 
growth in wheat imports. India's wheat im- 
port needs doubled during the third 5-year 
plan period ending just a few months ago. 
Five years ago the Soviet Union was a 
wheat exporter. Today it rivals India as a 
leading wheat importer. Mainland China is 
today a consistent heavy importer of wheat. 
These three countries, containing some 40 
percent of the world's people, are now heav- 
ily dependent on imported food grains. Of 
the four most populous countries, only the 
United States continues as an exporter. 

World Rice Situation 

Rice carryover in the major exporting 
countries totaled 1.8 million tons in 1955. 
Today, a decade later, it is less than 300,000 
tons. There is at present an unsatisfied im- 
port demand for rice totaling several million 
tons. The sharp and growing disparity be- 
tween world prices of wheat and rice — most 
of the rice moving in international trade 
channels is priced at least half again as high 
as wheat — reflects this. 

The sharp turnabout in the world rice 
situation traces to several developments. On 
the supply side, Burma's exports have ac- 
tually declined in the past few years. South 
Viet-Nam, until recently a rice exporter, is 
now a deficit country. Neither of these two 
key developments on the supply side will 
necessarily be reversed in the near future. 

On the demand side, Japan has moved 
rapidly away from its position of near self- 
suflRciency in the early 1960's. This year it 
will import nearly a million tons of rice. The 
Philippines, a country which was until re- 
cently virtually self-sufficient in rice, is now 
importing large quantities also. Indonesia is 
facing a rather serious food crisis because of 
inadequate rice supplies. India's growing rice 
import needs are well known. Pakistan's rice 
situation is now far from satisfactory. 

In summary, the world's rice-consuming 
populations, accounting for some one-half of 
the people in the world, are continuing to 

multiply at an unabated rate. The area of 
land which can produce rice is rather rigidly 
defined and cannot be easily or rapidly ex- 
panded. The current rice supply-demand im- 
balance is likely to continue for the fore- 
seeable future. 

Tliree Relevant Benchmarks 

There are three basic benchmarks to which 
the rate of increase in food production can be 
usefully related. These are: (1) the rate of 
increase needed to keep pace with population 
growth, (2) the rate of increase needed to 
attain target rates of economic growth while 
maintaining stable prices, and (3) the rate 
needed to eliminate the serious malnutrition 
common to most of the developing countries. 
By all three criteria, the rate of increase has 
been decidedly inadequate. As matters now 
stand we are losing the war on hunger. 

Thirty years ago the less developed regions 
of Asia, Africa, and Latin America were ex- 
porting 11 million tons of grain yearly to the 
developed countries, principally Western 
Europe. During the war decade of the 1940's, 
that flow was reversed. This year more than 
20 million tons will move from the "have" to 
the "have not" countries of the world. 

The net grain trade position of the less 
developed world has changed by 41 million 
tons. Even so, efi^ective intenial demand for 
food in the developing countries far exceeds 
the available supply even with the current 
massive imports. Several major developing 
countries including India, Brazil, Indonesia, 
the U.A.R., and Pakistan, are experiencing 
sharp rises in food prices. These sharply ris- 
ing prices are forcing reduction in develop- 
ment expenditures, thereby reducing rates of 
economic growth. 

The Population Side of the Equation 

Over the next 15 years the world must pre- 
pare to feed an additional 1 billion people. 
Never before in history have so many been 
added in such a short period of time. Even 
more significantly, fully four-fifths of the 1 
billion will be added in the food-short, de- 
veloping countries. 



This growing- imbalance between food and 
people threatens the economic and jiolitical 
stability of the developing countries. A world 
in which one-third of us woriy about our 
waistlines while the remaining two-thirds 
wori-y about where the next meal is coming 
from is not a stable world. 

The advanced nations can provide several 
forms of assistance to reduce the food-popu- 
lation imbalances. Of these several forms, 
assistance with family planning programs is 
by far the most efficient. Five dollars invested 
in family planning can achieve as much prog- 
ress as $100 invested in other areas of eco- 
nomic development. 

The Food for Freedom program now be- 
fore Congress recognizes the need for much 
greater efforts to slow down the population 
juggernaut. At the initiative of the Congress 
and with the unanimous support of the House 
of Representatives, the solution of population 
problems is referred to four times in the cur- 
rent bill. It is listed as one of the specific 
self-help activities that the President shall 
take into account in determining our food 
aid programs. We are assisting countries 
with family planning programs wherever 
such assistance is requested. 

The Food-Fertilizer Gap 

The great majority of the developing coun- 
tries are deficient in both food and fertilizer. 
These two commodities are for all practical 
purposes the same commodity. Traditionally, 
we have talked of the food gap in the less 
developed world. I would like to emphasize 
that this is also a fertilizer gap. A 20-million 
ton food gap is a 2-million ton fertilizer gap ! 
One i)ound of plant nutrients, used in associa- 
tion with water, pesticides, and fertilizer- 
responsive varieties, yields on the average 
10 pounds of additional food grains. 

The difference between fertilizer and food 
is a 1-year time lag. This year's fertilizer is 
next year's food. The cost of filling the food- 
fertilizer gap is reduced by two-thirds if it 
is filled with fertilizer rather than with food. 
Recognizing the interchangeability of food 
and fertilizer makes it possible for virtually 

every advanced country to contribute in a 
major way to the filling of the food-fertilizer 

The Critical Cost-Price Relationship 

Food price policies in developing countries 
are frequently urban-oriented. Governments 
are interested in price control rather than 
price support. Although politically expedient 
in ths short run, this policy will prove disas- 
trous in the longer run. 

In those developing countries which are 
now essentially fixed-land economies the 
fanners' cost-price relationship assumes a 
new dimension of importance. Under these 
circumstances, a productive yield-raising 
agriculture requires food price policies 
oriented toward the producer. Food prices 
m st be supported at a level that will make 
the use of purchased inputs profitable. If it 
is not profitable to use yield-raising inputs 
such as fertilizer, then rapid gains in food 
production are almost impossible to achieve. 

We must assist the developing countries in 
the formulation and adoption of the appro- 
priate food price policies. If we are not suc- 
cessful in this, then our other efforts to 
further agricultural development will be 
largely in vain. Basic economics requires that 
the use of modern technology be profitable 
if it is to be adopted. 

Need for Agricultural Inputs 

Earlier this week I returned from an agri- 
cultural inspection and review tour of sev- 
eral developing countries in Asia. The thing 
which impressed me above all others was 
the clamor by fanners for production in- 
l)uts, such as fertilizer, irrigation pumps, 
and better seed. These farmers did not ask 
for advice. They wanted inputs. 

In response to the growing need for agri- 
cultural inputs, we are making available 
sharply increased quantities of these items 
under our aid program. During the fiscal 
year just ended we financed nearly $100 mil- 
lion worth of fertilizer. This has been in- 
creased to $300 million for the current year. 
Supplies of aid-financed imports of seed, pes- 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


ticides, and implements have been increased 

At present we must supply from our own 
production many of the inputs farmers in 
all recipient countries so desperately need. 
But this is a temporary, not a long-term, 

Over the longer term, the aid recipient 
countries must develop their own agricul- 
tural supplier industries. To fail to do so 
will simply result in a shifting of depend- 
ence on aid in the form of food to aid in the 
form of agricultural inputs, creating an im- 
possible burden for the advanced countries. 
We must assist the developing countries in 
creating the investment climate needed to 
attract capital and the accompanying man- 
agerial, technical, and marketing know-how. 

Agricultural industry attracted from 
abroad will bring with it the applied agri- 
cultural research and extension programs 
now characterizing virtually every major 
corporation supplying agricultural inputs in 
the OECD countries. 

Food for Freedom Legislation 

There is now before the Congress a new 
bill to replace Public Law 480, the enabling 
legislation for our Food for Peace program, 
which is due to expire in December of this 
year. The design of the new Food for Free- 
dom program reflects our 12 years of experi- 
ence with Food for Peace. There are two 
distinct new features in the proposed legis- 
lation. They are (1) the need for demonstra- 
tion of self-help efforts by receiving coun- 
tries in order to be eligible for food aid and 
(2) the elimination of the surplus require- 
ments for food aid commodities. 

A major new feature is that our food aid 
programs will no longer be limited to or 
based on "surpluses." They will rather be 
made up of commodities determined to be 
available for such purpose "after taking into 
account productive capacity, domestic re- 
quirements, farm and consumer price levels, 
commercial exports and adequate carry- 

This new feature of the Food for Freedom 

program imposes upon us far greater re- 
sponsibility than was involved in merely 
making the most constructive use we could 
of surpluses that already existed. The huge 
surpluses of 5 years ago are gone. 

We accept the responsibility of producing 
food that will be needed by food deficit na- 
tions even though we know they cannot buy 
it on commercial terms. And we must ac- 
cept the responsibility of estimating in ad- 
vance how great those needs will be and what 
proportion of those needs will fall upon us 
to fill. We must further plan our food aid 
programs in tenns of our overall assistance 
programs, in order that together they may 
contribute as efi'ectively as possible to over- 
all economic development and to increasing 
agricultural production in the recipient 

This new feature also offers new oppor- 
tunities for meeting urgent needs in the hun- 
gry nations. The commodity mix of food aid 
programs can be more effectively geared to 
special nutritional needs than was the case 
when only surpluses were available. The new 
bill also provides for enrichment and fortifi- 
cation of foods in our donation programs, 
making it much easier for us to combat mal- 
nutrition, especially of infants and children. 

The elimination of the surplus feature 
means that food aid will become much more 
like dollar aid. It means that we are ready 
to commit as much as may be needed of the 
productive capacity of our 56 million acres 
now diverted to conservation uses to meet 
world food needs. We will, as President 
Johnson said, "bring these acres back into 
production as needed — but not to produce 
unwanted surplus, and not to supplant the 
efforts of other countries to develop their 
own agricultural economies." 

Emphasis on Seif-Help 

Another very significant new feature of 
our Food for Freedom program is its em- 
phasis on self-help as an integral part of 
our food aid program. We expect to direct 
capital and technical assistance as well as 
food aid toward encouraging greater em- 



phasis on agricultural development wherever 
tliat is economically feasible. 

The Food for Freedom bill now before the 
Congress repeatedly emphasizes the self-help 
principle. In the statement of policy we find: 
"with jiailicular emjihasis on assistance to 
those countries that are determined to im- 
prove their own agricultural production." 
The President, in the bill, is directed to 
"take into account efforts of friendly coun- 
tries to hel]) themselves toward a greater de- 
gree of self-reliance, especially in providing 
enough to meet the needs of their jjeople." 
The draft now before the Senate committee 
provides that the annual i-eport to the Con- 
gress "shall describe the progress of each 
country ... in canying out its program to 
improve its production, storage, and distri- 
bution of agricultural commodities." It is 
clear that this self-help feature is whole- 
heartedly supported by the Congress. 

The link between self-help and food aid 
is important to us for many reasons. Recent 
trends indicate clearly that the time will 
soon come when the developed countries will 
no longer be able to fill the rapidly widen- 
ing food gap of the less developed world. Un- 
less the less developed countries sharply in- 
crease their agricultural productivity, and 
soon, mass famine will take place. Thus more 
human lives hang in the balance in the race 
between food and people than have been 
lost in all the wars of history. It is only 
by this link of food aid with self-help that 
American agriculture can make its major 
contribution to preventing famine and ban- 
ishing hunger from the face of the earth. 

Winning the War on Hunger 

I need not emphasize the Importance of 
assistance programs in general to the mem- 
bers of the DAC. But I do want to empha- 
size the urgent importance of allocating a 
greater proportion of assistance to the agri- 
cultural sector in developing countries, and 
of urging them to include accelerated agri- 
cultural development in their country plans. 

Clearly the war on hunger can be won. 

Although the current food-population bal- 

ance is critically unsatisfactory, yet there is 
much from which we can take encouragement 
and stimulation for accelerated effort. These 

1. New recognition of the importance of 
agriculture by the developing countries. 
Today agriculture is given number-one pri- 
ority by nations that have neglected it for 

2. Increased investment of domestic re- 
sources and foreign exchange in agriculture. 

3. An awareness of new production tech- 
niques as evidenced by a strong demand 
which is currently outrunning the supply 
of fertilizer, seed, and pesticides. 

It is within the resources of the nations 
that make up DAC to meet this demand and 
sustain it as it grows. Hopefully those re- 
sources will be effectively and efficiently co- 
ordinated and made available as and whei'e 

It is physically, scientifically, and techno- 
logically possible to banish hunger. Such a 
victory will not be easy. It will call for a 
higher level of social, political, and economic 
engineering than mankind has yet achieved. 
Here in the DAC we can set the stage for 
that victoiy. 


I send my warmest greetings to the dis- 
tinguished members of the DAC. 

I congratulate you on a successful meeting 
and on the memorable decision you have 

Twenty years ago many of your nations 
had just emerged from the disaster of war. 
Your peoples were faced with hunger and the 
threat of social upheaval. At that time, my 
country had the historic opportunity to pro- 
vide food and to join with you in the great 
task of reviving your agriculture and your 

The success of our joint effort was one of 

■* Read by Secretary Rusk at the conclusion of the 
meeting on July 21 (press release 173). 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


the great humanitarian and material achieve- 
ments of history. 

Now in other countries — in two-thirds of 
the world — people are threatened with a fu- 
ture of unrelieved hunger. Unless we and 
they act together now, they will suffer mass 
famine in the years just ahead. 

This morning Secretary Freeman told you 
that we are losing the war on hunger but 
that it can be won. 

In the resolution we have adopted today 
we are joining with the developing nations 
to win that war. 

Together we overcame the threat of disas- 
ter that appeared twenty years ago. Now, 
together with the developing nations, we 
must prevent the disaster which threatens 

I pledge the support of the United States 
to this cause in which all of us now are 


The Fifth High-Level Meeting of the Development 
Assistance Committee of the OECD, held in Wash- 
ington at the invitation of the United States Govern- 
ment, ended today. This Committee includes sixteen 
Members ^ which together provide some 90 per cent 
of the economic assistance and private capital re- 
ceived by the developing countries of the world. The 
Ministers and high-level officials who attended the 
meeting devoted two days to a review of the assist- 
ance efforts and policies of the countries which form 
the Committee. 

According to the Chairman of the Committee, Wil- 
lard L. Thorp, the most important developments of 
1965 were (1) the increase of about 1 billion dollars 
in the total net flow of financial resources including 
the value of technical assistance, largely in the form 
of private capital, to the less-developed countries, 
(2) some hardening of the average terms under 
which loan.s are provided to the developing countries 
in spite of the improvement registered by a number 
of Member countries; and a continuing increase in 
the debt burdens of the developing countries, (3) an 
increased realisation of the problems resulting from 

' The Members of the Committee are Australia (not 
an OECD Member), Austria, Belgium, Canada, Den- 
mark, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, 
Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, 
Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United States, 
and the Commission of the European Economic Com- 
munity. [Footnote in original.] 

the failure of agricultural production to keep pace 
with expanding population in many less-developed 
countries, (4) the increase in international coopera- 
tion through the formation of new consultative 

Volume of Assistance 

The need to augment the flow of resources was 
emphasised by many Members of the Committee and 
by the President of the World Bank and the Man- 
aging Director of the International Monetary Fund. 

The Committee noted that oflicial net disburse- 
ments of DAC Members to the developing countries 
and to the multilateral agencies which provide as- 
sistance to these countries was $6.3 billion in 1965, 
a slight increase over the average level of recent 

Private capital flows, which include commercial 
credits and direct investment are estimated to have 
risen from $3.2 billion in 1964 to $3.9 billion in 1965, 
and were thus a major factor in the overall in- 
crease. These figures ai'e not as reliable as those 
on official assistance; work has begun in the Devel- 
opment Assistance Committee to improve them. The 
Committee intends to devote increased attention to 
the role of private capital flows in economic devel- 

Total flows, both official and private, from DAC 
Members were $10.1 billion. Total disbursements to 
less-developed countries are estimated to have been 
$11 billion including flows from non-Members and 
disbursements by the multilateral agencies in excess 
of their current receipts. 

Recognising that requirements are large and ex- 
panding, the Committee decided to continue its efforts 
to elicit a larger volume of assistance. To this end, 
it agreed to continue to examine the questions in- 
volved in securing an equitable sharing of the aid 
burden. Several Members emphasised the importance 
of this question for the achievement of an increased 
common aid effort. 

Terms of Aid and Indebtedness Problems 

A number of Member countries reported progress 
during 1965 in providing lower interest rates and 
longer maturity periods on loans extended to the 
developing countries, in conformity with the Recom- 
mendation on this subject approved at its 1965 High- 
Level Meeting. On the other hand some Member 
governments, whose terms had been softer than those 
of the DAC average, hardened their terms, with the 
result that the overall averages became harder. Sev- 
eral delegates regretted that there had been in the 
overall no progress in the untying of aid. 

The Committee noted that the rapidly growing 
indebtedness of developing countries and the greatly 
increased burden of debt service payments were 
grave problems which required a co-operative effort 
by all concerned. 



The Committee will continue its eflForts to improvp 
and harmonise the terms of assistance and empha- 
sised ag:ain the importance of Member governments 
adapting: their terms to the circumstances of indi- 
vidual recipient countries. In cooperation with the 
IBRD and the IMF, the Committee will continue 
to examine the debt problems of less-developed coun- 

The World Food Problem 

The Committee concluded that the outlook was 
grave, given current trends of food production and 
population gro\vth. There is insufficient food produc- 
tion to meet basic nutritional requirements in the 
world, and the imbalance between supply and de- 
mand is serious in those developing countries where 
population growth is most rapid and where efforts to 
increase crop yields have been least successful. The 
developing countries, which a little more than a gen- 
eration ago were net exporters of food, have become 
increasingly dependent on food imports from the 
developed countries, and last year imported some 
25 million tons of food grains, two-thirds on con- 
cessional terms. But even these imports have not 
solved the problems of hunger and malnutrition. 

The Committee recognised that the basic solution 
must be found within the developing regions them- 
selves and that a sustained and comprehensive effort 
by the developing countries would be required. The 
Committee recognised that this effort would require 
their support and recommended that its Members 
take the necessary measures. 

The Committee recommended that greater em- 
phasis be given to agriculture in aid programmes, 
and that interim food aid should continue to be 
provided, under conditions which would encourage 
the developing countries to increase their own agri- 
cultural productivity. The Committee decided to keep 
under review the food situation in the developing 
countries and the assistance to agriculture provided 
by its Members through bilateral and multilateral 
programmes in order to increase its effectiveness. 
It invited the Secretary-General of the OECD to 
consult with Member governments and with the 
Heads of international organisations, and to report 
on how to increase the effectiveness and coordination 
of bilateral and multilateral programmes aimed at 
increasing food production and improving nutritional 
levels in the developing countries. 


Recommendation on Food Problems 
OF Less-Developed Countries 

The Development Assistance Committee having 
considered the food problems of the less-developed 
countries and their implications for assistance policy, 

1. Noting that there has been relative stagnation 
of food production in the developing regions of the 

world in the face of the rapidly rising populations;, 
that regions are cNpccted to import grain this 
year at the rate of more than .SO million tons; that 
stocks in the major grain exporting countries have 
now been drawn down below desirable levels; and 
that the Director-General of the Food and Agricul- 
ture Organisation has .stated that "Until a faster 
rate of agricultural development can be permanently 
established in the developing regions . . . large sec- 
tors of the world population will soon be exposed to 
a continuous threat of famine and starvation. . . ." 

2. Rccognisina that the developed countries have 
been increasingly supplementing the food supply of 
the developing countries and that there is a continu- 
ing need for food aid ; 

3. Noting, however, that reliance cannot be placed 
on food imports alone to provide a solution to the 
food problem in the less-developed regions of the 
world ; 

4. Recognising that the achievement of an accel- 
erated rate of agricultural development and an ap- 
propriate balance between the growth of population 
and food supplies will require a sustained and com- 
prehensive effort on the part of the governments of 
the developing countries; 

5. Considering that the aid-giving countries can 
assist developing countries materially in the achieve- 
ment of increased agricultural productivity, both 
directly through the provision of capital and techni- 
cal assistance and indirectly by encouraging private 
investment in agriculture and related industries; 

6. Noting that various aspects of the question of 
food aid and of agricultural development are being 
treated by donor countries and a wide range of in- 
ternational institutions and that a closer co-ordina- 
tion may be desirable; 

7. Recommends, therefore, that Member Govern- 
ments : 

(a) encourage developing countries to give great- 
er emphasis to the agricultural sector of their econ- 
omies with the aim of raising the level of food 
production ; 

(b) give more emphasis to capital and technical 
assistance designed to support domestic policies in 
the developing countries which would lead to in- 
creased productivity in the agricultural sector; 

(c) seek to ensure that appropriate attention is 
given to these matters by their representatives in 
the international institutions dealing with agricul- 
tux-al and food questions and in the consortia and 
consultative groups of which they are members; 

(d) endeavour to supply the necessary interim 
flow of food aid under conditions which will encour- 
age governments of and farmers in the developing 
countries to take measures to increase their own 
agricultural productivity; 

8. Recommends that the Committee should: 

(a) keep itself informed on the food situation 
in the less-developed countries; 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


(b) review from time to time the activities of 
its Members in providing capital and technical assist- 
ance with a view to increasing its effectiveness; 

(c) consider general issues of policy relating to 
interim food aid or long-term agricultural develop- 
ment whenever it appears that a more co-ordinated 
approach among its Members would contribute to 
meeting the problem of food supply in the less- 
developed countries ; 

9. Requests the Council of the OECD to ask the 
Secretary-General : 

(a) to consult with Member Governments, with 
the heads of other international organisations and 
with experts in the field of agriculture, as he believes 
appropriate, concerning the effectiveness and co- 
ordination of bilateral and of international pro- 
grammes aimed at increasing food production and 
improving nutritional levels in the developing coun- 
tries with a view to maximising their effect; 

(b) to report his findings and proposals to Mem- 
ber Governments, and to the appropriate bodies of 
the OECD. 

President and Australian 
Prime Minister Conclude Talks 

After his meeting with President Johnson 
on June 29,^ Prime Minister Harold E. Holt 
of Australia visited London for consultations 
with British Government officials. He re- 
turned to Washington July 13 and met again 
ivith President Johnson on July 13 and lU?- 
Following is the text of a joint communique 
issued on July li. 

White House press release dated July 14 

At the invitation of President Johnson, the 
Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of 
Australia, the Right Honourable Harold E. 
Holt, has returned to Washington to continue 
the discussions which they held on subjects 
of mutual interest on June 29. 

The President expressed his sincere appre- 

' For background, see Bulletin of July 25, 1966, 
p. 130. 

' For an exchange of toasts by President Johnson 
and Prime Minister Holt at a White House luncheon 
on July 14, see White House press release dated July 

elation for the Prime Minister's willingness 
to arrange travel arrangements to make their 
meeting possible. 

The President and the Prime Minister re- 
affirmed the determination of their two Gov- 
ernments to assist the Republic of Vietnam 
and its people in their efforts to repel the 
armed aggression mounted against the Re- 
public of Vietnam by the regime in Hanoi, 
and expressed full confidence that those ef- 
forts will be successful. They expressed again 
the desire of both Governments that the 
fighting in South Vietnam be brought to an 
end as soon as possible through negotiation 
of an honorable peace, welcomed the initia- 
tive of the Prime Minister of India appealing 
to the Government of the USSR to reconvene 
a meeting of the Geneva powers and reaf- 
firmed their readiness to take part in this or 
other negotiations whenever the Hanoi re- 
gime indicates a willingness to do so. Presi- 
dent Johnson reviewed for the Prime Minis- 
ter military developments in Vietnam during 
the past two weeks. The Prime Minister ex- 
pressed appreciation for this review of recent 

The Prime Minister discussed with the 
President his recent visit to London. 

The President and the Prime Minister re- 
viewed the political, economic and social 
progress and development which has oc- 
curred in Free Asia in recent years, most 
particularly in the first half of 1966, and 
agreed that these developments are of the 
greatest significance for the future of Asia, 
the Pacific area, and the world. The President 
and the Prime Minister noted that among 
these developments has been the healing of 
old quarrels between nations of the region, 
the recent establishment of the Asian and 
Pacific Council, the imminent formal inau- 
guration of the Asian Development Bank in 
which both the United States and Australia 
are participating, and concrete steps toward 
the development of the Mekong Basin. The 
President and the Prime Minister described 
these events and the growing sense of re- 
gional identity in Asia and the Pacific area 



as most encouraging for the possibility of 
future peace and peaceful i)rogress in the 
region. They expressed their belief that these 
developments have in no small measure been 
made iiossible by the shield of security pro- 
vided to the region by the determination of 
the gallant jieople of Vietnam and those as- 
sisting them to repel Communist aggression. 

The President and the Prime Minister 
noted with satisfaction the steady strength- 
ening in the ties linking their two countries, 
particularly the flow of trade and investment, 
cooperation in exploring the mysteries of 
space, and common efforts in a broad range 
of other scientific projects. 

The President and the Pi-ime Minister 
agreed that there exist opportunities for fur- 
ther great undeitakings in the peaceful de- 
velopment of Asia, and these opportunities 
will be greatly expanded when peace returns 
to the region. 

U.S. Views on Developments 
in Viet-Nam Given to U.S.S.R. 

Following are the texts of a note delivered 
to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs by 
the American Embassy at Moscow on July 
23 and a Soviet note of July 9. 


Press release 174 dat^d July 23 

The Embassy of the United States of 
America has been instructed by its Govern- 
ment to communicate to the Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs the following views on recent 
developments in Viet-Nam in response to the 
Ministiy's note No. 28 of July 9, 1966. 

The United States Government regrets 
that the Soviet Government has chosen to 
resort to both inaccuracies and false allega- 
tions in its recital of recent events in North 
Viet-Nam. In the first place it is North Viet- 
Nam that is guilty of aggression against its 

neighbor to the south. Secondly, if there has 
been, as the Ministry's note suggests, a 
widening of the conflict, the responsibility 
for this rests with the forces of aggression, 
not with the United States or the South 
Vietnamese. Finally, if there is concern that 
a dangerous situation exists or may develop 
in North Viet-Nam the parties involved 
should be i)repared to take immediate steps 
to resolve the conflict. The United States 
Government and its partners are willing; 
the other side is not. 

The decision to strike at petroleum storage 
and iiumping installations was taken only 
after the most careful consideration by the 
Governments of both the United States of 
America and the Republic of Viet-Nam of the 
need to cope with mounting aggi'ession from 
the North. The Government of the United 
States has made ])ublic the record of the in- 
creasing flow of motorized transport carry- 
ing troops and supplies from North Viet-Nam 
for hostile action in the South in violation 
of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962. 
This is clear evidence of a decision by North 
Viet-Nam to increase its aggressive activities 
directed against the Republic of Viet-Nam. In 
the face of this, the Government of the 
United States of America, in consultation 
with the Republic of Viet-Nam, had no choice 
but to strike at the petroleum supplies on 
which that motorized transport depends. In 
implementing this decision to strike at mili- 
tary targets great care was taken to avoid 
damage to shipping and civilian areas, and 
these were not hit. The United States Gov- 
ernment cannot agree that Soviet ships were 
endangered by the actions of the United 
States aircraft in carrying out this opera- 

It is regretted that the Soviet Union has 
been supplying petroleum i)roducts used by 
North Viet-Nam to pursue its armed attack 
against South Viet-Nam. 

The Government of the United States 
takes this opportunity once more to urge the 
Soviet Government as co-chairman of the 
Geneva Conference to make renewed efforts 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


to persuade the North Vietnamese of the 
dangers involved in continued aggressive 
activities against South Viet-Nam and to im- 
press upon them the need to begin discus- 
sions now in an effort to bring an end to the 


Unofficial translation 

The armed forces of the United States 
which are waging aggressive mihtary opera- 
tions against the DRV have taken another 
step along the path of dangerous extension 
of the military conflict. On 7 July, as a result 
of the raid by American military aircraft on 
the port of Haiphong, a dii-ect threat was 
posed to Soviet merchant ships and to the 
lives of Soviet seamen. At about 1200 hours 
local time, a group of U.S. military aircraft 
strafed the dockside area of the port of Hai- 
phong with rockets and machinegun fire. As 
a result of this, rocket shrapnel and bursts of 
machinegun fire landed in close proximity to 
the Soviet merchant vessels Kuybyshev, So- 
vietsk, and Ustilug which were in port at the 
time. At 1800 hours local time the same day, 
U.S. military aircraft dangerously buzzed 
the motorship Komsomol as it was standing 
at anchor in the bay of Ha Long, and dropped 
a number of large metallic objects near it 
which could have seriously damaged the ship 
if they had hit it. 

The U.S.S.R. Foreign Ministry strongly 
protests the provocative actions of the Ameri- 
can Armed Forces, which create a threat to 
merchant vessels of the Soviet Union and 
which are a most flagrant violation of the ele- 
mentary principles of the freedom of mer- 
chant shipping, and demands that they cease 

Responsibility for the possible conse- 
quences of such actions rests entirely with 
the U.S. Govei-nment. 

U.S. Offers Aid to Victims 
of Flood in Mongolia 

Department Statement ^ 

The United States Government, through 
its representatives at the United Nations, has 
informed the representatives of Outer Mon- 
golia at the U.N. of the distress felt by the 
Government and people of the United States 
over information concerning the serious flood 
disaster that has stinick Ulan Bator and other 
areas of Mongolia. The United States repre- 
sentative made an immediate offer of $25,000 
for emergency relief to those suffering from 
flood in the area and indicated United States 
willingness to discuss sympathetically the 
need for further assistance. The American 
Red Cross has offered to assist also in fur- 
nishing help. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of 
Guyana, Sir John Carter, presented his cre- 
dentials to President Johnson on July 18. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the 
President's reply, see Department of State 
press release dated July 18. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Republic of Zambia, Samuel Chinyama 
Mbilishi, presented his credentials to Presi- 
dent Johnson on July 19. For texts of the 
Ambassador's remarks and the President's 
reply, see Department of State press release 
dated July 19. 

' Read to news correspondents by a Department 
spokesman on July 19. 



Expanding the Fabric of U.S.-Japanese Economic Relations 

by John T. Connor 
Secretary of Commerce ^ 

I am delighted to be here with you today 
at a gathering of American and Japanese 
businessmen, as well as with all those others 
whose presence attests to their interest in the 
state of relations between our two countries. 
The very fact that the American Chamber of 
Commerce and the Japan-America Society 
could join to host this luncheon today is only 
one additional manifestation of the cordial 
relationship that exists between our two 

It is always stimulating for me to get to- 
gether with enterprising, "can do" business- 
men, to use a favorite phrase of President 
Johnson, and the record of accomplishment 
of the American business community in 
Japan has certainly earned you full rights to 
that title. 

Needless to say, I include the Japanese 
businessmen here in that description, too. I 
not only include them, I congratulate them 
on adding new dimensions to the term. 

In support of that, I need only mention 
that Japanese electronic equipment has be- 
come a commonplace in America, even 
though we have no fewer than 4,000 elec- 
tronic companies of our own. And I never 
thought I would ever see the day when young 
American executives would be riding to work, 
their attache cases tucked neatly in behind 
them, on Japanese motorcycles. If that 
doesn't show creative marketing, I don't 
know what does. 

I have been looking forward to this occa- 
sion because, even though I don't know many 
of the members of the American Chamber by 
name, I know all of you by reputation. The 
American Chamber of Commerce in Japan is 
held in the highest esteem by those of us in 
Washington who are charged with further- 
ing the foreign trade and investment of the 
United States. Your role here is a vital one, 
and you have been carrying it out with su- 
perb style and skill. I want you to know that 
I fully appreciate the difficulties you face 
in certain areas, and I can assure you that 
there will be no holding off or holding back 
in our efforts to resolve those difficulties. 

In the meetings of the Joint Committee 
[Joint United States-Japan Committee on 
Trade and Economic Affairs] ^ during the last 
few days, we again surveyed the common 
ground of mutual interests which the United 
States and Japan share, and I would say that 
together we established several new base 
points which should be of considerable value 
in furthering the development of those inter- 
ests in the near future. The veiy fact that we 
hold these meetings is proof that we share 
not only common concerns and responsibili- 
ties but also common opportunities for eco- 
nomic progress. In other words, we recognize 
that we can and must help each other, that 
we can and must cooperate to advance each 
other's interests wherever and whenever the 
best interests of both our countries can be 
equitably served by bilateral action. 

' Address made before a joint meeting of the Amer- 
ican Chamber of Commerce in Japan and the Japan- 
America Society at Tokyo, Japan, on July 8. 

' For background and text of a communique issued 
by the Joint Committee on July 7, see Bulletin of 
Aug. 1, 1966, p. 177. 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


On this basis I believe that in this year's 
meetings, perhaps more so than in the past, 
we have made measurable progress in recon- 
ciling those relatively slight differences of 
perspective which have continued to hamper, 
but by no means harm, the growing closeness 
and expansion of our relations. Indeed, the 
most significant fact to come out of our meet- 
ings, and one which is a cause for great sat- 
isfaction, is the remarkably few bilateral 
issues on which there is need for hard nego- 
tiation, compared to the magnitude and im- 
portance of the economic relations between 

Improving the Climate of Enterprise 

But there is no denying that there are such 
issues; and those that require the most atten- 
tion, as you well know, are those that involve 
restrictions on economic opportunity. Let me 
emphasize, however, that I regard these not 
so much as a failure in the cooperation that 
characterizes Japanese-American relations 
but as a lagging stage in the growth of that 

Nevertheless, I know how you feel about 
them, because it has been my experience that 
the American businessman, particularly 
when he is as creative and enterprising as 
you have shown yourselves to be, has little 
patience with restrictions and restraints. I 
don't think it is chauvinistic to say that the 
American businessman, to the extent that he 
is creative and enterprising, is not unlike the 
American trailbuster of an earlier day — 
always restless and uneasy if he isn't moving 
ahead as fast as he can, pushing hard towai'd 
new horizons, always eager to test the 
promise of tomorrow. 

I think that is why, like them, like the men 
whose traditions we inherited and whose 
dreams we build upon, the creative American 
businessman is equally strong in his dislike 
of arbitrary limits and boundaries, political 
and otherwise, that inhibit his efforts and 
diminish his dreams. In fact, I would say that 
this dislike of arbitrary restriction is every 
bit as much a part of the American character 
as our sense of fair play. 

I am sure that this restless creativity is 
common to progressive modern businessmen 
of all nationalities. The achievements of the 
Japanese business community certainly indi- 
cate that it is. And the rapidly rising living 
standards of the Japanese people indicate 
that the creative energies of business, chan- 
neled by technology and experience, are the 
raw material of progress that no nation can 
have too much of. 

Much depends on the climate of enterprise, 
on whether it encourages or stifles initiative. 
Businessmen like to breathe free because 
that's the kind of air that gives vitality to 
enterprise and turns dreams to deeds. That 
is the kind of air that turns promise to pro- 
duction for the ultimate benefit of a nation's 
people. And that is the kind of air — refresh- 
ing and free — that foreign business enjoys in 
the United States and that American busi- 
ness hopes to enjoy in Japan. 

I am fully confident that the relatively few 
irritants that exist between us will soon be 
ended, for the good of Japan and for the good 
of the free-world community of nations, 
which draws its strength from freedom and 
is nourished by progressively freer trade and 
economic cooperation. It is this atmosphere 
of enterprise that catalyzed the combustion 
of know-how and vision that powered the 
Japanese economy on its spectacular advance 
of the last decade. 

Japanese Progress a iVIodel for the World 

Japan has now had that necessaiy pause 
that must come in all progress — a time for 
consolidation of gains, for review and plan- 
ning ahead — and from all indications it is 
now ready to surge forward again with an 
even greater, and more balanced, thrust. The 
world — and especially the less developed na- 
tions — has watched Japan's remarkable 
progress with awe and admiration. They are 
still watching, hopeful of imitating this prog- 
ress, but many are still groping for the 
secret, the alchemy, that has enabled the Jap- 
anese people to translate their aspirations 
into achievement with such astounding ease. 

Much of that secret, of course, is a patent 



of the heai-t — the heart of the Japanese peo- 
ple — that can't be copied but can only be 
caufrht — transplanted — by an infection of 
the sjiirit. Their solidarity of purpose — 
their familial devotion to their country and 
their countiymen's well-being: — is the herit- 
age of an ancient culture. But its most out- 
standing- characteristic is one that works 
well and could work wonders for the modern 
world. I refer to the traditional Japanese 
willingness to work together for the com- 
mon good, to cooperate, guided by a sense 
of community, of national unity, that tran- 
scends individual interests that are at cross- 
purposes with it. 

Fused with individual freedom — the free- 
dom to define your own future on your own 
terms — with freedom and cooperation mod- 
erating one another, this is an attitude, a 
perspective, that is a model not only for 
national progress but international progress 
and peace as well. Every nation has this 
sense of community, every people. Without 
it, there would be no nations. Indeed, if this 
sense, this recognition of man's essential 
interdependence, had not developed and ex- 
panded, we would not have a civilization 
worth caring about. We would still be divided 
into countless tribes, trading blows instead 
of technology. 

But what is urgently needed at this stage 
of civilization is that we extend this sense 
of community that unites a people as a na- 
tion to the free-world community of nations. 
This involves no posture of sacrifice of na- 
tional interests — accommodation, yes, but 
sacrifice, no. It is simply an ex post facto 
recognition that in this increasingly complex 
and interdependent world of ours the prog- 
ress of all free nations is already joined in 
a community of interests, vital interests. 
And the basic element of that community is 
economic cooperation, a mutually profitable 
and productive sharing of technology and 
goods and opportunity through, primarily, 
trade and investment. 

You know, when you first glance at an ele- 
gant tapestry, you never notice the basic 
element of that tapestry — the threads and 

the delicate interweaving of those threads, 
thousands of threads, thousands upon thou- 
sands of weaves. It is the total effect that 
catches your eye and satisfies. The same 
thing happens when you look at the rela- 
tions between nations, especially when they 
are good friends. Their ties are a fabric of 
thousands of satisfying individual relation- 
ships, personal and commercial, thousands 
of contracts and licensing agreements, all 
entered into with trust and the expectation 
of mutual satisfaction; and there are laws 
passed and regulations made specifically to 
enhance the mutuality of these relationships, 
strengthening them further. 

You don't see all this when you just look 
at the tapestry or the fabric in its totality. 
But if you go to enlai-ge that tapestry, to 
expand that fabric, you have to look with the 
eye of a weaver to appreciate the richness 
of its texture, lest you spoil it with a dif- 
ferent weave. In this respect, we have made 
it known to the Japanese Government that 
it has the option of making the stitch in time 
that can save nine times nine as regards the 
expansion of the fabric of U.S.-Japan eco- 
nomic relations. 

U.S. -Japanese Trade Prospects 

To put it in pure Americanese, we have a 
nice thing going here for both of us, and the 
United States, for one, is extremely reluctant 
to do anything that will upset the applecart. 
But we are equally determined to hold to the 
principles of equity and reciprocity, posi- 
tively or negatively, whichever is called for. 
Japan has long been the most important 
trading partner of the United States after 
Canada, our next door neighbor, and the 
United States is Japan's ranking partner, ac- 
counting for nearly 30 percent of her expoi-ts 
as well as her imports. 

Trade between the United States and 
Japan, which had expanded substantially in 
1964, registered new records in 1965, paced, 
it should be noted, by a massive rise in U.S. 
purchases of Japanese products. U.S. imports 
from Japan, at $2.4 billion, were up 37 per- 
cent over 1964, representing 11 percent of 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


our overall imports. U.S. exports to Japan 
reached nearly $2.1 billion, an 8-percent in- 
crease over the previous year, due in no 
small part to the efforts of the members of 
the American Chamber here. 

What is most significant in tenns of our 
current discussions on the future weave of 
U.S.-Japanese economic relations, is that last 
year, for the first time since 1959 and only 
the second time in the postwar period, Japan 
had a trade surplus in its trade with the 
United States. This suri^lus of Japanese ex- 
ports over imports from the United States 
amounted to a sizable $357 million. More- 
over, another large surplus in Japan's favor 
is in prospect for 1966. During the January- 
April period of this year, U.S. imports from 
Japan totaled $886 million, a 29-percent ad- 
vance over the first 4 months of 1965. U.S. 
sales to Japan were also up, but at $723 mil- 
lion they represented a considerably more 
modest gain of 5 percent over the corre- 
sponding period of last year. 

Thus, the prospects are for an even larger 
trade surplus in Japan's favor in 1966 than 
in 1965. The outlook for 1966 as a whole is 
for another record trade performance in both 
directions but with Japanese sales to the 
U.S. market continuing to rise more dra- 
matically than our exports to Japan. 

I think — and these feelings were ex- 
pressed at the Joint Committee meetings — 
that with a volume of trade this large and 
so beneficial to both nations, it is wise and 
farsighted to accommodate each other's in- 
terests by progressively and rapidly liber- 
alizing policies on trade and direct invest- 
ment wherever necessary in both our 
countries. Not to do so would be comparable 
to bickering about the supply of peanuts 
when the horn of plenty is readily available. 

Japan has reached maturity as an indus- 
trial nation and belongs and is in the front 
rank of free-world nations as a full-fledged 
trading partner. The policies that served her 
well during the reconstruction period are no 
longer acceptable nor applicable to Japan's 
situation today as a major industrial power. 
The United States not only allows, we invite 


and even assist direct Japanese investment f j 
in our country. ! v 

There are examples to show that a Japa- 
nese corporation can set up a 100-percent- 
equity-owned subsidiary in any State in the 
United States with a Japanese president and 
a completely Japanese board of directors 
without even the requirement of obtaining 
any form of approval or clearance of any 
kind from the U.S. Federal Government. The 
necessary incorporation papers at the State 
level are issued as a matter of course for 
an unlimited period, and no further impedi- 
ments are placed in the way of additional 
investments or expansions at a later date. 

Equity Investments in Japan 

I don't need to tell you people how dif- 
ferent the situation is here in Japan with 
respect to new equity investments by an 
American company or applications for re- 
newals of licensing agreements or additions 
to existing equity investment. Quite frankly, 
this treatment of American corporations is 
an increasingly serious irritant to the U.S. 
business community and is detracting from 
the otherwise healthy commercial relation- 
ships with Japan. 

We were heartened, therefore, to hear this 
week that the Japanese Government takes 
this situation seriously and, in the best 
interests of Japan, has specific plans for 
liberalization of investment policies, espe- 
cially in the manufacturing sector, as well as 
more timely and efficient administrative pro- 
cedures. We shall watch for progress with 
great interest, and hope, as Minister Miki 
[Takeo Miki, Minister of International 
Trade and Industry] indicated, that by the 
time of the joint meeting in Washington next 
year, we will be able to review the specific 
cases that have been approved under the new 

During our discussions in Kyoto we recog- 
nized that further investment liberalization 
measures depend not so much on the question 
of what is fair or in the best interests of U.S. 
corporations but rather what is in the best 


interests of Japan. Consequently, we jiointed 
out some substantial benefits that will accrue 
to Japan if foreign investment policies and 
practices are liberalized. Some of these bene- 
fits to Japan are: 

First, there will be greater access to ad- 
vanced technology because it is clear that 
some of the most advanced technology in 
many fields does not now flow to Japan 
under present policies. 

Second, improvement of managerial skills 
would be encouraged, with beneficial results. 
We think that if the selection of the presi- 
dents and the boards of directors of corpora- 
tions is subject to no arbitrary restraints 
then there will be more selections completely 
on the basis of merit and reason. This by no 
means would indicate that all corporation 
presidents will be Americans, because there 
is a natural desire to select Japanese as cor- 
porate heads. But the fact that there are no 
artificial restraints will mean that the ablest 
people who are available will be selected, and 
we think that the result will be better man- 

Third, there will result a greater infusion 
of the badly needed equity capital into the 
Japanese economy. We are all familiar with 
the fact that the present capital structures 
are somewhat weak, and we think that with- 
out the current restraints there will be this 
flow of equity capital which will be bene- 
ficial to Japan. 

Fourth, the result will be more access to 
broader financial resources of the entire 
American corporate setup. This will result 
in greater availability of credit of all kinds 
and a strengthening of the debt structure 
where that is needed. 

Fifth, the closer relationships that will re- 
sult with worldwide distribution and market- 
ing organizations should inevitably result in 
a larger flow of exports from Japan and par- 
ticularly from the Japanese subsidiai'ies of 
American corporations. It stands to reason 
that there will be more of a tendency to ex- 
port from Japanese manufacture if the 
American parent company owns 75 percent 
of the equity than in the case of, say 35-per- 

cent ownershii>. The result will be that the 
Japanese subsidiary will be in a position to 
serve more markets outside of Japan and 
there will be less of a tendency to establish 
duplicating subsidiaries in those other mar- 

Sixth, we think that there will result en- 
hanced stature and enhanced prestige for 
Japan, if it completely fulfills its interna- 
tional commitments with respect to direct 
investments. For one thing, this would elim- 
inate questions that have been raised con- 
cerning Japan's obligations under its friend- 
ship, commerce, and navigation treaty with 
the United States. It would eliminate the 
questions having to do with the OECD [Or- 
ganization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development] criteria and also would mean 
that Japan would meet the criteria that are 
broadly recognized for other developed and 
industrialized nations, a category into which 
we think Japan fully fits at the present time. 

Then again, as another reason, there 
would be better reception for Japanese in- 
vestments in other countries if the Japanese 
investment policies are reciprocal and fair. 
The result would be that expoi-ts from Japan 
would be increased as more integrated opera- 
tions are set up by Japanese corporations 
in other countries, including the United 
States. It has been our experience that when 
the export markets are fully developed, it is 
quite desirable to set up alongside of the 
basic distribution facilities some marketing 
and technical services so that the customers 
in those countries can be better sei-ved. That, 
we think, is the experience not only of 
United States corporations but of other cor- 
porations which have set up operations in 
countries other than their home bases. Thus, 
the result would be more exports for Japa- 
nese corporations as their distribution and 
marketing setups become more fully inte- 
grated in other markets. 

And finally, we think that the liberaliza- 
tion of foreign investment policies would re- 
sult in more exacting competition in the 
Japanese home market and that in turn will 
mean that the Japanese corporations which 

AUGUST 8, 1966 


are able to compete successfully at home will 
also be more competitive in world markets. 

Thus we think there are very definite ad- 
vantages for Japan and the Japanese econ- 
omy if further liberalization measures are 
carried out. 

As for trade, the volume of Japanese sales 
in the open and receptive U.S. market sug- 
gests that what few temporary and highly 
exceptional restrictions do exist are of minor 
significance. At the same time, we appreci- 
ate the rapid and steady progress that Japan