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SOX 286 


The United States and Africa: A Unity of Purpose 

This pamphlet contains President Johnson's address marking the third anniversary of tl 
Organization of African Unity on May 26, 1966. Discussing Africa's "truly remarkable" eme 
gence from colonialism to independence in the last 15 years, the President called for increased a 
from all external sources to help the African peoples build "a modern Africa," and cited sever 
"missions on which America and Africa can work together." 



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VoL LV, No. U23 

October 3, 1966 


by Assistant Secretary Sisco 487 


State Visit of General Ne Win, 
Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the Union of Burma 483 


Article by William C. Herrington 500 

For index see inside back cover 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of September 16 

Press release 211 dated September 16 

Secretary Rusk: Gentlemen, as you know, 
the General Assembly of the United Nations 
will be convening the first part of next week. 
As is my practice, I expect to go up for a 
period during the beginning portion of the 
General Assembly. The trade union of for- 
eign ministers normally meets there. There 
will be a very large number of foreign min- 
isters present, and I look forward to this 
chance to have a great many talks with them 
about problems right around the world. 

Since I will be away next week— I will be 
back here the following week — I thought I 
might meet with you very briefly today. But 
since I have a good many things on the cal- 
endar, quite frankly, the briefer the better 
from my point of view. But I will take your 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Chinese today have 
protested that American planes bombed Chi- 
nese villages on September 9 and that there 
was an air battle tvith Chinese fighters. Can 
you tell us anything about this alleged inci- 

A. I checked back on what we had on 
that. There was an announcement in Saigon, 
I think, the following— the day after that 
alleged incident, in which we reported that 
our pilots had encountered some MIG's about 
30 miles south of the Chinese frontier. That 
is the only information we have. We will be 
looking into it further, of course, to see if 
there is any possibility of any mistake.' 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is there a new decision, 
as has now been widely reported, on the 
United States stand to keep Communist 
China out of the United Nations again this 

A. Well, I am not aware of a specific and 
new decision in point of time. Actually the 
basic situation remains very much the same. 
Those who have been most active in pro- 
moting the membership of Peking to the 
United Nations have at the same time wanted 
to expel the Republic of China from the 
United Nations. I have no doubt that there 
is a substantial majority of the United Na- 
tions who would not be willing to under- 
take that course of action. 

Further, so far as we know, Peking has 
not changed its view that the United Na- 
tions itself must undertake substantial re- 
foi-ms before Peking is interested in member- 
ship, such as expelling those members who 
are looked upon by Peking as imperialist 
puppets. Beyond that, Peking is a major ob- 
stacle toward a peaceful settlement of the 
situation in Viet-Nam. 

We are in touch with the govei-nments 
members of the United Nations regularly on 
this matter. We will be in further touch with 
them during the coui-se of the General As- 
sembly. But we do not see the basis on which 
the United Nations is in a position to vote 
Peking into membership at this point. 

' On Sept. 19 the Department spokesman read 
the following statement to news correspondents: 

We have investigated the charges relating to Sep- 
tember 9 and September 17, and there is a possibil- 
ity that some inadvertent intrusion of Communist 
China may have taken place during the breakoff 
from air engagements over North Viet-Nam. Any 
such inadvertent intrusion is regretted. With regard 
to the charges about strikes on Chinese Communist 
territory, there have been no such strikes by U.S. 
aircraft, and such strikes would be contrary to 

On Sept. 20 the spokesman added that his earlier 
statement applied also "to the alleged incident 
of the 5th." 



Q. Mr. Secretary, to clarify that n little 
bit, Avibaasador Goldbery and a number of 
administration spokesmen have been sayiny 
for months that this problem of Chinese rep- 
resentation issue was undir rcrirw here. 
Noiv, it seems to be that yon have come to 
the conclusion in your review. fl«rf that you 
have decided to continue the previous poli- 
cies. Isn't that — 

A. No. The question has been under re- 
view since 1949. 

Q. I am talking about this last vote. 

A. The principal thing that we have 
tried to do in recent months different from 
the past has been to open up in our contacts 
with Peking the possibilities of some ex- 
changes and some further contacts and some 
sort of effort to break through the walls of 
isolation that Peking has built around itself, 
thus far without any success. President John- 
son has asked us to do that in our talks. 

As j'ou know, the Chinese Ambassador in 
Wai-saw has protested rather vigorously 
about our making any comments at all on 
those talks. But the net effect of those thus 
far have been negative. 

But of course these questions remain 
under constant consideration or review — but 
those words are a little misleading because 
they are sometimes taken as meaning that 
major changes of policy are contemplated. 
We always e.xamine the situation. But as I 
indicated, the basic situation remains about 
where it was. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there is a groxving con- 
cern among foreign correspondents about a 
lack of background bHefings rve used to get 
during the Kennedy days, but we almost get 
none now. Do you think that situation coidd 
be corrected? 

A. Well, I would be glad to have you dis- 
cuss that with Mr. Donnelley [Assistant 
Secretaiy for Public Affairs Dixon Don- 
nelley] and my colleagues. Certainly there 
has been no review of that matter in recent 
days and a change of policy in that respect. 
But 1 will be glad to have them take that 
up with you. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, recently a grou}> of 
rather prominent Americans have petitioned 
the President that when Chancellor [Lud- 
u-ig] Erhard comes here he be infoi-med in 
no uncertain tenns that West Gei-many is 
not to get a finger on the trigger of any nu- 
clear weapons under NATO or any other 
basis. Do you have any comment on this 

Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons 

A. Well, I think we need to keep certain 
things separate and not let these problems 
get confused and mixed up. 

We are opposed to the proliferation of 
nuclear weapons. We have never discussed 
in NATO or anywhere else any arrange- 
ments that would involve the proliferation 
of nuclear weapons, that is, the transfer of 
nuclear weapons into the hands of non- 
nuclear powers or the transfer of control 
of those weapons into the hands of non- 
nuclear powers. Our policy on that point is 
veiy strong indeed. 

Now, the Federal Republic of Germany is 
about the only nonnuclear state that I know 
of that has formally forsworn the manufac- 
ture of nuclear weapons, its own nuclear 
weapons capability. 

That is one thing. 

And if the Soviet Union and others want 
to talk about the problem of proliferation, 
they will find that the United States is will- 
ing to go all the way to insure that there is 
no proliferation of nuclear weapons. 

Now, if other issues become involved into 
that problem, simply to confuse it, then the 
matter gets complicated. 

We have an alliance in NATO comprising 
members who are themselves the target of 
Soviet nuclear missiles. We have a NATO 
alliance, some of whose members have nu- 
clear weapons, and the circumstances, the 
conditions, the occasions on which those 
weai)ons might be used are a matter of great 
importance to all the members of the alli- 

When we are talking about war and peace, 
I would remind you that, whether we are 
talking about nuclear weapons or conven- 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


tional weapons, the question of the circum- 
stances under which the alliance would re- 
sort to military action in its owti defense 
is a matter of concern to all the members of 
the alliance. 

Now, we would hope that those things 
which have to do with proliferation in the 
true sense, in the genuine sense, could be 
isolated out so that we could all move toward 
progress and toward a treaty on the non- 
proliferation of nuclear weapons. And we 
would hope that this question would not be 
complicated by the injection of issues which 
have nothing to do with proliferation. 

Now, it is not true to say that NATO nu- 
clear arrangements, or the possibilities of 
NATO nuclear arrangements, stand in the 
way of a nonproliferation treaty, if those 
who are talking about a nonproliferation 
treaty are prepared to talk about nonpro- 
liferation and are prepared to put other 
questions to one side. 

But we sympathize with the purpose that 
these gentlemen have in mind. We have no 
debate with them about the importance of 
nonproliferation. And I have no doubt that 
if we could all concentrate on the problem 
of preventing the further spread of nuclear 
weapons, we could make substantial and 
rapid progress. 

I will be having a chance, in the course of 
the next period in New York, at the General 
Assembly, to discuss this matter further 
with foreign ministers, and I hope we can 
make some progress on this. 

Proposals for Asian Consultations 

Q. Mr. Secretary, President [Ferdinand'\ 
Marcos of the Philippines proposed an Asian 
political forum that ivould he capable of con- 
sidering such problems as Viet-Nam and 
perhaps setting up conciliation machinery. 
He also spoke of efforts to get North and 
South Viet-Nam into contact with each other 
as a step toivard a negotiated settlement. 
Would you comment on these proposals? 

A. Well, on the first point we will see sub- 
stantial advantage in the development 
among the Asian nations themselves of sys- 
tematic machinery for consultation on po- 

litical problems and security questions in 
which they are all involved. We have been 
greatly encouraged by what has happened 
in the last several months in just that sort 
of direction — the meeting of the ASPAC 
[Asian and Pacific Council] countries in 
Korea, the recent meeting of the ASA [As- 
sociation of Southeast Asia] countries which 
led to the formal proposal by these three 
nations [Malaysia, the Philippines, and 
Thailand] that there be an Asian conference 
to take up the question of Viet-Nam — so we 
would think that any development in that 
direction would be very much on the plus 

As far as contacts with North Viet-Nam, 
South Viet-Nam, or perhaps others on a 
settlement of Viet-Nam, we of course would 
welcome any contacts that would elicit from 
Hanoi a readiness to talk about a peaceful 
settlement in Southeast Asia. It is not my 
impression that the Govenunent of the 
Philippines has found thus far such a re- 
sponse from Hanoi. But this is one of the 
possibilities that ought to be kept open. All 
possibilities ought to be kept open. And per- 
haps something might develop from it in the 
future. But at the moment I am not aware 
of any major development in that direction. 

Q. Could you evaluate General de Gaulle's 
trip — at least the Asian part of his trip re- 
garding Viet-Nam? 

A. I will be seeing the French Foreign 
Minister, [Maurice] Couve de Murville, in 
the course of the opening stages of the Gen- 
eral Assembly and will have a chance to get 
his impressions, his evaluation of that visit. 
I have very little to add to what you know 
about the public aspects of that visit. I think 
we and the Government of France see the 
situation about the same way as far as Cam- 
bodia is concerned. 

As far as peace in Viet-Nam is concerned, 
we did not detect in the important state- 
ment made in Phnom Penh any suggestion 
to Hanoi as to what contribution they were 
expected to make toward a peaceful settle- 
ment in Southeast Asia. In the absence of 
a balanced view we did not find that that 
was a complete statement of the problem or 



a complete description of the solution. But 
I really ought not to try to make a broader 
evaluation until I have had a chance to talk 
to the French Foreign Minister about his 
own impressions. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, with regard to disar- 
mament again, can you give tcs an assessment 
of the Geneva conference tvhich has just 
i adjourned, and can you tell us tvhether or not 
in your judgment some kind of priority could 
be given to the ideas of unilateral declara- 
tions by nonnuclear countries tvho are ready 
to forgo development of nuclear weapons? 

Geneva Disarmament Conference 

A. The recent session of the conference in 
Geneva did not produce dramatic results, 
although I must say that I felt that the de- 
tailed discussions that went on behind the 
scenes appeared to me to be quite worth 
while. And I noted with some interest that 
at the time of their recess the delegates there 
of all persuasions seemed to speak with some 
optimism about the possibilities when the 
conference reconvenes. And my guess is that 
these questions that were to be discussed at 
the Geneva conference will be discussed 
further in detail among some of the foreign 
ministers as they will be meeting with each 
other in New York in the next — during the 
next 2 or 3 weeks. I do not despair myself 
of the possibilities in the field of nonprolifer- 
ation. I would hope that we could conclude 
a space treaty that would insure that space 
activities are concentrated on peaceful pur- 
poses. I would hope that we could make some 
headway on some of the other proposals that 
have been made by us and by others having 
to do with a cutoff in production of nuclear 
materials for weapons purposes and a freeze 
on the nuclear delivery vehicles and other 
matters so that we can begin to make some 
progress on disarmament, even though some 
of the outstanding political issues that are 
so difficult and so dangerous are still unre- 
solved. We can't afford to give up on this 
effort. And I think persistence might very 
well pay off. We would like to see some 
progress on a comprehensive test ban treaty. 
But thus far we have not been able to solve 

the problem of providing sufficient assur- 
ances and guarantees of comi)liance among 
all those that might be parties to the treaty. 

Elections in South Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been some sug- 
gestion that, even though there were killings 
and quite a bit of propaganda, the Viet Cong 
effort to disrupt the elections was someivhat 
halfhearted. Do you have any analysis of 

A. Well, I saw a story to that effect which 
came in after the elections. I must say that 
my own impressions, based upon reports 
before and during the election, were rather 
in the other direction. From what we heard 
from prisoners and defectors and from cap- 
tured documents and from radio broadcasts 
by the Liberation Front, Hanoi, and by ac- 
tual incidents on the ground, it was my im- 
pression that the Viet Cong had made an 
all-out effort to interfere with these elections. 
They did it through threats of assassination; 
they did it through the attempt to terrorize 
the voter by a seizing of voting cards and by 
attacks on voting booths. So that I am skep- 
tical of reports that somehow the Viet Cong 
did not really want to interfere with the elec- 
tions but were pursuing a different policy 
privately than the one they were pursuing 
overtly and with every means at their dis- 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on the election itself, it 
is being widely said here that this is — hope- 
fully, that this is setting a new political proc- 
ess in motion in a democratic sense in South 
Viet-Nam. Is the U.S. prepared to accept 
the possibility that the Assembly or successor 
body so elected itself might open negotiar- 
tions with Hanoi? 

A. The Assembly which has just been 
elected is a constituent assembly; its primary 
purpose is to draft a constitution. And based 
upon the program that had been announced 
as early as last January, the thought has 
been that they would draft the constitution, 
the constitution would be approved, there 
would then be elections under that constitu- 
tion for a national assembly on the basis of 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


which a civilian government would be con- 
stituted. And I think it may well be that 
on some matters there would be certainly 
consultation between the present government 
in Saigon and these elected representatives 
who come from all parts of the country and 
all elements in the population. But its pri- 
mary purpose is to draft a constitution. I 
would not think that this constituent as- 
sembly would undertake negotiations with 
Hanoi, for example, or matters of that sort. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you discern any shift 
of influence within the Peking-Hanoi-Mos- 
cow triangle, and, if so, does this seem to 
portend anything hopeful as far as negotia- 
tions are concerned ? 

A. No, I would not be able to certify as 
to changes in that regard. It is a matter in 
which we are greatly interested and that we 
try to be infonned about. But I am not sure 
that the three capitals that you have men- 
tioned are very well informed about the 
relative position of the three capitals in 
these matters. No, I would not be in a posi- 
tion yet to draw any conclusions on that 

The Communist Chinese Red Guards 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us some 
evaluation of ivhat is going on noiv inside 
Communist China ivith the Red Guards and 
the cultural revolution ? 

A. I think I have said before that I sus- 
pect what is going on is of some importance, 
but if I were to be frank with you I would 
have to say that I don't know what it is. 

We have been interested in this phenome- 
non of the Red Guards, the efforts which 
they have made in some parts of the coun- 
try to attack elements in the Communist 
Party apparatus. We noted the period of 
what seemed to be excesses, followed by at- 
tempts by the leadership to restrain those 

But I think that I would be fraudulent if 
I were to try to say to you that I think we 
know the real significance of these recent 

events. My guess is that there are some very 
important issues at stake there inside China 
on these matters, but we will have to wait a 
little bit to find out just what those ai'e. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Senate Judiciary 
Subcommittee on Internal Security held 
hearings this iveek /n which various Cubans 
testified about the conditions and horrors in 
prisons there in the imprisonment of a great 
many political persons. They, also, as a rule, 
appealed for U. S. help. Is there any help 
the United States can give in that area? 

A. It is limited. It is limited because our 
influence in Havana is not very substantial 
these days. We have tried to open up the 
question of the release of political prisoners 
to permit them to leave Cuba. But veiy little 
has happened on that of substance. I don't 
think that I can add very much to what has 
been taken up in the testimony on this mat- 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do we have any informa- 
tion that the Soviets ivill release the Peace 
Corps worker ivho ivent across the border 
into the Soviet Union? 

A. Not yet. We would hope that that could 
occur very quickly. As some of you know 
from what has been said earlier, this inci- 
dent occurred along some beaches where it 
is customary for people to go for recreation. 
Apparently there was a small stream across 
which one can walk without too much diffi- 
culty. Beyond that stream was a fence, which 
seemed to be the Soviet frontier. Our Peace 
Corps man, Mr. [Thomas R.] Dawson, ap- 
parently waded across this small stream and 
between the stream and the fence was picked 
up by Soviet guards. There seemed to be no 
signs at the stream itself. I think he assumed 
that the fence was the border. 

It was one of those trivial and uninten- 
tional and inadvertent acts — if it did occur. 
And we would hope that the Soviet Union 
would immediately recognize the nature of 
this infraction, if, indeed, it was an infrac- 
tion, and release him veiy promptly. 

We have asked for consular access to Mr. 



Dawson, and we would hope tliat will be 
accorded to us very promptly. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, U Thant ?ias made some- 
thing close to a Sherman-like statement, and 
he has urged the U. N^. to begin to consider 
alternatives. Have we begttn to consider 
these alternatives? And, if not, why not? 

A. Well. I think this is something that 
will be a matter of great interest to all 
of the delegates as they assemble for the 
General Assembly. 

As you know, we would hope veiy much 
that the Secretarj'-General will continue to 
serve. I think there is a very strong con- 
sensus throughout the United Nations that 
it would be in the interest of the world 
organization if the Secretary-General would 
continue in his pi'esent office. But I think it 
would not be helpful for me to answer your 
question directly at this point. 

Question of Nuclear Matters in NATO 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said the nonnuclear 
allies have a right to he interested in the 
circumstances uiider which nuclear arms 
would be used. Where do we stand on the 
issiie of actual physical sharing in the pos- 
session of nuclear weapons? 

A. Well, exactly how NATO ought to orga- 
nize its nuclear forces is under continuing 
discussion, but the point I want to emphasize 
is that we have never, at any time, talked 
in NATO about any arrangements that in- 
volved the proliferation of nuclear weapons; 
and, therefore, contingent possibilities about 
NATO organization ought not to be an ob- 
stacle to the conclusion of a nonproliferation 
treaty, because we are opposed to the pro- 
liferation of nuclear weapons. We have 
demonstrated it, sometimes at the cost of 
relationships with some of our friends. We 
really do believe in nonproliferation; so that 
I would think that the question of nuclear 
matters in NATO is for NATO to continue 
to consider but that these matters should not 
be allowed to interfere with the conclusion 
of a nonproliferation treaty. 

U.S. and Burma Reaffirm Bonds 
of Friendship and Cooperation 

General Ne Win, Chairman of the Revo~ 
lutionary Council of the Union of Burma, 
made a state visit to the United States 
September 8-18. He was in Washington 
September 8-10, where he met with Presi- 
dent Johnson. Following are an exchange of 
greetings betiveen President Johnson and 
General Ne Win on September 8, a toast by 
President Johnson at an informal dinner at 
the White House that evening, and the text 
of a joint communique issued on September 
9 at the conclusion of their talks. 


White House press release dated September 8 

President Johnson 

Your Excellency, Madam Ne Win, dis- 
tinguished guests: It is a very great pleasure 
for me to welcome you here to the White 
House today. 

I know, Mr. Chairman, that you and 
Madam Ne Win are not strangers in this 
country. This visit will provide the oppor- 
tunity to renew old friendships as well as 
make new ones. 

This occasion has a special significance, 
for it is the first visit to the United States 
by a Chief of State of Burma. We greet you 
today as the leader of a nation with a long 
and proud history and a rich cultural herit> 
age. We are delighted that you can be here 
with us. 

We have watched with great interest your 
country's struggle for independence — a 
struggle to which you have devoted your 
entire life. 

Mr. Chairman, your views and opinions 
are valued here. And I look forward with 
anticipation to the next 2 days to discuss 
many matters of interest and concern to the 
people of the world and particularly to our 
two countries. 

The world knows and appreciates Burma's 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


dedication to peace and to the right of all 
nations to decide their own destinies. 

Your country's consistent support of the 
United Nations, your signing of the limited 
test ban treaty, and your participation in the 
18-Nation Disarmament Conference all dem- 
onstrate this dedication. They reflect your 
country's dedication to peace and interna- 
tional order, qualities which you have 
shared with the world through the dis- 
tinguished and devoted service of U Thant 
as Secretary-General of the United Nations. 

Under your leadership Burma has fol- 
lowed an independent foreign policy de- 
signed to serve your country's national 
interests. Burma has sought nothing from 
its neighbors but to be left in peace and to 
develop as it sees fit. This is a policy which 
we in the United States understand. For the 
right of people to choose their own form of 
development has been a fundamental prin- 
ciple of United States policy — a deeply held 
article of national faith for 200 years. 

We had the good fortune to grow from a 
handful of isolated colonies to a position of 
great responsibility in the world. We did not 
deliberately seek this position; in a real sense 
the force of history shaped it for us. We 
have the duty not only to strive to achieve 
justice and a better life for all of our own 
people and the people of the world, but we 
also have the responsibility to use our 
strength to help others to protect their right 
to live and develop in peace. 

Nowhere in the world today are the bur- 
dens and responsibilities which our position 
has thrust upon us heavier or more difficult 
for us than in Southeast Asia. 

Mr. Chairman, our goal in Southeast Asia 
is a simple one. We want the countries in 
that area to have the opportunity to develop 
in peace. We want them to be able to prosper 
free from outside interference or aggres- 

We look forward to the day when the 
energy and resources now being used in con- 
flict can be used instead in a great coopera- 
tive effort to create a better life for all of 
the peoples of that area. 

This is America's hope, Mr. Chairman. 
This is our dream. This is our goal. That day 
cannot come too soon for us. 

Finally, I want to express my very sincere 
hope that the friendship between our two 
peoples, based upon mutual understanding 
and appreciation, will grow steadily through 
the coming years. 

Mrs. Johnson and I are very pleased to ex- 
tend a very warm welcome to you, your 
lovely wife, and your distinguished party to 
Washington and the United States. 

General Ne Win 

Mr. President, first of all, may I express 
to you and Mrs. Johnson and to the Ameri- 
can people our heartfelt thanks for the warm 
welcome extended to me and my wife and 
the members of my party. 

I have come to Washington on a missior 
of friendship and good will. I have great 
pleasure in conveying the warm greetings 
and sincere good wishes of the Union of 
Burma to the people of the United States of 

It is my fervent hope that my visit v/ill 
promote greater understanding between our 
two peoples and strengthen the bonds which 
bind our two countries in cordial friendship. 

I have looked forward to meeting you, Mr. 
President, and other American leaders, be- 
cause I am convinced that such personal con- 
tacts will serve to create a better under- 
standing and appreciation of each other and 
thereby enable us to cooperate fruitfully in 
the common task of building a peaceful and 
prosperous world. 


White House press release dated September 8 

Chairman Ne Win, Madam Ne Win, dis- 
tinguished guests: Today every man, no mat- 
ter where he stands, stands in the center of 
the world. And we Americans, who want to 
reduce the distance between friends, believe 
that no man comes from so far off that he 
cannot find a welcome among us. 



So today we welcomed you as a guest in 
our country. And tonight, we welcome you 
as a guest in our home. 

About you tonight, Mr. Chairman, though 
you have come from halfway across the 
world, you see old friends — and you see 
others who have a deep interest in your 
country and want to know it better. 

For most of us, Bumia has traditionally 
been a land of beauty and serenity, of golden 
temples, elephants, deep forests, and precious 
gems. But we know that behind that exotic 
exterior, your country is a land of hard- 
working people whose goals are very similar 
to ours. 

We are both family people. We love our 
children, and we believe in living in peace 
with our neighbors, provided they stay on 
their side of the fence and out of our melon 

As nations, too, we share common dedica- 
tions: to national independence, to progress, 
and to peace. Both our countries emerged 
from a colonial past and treasure inde- 
pendence all the more for that. Both have 
been blessed by Providence with a bountiful 

On the world scene, we both place high 
value on the just resolution of international 
differences and on the search for universal 
peace. This search has led us along different 
paths — for our situations and our respon- 
sibilities have not been the same. But the 
ultimate goal is there, one in which we both 
can share. 

For our part, I can assure you, Mr. Chair- 
man, that just as we shall never shirk our 
responsibilities, so shall we never fail in our 
efforts to find a secure and just peace. For 
the present, the problems of our world place 
burdens upon us all. And we must be pre- 
pared to live with them until all nations have 
finally become convinced that aggression and 
terror have no place in human society. 

The day of peace will eventually come, a 
day when all nations will be able to live in 
their own way, free from threat and fear. 
When that day arrives, we shall be able to 
devote all our talents and resources to the 

war against the real enemies of mankind — 
poverty, sickness, and illiteracy — in a vast 
cooperative effort. Thus shall we raise the 
hopes and enrich the lives of people through- 
out the world. 

Meanwhile, tonight in this room, we are 
among friends. And we should, for the 
moment, put aside our cares and concerns 
and enjoy each other's company. 

Ladies and gentlemen: I ask you to rise 
and join me in a toast to His Excellency 
General Ne Win, Chairman of the Revolu- 
tionary Council of the Union of Burma. 


White Houae press release dated September 9 

At the invitation of President Johnson, 
His Excellency General Ne Win, Chaii-man 
of the Revolutionary Council of the Union 
of Burnia, has paid a state visit to the 
United States of America. During his visit, 
the ChaiiTTian met with the President and 
leading members of the United States Gov- 

The Chairman and Madame Ne Win and 
the members of their party were accorded 
a warm welcome and were extended cordial 
hospitality by the government and the people 
of the United States. The Chairman ex- 
pressed his sincei-e thanks to the government 
and the people of the United States for their 
welcome and hospitality. 

During the visit the President and the 
Chairman discussed the further development 
of the friendly relations existing between 
the United States and the Union of Burma 
and exchanged views on international ques- 
tions of common interest. These discussions 
were held in an atmosphere of cordiality and 
mutual understanding. 

The President expressed his understand- 
ing of the policy of peace and non-alignment 
pursued by the Union of Burma and his re- 
spect for its sovereignty and independence. 
The Chairman expressed his understanding 
of the policy of the United States towards 
Burma and appreciation for the friendly at- 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


titude of the American people. The two 
leaders affirmed their determination to 
strengthen the friendly relations between 
their two countries in the mutual interest of 
their two peoples and in the service of the 
cause of peace and international understand- 

During their discussions, the President and 
the Chairman reviewed recent developments 
in South and Southeast Asia in the context 
of the universal desire of people everywhere 
to achieve peace and a better life. The Presi- 
dent expressed his deep and abiding interest 
in the achievement of peace and stability in 
Southeast Asia which would permit the coun- 
tries of the area in friendly cooperation with 
each other to devote their energies to eco- 
nomic development and the enrichment of 
the lives of their peoples. In this connection, 
he explained the policies the United States 
is pursuing to help the people of the Repub- 
lic of Vietnam to defend their freedom and 
to reconstruct their war-torn society and his 
efforts, which he is determined to pursue 
with the greatest vigor, in behalf of an early 
settlement for peace with justice. The 
Chairman expressed Burma's desire for a 
political settlement of the Vietnam question 
on the basis of respect for her sovereignty, 
independence, unity and territorial integrity. 

The two leaders reaffirmed their earnest 
desire for an early and peaceful settlement 
in Vietnam. 

The President and the Chairman reaf- 
firmed their belief that mutual respect, non- 
interference, and equality among all states 
are the basic principles underlying the crea- 

tion of a stable, peaceful international ordei 
The two leaders agreed that every natio 
should have the right to choose its own p( 
litical, economic and social system and i1 
own way of life free from any outside intei 
ference or pressure. 

The President and the Chairman r< 
iterated the support of their countries for th 
United Nations and emphasized the need fc 
it to develop into an increasingly effecti\ 
instrument not only for the maintenance c 
international peace and security but also f( 
the promotion of friendly relations and coo] 
eration among nations and peoples for the: 
economic and social advancement. 

The two leaders stressed the urgent nee 
to secure general and complete disarmamei 
under effective international control. The 
were deeply concerned over the serioi 
dangers inherent in the spread of nuclei 
weapons and expressed the hope that the Ni 
clear Test Ban Treaty would be extended i 
cover underground tests as well and that tl 
Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committ( 
would devote itself with a sense of urgenc 
and determination to the conclusion of 
treaty to halt the proliferation of nuclei 

The President and the Chairman e: 
pressed their satisfaction at having the o] 
portunity to become personally acquainted 
They were confident that the person 
esteem that marked their frank and friend' 
talks would promote greater understandir 
between the United States and the Union < 
Burma and further strengthen the bonds ( 
friendship and cooperation between them. 



Unfinished Business of the U.N. and the World 

by Joseph J. Sisco 

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs * 

It is a privilege to be at this great uni- 
versity and to address this distinguished 
audience. My pleasure at being here is 
diminished only by the fact that Secretary 
Rusk is unable to fulfill his engagement with 
you this evening. As you know, he is recover- 
ing from the flu. I am sure that he would be 
the first to say that while it has put him out 
of commission temporarily, this is a minor 
battle compared with some of the other 
struggles of a policy character which he 
takes on every day. 

I must confess, when I was asked at the 
last minute to come here and take the Secre- 
tary's place, I was reminded very much of a 
story going back to President Wilson's days. 
Some of you may know this one. It appears 
that Wilson was awakened about 4 one 
morning by a call from a very aggressive 
and very eager young officeseeker who said 
the Commissioner of Highways had just 
died. Wilson wondered what he was sup- 
posed to do about it at that hour of the 
morning and merely said, "Well, I am very 
sorry to hear this." This young man went 
on, "I know that he will be a hard man to 
replace, Mr. President, and I thought I 
would be a good man to take his place." 
Wilson responded with his well-known acid 
humor, "Well, I think that sounds all right. 
It is certainly all right by me, if it is all 
right by the undertaker." 

In thinking about the sort of things we 
might discuss this evening, I concluded that 

' Address made before the Manufacturers Associa- 
tion of Connecticut, Inc., at Yale University, New 
Haven, Conn., on Sept. 8 (press release 203). 

you gentlemen, as businessmen, would be 
more interested in hearing about reality than 

The reality with which we in the govern- 
ment must deal day after day is the appli- 
cation and obligations of American power. 
The central object of our foreign policy, and 
therefore of the application of our power, is 
the same as it has been since this Republic 
was founded: "to secure the Blessings of 
Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." And 
to this should be added our determination, 
expressed so eloquently in the United Na- 
tions Charter, "to save succeeding genera- 
tions from the scourge of war." 

Translating these objectives into practice 
means coping with a myriad of problems 
with a host of countries in countless ways. 
As comforting as it might be to think that 
we could retreat to a Fortress America con- 
cept — and there are such murmurings of 
isolationism in the United States — the world 
is just not made that way today. 

Science has brought us closer and made us 
interdependent. We are no longer distant 
relatives of the Nigerians and Micronesians. 
The frontier is becoming crowded, and there 
is nowhere to move or to hide. When we 
vault into outer space we need rules to gov- 
ern traffic. When we communicate by satel- 
lite we need to allocate frequencies. When 
there is disease and famine in any part of 
the world we cannot draw our cloaks around 
us and expect epidemics to pass by. The 
sparks touched off by hunger, overpopula- 
tion, and poverty can be fanned into a fire 
threatening our own homes. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


As the world becomes smaller, the prob- 
lems of achieving our aims become more 
complicated and more pressing. 

In assuming the obligations of power we 
have become involved with the world in 
many ways. While we have no desire to be 
the world's policeman, the interdependence 
of mankind today leaves us no escape from 
involvement in most of the major troubles 
of our times. 

We are involved in a complicated net- 
work of international relationships. To begin 
with, we have direct bilateral relations with 
some 120 different states. Many of these bi- 
lateral relations involve provision of Ameri- 
can economic or military assistance. Moving 
beyond this direct relationship, we find a 
series of multilateral or regional arrange- 
ments, such as the Organization of American 
States and the North Atlantic Treaty Orga- 
nization, which connect us with some 40 
different states in 5 continents. And, on a 
more universal basis, we conduct our policy 
through the United Nations. Since this is 
my particular field of responsibility, I would 
like to talk to you tonight primarily about 
current subjects of interest as they appear 
in the U.N. context. 

Optimism Tempered by Hard Facts 

The 21st U.N. General Assembly will open 
in 2 weeks. It will begin its work under the 
clouds of the Secretary-General's reluctance 
to continue in office, continuation of the war 
in Viet-Nam, the persistent militancy of 
Communist China, and fevered emotions 
arising from the denial of human rights in 
southern Africa. Moreover, the U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly gets back to business with a 
shaky financial structure and a lack of 
clarity as to where it is going in the peace- 
keeping field. 

A list of the unfinished business of the 
U.N., and indeed the world, is enough to 
turn any observer into a pessimist. But I am 
not a pessimist. Looking ahead, I believe we 
can take some comfort in the lessons we 
have learned from 21 years' experience since 
World War II. This is so particularly if we 
recall where we stand today and where we 

stood 21 years after World War I. At that 
time, you will remember, the League of Na- 
tions was dead and Hitler was unleashing 
the bloodiest conflict the world has known. 

So while we are not yet where we want 
to be, things could be worse. Moreover, our 
optimism is tempered by the hard facts 
which we have learned about the intracta- 
bility of problems and the limitations of 
international institutions to deal with them. 
We have learned that there are no panaceas 
for world problems, that the U.N. has both 
capacities and limitations, and the ways in 
which it can help promote peace depend on 
the members who make it up. It has no 
mysterious power of its own. Nevertheless, 
the U.N. continues to be a useful vehicle to 
achieve our aims. 

U.N. machinery has already proved its 
worth in such diverse situations as Indo- 
nesia, Greece, Palestine, Kashmir, Korea, 
Suez, Lebanon, Laos, the Congo, West New 
Guinea, the Yemen, and Cyprus. You and I 
can sleep more soundly tonight because the 
U.N. Emergency Force is helping to keep the 
lid on the situation in the Gaza Strip and 
the U.N. Force in Cyprus is keeping war- 
ring factions apart. 

Yet the United Nations has not been able 
to deal eflfectively with all threats to the 

For example, the United Nations has not 
been able to do much about the one conflict 
which I assume is most on your mind — 
Viet-Nam. But that is not because the U.N. 
wasn't given a chance. We brought the issue 
before the Security Council,^ but it got 
nowhere at all because of the attitude of 
some of the members of the United Nations 
— and, I might add, the attitude of some na- 
tions who are not members. 

Now, there are those who charge that our 
policy in Viet-Nam is an abandonment of 
charter principles and a confession of lack 
of faith in the U.N. This is simply a dis- 
torted notion of what the U.N. and the 
charter are all about. The basic purpose of 
American policy in the Western Pacific as 

^ For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 14, 1966, 
p. 229. 



elsewhere is — and I am quoting the Secre- 
tary of State — "to establish peace by deter- 
ring or repelling aggression." ' Our goal in 
Viet-Nam is that of the U.N. Charter: to 
safeguard the right of the peoples of South- 
east Asia to settle their aflfairs peacefully 
and to select their form of government by 
principles of self-determination. 

U.S. Policy on Viet-Nam and China 

President Johnson has repeatedly made 
clear and reaftiiTned again and again that 
our policy is totally compatible with our 
obligations to the U.N. 

Let me remind you of the fundamentals 
of our policy: 

We are not trying to wipe out North 

We are not trying to change their govern- 

We are not trying to establish permanent 
bases in South Viet-Nam. 

We are not trying to gain one inch of new 
territory for America. 

And we are prepared to withdraw our 
forces from South Viet-Nam as soon as the 
people there are enabled to detennine their 
own future without external interference. 

As President Johnson said just 3 days 

If anyone will show me the time schedule when 
aggression and infiltration and might-makes-right 
will be halted, then I, as President of this country, 
will lay on the table the schedule for the with- 
drawal of all of our forces from Viet-Nam. 

We could, of course, take the easy way out 
by abandoning our commitment and by turn- 
ing a blind eye to aggression against South 
Viet-Nam. But this we cannot do without 
encouraging the forces of violence and ag- 
gression everywhere. 

We want a peaceful solution — there can 
be no doubt of President Johnson's resolve 
in this regard. 

' For text of Secretary Rusk's address at Denver, 
Colo., on June 14, see ibid., July 11, 1966, p. 44. 

* For an excerpt from President Johnson's remarks 
at Detroit, Mich., on Sept. 5, see ibid., Sept. 26, 1966, 
p. 455. 

If this desire and detennination of the 
United States is matched by others, peace 
can be quickly restored in Southeast Asia. 
Unfortunately, there has so far been no sign 
that North Viet-Nam is prepared to settle 
the war unless South Viet-Nam is delivered 
into Communist control. 

Behind North Viet-Nam, of course, stands 
a militant and restless Communist China. 
China's self-isolation in world affairs and 
the question of Communist China's repre- 
sentation in the United Nations will come up 
again this year. It is a subject to which we 
have given detailed consideration. The real 
question is Red China's conduct in world 
affairs. It has talked and acted in ways that 
are contrary to the purposes and aims of the 
organization. Under any and all circum- 
stances we will keep our commitment to the 
Republic of China on Taiwan. We oppose 
any proposal to replace the Republic of 
China with Red China. 

The exclusion of Red China from the 
United Nations during the past 16 years has 
largely been self-exclusion. Whether and 
when their attitude will change remains to 
be seen. Marshal Lin Piao, whose star is evi- 
dently on the rise in Peking, is author of the 
theory that it is China's unlimited right and 
duty to foment revolutionary wars against 
established governments. The developing 
nations do not welcome this kind of help, 
and the offer of it has not advanced Peking's 
cause in the U.N. 

Within the past 48 hours the newspapers 
have been full of fierce Red Chinese words 
from Warsaw and moderate words from 
Peking. If the moderate words prove authen- 
tic we will welcome them — but in the end 
the only words that count are those backed 
up by deeds. 

Another focus of danger to which the 
United Nations will be giving a lot of atten- 
tion this fall is the southern part of Africa. 
Nearly a third of the 117 members of the 
United Nations are African. They show 
understandable frustration with U.N. in- 
ability to accelerate progress to self-deter- 
mination and full human dignity in many 
areas of southern Africa. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


Our history and traditions place us firmly 
with those seeking human dignity, equality, 
and self-determination. We share their ab- 
horrence of apartheid and impatience with 
white supremacy and obstacles to self- 
determination. President Johnson told the 
African ambassadors in his speech on the 
anniversary of the Organization of African 
Unity in May: ^ 

The United States has learned from lamentable 
personal experience that domination of one race 
by another leads to waste and injustice. Just as we 
are determined to remove the remnants of inequal- 
ity from our midst, we are also with you — heart 
and soul — as you try to do the same. 

We believe, as you do, that denial of a whole 
people's right to shape their national future is mor- 
ally wrong. 

We know from our own history that these 
problems are not met overnight and that 
they are never solved except by the patient, 
practical exercise of man's growing wisdom 
about himself. Certainly they are never 
solved by recourse to violence and coercion 
which belie the very aspects of human dig- 
nity, equality, and self-determination which 
the international community seeks. It would 
be unreasonable to expect the 21st session 
of the General Assembly to produce dra- 
matic cures for the ills of southern Africa. 
It can take only limited measures to help 
move along the slow but sure progress to- 
ward self-determination and to expand the 
area in which human dignity is protected. 
What we can and must expect is for the 
world community to search out the ways to 
convince the authorities in southern Africa 
that the strength of their future must be 
built on the talents and dignity of all of 
their people and on the respect of their 

The U.N. and the "Rich-Poor Gap" 

I have mentioned some of the important 
political issues facing the United Nations. 
Lret me now mention a side of its work that 
should be of particular interest to you as 
businessmen: the economic. It is in this area 
that the organization, quietly and with little 

For text, see ibid., June 13, 1966, p. 914. 

fanfare, has perhaps achieved its most sub- 
stantial accomplishments. Yet despite the 
important initiatives taken under the U.N.'s 
Decade of Development, the gap between as- 
piration and achievement remains wide. 

The food problem alone is staggering. Be- 
tween the mid-1930's and the mid-1960's, for 
instance, the developing countries shifted 
from being exporters of 11 million metric 
tons of food grains a year to being importers 
of 30 million tons. At this rate, by 1985 the 
food deficit will be too large to be met by 
the entire food-exporting capacities of all the 
food-surplus countries in the world. 

In other words, in 20 years much of the 
world's population will face starvation again 
unless something now not foreseen or con- 
templated is done. 

Or take another statistical example. The 
per capita income in the less developed coun- 
tries as a group now averages only $120 a 
year. If we limit ourselves to present efforts 
the per capita income in these countries will 
grow only to $170 by the turn of the cen- 

It is not hard to see, then, why economic 
problems are high on the list of "action" 
matters among the U.N. members from the 
underdeveloped parts of the globe. These na- 
tions feel that unless they can master the 
technological skills and obtain access to 
capital necessary for economic growth their 
independence will have little meaning. They 
are aware that while investment from the 
advanced countries in their areas in 1965 
totaled about $9 billion, this figure was well 
under 1 percent of the gross national prod- 
uct of the investing countries. 

The "rich-poor gap" is no simple matter. 
It is not a mere matter of the rich getting 
richer and the poor getting poorer. Para- 
doxically, both are getting wealthier, but the 
poor are not getting wealthier rapidly 
enough. The gap between the two is getting 

The United Nations is trying to respond 
to this problem. The Special Fund under 
Paul Hoffman attracted capital totaling 
more than $1 billion at a cost to the U.N. of 
about $32 million. The Expanded Program 



of Technical Assistance (EPTA), now 
merged administratively with the Special 
Fund, has invested about $500 million in 
projects such as manpower training, agri- 
cultural development, and health education. 
These projects are particularly vital because 
they provide needed skills and training to 
local technicians. 

That is not all. The great financial insti- 
tutions such as the World Bank and the 
International Development Association, as 
well as such agencies as the Food and Agri- 
culture Organization, World Health Orga- 
nization, and the International Labor Orga- 
nization, are all United Nations agencies. 
Their contributions to economic and social 
development add significantly to what is 
being accomplished by the United Nations 

Aid through international channels has 
been an increasingly important supplement 
to our own bilateral aid programs. 

In the past 15 years we have moved in 
the right direction — but very slowly — in ad- 
vancing the concept that responsibilities for 
economic decisions must be shared among 
donors and recipients. More resources and 
a new impulse are needed. This is a task for 
the international community that will cer- 
tainly continue in our lifetime. It is one ver- 
sion of the moral and political substitute for 
violent change. 

An essential part of the emerging world 
order, if we are to assure stability, is to get 
away from the concept of the handout to that 
of the handclasp, as we have in our own do- 
mestic community. It not only means that we 
must do more but also that the developing 
countries must take more vigorous measures 
of self-help. 

The ending of the colonial era poses the 
need to find politically acceptable substi- 
tutes for the administrative and economic 

aid formerly furnished by the mother coun- 
tries. The new countries have a special 
attachment to the U.N. because they can 
trust it to give aid without substituting one 
master for another. It is in our interest as 
well as theirs to realize that the U.N. can 
furnish such help without compromising 
their independence and without raising the 
specter of hostile takeover of their lands. Our 
interests are served because these programs 
are helping the developing countries to stand 
on their own feet. 

Looking at the world and at the U.N. from 
the vantage point of the United States — 
with our awesome responsibilities and the 
obligations of the greatest power in the 
world — we must be clear where our true 
interests lie. They lie not in the direction of 
isolation and the withdrawal of our power — 
but in widening the areas in which oilr re- 
sponsibilities can be shared. 

If we are to pursue our abiding national 
interest, we must take to heart what Presi- 
dent Johnson recently said — in the context 
of Asia, but it has universal application: * 

"The peace we seek ... is a peace of con- 
ciliation between Communist states and their 
non-Communist neighbors, between rich na- 
tions and poor, between small nations and 
large, between men whose skins are brown 
and black and yellow and white, between 
Hindus and Moslems and Buddhists and 

"It is a peace that can only be sustained 
through the durable bonds of peace: through 
international trade, through the free flow 
of people and ideas, through full participa- 
tion by all nations in an international com- 
munity under law, and through a common 
dedication to the great task of human 
progress and economic development." 

* For text of President Johnson's radio-TV address 
on July 12, see ibid., Aug. 1, 1966, p. 158. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


The Coming of Age of the U.N. 

by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations i 

I am a great believer in the importance 
of the Congress in our foreign policy. The 
President, of course, is in charge of our for- 
eign relations; but under our system of 
checks and balances, the Congress, too, has 
important constitutional responsibilities in 
the foreign policy area. These include not 
only the advice and consent of the Senate 
in regard to treaties but also the appropri- 
ating role, which gives both Houses of Con- 
gress a very great degree of stewardship 
over the conduct of foreign relations by the 
executive. In addition, the Congress has the 
very important power to hold hearings; and, 
finally, each Member has the individual right 
of public dissent, just as every citizen does. 

The responsible exercise of this right of 
dissent is not a source of weakness to our 
country, as is sometimes suggested, but 
rather a great source of strength. 

Recently, for example, the chairman of 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in 
a speech dissenting from some aspects of 
our foreign policy, very responsibly and ex- 
plicitly made a distinction — lest our adver- 
saries should misunderstand him — between 
his own views and the majority view on these 
issues. It is important that our adversaries 
understand the point he is making. The sys- 
tem in which such mutually respectful dis- 

' Address made before the Providence World Af- 
fairs Council at Providence, R.I., on Sept. 5 (U.S./ 
U.N. press release 4908). 

sent is possible is not a weak system but a 
strong one. 

It is now a little more than a year since 
I took up my duties at the United Nations, 
and so there has been time to reflect on some 
of the requirements of this job. I think one 
of the chief qualities it requires is endur- 
ance. The issues at the U.N. have a way of 
persisting. They don't just last a few weeks 
or months, like most labor disputes; they even 
go on longer than a New York newspaper dis- 
pute; they go on for years and sometimes 
for decades. Nor is it like the Supreme Court, 
where one could write a Court decision end- 
ing with those wonderfully satisfying words, 
"It is so ordered." The scope within which 
the U.N. can give orders to member nations is 
very narrow indeed. Sometimes I find myself 
wondering which will last longer — me, or 
the issue. I feel a little bit like the aged male- 
factor who came up for sentencing befoi-e 
a notoriously severe judge, and the judge 
gave him 20 years. "Twenty years. Your 
Honor !" said the old man. "I'm 86 years old, 
and I don't expect to live that long." And 
the judge said, "Do the best you can." 

Since the 21st General Assembly will con- 
vene in another 2 weeks, we are now in the 
midst of the annual stocktaking and soul- 
searching process that every government 
goes through as it considers the major ques- 
tions that are likely to come up during the 
session. Let me touch on some of the most 



iijijjui i^iii, ui Liicac iiictuicis as nicy ciiiecL tiie 

United States. 

I will begin with the most imjiortant of all 
for most Americans right now, namely, 

U.S. Policy on Peace in Viet-Nam 

Viet-Nam is not formally on the General 
Assembly agenda, but it is in the minds of 
all the members and will undoubtedly come 
up often in the debates. As I said at the 
United Nations last week, we still hope the 
organization can play an important role in 
bringing about an honorable peace in Viet- 
Nam.* For our part, we remain determined 
to exercise everj' restraint and will pursue 
eveiy effort in order to prevent a major war 
and to achieve an early end to the present 
fighting. We will go to Geneva, to Southeast 
Asia, or any^vhere else where an honorable 
settlement can be negotiated. Our sole aim 
is to help secure for the people of South 
Viet-Nam the right to determine their own 
future free of external interference. When 
that one aim is accomplished, we are pre- 
pared to withdraw our troops. 

Those are some of the main points of the 
American policy on peace in Viet-Nam which 
we shall be explaining at the U.N. this fall — 
and not only explaining it, but listening and 
probing for any sign that our desire and de- 
termination for peace is reciprocated by the 
other side, and especially by the Soviet 

Thus far the United Nations has func- 
tioned in the Vietnamese situation chiefly as 
a center of diplomatic contact. We have made 
strenuous effoi-ts to have it play a greater 
role. Its inability to do so is no reflection on 
the organization; it results from the policies 
of particular members — especially the Soviet 
Union, which is apparently not yet ready to 
use its influence for a peaceful negotiated set> 
tlement. When such a settlement does become 
possible — which we hope and pray will hap- 
pen before too long — we may then look to the 
United Nations to play a considerable role 
in carrying out the settlement. 

rtiioLiier locus oi aanger lo wnicn me 
United Nations will be giving a lot of atten- 
tion this fall is the southern part of Africa, 
Nearly a third of the 117 members of the 
United Nations are African. It is under- 
standable that they should show strong feel- 
ings of indignation on issues of colonialism 
and racial injustice. We will continue to hear 
about Rhodesia, the Portuguese territories, 
South Africa, and the mandated territory of 
South-West Africa as long as the rights of 
the people are denied in those areas. Because 
of the very unhelpful decision of the World 
Court this summer on the question of South- 
West Africa,^ that question is likely to be 
the first item debated at the Assembly in 
the coming session. 

And we shall also undoubtedly be hearing 
more about the continuing crisis in Rho- 
desia, where the British, with support from 
the United Nations and from the United 
States individually, are still seeking to re- 
store legitimate government. Our view of 
what is necessaiy in Rhodesia is still the 
view so clearly stated by President Johnson: 
namely, the restoration of legitimate govern- 
ment in order '"to open the full power and 
responsibility of nationhood to all the people 
of Rhodesia— not just 6 percent of them." * 

We hope the United Nations will deal ef- 
fectively and responsibly with all these 
African issues. For our part, we have no 
choice but to be faithful to our principles of 
freedom and equal rights for people of all 

The mention of these political conflicts 
points up still another important issue, or 
combination of issues, facing the General 
Assembly- — namely, how to restore and 
strengthen the eff"ectiveness of the United 
Nations as a peacekeeper and peacemaker. 

There are quite a number of danger spots 

' For a statement by Ambassador Goldberg con- 
cerning' the extension of the U.N. Secretary-Gen- 
eral's term of office, see Bulletin of Sept. 19, 1966, 
p. 434. 

' For a Department statement of July 27, see 
ibid., Aug. 15, 1966, p. 231. 

* For text, see ibid., June 13, 1966, p. 914. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


in the world. United Nations forces and mili- 
tary obsei-vers and truce supervisors even 
today stand guard in the Middle East, in 
Cyprus, and in Kashmir. Emissaries of the 
Secretary-General are active in a number of 
other delicate situations. It would be most 
imprudent to assume that these peace agents 
of the U.N., and others like them in other 
places, will not be needed in the years to 

But the future readiness of the U.N. to 
provide sizable forces, and to finance and 
maintain them, is by no means certain. Even 
the financing of the existing U.N. Force 
which has been keeping the peace in Cyi^rus 
has recently been on an almost hand-to- 
mouth basis. One of the priority tasks of 
this General Assembly, therefore, will be to 
put the financing and availability of U.N. 
peace forces on a sound and practical foot- 
ing. We can't aflford to have the fire depart- 
ment closed for repairs the next time the 
fire alarm goes off. 

The future effectiveness of the U.N. will 
also depend in great measure on the quali- 
ties of the man who serves it as Secretary- 
General. Virtually all sections of the mem- 
bership have urged the able U Thant to 
remain in office for another 5-year term. 
We continue to hope that, despite his state- 
ment last Thursday, and despite all the in- 
evitable burdens and frustrations of his job, 
he will reconsider his decision and stay on. 

Progress Toward the Rule of Law 

Of course, we are not content at the U.N. 
to cope with the political crises that arise. 
In an affirmative sense we strive also to ex- 
tend and enlarge the areas of peaceful coop- 
eration and of the rule of law. This fall we 
hope to take a number of steps of this kind. 

Perhaps the most im])ortant and prom- 
ising of these affirmative steps is the treaty 
on the peaceful exploration of outer space, 
including celestial bodies. Last May Presi- 
dent Johnson proposed early discussion of 
such a treaty.^ In June both the United 
States and the Soviet Union formally pro- 
posed draft treaties — which shows that we 

are not the only ones to feel the importance 
and urgency of this subject. * 

Our progress has been gratifyingly rapid. 
On July 12 the Legal Subcommittee of the 
U.N. Committee on Outer Space met in 
Geneva.'' In less than 4 weeks of negotiation 
we reached agreement on 13 major provi- 
sions of a treaty. Among these are a ban on 
the placing of nuclear weapons or other 
weapons of mass destruction in outer space 
or on a celestial body and a ban on the use 
of celestial bodies for militaiy bases or 
fortifications, for the testing of any t3T)es 
of weapons, or for militaiy maneuvers. This 
treaty thus contains, in addition to its posi- 
tive provisions for peaceful cooperation, 
some very important provisions in the realm 
of arms control and disannament. 

There are still significant diflferences to be 
negotiated. One is our insistence on the open 
reporting of information obtained in the 
course of space exploration. Another is our 
insistence on the right of access by the par- 
ties to each other's installations on celestial 
bodies, similar to the access that prevails 
in Antarctica under the treaty governing 
that ai-ea. We hope very much to solve all 
the remaining issues quickly. The negoti- 
ating subcommittee will meet again in New 
York a week from today. If all concerned 
share our desire for progress, we should have 
a treaty ready for this session of the General 
Assembly to endorse before it adjourns. 

Another very important affirmative policy 
we are pursuing in the U.N. is United States 
adherence to the United Nations convention 
against racial discrimination, which was ap- 
proved by the General Assembly last year. 
In the very near future I shall have the 
honor of signing this convention for the 
United States, and it will then go to the 
Senate for its advice and consent to ratifi- 
cation. This step will bring our international 
position on racial equality into line with our 

= Ibid., June 6, 1966, p. 900. 

» For text of the U.S. draft treaty, see ibid., July 
11, 1966, p. 61. 

' For statements made in Geneva by Ambassador 
Goldberg on July 12 and Aug. 3, see ibid., Aug. 15, 
1966, p. 249, and Aug. 29, 1966, p. 321. 



national laws and principles at home. It will 
thereby end a lot of needless confusion in 
other countries about United States pur- 
poses in this all-important field. 

Finally, on the affirmative side, we shall 
continue to strive to make the United Na- 
tions and its related agencies more effective 
in their very impoi-tiint contributions to eco- 
nomic and social progrress of the less devel- 
oi)ed nations. Their progress during the first 
5 years of the U.N. Decade of Development 
has been disappointingly slow. The U.N. has 
a vital job to do in this field. 

These are just a few of the hundred or so 
topics we expect to consider in the General 
Assembly this fall — each of them impoi'tant 
in the many-sided search for peace.* 

U.N. Progress Depends on Its Members 

What progress we will make nobody can 
predict. The Assembly has no real power 
except what its members put at its sei-vice 
when they act together to give effect to the 
charter. But that power can change history. 
It was the General Assembly that created 
the U.N. Emergency Force and ended the 
fighting over Suez; also the U.N. force in the 
Congo, which prevented the disintegration 
of that country. It was the General Assembly 
that proclaimed the Universal Declaration of 
Human Rights and sponsored pioneering 
conventions in that field. It was the General 
Assembly that launched pioneering efforts 
in economic development, such as the U.N. 
Development Program. It was the General 
Assembly that welcomed into its midst, with 
full and equal privileges in the world forum, 
some 50 new nations which gained their in- 
dependence since the U.N. was founded. It 
was the General Assembly that first set forth 
many principles later accepted as binding 
international law— as we hope will be the 
case with the pending treaty on outer space. 

We hear it said that the U.N. this year, 
at age 21, is "coming of age." This reflection 
may be reassuring when we consider that 
the League of Nations, 21 years after its 

' For the provisional agenda of the 21st session of 
the General Assembly, see ibid., Sept. 5, 1966, p. 353. 

founding, was dead and Europe was engulfed 
in Hitler's war. But there isn't much safety 
in this kind of numbers. The U.N. is not a 
person but an institution. At age 21 it could 
be in its infancy, dotage, its second child 
hood, or the prime of life. \\'hich it is de- 
I)ends on the membei-s, including the United 

Indeed, our counti-y is in a fortunate posi- 
tion in the United Nations compared to some 
members. We cannot dominate it — no mem- 
ber can, and we don't tiy. But we do have 
certain advantages. Among these I do not 
think our national power is the most im- 
portant, because others have power, too. 
Rather, I think that our greatest advantage 
in the U.N. is the fact that its whole philos- 
ophy and approach are congenial to our 
national tradition and our temperament as 
a free and open society. 

The U.N. deals in persuasion more than 
in command; so do we. 

The U.N. holds that tolerance is a neces- 
sary virtue and that two parties can differ 
emphatically in free debate without coming 
to blows or wishing to destroy each other. 
As Sir Winston Churchill said, "The purpose 
of parliament is to substitute argument for 
fisticuffs." That is the U.N. method, and it is 
our method, too. 

Next, the U.N. holds, as we do, that under- 
lying every human conflict a common interest 
exists which can sei-ve as the basis for a 
peaceful settlement. 

And finally, the U.N. declares, as all 
American history declares, that all men are 
created equal and that no peace can long 
endure which is not founded on this just 
spirit of equality. 

Equality and peace — these are the two in- 
separable principles that Pope Paul VI set 
forth so eloquently in his historic address 
to the General Assembly last fall. First he 
spoke of equality: "Let no one be superior to 
the others: not one above another . . . for it 
is pride that shatters brotherhood." Then he 
spoke of peace in those climactic words: 
"Never again one against another. . . . Never 
again war, war never again !" 

As we go into the 21st General Assembly, 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


I think above all that we must be true to 
this vision — which is the common vision of 
America at its best and of other nations at 
their best. There is no greater mistake than 
to believe that such visions are impractical 
— for history proves that the most imprac- 
tical and disastrous course of all is to have 
no vision and to become wearily resigned to 

the status quo. Simply accepting the stub- 
born realities of this moment — war and 
prejudice, ignorance and poverty — is not 
enough. We must indeed accept these reali- 
ties; but then we must move them and re- 
shape them into something better. With your 
understanding and support as good citizens, 
that is what we are detennined to do. 

President Johnson Pays Tribute to Peace Corps Volunteers 

Remarks by President Johnson 

Today — for the sixth time — a President 
of the United States is signing a Peace 
Corps Act. 

Some of you may remember the first year 
this was done.2 At that time the Peace Corps 
was only an idea. There were doubters in 
those days who called the Peace Corps a 
".juvenile idea." I remember the advice we 
received, from many sources, that we should 
not send boys out into the diplomatic world, 
or to visit other countries, to do a man's job. 
I recall someone claiming that little good 
could be done in the world by just a "regi- 
ment of cheerleaders." 

Even some supporters of the Peace Corps 
thought it would be little more than a ges- 
ture, that it was little more than a token of 
good will. 

The doubters today are much quieter. 

Twenty thousand Peace Corps volunteers 
in 50 countries have already proven them 

Twenty thousand Peace Corps volunteers 

' Made at ceremonies marking the signing of S. 
3418, An Act To Amend the Peace Corps Act (P.L. 
89-572), at Georgetown University, Washington, 
D.C., on Sept. K? (White House press release). 

^ For a statement made b.v President Kennedy on 
Sept. 22, 1961, see Bulletin of Oct. 9, 1961, p. 603. 

in 50 countries have given the world a for- 
mula for action: conviction, courage, youth- 
ful competence, and character — in equal 

I understand that another Texan named 
Johnson is in your group of volunteers. 
When I decided to come over here, someone 
showed me what Charles Richard Johnson of 
Houston, Texas — where I once taught school 
— said in his Peace Corps application: "I do 
not expect," he wrote, "to create any great 
forces of good that wall change or reshape 
the world. However, I would like to feel that 
I have tried to do my bit for the benefit of 
mankind and for the benefit of my country. 
Sometime in the future I would like to be 
able to say that I at least attempted, in some 
small way, to help." 

Charles Richard Johnson, as far as I 
know, is no relative of mine. I doubt that he 
would claim it. But here and now I would 
like to observe that I claim kin with any man 
who really has that kind of spirit, that kind 
of vision, and that kind of feeling for his 
fellow man. 

To hunger for use, and to go unused, is the 
worst hunger of all. Recently a father told 
me of the regret of his teenage son who said 
to him, "No matter what I do or how hard 



I try, there is not much chance that 1 can 
shaiie thinjrs for better or for worse." 

A lot of people feel that way very often. 
They think of life as a cul-de-sac without 
meaning- and without release. 

It is true tiiat few men have the power by 
a singfle act or by a single lifetime to shape 
history for themselves. Presidents, for exam- 
ple, quickly realize that while a single act 
might destroy the world they live in, no one 
single decision can make life suddenly better 
or can turn history around all for tiie good. 

But Presidents do know that a nation is 
the sum total of what we all do together; 
that the deeds and desires of each citizen 
fashion our character and shape our world — 
just as one tiny droji of water after another 
will ultimately make a mighty river. 

That is what the Peace Corps is really all 
about. Most of you are here this morning not 
for one reason but for several. All of you 
decided to become a part of "the needs and 
temper of our times." You have decided to 
participate — and that is a great word, "par- 
ticipate" — in the struggle of the day, of the 
time, of the hour: in the fight against sick- 
ness and want and despair that imprison 
millions of people who live on this globe 
with us. 

This involvement, more than anything 
else, unites the volunteers of the Peace 
Corps. It lies at the very heart of the way 
you look at things. 

The Message of the Peace Corps 

Much of this world stands poised at the 
foot of a ladder, ready and eager to start the 
climb. To these people your message is vital, 
the message that men can improve their 
lives by their own efforts. Peace Corps vol- 
unteers have been passing this message along 
— softly so as not to disrupt the pride of 
their listeners, but they have passed it along 
very effectively. 

The voltage generated by this simple 
friendliness has created new energj'^ in one 
community after another in one country of 
the world after another. So without sham 
and pretense, volunteers have appeared in 
overseas neighborhoods as persons who 

genuinely wanted to heli) their fellow man — 
help tiiem as human beings, one to another. 
Earlier this year I submitted to Congress 
a plan that i)romised a new dimension for 
the Peace Corps.' It would establish: 

— an expanded school-to-school program, 
to enable American schools to help their sis- 
ter schools in other lands through the Peace 

— a new Exchange Peace Corps, to bring 
volunteers from other countries to teach and 
learn about our own land. 

We won only a partial victory in the Con- 
gress. But we will operate the school-to- 
school progi-am. FurtheiTnore — although this 
act does not include what we requested to 
launch the Exchange Peace Corps — we in- 
tend to carry out Congress' suggestion to test 
the idea under existing authority. 

We cannot afford to lose any time in our 
quest for understanding. 

Soon, very soon, you will be going to an 
unfamiliar place. You will go there to teach 
and to learn. Few of the young people you 
serve will speak English. Most of them will 
be children of poverty. You may find that 
your work is difficult and discouraging; most 
of the works of peace are just that. But this 
experience which stretches your patience will 
also enlarge your understanding. 

I know. I learned it first when I taught 
the children from the slums of Houston. I 
learned it among the Mexican-American 
children in a place in deep south Texas on 
the Mexican border called Cotulla. And it has 
affected me and my work all my life. 

In 2 years you will return, and I think 
you may find a surprise. You may find that 
helping the good people of Brazil has quali- 
fied you uniquely to help the good people of 
America — to help us solve the problems of 
our cities, of education, of economic prog- 
ress, how to live longer and how to keep 
from dying. America is very much on the 
move, and you are in the vanguard of the 
march. For it was the Peace Corps which 

' For text of President Johnson's message on the 
International Education and Health Act of 1966, 
see ibid., Feb. 28, 1965, p. 328. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


helped begin one of the most dynamic move- 
ments of our time: the mass movement of 
young people into fields of service. 

Today the spirit of the Peace Corps shines 
in dozens of ways, in dozens of places: in 
VISTA, in the Job Corps, in the Teachers 
Corps, in the Neighborhood Youth Coi-ps, 
in State and local programs of youth service 
throughout the Nation. 

It was just 8 days ago in Dayton, Ohio, 
that I announced my hope to develop a man- 
power service program for young people 
which could work at every level to transform 
our society. 

Already we are beginning to formulate 
such a program. 

Already we are making plans to ask our 
leading governors and our mayors across the 
country to counsel with us and to help us in 
the formulation of this program. 

At the heart of this movement will be the 
spirit expressed in these words: "Not to 
change the world — but not to leave it the 

The Peace Corps gave us those words. 

So I take double pleasure this morning in 
signing this bill: pleasure in what the Peace 
Corps has done; pleasure in the accomplish- 
ments that I can see ahead. 

This act could help us lead to a better day 
and I hope it will: 

— a day when some form of voluntary 
service to the community and the Nation and 
the world is as common in America as going 
to school; when no man has truly lived who 
only served himself. 

— a day when every nation has a Peace 
Corps, and when those who now call them- 
selves adversaries are busy in the labor of 
reconciliation, and Peace Corps volunteers 
from each are working across the borders 
that are now closed by hostility or sus- 
picion or conflict. 

— a day when more and more people will 
share Charles Richard Johnson's hope to be 
able to say some day, "... I at least at- 
tempted in some small way to help." 

I saw again on television this morning, be- 
fore I came out here, a reminder of what our 

late beloved President John Fitzgerald Ken- 
nedy said to the American people in his 
inaugural address some 6 years ago: ". . . ask 
not what your country can do for you — ask 
what you can do for your country." 

You took him seriously. Every person who 
joined the Peace Corps took him seriously 
and answered the call to service. For John 
F. Kennedy touched the most vital nerve in 
American life, and inspired the highest in- 
stinct of mankind — the instinct to do some- 
thing for someone else, to serve others, not 
just serve self. 

Increasing the Chance for Peace 

I am convinced that what does endure in 
this life is really what do we do for others. 
This is why government service is so satisfy- 
ing. It seeks reward only in the well-being of 
others. It gives people like you a chance to 
think of someone other than yourself. 

In that, I think, you increase the mean- 
ing of life and the chance for peace. 

It would be good for the 3 billion people 
of this world if every human l>eing, with 
understanding, could engage in a little intro- 
spection. And some day in the week, some 
week in the month, and some month in the 
year, every year, every month, every week, 
ask himself the question: Ask not what your 
country can do for you, but what you can 
do for your country. 

And if we did ask ourselves — a teacher or 
a preacher, the doctor or the nurse, the gov- 
ernment servant or the leader, the worker 
or the businessman — not what is there in 
this for me, but what can I do to help my 
fellow man — and if we could get up in the 
morning and chart a course that would per- 
mit us to do something to help others all day 
long until we got weary and had to go 
to sleep, what a much better world this 
would be. 

So I would hope in these critical days 
when things are going rough and some peo- 
ple are inclined to give up, and some get 
frustrated, some get critical, and some com- 
plain, I would hope that they could each en- 
gage in this introspection. Let them say to 



themselves: What else can I do to help other 
people? Not: What is there in this for me? 
How much can I get out of this? What kind 
of a ijrofit can I make ? 

If we can just put those petty things in 
the background, then prosperity, peace, haii- 
piness, satisfaction — all those things that 
are so important — could come to pass. 

The road to peace, I have discovered in 35 
years of jiublic life, is riddled with mistrust 
and sometimes it is raked with criticism and 
cynicism. Potholes of poverty and ignorance 
are deep enough to ensnare the bravest 
apostles of peace. If humanity ever hopes 
to pave this road, it must accomplish an 
understanding that is deeper and more 
durable than the world has ever known. 

We are fortunate enough to have most of 
the blessings that most of the world seeks 
and hopes for so earnestly. Since we do have 
most of them, we ought to be thankful and 
we ought to reciprocate. 

I always think of a little class motto I had 
in my high school graduating class, when six 
of us finished the Johnson City High School. 
It said, "Give to the world the best you have 
and the best will come back to you." 

So this morning to you young people and 
to the young people of this nation and all the 
world, I would say, ask not what your coun- 
try can do for you, ask what can you do for 
your country and for all your fellow human 
beings — some of whom, a good many of 
whom, most of whom, do not enjoy the 
blessings of freedom, liberty, and comfort 
that are yours. 

U.S.-Canadian Friendship 
Symbolized by New Park 

Statement by President Johnson ^ 

In signing this law authorizing the addi- 
tion of the San Juan Island National His- 
torical Park to the National Park System, we 
once again demonstrate the deep-rooted 

friendship and cooperation between Canada 
and the United States. 

We have the Roosevelt Campobello Inter- 
national Park along our common boundary 
in the east, the International Peace Park in 
the heart of our two nations, the Waterton- 
Glacier International Peace Park, and now 
the San Juan Island National Historical 
Park on the west. 

In 18.59, two great powers — Great Britain 
and the United States — became involved in 
a bitter dispute over "The Affair of the Pig." 
This affair, which did not develop into actual 
armed conflict, derived from the shooting of 
a British-owned pig found rooting in the 
garden of an American settler. For 13 years 
these two great nations maintained armed 
forces in the disputed San Juan Archipelago. 
The question of sovereignty was resolved by 
the Treaty of Washington in 1871, and the 
final arbitration of the question was accom- 
l^lished by the Gennan Emperor in 1872. For 
the first time in the history of the United 
States there was no boundary dispute with 
Great Britain. 

Many well-known American military fig- 
ures were associated with this island in the 
1850's. Yet "The Aff"air of the Pig" and the 
prominent Americans are not the primary 
purpose of this wonderful new park. In- 
stead, it commemorates the final settlement, 
through arbitration, of a hotly contested dis- 
pute and the peaceful relationship that has 
existed between the United States and 
Canada since that time. 

Historians have said that the Treaty of 
Washington, which this new park sym- 
bolizes, was an event of cardinal importance 
in the history of relations between the two 
English-speaking powers. 

Here is proof to all that even the most ex- 
plosive international issues can be resolved 
by means other than war — if men are pre- 
pared to negotiate their diflFerences at the 
conference table, rather than silence them 
through violence on the battlefield. 

' Made upon signing of S. 489, a bill establishing 
the San Juan Island National Historical Park in the 
State of Washington, on Sept. 9 (White House press 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


"Great Fleets of Foreign Fishermen on Our Coast Imperil 
Our Fisheries," a Seattle netvspaper warned. And a Peru- 
vian paper charged that "Yankee Fishermen Are Pirating 
Our Tuna." What are the issues behind these headlines? 
The Secretary of State's Special Assistant for Fisheries and 
Wildlife discusses them in this article based on a speech 
he made recently at San Francisco before the Common- 
wealth Club of California. 

International Issues of Pacific Fisheries 

by William C. Herrington 

Prior to World War II the Western Hemi- 
sphere countries had the eastern Pacific fish- 
eries much to themselves. U.S. vessels fished 
off Canada, and Canadian fishermen did 
some fishing ofi" the United States, mostly 
along the coast of Alaska. U.S. tuna fisher- 
men were beginning to get the hang of 
catching the tropical tunas found along the 
coasts of southern California and Latin 
America. Japan had tried some salmon fish- 
ing in the eastern Bering Sea but backed off 
on protest from Secretary of State Cordell 
Hull. The Soviet Union had shown no great 
interest in high-seas fishing. 

After World War II the picture changed. 
The development of large stern-ramp trawl- 
ers, factoiy ships, and supply ships greatly 
extended the practical radius of fishing oper- 
ations, and brought the fishery resources of 
the seven seas within range of man's fishing 

Japan and the Soviet Union have been in 
the forefront. Japan, with a great number 
of fishermen crowded into her coastal waters 
and an ability to build low-cost ships, had 
a pressing desire to use these facilities in 
exploiting the common property resources of 
the seas. The U.S.S.R., not traditionally in- 
terested in high-seas fishing, was compelled 

to turn to the oceans increasingly as her 
need for animal protein increased and her 
agricultural programs failed to meet assigned 

On the U.S. side, our eastern Pacific trop- 
ical tuna fishery expanded rapidly. This re- 
sulted from the si^ectacular gro^Hh of the 
U.S. market for canned tuna and the devel- 
opment of able, long-range tuna clippers 
capable of ciniising thousands of miles and 
of preserving their catches for weeks or 
months by refrigeration. 

The ]5rincipal current international fishery 
issues in the Pacific involving the United 
States boil down essentially to two main is- 
sues: (1) securing assurance of adequate con- 
servation measures by fishing countries and 
(2) determining who gets the fish. 

In seeking to achieve U.S. objectives in 
respect to these two issues we must keep in 
mind that since the high seas are not subject 
to the jurisdiction of individual countries, 
the rights and duties respecting fisheries of 
the high seas are deteiTnined by international 
law or practice, not by domestic law. 

Prior to the Law of the Sea Conference 
at Geneva in 1958, there was little agree- 
ment among states on rights and duties bear- 
ing on fishing and consei-vation. Out of that 



conference came the Convention on Fishing 
and Conservation of tlie Living Resources 
of the High Seas.' The United SUites has 
signed and ratified this convention, which 
came into effect early in 1966 when the 
Netherlands i)rovided the 22d ratification. 

The i>arties to this convention have agreed 
that "All States have the right for their 
nationals to engage in fishing on the high 
seas, subject (a) to their treaty obligations, 

(b) to the interests and rights of coastal 
States as provided for in this convention, and 

(c) to the provisions . . . concerning con- 
servation," and that all states have the duty 
to adoi>t necessaiy conservation measures 
and to coojierate with other states in conser- 
vation programs. 

The convention defines "conservation of 
the living resources of the high seas" as the 
"aggregate of the measures rendering pos- 
sible the optimum sustainable yield from 
those resources so as to secure a maximum 
supply of food and other marine products." 

The convention recognizes that a coastal 
state has a special interest in the mainte- 
nance of the productivity of the resources 
in any area of the high seas adjacent to its 
territorial sea. Special privileges go with this, 
one of these being the right to adopt uni- 
lateral measures of conservation under cer- 
tain conditions. 


Fish, like trees and wild game, are a self- 
renewable resource. Properly used they will 
furnish a valuable supply of food in per- 
petuity. If they are ovei-fished, the annual 
supply is diminished or the resource may be 
reduced to economic extinction. The Antarc- 
tic whale stocks almost reached this point 
before the present consei^vation measures 
were agreed upon. On the other hand, if a 
stock of fish is not fished or is underfished, 
a potential continuing supply of food is 
wasted. From these considerations there de- 
veloped the international definition of the 
objective of consei-v'ation which is included in 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 
6969; for background and text, see Bulletin of 
June 30, 1958, p. 1110. 

the Convention on Fishing and Conservation 
of the Living Resources of the High Seas. 

The principle of consei'vation is univer- 
sally accepted. With an increasingly hungry 
world and the results of several international 
conferences devoted to conserving the living 
resources of the high seas, conservation has 
achieved something of the international 
status of iieace and motherhood. 

However, achieving consei'vation in prac- 
tice is diflicult. The science of fishery man- 
agement is not precise. More often than not, 
an adequate research program, if undei^taken 
at all, is not instituted by the fishing coun- 
tiy until there are clear signs of overexploita- 
tion. In this situation, particularly when 
world fishing efforts are being rapidly ex- 
panded, it usually is impossible to assemble 
convincing evidence of the condition of the 
stock and the kind of consei'vation measures 
needed before the stock has been seriously 
depleted. This is particularly true where one 
or another of the fishing countries is not 
eager to initiate a regulatoiy program which 
would limit its fisheiTnen or prevent the ex- 
pansion of its share of the total catch. In 
these situations a countiy may utilize its 
research talent to disprove or discredit any 
conclusion that limitations are necessary. 

For the regulation to be eflFective on the 
high seas, every countiy participating in 
the fishery on a substantial scale must agree 
on consei'vation measures and cooperate in 
their effective implementation. Experience 
has shown us that such unanimous coopera- 
tion becomes increasingly difficult to achieve 
as the number of countries participating in 
the fishei-y increases. 

Who Gets the Fish? 

The second issue — who gets the fish — is 
growing steadily more imjiortant as world- 
wide fishing intensity increases and more 
stocks of fish are fully utilized. The ever- 
expanding range of fishing equipment en- 
ables countries to extend their fishing opera- 
tions to distant shores to hai-vest under- 
utilized stocks of fish and place more 
pressure on stocks already being fished to the 
optimum. This is taking place at present off 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


the coasts of Oregon, Washington, Alaska, 
and British Columbia and can be expected 
shortly off the California coast. 

The reaction of the U.S. fishing commu- 
nity and some of the public has been loud 
and angiy. Proposals for Government action 
range from extending U.S. jurisdiction to 
exclude all foreign fishermen from wide areas 
off our coasts to negotiating an open-ended 
fisheries convention under which all coun- 
tries now or in the future fishing the North 
Pacific would cooperate in research and con- 
servation management and participate in the 
fishery on a first-come, first-sei^ved basis. 

Before seeking to analyze what we can 
and should do about this problem of foreign 
fishing oflF our coasts, let us consider its more 
important components. 

First, consider foreign fishing on stocks of 
fish which we do not use at all. In this situa- 
tion, our chief concern should be that the 
foreign fisherman does not overfish these 
stocks. Operations should be conducted under 
such restraints that the resource continues 
in a healthy, productive condition, available 
to our fishermen at such time as they find it 
economic to engage in the fishery. To seek 
to limit foreign operations more than this 
would be to promote a situation which would 
waste some or all of the sustainable yield. To 
seek to do less would mean accepting a con- 
dition of overfishing and reduction of stock 
and sustainable yield. 

Second, consider foreign fishing on stocks 
which we are only partially utilizing. As long 
as the foreign catch plus our own does not 
exceed the "maximum sustainable yield," the 
foreign catch does no damage to the resource. 
Therefore, our concern should be that suffi- 
cient knowledge is secured regarding the 
effect on the stock so that we know whether 
overfishing is taking place. 

The Abstention Principle 

Third, consider the initiation of foreign 
fishing on stocks which we are already fully 
utilizing, such as halibut and salmon. 

The U.S. Government for some 15 years 
has supported a policy of abstention, which 
relates to situations where coastal countries 

have, through research and restraints on 
their fishennen, maintained or increased the 
productivity of stocks of fish. When such 
stocks are being fully utilized, countries not 
participating in the fishery should be re- 
quired to abstain from participation. An ex- 
ception is made for coastal states adjacent 
to the waters in which the stocks occur. 

The abstention procedure takes into ac- 
count that productivity of the stocks of fish 
is the result of action by the participating 
countries and that participation of additional 
countries would not result in an increase in 
the amount of useful products and might 
remove much of the incentive for maintain- 
ing conservation programs. 

Although a resolution commending the 
abstention procedure received wide support 
at the 1958 Geneva Conference on the Law of 
the Sea, it did not receive the two-thirds vote 
required for adoption. Such fully utilized 
stocks remain vulnerable to the fishing oper- 
ations of other nations unless it is possible 
to negotiate abstention agreements. In the 
absence of such agreements the stocks re- 
main open to exploitation by any nation and 
we are limited to such cooperative measures 
of research and regulation to prevent over- 
fishing as we can negotiate. 

Gear and Operations Impact 

Another major impact of foreign fishing 
operations along our coast arises from their 
physical effect on U.S. fisheries. If the fishing 
gear or method of operation of the foreign 
fishing fleet is such as to damage or destroy 
U.S. gear or interfere with the operations of 
U.S. fishermen, the effect can be serious — 
even to the point of forcing the fisherman to 
abandon his traditional fishing areas. Trawl- 
ing, particularly at night, in areas where our 
fishermen are operating with fixed gear, such 
as setlines or crab pots, may cause substan- 
tial losses of equijiment and place a very 
heavy burden on the usually individually 
owned U.S. vessels. 

With good will on both sides this problem 
can be resolved by agreement on marking 
gear, exchange of information on how the 
gear operates, agreement on so-called "rules 



of the road" for fishinjr and courteous be- 
liavior, or sometimes on separate fishing 
areas. We have one such agreement with the 
Soviet Union and are working with several 
of the European countries on "rules of the 
road" for the Atlantic. We expect to further 
consider this problem in the Pacific with the 
Soviet Government in the near future. The 
problem appears to be amenable to solution 
under procedures which are presently avail- 

A new gear or operations problem has de- 
veloped off our coast with the appearance of 
large fleets of Soviet vessels oi^erating in a 
coordinated pattern to systematically cover 
a limited area. In such situations it becomes 
difficult or impossible for the smaller and 
usually slower U.S. vessels, operating indi- 
vidually, to fish effectively and thus, in effect, 
the large fleet preempts the gi'ounds. 

Where the fish stock is relatively limited, 
such a concentration can rapidly reduce the 
availability of fish to levels indicating severe 
and at least localized and temporaiy over- 
fishing. If this stock is relatively independent 
of stocks in other areas, it may take years 
to recover. If there is considerable inter- 
migration between this stock and those in 
nearby areas, it \v\\\ recover more rapidly, 
provided these other stocks are not similarly 
reduced. The mobile fleet of large vessels is 
not particularly handicapped by this situa- 
tion, for it can move on to other areas. How- 
ever, the smaller, short-range coastal ves- 
sels may be severely affected, for they must 
continue to make their living from the nearby 
fishing grounds. 

Operations of this kind and magnitude are 
a new development in this hemisphere, and 
there are no current international rules or 
practices capable of resolving the problem. 
Use by the United States of similar boats or 
fleet tactics offers no solution; our fishing 
methods — smaller boats and no factory ships 
— are more economic for U.S. fishermen 
along our coast. 

We are seeking agreement with Soviet 
fisheries representatives on a number of 
measures to improve the operations situation. 
These measures include proposals that fleet 

operations should keej) clear of ceiliiin are;us, 
fishing i)re.ssui-e should be reduced, and large 
concentrations of trawlers should be dis- 
])ersed. Unless an effective solution is found 
for this i)roblem, not only along our coast 
but along other coasts as well, there can be 
no doubt that U.S. fishermen and those of 
coastal countries in general will increasingly 
press for broader fishing jurisdiction and 
changes in international law to protect the 
small-boat coastal fisheries. 

Salmon and Halibut Fisheries 

Other international fisheiy issues of the 
North Pacific im])ortant to the United States 
involve the salmon and halibut fisheries ex- 
tending from California north to the Aleu- 

Back in the 1920's and 1930's, the United 
States and Canada negotiated agreements 
through which the two countries undertook to 
cooperate in research and conservation man- 
agement of the Pacific coast halibut stocks 
and the sockeye salmon of the Fraser River. 
These stocks were fished only by United 
States and Canadian fishermen. The halibut 
stocks had decreased greatly and were still 
declining, because of overfishing. The Fraser 
River sockeye salmon stock was greatly re- 
duced as the result of rock slides which had 
blocked off a large part of the spawning run 
and by subsequent overfishing. Through 
joint effoils involving extensive research and 
stringent regulation, the decline in the stocks 
was halted. The halibut stocks have been 
restored to the level of maximum sustainable 
yield, and the Fraser River salmon stock has 
been substantially restored. 

Both the U.S. and Canadian Governments 
maintain that newcomers should not harvest 
these stocks of salmon and halibut as long 
as it can be shown that research and regula- 
tion are adequate and the resource is being 
fully utilized. -Japan is not allowed to par- 
ticipate under the terms of the North 
Pacific fishery convention,^ and she is seek- 
ing to modify the convention to eliminate 
this i-estriction. The U.S.S.R. maintains her 

= TIAS 2786, 5385. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


right to enter these fisheries but has not ex- 
ercised that right. This issue probably will 
continue as an active source of discussion 
and contention. 

U.S. Tropical Tuna Operations 

The U.S. fishery for tropical tunas off the 
Pacific Coast from southern California south 
to northern Chile compares in some respects 
to foreign fishing off the coasts of the United 
States. However, there are basic differences. 

The U.S. fleet is far smaller in number, 
and the vessels operate individually. Conse- 
quently, they do not develop concentrations of 
gear and fleet tactics. The fishery built up to 
the present level slowly so that there was an 
opportunity to determine the extent of the 
resources, the effect of fishing, and the con- 
servation measures needed. The conserva- 
tion work was done by the Inter-American 
Tropical Tuna Commission, an international 
commission constituted in 1949 and strongly 
supported by the United States. 

Finally, the behavior of tuna differs sub- 
stantially from that of stocks of other fish. 
The tropical tunas are highly migratory; 
they move great distances, both along the 
coast and offshore. In order to maintain a 
fishery the tuna fishermen must be able to 
cruise great distances to find fishable con- 

Nevertheless, there have been complaints 
from some countries of the effects of the 
operations of our fleet on local fisheries. 
These complaints have been discussed with 
the countries concerned, and we have been 
prepared to agree on measures to minimize 
the impact on short-range local fisheries 
where damage can be demonstrated. 

However, in the face of the insistence of 
some of these countries on jurisdiction over 
territorial seas to extreme distances, our at- 

tempts to resolve the problem of local fish- 
eries have not been successful. From time 
to time U.S. tuna vessels have been arrested 
and required to pay fines or purchase 
licenses. The U.S. Government has strongly 
protested these actions, but there are no real 
indications that the countries involved are 
receding from their claims, and it is likely 
that the problem will long be with us. 

Resolving Fishery Problems 

These, briefly, are the more important in- 
ternational fisheries issues of the Pacific 
affecting U.S. interests. There are many 
others which afl"ect us to a lesser extent. For 
example, we have some fishery pi'oblems with 
Canada, and we recognize that arrangements 
to resolve fishing problems between Japan 
and the Soviet Union may have an impact 
on us. 

The United States, as a responsible nation 
dedicated to furthering and developing the 
handling of international problems in ac- 
cordance with international law, cannot well 
move beyond international law to impose 
our views on high-seas fishing unilaterally 
upon other countries. If we decide that it is 
in our interest to change international law, 
we can try to do so, but we should be sure 
that the changes that we have in mind have 
wide appeal and that we can defeat other 
proposals that might be adverse to our 
interests. In the absence of international law 
to resolve our fishery problems we must con- 
tinue to rely on patient negotiations — mak- 
ing use of logic and such leverages and trad- 
ing points as we can muster. 

As I look back over the past 10 to 15 
years, it seems to me that we have not done 
too badly on most issues. As for the future, 
I am an optimist. To be in the fish business 
one must be. 




Calendar of International Conferences^ 

In Recess as of October 1, 1966 

Conference of the 18-Nation Committee on Disarmament (re- Geneva Mar. 14, 1962- 

cessed August 25, 1966). 

Scheduled October Through December 1966 

OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee Paris . . ... Oct. 3-6 

ILO Tripartite Subcommittee on Seafarers' Welfare .... Oslo Oct. 3-7 

ECE Conference of European Statisticians Geneva Oct. 3-7 

IMCO Working Group on Intact Stability London Oct. 3-7 

FAO International Rice Commission: 11th Session New Delhi .... Oct. 3-8 

ECAFE Working Party on Economic Development and Plan- Bangkok Oct. 3-10 


International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 54th Copenhagen .... Oct. 3-12 

Statutory Meeting. 

ILO Petroleum Committee: 7th Session Geneva Oct. 3-14 

FAO Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council: r2th Session Honolulu Oct. 3-17 

National Conference on Pollution of Our Environment .... Montreal Oct. 3-Nov. 3 

WMO Regional Association IV (North and Central America): Asheville, N. C. . . Oct. 4-13 

4th Session. 

UNCTAD Committee on Commodities: 2d Session Geneva Oct. 4-21 

ICAO Communication and Operations Division Montreal Oct. 4-Nov. 7 

OECD Textiles Committee Paris Oct. 5-6 

FAO Regional Conference for Europe Seville Oct. 5-11 

ECOSOC U.N. Development Program Pledging Conference . . New York .... Oct. 6 

NATO Industrial Planning Committee Paris Oct. 6-7 

FAO Conference on Animal Production and Health : 4th Session Ceylon Oct. 7-16 

ECE Preparatory Group of Governmental Experts for the 5th Geneva Oct. 10-12 

Meeting of the Senior Economic Advisers. 

ECE Group of Rapporteurs on the Packaging of Dangerous Geneva Oct. 10-14 


ECE Timber Committee Geneva Oct. 10-14 

Preliminary Meeting of Legal Experts to Examine the Draft Rome Oct. 10-14 

Convention of the Contract for International Carriage of 

Passengers and Luggage by Road. 

' This schedule, which was prepared in the Office of International Conferences on Sept. 16, lists inter- 
national conferences in which the U.S. Government expects to participate officially in the period October- 
December 1966. The list does not include numerous nongovernmental conferences and meetings. Persons 
interested in these are referred to the World List of Future Intel-national Meetings, compiled by the 
Library of Congress and available from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Of- 
fice, Washington, D.C., 20402. . 

Following is a key to the abbreviations: ECA, Economic Commission for Africa; ECAFE, Economic Com- 
mission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, Economic Commission 
for Latin America; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; 
GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; lA-ECOSOC, Inter- American Economic and Social 
Council; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for Euro- 
pean Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative 
Organization; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development; PAHC, Pan American Highway Congresses; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; 
SPC, South Pacific Commission; U.N., United Nations; UNCTAD, United Nations Conference on Trade and 
Development; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; UNHCR, United 
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; UPU, Universal Postal Union; WMO, World Meteorological 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 505 

Calendar of International Conferences — Continued 

Scheduled October Through December 1966— Continued 

IMCO Working Group on the Stability of Fishing Vessels . . London Oct. 10-14 

GATT Committee on Budget, Finance and Administration . . Geneva Oct. 10-14 

ECAFE Seminar on Planning for Urban and Regional Devel- Nagoya Oct. 10-20 


ECOSOC Statistical Commission: 14th Session Geneva Oct. 10-21 

ECA Subregional Conference on Economic Cooperation in West Niamey Oct. 10-22 


NATO Atlantic Policy Advisory Group Copenhagen .... Oct. 11-14 

OECD Trade Committee: Working Pai-ty on Government Pro- Paris Oct. 13-14 


NATO Science Committee Lisbon Oct. 13-14 

IMCO Subcommittee on Radio Communications London Oct. 17-21 

PAHO E.xecutive Committee: 5Bth Session Washington .... Oct. 17-21 

NATO Latin American Regional Experts Paris Oct. 17-20 

ECA Committee on Industry and Natural Resources .... Addis Ababa . . . Oct. 17-22 

ECE Committee on the Development of Trade Geneva Oct. 17-25 

ECOSOC Advisory Committee on Application of Science and Rome Oct. 17-28 

Technologfy to Development: 6th Session. 

FAO Council: 47th Session Rome Oct. 17-28 

Noumea Oct. 17-28 

London Oct. 17-29 

Geneva Oct. 18-28 

Paris Oct. 19-21 

Paris Oct. 21-24 

London Oct. 24-28 

Geneva Oct. 24-28 

South Pacific Commission: 29th Session 

2d Conference on the Policing of the Seas (resumed session) 
ILO Conference of Labor Statisticians: 11th Session . 
OECD Committee on Scientific and Technical Personnel 

UNESCO Executive Board: 74th Session 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee on Safety Navigation 

ECE Group of Rapporteurs on Braking Problems . . 

U.N. Interregional Seminar on Development Policies and Plan- Pittsburgh .... Oct. 24-Nov. 

ning in Relation to Urbanization. 

NATO African Regional Experts Paris Oct. 24-28 

lA-ECOSOC Telecommunications Commission: 2d Meeting . . Washington .... Oct. 25-Nov. 2 

UNESCO General Conference: 14th Session Pari.<; Oct. 25-Nov. 30 

OECD Agriculture Committee: Ministerial Meeting .... Paris Oct. 27-28 

Red Cross Inter-American Seminar on Youth and Sanitai-y Quito Oct. 27-Nov. 4 


ECAFE Seminar on the Development of Manmade Fibers Tokyo Oct. 28-Nov. 7 


PAHC Permanent Executive Committee: 11th Meeting . . . Mexico City . . . . Oct. 30-Nov. 4 

FAO Cocoa Study Group : Committee on Statistics Geneva Oct. 31-Nov. 4 

ILO Meeting on Discrimination in Employment Geneva Oct. 31-Nov. 4 

IMCO Subcommittee on Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Sea . London Oct. 31-Nov. 4 

UNHCR Executive Committee: 16th Session Geneva Oct. 31-Nov. 8 

FAO/U.N. World Food Program: 10th Session of Intergovern- Rome Oct. 31-Nov. 9 

mental Committee. 

ILO Governing Body: 167th Session Geneva Oct. 31-Nov. 18 

UNCTAD U.N. Sugar Conference: 2d Session Geneva October 

ECOSOC Committee on Nongovernmental Organizations . . . New York .... October 

ECLA Trade Committee: 5th Meeting Santiago October 

Inter- American Indian Institute: Governing Board Mexico City .... October 

SPC Meeting of Government Experts to Amend the Canberra Canberra .... October 


UNCTAD Committee on Manufactures: 2d Session Geneva Nov. 1-18 

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payment Restrictions . . . Geneva Nov. 1-18 

NATO Middle East Regional Experts Paris Nov. 2-14 

ICEM Budget and Finance Committee: 14th Session Geneva Nov. 3-4 

NATO Civil Defense Committee Paris Nov. 3-4 

OECD Committee for Research Cooperation Paris Nov. 3—4 

Antarctic Treaty: Fourth Consultation Under Article 9 . . . Santiago Nov. 3-17 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: Annual Vancouver .... Nov. 7-11 


ECE Working Party on Custom Questions Affecting Transport . Geneva Nov. 7-9 

NATO Civil Communications Planning Committee Paris Nov. 7-9 

ICEM Executive Committee: 28th Session Geneva Nov. 7-11 

ECE Ad Hoc Meeting of Exports for the Study of Economic Geneva Nov. 7-11 

Aspects of Water Pollution Control Problems. 


IMCO Subcommittee on Bulk Cargoes 

FAO Conference on Agricultural Extension in Asia anti the 
Far East. 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 10th Session . . . 

WMO Regional Association III: 4th Session 

NATO Eastern Europe and Soviet Zone of Germany Regional 

NATO Far East Regional Experts 

F.-VO Consultative Subcommittee on the Economic Aspects of 
Rice: 10th Session. 

FAO Regional Conference for Africa: 4th Session 

OECD Economic Policy Committee 

ECE Steel Committee: Ad Hoc Group of Rapporteurs on World 
Market for Iron Ore. 

NATO Soviet Union Regional Experts . 

IMCO Subcommittee on Subdivision and Stability : 5th Session . 

ECE Iiilaiul Transport Committee: Subcommittee on Road 

Consultative Committee on Cooperative Economic Development 
in South and Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : 18th Minis- 
terial Meeting. 

Northeast Atlantic Fisheries Commission: Special Meeting . . 

OECD International Conference on Methods of Adjustment of 
Workers to Technical Change at the Plant Level. 

OECD Working Party III: Economic Policy Committee . . . 

ECE Steel Committee: Ad Hoc Group of Rapporteurs on World 
Trade in Steel. 

OECD Science Policy Committee 

International Rubber Study Group: 18th Assembly .... 

UNCTAD Committee on Invisibles and Financing Related to 

ILO Inland Transport Committee 

ICAO North Atlantic Systems Planning Group: 2d Meeting . . 

ICAO Airworthiness Committee 

ICAO Caribbean Regional Air Navigational Meeting .... 

NATO Senior Civil Emergency Planning Committee .... 

OECD Ministerial Meeting 

IMCO Assembly: Extraordinary Session 

ECE Electric Power Committee 

IMCO Subcommittee on Lifesaving Appliances 

ILO Asian Advisory Committee 

OECD Energy Committee 

ECE Gas Committee 

UNCTAD Ad Hoc Working Party on International Organiza- 
tion of Commodity Trade : 3d Session 

ECOSOC Technical Assistance Committee 

IMCO Assembly: Special Session 

UPU Management Council of the Consultative Committee on 
Postal Studies. 

UNESCO Executive Board: 75th Session 

NATO Committee for European Air Space Coordination . . . 

NATO Senior Civil Emergency Planning Committee (perma- 
nent session). 

IMCO Council 

International Wood Study Group: 9th Session 

UNCTAD Committee on Shipping: 2d Session 

FAO Regional Conference for Latin America: 9th Session . . 

International Wheat Council: 47th Session 

ECE Coal Trade Subcommittee 

ECE Agriculture Committee: Plenary Session 

ECE Group of Rapporteurs on the Transport of Dangerous 

IMCO Subcommittee on Fire Protection 

ECAFE Inland Transport and Communications Committee: 
15th Session. 

NATO Food and Agricultural Planning Committee 

U.N. Ad Hoc Committee on Tungsten 

NATO Ministerial Council: 38th Meeting 

Inter-American Chiefs of State 

London Nov. 7-11 

Tokyo Nov. 7-12 

Munich Nov. 7-18 

Quito Nov. 7-19 

Paris Nov. 8-11 

Paris Nov. 8-11 

Bangkok Nov. 9-18 

Abiiljan Nov. 9-19 

Paris Nov. 14-15 

Geneva Nov. 14-15 

Paris Nov. 14-17 

London Nov. 14-18 

Geneva Nov. 14-25 

Karachi Nov. 14-Dec. 1 


Nov. 15 
Nov. 15-18 

Paris Nov. 16-17 

Geneva Nov. 16-17 

Paris Nov. 16-18 

Lagos Nov. 21-26 

Geneva Nov. 21-Dec. 2 

Geneva Nov. 21-Dec. 3 

Paris Nov. 21-Dec. 3 

Montreal Nov. 22-Dec. 15 

Mexico Nov. 22-Dec. 18 

Paris Nov. 24-25 

Paris Nov. 25-26 

London Nov. 28-Dec. 3 

Geneva Nov. 28-Dec. 1 

London Nov. 28-Dec. 2 

Manila Nov. 28-Dec. 7 

Paris Nov. 29-30 

Geneva Nov. 29-Dec. 2 

Geneva November 

Geneva November 

London November 

Sydney November 

Paris Dec. 1-2 

Paris Dec. 1-2 

Paris Dec. 1-2 

London Dec. 2-3 

London Dec. 5-9 

Geneva Dec. 5-16 

Uruguay Dec. 5-16 

London Dec. 7-13 

Geneva Dec. 8-9 

Geneva Dec. 12-16 

Geneva Dec. 12-16 

London Dec. 12-16 

Bangkok Dec. 13-21 

Paris Dec. 19-20 

Geneva December 

Brussels .... December 

undetermined . . . December 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


U.S. Urges Early Action 
on Space Treaty 

Statement by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^ 

Mr, Chairman, I want to express the 
pleasure of the United States delegation that 
we have today resumed our deliberations on 
a treaty governing the exploration and use 
of outer space, including the moon and other 
celestial bodies. Over the course of the 5 
weeks since the recess of our talks in Geneva, 
we have reflected carefully on the work 
achieved during the first part of the Legal 
Subcommittee's fourth session. That work is 
substantial. As you know, the Subcommittee 
recorded agreement on eight substantive 
treaty articles covering 13 principal issues. 

We should now press forward. I want to 
confirm here what I said in my concluding 
statement on August 3 in Geneva: ^ "With 
good will, hard work, and the serious ap- 
proach that has marked the Subcommittee's 
efforts, I am convinced that we can reach 
full agreement." 

We are here today in a conciliatory spirit 
— a spirit of give-and-take. My delegation 
will demonstrate its willingness to seek and 
to achieve a reasonable compromise on the 
few unresolved issues which remain before 
us. We are ready to consider the constructive 
suggestions already made by various mem- 
bers of the Subcommittee for the resolution 
of these issues, and we are sure that further 
helpful suggestions will be forthcoming. We 
hope our willingness to find a mutually ac- 
ceptable text will be matched by a like spirit 
on the part of other members of the Sub- 
committee, for in this way agreement will 
be possible. 

The United States considers it important 
for the Legal Subcommittee to report a fully 
agreed treaty text to our parent Outer Space 
Committee and thence to the General As- 

' Made before the Legal Subcommittee of the U.N. 
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space on 
Sept. 12 (U.S./U.N. press release 4909). 

' For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 29, 1966, p. 321. 

sembly without delay. The General Assembly 
will then be in a position to take early action 
by opening the treaty for signature. In this 
way the Legal Subcommittee could make a 
great contribution to the opening days and 
mood of the General Assembly at its 21st 
session. Indeed, we would thus have taken a 
major step forward during these September ^ 
days toward the realization of that primary 
purpose of the United Nations which, as the 
charter puts it, is "To be a center for har- 
monizing the actions of nations in the at- 
tainment of these common ends." 

Mr. Chairman, I have intentionally spoken 
with great brevity in order to facilitate the 
substantive discussion of unresolved issues. 
It is our hope that without precluding full 
discussion we can conclude this very after- 
noon this preliminary phase of our work — 
if it is the will of the Subcommittee and if 
all who wish to speak have an opportunity 
to express their views. My delegation there- 
fore proposes that the Subcommittee meet 
tomorrow morning as a working group in 
order that we make the most rapid possible 
progress — and the best use of such very 
limited time as is available to all of us. We 
hope there will be a general disposition to 
move forward in this expeditious manner. 

In conclusion, I want to stress the urgency 
of the need for a space treaty. The day is 
not far off when man will land on the moon. 
Let us strive to make that historic landing 
take place in the context of a mutually bene- 
ficial and universally accepted regime of law. 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those 
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries 
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may 
be purchased from tlie Sales Section of the United 
Nations, United Nations Plaza, N. Y. 

General Assembly 

Manifestations of Racial Prejudice and National 
and Religious Intolerance. Report of the Secre- 
tary-General. A/6347. August 8, 1966. 34 pp. 

Reports of the International Law Commission. Text 



of the draft articles on the law of treaties. Note 
by the Secretary-General. A/6348. Augfust 9, 1966. 
30 pp. 

Draft Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimi- 
nation Against Women. Note by the Secretary- 
General. A/6349. August 9, 1966. 11 pp. 

Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting 
of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- 
ples. Letter dated August 1 from the representa- 
tive of the United Kingdom concerning the 
question of Aden and the Secretary-General's 
reply dated August 5. A/6374. August 10, 1966. 
2 pp. 

Question of South-West Africa. Note verbale dated 
August 2 from the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
of Kenya. A/6387. August 16, 1966. 7 pp. 


U.S. and Spain Amend 
Cotton Textiles Agreement 

Press release 207 dated September 14 

effected by an exchange of notes dated July 
16, 1963, as amended. 

In view of the special circumstances dis- 
cussed by the representatives of our two 
Governments, I propose that, on a one-time 
basis, cotton yarn in categories 1 through 4 
in the total amount of one million pounds 
may be exported from Spain to the United 
States during the period beginning July 1, 
1966, and extending through December 31, 
1966, without being charged against the 
limitations specified in the agreement, as 

If this proposal is acceptable to the Gov- 
ernment of Spain, this note and your Excel- 
lency's note of acceptance ^ on behalf of the 
Government of Spain shall constitute an 
amendment to the agreement between our 
two Governments concerning trade in cotton 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assur- 
ances of my highest consideration. 

For the Secretary of State: 
Anthony M. Solomon 

A revision of the 1963 bilateral agreement 
concerning trade in cotton textiles between 
the Governments of the United States and 
Spain 1 was announced on September 14. 

The revision is embodied in an exchange 
of notes which took place at Washington on 
that day between Assistant Secretary for 
Economic Affairs Anthony M. Solomon and 
the Marquis de Merry del Val, Ambassador 
of Spain. 

The revision provides that because of spe- 
cial circumstances 1 million pounds of yam 
may be exported from Spain to the United 
States during the period July 1-December 
31, 1966, without being charged against the 
limitations of the agreement. 

text of u.s. note 

September 14, 1966. 
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to 
the agreement between our two Govern- 
ments concerning trade in cotton textiles 

U.S. and Singapore Reach 
Cotton Textiles Understanding 

Press release IS-l dated Augrust 30 


Letters were exchanged in Singapore on 
August 30 between the Singapore Govern- 
ment and the American Embassy on behalf 
of the United States Government which pro- 
vide for controls over the export of cotton 
textiles from Singapore to the United States. 
The Singapore Government has agreed that 
exports of cotton textiles from Singapore to 
the United States will be restrained in ac- 
cordance with a Singapore Cotton Textile In- 
dustiy Restraint Schedule. 

Under these letters the understanding 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 
' Not printed here. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


shall remain in force for 3 retroac- 
tively from April 1, 1966, through March 31, 

The schedule establishes an overall limit 
for the first agreement year of 30 million 
square yards. Within this aggregate limit 
two group limits are provided; the first cov- 
ers all apparel categories at 20 million square 
yards, and the second covers all other cate- 
gories at 10 million square yards. Specific 
ceilings are provided for 11 apparel cate- 
gories within the apparel group ceiling and 
for 8 fabric and made-up categories within 
the "all others" group. Provisions on growth, 
swing, consultation, spacing, and system of 
categories and conversion factors are also in- 
cluded. The schedule authorizes additional 
shipments of 5 million square yards during 
the first year of the agreement in various 
fabric categories and provides that addi- 
tional shipments of 3. .5 million square yards 
may be possible during the second year of 
the agreement and additional shipments of 
1.925 million square yards may be possible 
during the third year. 


Letter From Government of Singapore 

Ministry of Finance 
Singapore, I. 
30th August, igr.lL 

Dear Mr. Dexter: I refer to recent discussions 
held in Singapore between representatives of our 
two Governments concerning exports of cotton tex- 
tiles from Singapore to the United States, and wish 
to inform you that in accordance with the agree- 
ment reached during the discussions, the Singapore 
Cotton Textile Industry will voluntarily restrain its 
exports to the United States, in accordance with the 
Singapore Cotton Textile Industry Restraint Sched- 
ule attached to this letter. 

In view of this action by the Singapore industry, 
I propose the following arrangement, to be effective 
as of 1st April, 1966, concerning this trade: 

(1) The Government of the United States of 
America agrees not to invoke procedures under 
Article 6(c) and 3 of the long-term arrangements 
regarding international trade in cotton textiles to 
limit cotton textile exports from Singapore to the 
United States during the term of this arrangement. 

(2) The Government of the Republic of Singapore 
undertakes that the exports of cotton textiles from 

Singapore to the United States will be restrained 
in accordance with the attached voluntary restraint 

(3) The Government of the United States shall 
promptly supply the Government of the Republic 
of Singapore with data on monthly imports of cot- 
ton textiles from Singapore. The Government of 
the Republic of Singapore shall promptly supply 
the Government of the United States with data on 
monthly exports of cotton textiles to the United 
.States. Each Government agrees to supply promptly 
any other available statistical data requested by 
the other Government. 

(4) The Government of the Republic of Singapore 
and the Government of the United States agree to 
consult on any questions concerning ti'ade in cotton 
textiles between our two countries, including levels 
of exports in categories not given specific limits in 
the attached schedule and in made-up goods or ap- 
parel made from a particular fabric. 

(5) If the Government of the Republic of Singa- 
pore considers that as a result of the restraints 
specified in the attached schedule, Singapore is 
being placed in an inequitable position vis-a-vis a 
third country, the Government of the Republic of 
Singapore may request consultations with the Gov- 
ernment of the United States with a view to taking 
appropriate remedial action such as consent of the 
Government of the United States to reasonable 
modification of this arrangement, including attached 

(6) This arrangement shall continue in force 
through 31st March, 1969, except that either Gov- 
ernment may terminate this arrangement effective 
at the end of March in any year by written notice 
to the other Government to be given at least 90 days 
prior to such termination date. Either Government 
may at any time propose revisions in this arrange- 
ment, including the attached schedule. 

If this proposal is acceptable to the Government 
of the United States, I would appreciate your letter 
of acceptance ' on behalf of your Government. 

Ngiam Tong Dow 
Deputy Secretary, 
(Economic Deitelopment). 
Mr. John B. Dexter, 
Charge d'Affaire.'^ ad interim, 
Embassy of the United States of America, 

Singapore Cotton Textile Industry 
Restraint Schedule 

The Singapore Cotton Textile Industry will re- 
strain its exports of cotton textiles to the United 
States as follows: 

1. During the period April 1, 1966, to March 31, 
1969, exports of cotton textiles from Singapore to 

Not printed here. 



the United States will be limited to apjjregatp, group 
ind specific limits at the levels specified below. 

2. For the first limitiition year, constituting the 
12-month period beginning April 1, 1966, the ag- 
gregate limit shall be 30,000,000 square yards. 

3. Within this aggregate limit the following group 
limits shall apply for the first limitation year: 

Group I Apparel Categories 
(Categories 39-63) 
Group II All other categories 

In Square 
Yards Equivalent 


4. Within the aggregate limit and the applicable 
group limits, the following specific limits shall apply 
for the first limitation year. 




In Square 
Yards Equivalent 

Apparel Categories 

(Group I) 













































All Other Categories 
(Group II) 


1,000,000 SqYds. 1,000,000 

18/19 1,000,000 

26 (duck only) 1,500,000 
31 (shop towels 

only) 13,850,000 

34/35 160,000 




5. (a) Within the aggregate limit either group 
limit may be exceeded by five percent. 

(b) Within the applicable group limit (as it 
may be adjusted under this paragraph) specific 
limits may be exceeded by five percent. 

6. (a) If it appears that cotton textile exports 
from Singapore to the United States in any cate- 
gory for which no specific limit is applicable, includ- 
ing Category 26 other than duck and Category 31 
other than shop towels, are likely to exceed the 
consultation level specified below for any limitation 
year, the industry shall notify the Government of 
the Republic of Singapore. Until the industry has 
been informed that the Government of the Republic 
of Singapore and the United States Government 
have consulted on the effect of such shipments on 
conditions of the United States domestic market in 
the category in question and have concluded such 
consultations on a mutually satisfactory basis, 
exports shall be limited to the consultation level. For 

the first limitation year, the consultation level .shall 
be 350,000 Sfiuare yards equivalent. 

(b) In the event that the United States Gov- 
ernment requests consultations with the Government 
of the Republic of Singapore concerning undue con- 
centration in exports from Singapore to the United 
States in made-up goods or apparel made from a 
particular fabric, these exports will be limited until 
the two Governments roach a mutually satisfactory 
solution. The limit shall be on the basis of the 12- 
month period beginning on the date the United 
States Government requests consultations under this 
paragraph and shall be 105 percent of the exports 
of such products from Singapore to the United 
States during the most recent 12-month period pre- 
ceding the request for consultation and for which 
statistics were available to the two Governments on 
the date of the request. Any exports limited pur- 
suant to this paragraph shall also be counted 
against all other applicable limits .specified in this 

7. In the second and succeeding 12-month periods 
that any limitation is applicable under this schedule, 
the level of exports permitted under that limitation 
shall be increased by five percent over the corre- 
sponding level for the preceding 12-month period. 
The corresponding level for the preceding 12-month 
period shall not include any adjustments under 
paragraph 5 or any excess shipments permitted un- 
der paragraph 8. 

8. In view of the special circumstances surround- 
ing the initiation of these restraints, the aggregate 
limit and the group limit on "All Other Categories" 
(including any adjustments of the group limit under 
paragraph 5) may be exceeded on a one-time basis: 

a. Dui-ing the first limitation year by not more 
than 5 million square yards. Any such excess ship- 
ments within this additional 5 million square yards 
may also exceed the limitations under paragraphs 
4 and 6(a) (as they may be adjusted under para- 
graph 5) and shall be distributed among the follow- 
ing categories so as not to exceed the amounts 

Category Amount 

9/10 1,000,000 sq. yds. 

18/19 500,000 sq. yds. 

20/21 2,000,000 sq. yds. 

22/23 2,000,000 sq. yds. 

26 (duck only) 500,000 sq. yds. 

26 (other than duck) 2,000,000 sq. yds. 

b. During the second limitation year by 3.5 
million square yards, if the Government of Singa- 
pore so requests within the first 30 days of such 
limitation year, and unless the Govei-nment of the 
United States of America advises the Government 
of Singapore within 30 days of the receipt of the 
request that there has been a significant downturn 
in the United States cotton textile industry. Any 
such excess shipment within this additional 3.5 mil- 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


lion square yards may also exceed the l^n^^tations 
under paragraphs 4 and 6(a) (as they -^V ^e ad- 
justed under paragraphs 5 and 7) and shall he d, - 
tributed among the follo^vnng categories so as not 
to exceed the amounts shown: 



26 (duck only) 

26 (other than duck) 


700,000 sq. yds. 

350,000 sq. yds. 
1,400,000 sq. yds. 
1,400,000 sq. yds. 

350,000 sq. yds. 
1,400,000 sq. yds. 

c. During the third limitation year by 1^25 

n^illion square yards if the Go^^-^f ,f ^ 

pore so -^-^^^-tn^s the Government of the 
limitation year, and unless tne ^u p„^.„_„ent 
United States of America advises the Government 

Tthe United States cotton textile industry. Any 
such excess ^^P-nt .^thin «iis^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
million square yards may ^1^°^^^^^ ^ 
tions under paragraphs 4. and 6(a) (as thj m j 
be adjusted under paragraphs 5 -and 7) and shall 
be distributed among the follo^v-ing categories so as 
not to exceed the amounts shown: 

385,000 sq. yds. 
192,500 sq. yds. 
770,000 sq. yds. 
770,000 sq. yds. 
192,500 sq. yds. 
770,000 sq. yds. 





26 (duck only) 

26 (other than duck) 

9. Cotton textile exports from Singapore to the 

TT^u^d States wthin each category shall be spacea 

Tsevenlv as Practicable throughout the limitation 

Tear tiling into consideration normal seasonal 

'to.ln implementing this schedule ^e ^ystem of 
t ■ ^\.A +V,P rates of conversion into square 

;s";:i« ".""'« «■« •™« ''""° *"" 















CategoTV Description 

1 Yarn, carded, singles 

2 Yarn, carded, plied 

3 Yam, combed, singles 

4 Yarn, combed, plied 

5 Gingham, carded 

6 Gingham, combed 

7 Velveteen 

8 Corduroy 

9 Sheeting, carded 















Sheeting, combed 

Lawn, carded 

Lawn, combed 

Voile, carded 

Voile, combed 

Poplin and broadcloth, carded 

Poplin and broadcloth, combed 

Typewriter ribbon cloth 

Print cloth, shirting type, 

80 X 80 type, carded 
Print cloth, shirting type, 
other than 80 x 80 type, 
Shirting, Jacquard or dobby, 

Shirting, Jacquard or dobby, 

T\vill and sateen, carded 
Twill and sateen, combed 
Woven fabric, n.e.s., yarn 

dyed, carded 
Woven fabric, n.e.s., yarn 

dyed, combed 
Woven fabric, other, carded 
Woven fabric, other, combed 
Pillowcases, carded 
Pillowcases, combed 
Dish towels 
Other towels 
Handkerchiefs, whether or 

not in the piece 
Table damask and 

Sheets, carded 
Sheets, combed 
Bedspreads and quilts 
Braided and woven elastics 
Fishing nets and fish netting 
Gloves and mittens 











40 Hose and half hose 

41 T-shirts, all white, knit, 

men's and boys' 

42 T-shirts, other, knit 

43 Shirts, knit, other than 

T-shirts and sweatshirts 

44 Sweaters and cardigans 

45 Shirts, dress, not knit, 

men's and boys' 

46 Shirts, sport, not knit, 

men's and boys' 

47 Shirts, work, not knit, 

men's and boys' 

48 Raincoats, % length or 

longer, not knit 









Syd. 1.0 








Syd. 1.0 













Lb. 3.17 


















Category DetcriptUm Unit Yardt) 

49 Other coats, not knit Doz. 32.5 

50 Trousers, slacks and shorts Doz. 17.797 

(outer), not knit, men's 
and boys' 

51 Trousers, slacks and shorts Doz. 17.797 

(outer) , not knit, women's, 
girls' and infants' 

52 Blouses, not knit Doz. 14.53 

53 Dresses (including uniforms), Doz. 45.3 

not knit 

54 Playsuits, washsuits, sun- Doz. 25.0 

suits, creepers, rompers, 
etc., not knit, n.e.s. 

55 Dressing gowns, including Doz. 51.0 

bathrobes, beach robes, 
lounge robes, housecoats 
and dusters, not knit 

56 Undershirts, knit, men's Doz. 9.2 

and boys' 

57 Briefs and undershorts, Doz. 11.25 

men's and boys' 

58 Drawers, shorts and briefs, Doz. 5.0 

knit, n.e.s. 

59 All other underwear, not knit Doz. 16.0 

60 Pajamas and other nightwear Doz. 51.96 

61 Brassieres and other Doz. 4.75 

body-supporting garments 

62 Wearing apparel, knit, n.e.s. Lb. 4.6 

63 Wearing apparel, not knit, Lb. 4.6 


64 All other cotton textiles Lb. 4.6 

Apparel items exported in sets shall be recorded 
under separate categories of the component items. 

Current Actions 

Republic, September 6, 1966; Upper Volta, Au- 
gust 29, 1966. 
Articles of agreement establishing the Asian De- 
velopment Rank, with annexes. Done at Manila 
Deceml)er 4, 1965. 

Acceptitticc deposited: United States (with a dec- 
laration), August 16, 1966. 
Ratifications deposited: India (with a declaration), 
July 20, 1966; Philippines (with a declaration), 
July 5, 1966. 
Entered into force: August 22, 1966. 


Instrument for the amendment of the constitution of 
the International Labor Organization. Dated at 
Montreal October 9, 1946. Entered into force .'X.pril 
20, 1948. TIAS 1868. 
Adinission to membership : Nepal, August 30, 1966. 

Law of the Sea 

Convention on the territorial sea and the contiguous 

zone. Done at Geneva April 29, 1958. Entered into 

force September 10, 1964. TIAS 5639. 

Accession deposited: Mexico (with a reservation), 
August 2, 1966. 
Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 

29, 1958. Entered into force September 30, 1962. 

TIAS 5200. 

Accession deposited: Mexico (with a reservation), 
August 2, 1966. 
Convention on fishing and conservation of the living 

resources of the high seas. Done at Geneva Anril 

29, 1958. Entered into force March 20, 1966. 

TIAS 5969. 

Accession deposited: Mexico, August 2, 1966. 
Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva 

April 29, 1958. Entered into force June 10, 1964. 

TIAS 5578. 

Accession deposited: Mexico, August 2, 1966. 

Maritime Matters 

Amendments to the convention on the Intergovern- 
mental Maritime Consultative Organization 
(TIAS 4044). Adopted at London September 15, 
Acceptance received: Cambodia, August 18, 1966. 

Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at 
sea, 1948. Done at London June 10, 1948. Entered 
into force November 19, 1952. TIAS 2495. 
Denunciation received: Argentina, September 5, 



Diplomatic Relations 

Vienna convention on diplomatic relations; 
Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplo- 
matic relations concerning the compulsory settle- 
ment of disputes. 
Done at Vienna April 18, 1961. Entered into force 

April 24, 1964." 
Ratification deposited: Luxembourg, August 17, 


Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 

between states and nationals of other states. Done 

at Washington March 18, 1965.' 

Ratifications deposited: Dahomey, September 6, 

1966; Jamaica, September 9, 1966; Malagasy 

Hong Kong 

Agreement relating to trade in cotton textiles. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Hong Kong August 
26, 1966. Entered into force August 26, 1966. 

Inter-American Development Bank 

Protocol to the social progress trust fund agreement 
of June 19, 1961, as amended (TIAS 4763, 5522). 
Signed at Washington September 7, 1966. Entered 
into force September 7, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the reciprocal issuance of non- 
immigrant visas. Effected by exchange of notes 

* Not in force for the United States. 

* Not in force. 

OCTOBER 3, 1966 


at Tokyo August 9 and 23, 1966. Entered into 
force September 22, 1966. 
Interim agreement relating to the renegotiation of 
schedule XX (United States) to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
September 6, 1966. Entered into force September 
6, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the loan to Mexico of Colo- 
rado River water. Effected by e.xchange of notes 
at Mexico August 24, 1966. Entered into force 
August 24, 1966. 


Agreement relating to trade in cotton textiles. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Singapore Au- 
gust 30, 1966. Entered into force August 30, 1966 ; 
effective April 1, 1966. 


Agreement amending the agreement of July 16, 1963, 
as amended (TIAS 5427, 5598, 5680, 5756), relat- 
ing to trade in cotton textiles. Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Washington September 14, 
1966. Entered into force September 14, 1966. 


Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20i02. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of 
Documents, except in the case of free publications, 
which may be obtained from the Office of Media Serv- 
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Background Notes. Short, factual summaries which 
describe the people, history, government, economy, 
and foreign relations of each country. Each leaflet 

contains a map, a list of principal government offi- 
cials and U.S. diplomatic and consular officers, 
and, in some cases, a selected bibliography. Those 
listed below are available at 5^ each, unless otherwise 

Basutoland. Pub. 8091. 4 pp. 
Burundi. Pub. 8084. 8 pp. 
Canada. Pub. 7769. 12 pp. 10(f. 
Communist China. Pub. 7751. 8 pp. 
Ghana. Pub. 8089. 8 pp. 
Ivory Coast. Pub. 8119. 8 pp. 
Lebanon. Pub. 7816. 4 pp. 
Mauritius. Pub. 8023. 8 pp. 
Morocco. Pub. 7954. 8 pp. 
Nigeria. Pub. 7953. 4 pp. 
Paraguay. Pub. 8098. 4 pp. 
South Viet-Nam. Pub. 7933. 8 pp. 
Southern Rhodesia. Pub. 8104. 4 pp. 
United Kingdom. Pub. 8099. 8 pp. 
Yugoslavia. Pub. 7773, 8 pp. 

Trade in Cotton Textiles. Agreement with Greece, 
amending the agreement of July 17, 1964. Exchange 
of notes— Signed at Washington May 23, 1966. En- 
tered into force May 23, 1966. Effective September 
1, 1965. TIAS 6009. 5 pp. 5C. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Bolivia- 
Signed at La Paz April 2-, 1966. Entered into force 
April 22, 1966. With exchange of notes. TIAS 6013. 
16 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with Indonesia — Signed at Djakarta 
April 18, 1966. Entered into force April 18, 1966. 
With exchange of notes. TIAS 6016. 8 pp. 10<». 

Sampling of Radioactivity of Upper Atmosphere by 
Means of Balloons. Agreement with Australia ex- 
tending the agreement of May 9, 1961, as extended. 
Exchange of notes. Dated at Canberra May 9, 1966. 
Entered into force May 9, 1966. TIAS 6017. 2 pp. 5(f. 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with Greece, amending the agreement of 
November 17. 1964, as amended Exchane-e of notes- 
Signed at Athens January 13, 1966. Entered into 
force January 13, 1966. TIAS 6018. 4 pp. 5^. 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with Israel — Signed at Washington June 
6, 1966. Entered into force June 6, 1966. With ex- 
change of notes. TIAS 6023. 6 pp. B(?. 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Services, Bureau of Public AfiFaitB. 
provides the public and interested aKenclee 
of the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the worls of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of Stat« and other offlcera of 

the Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin la for sale by the Supers 

intendent of Documents. U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington, D.C.. 20402. 
Price: 62 issues, domestic $10, foreign $16 ; 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publl* 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

NOTG: Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 




The Cominp of Age of the U.N. (Goldberg) . . 492 

Unfinished Business of the U.N. and the World 
(Sisco) 487 

Asia. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 
September 16 478 

Atomic Energy. Secretary Rusk's News Confer- 
ence of September 16 478 

Burma. U.S. and Burma Reaffirm ' Bonds of 
Friendship and Cooperation (Johnson, Ne 
Win) 483 


International Issues of Pacific Fisheries (Her- 
rington) 500 

U.S.-Canadian Friendship Symbolized by New 
Park (Johnson) 499 

China. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 
September 16 478 


The Coming of Age of the U.N. (Goldberg) . 492 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of Sep- 
tember 16 478 

Economic Affairs 

International Issues of Pacific Fisheries (Her- 
rington) 500 

Unfinished Business of the U.N. and the World 
(Sisco) 487 

U.S. and Singapore Reach Cotton Textiles 
Understanding 509 

U.S. and Spain Amend Cotton Textiles Agree- 
ment 509 

Foreign Aid. President Johnson Pays Tribute to 
Peace Corps Volunteers 496 

Germany. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 
September 16 478 

Human Rights. The Coming of Age of the U.N. 
(Goldberg) 492 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Calendar of International Conferences . . 505 
Japan. International Issues of Pacific Fisheries 

(Herrington) 500 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Secretary 

Rusk's News Conference of September 16 . 478 
Presidential Documents 
President Johnson Pays Tribute to Peace Corps 

Volunteers 496 

U.S. and Burma Reaffirm Bonds of Friendship 

and Cooperation 483 

U.S.-Canadian Friendship Symbolized by New 

Park 499 

Publications. Recent Releases 514 

Science. U.S. Urges Early Action on Space 
Treaty (Goldberg) 508 

Singapore. U.S. and Singapore Reach Cotton 
Textiles Understanding 509 

Spain. U.S. and Spain Amend Cotton Textiles 
Agreement 509 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 513 

International Issues of Pacific Fisheries 
(Herrington) 500 

U.S. and Singapore Reach Cotton Textiles 
Understanding 509 

U.S. and Spain Amend Cotton Textiles Agree- 
ment 509 


International Issues of Pacific Fisheries (Her- 
rington) 500 

Secretary Rusk's News Confei-ence of Septem- 
ber 16 478 

United Nations 

The Coming of Age of the U.N. (Goldberg) . 492 

Current U.N. Documents 508 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of Septem- 
ber 16 478 

Unfinished Business of the U.N. and the World 

(Sisco) 487 

U.S. Urges Early Action on Space Treaty 
(Goldberg) 508 


The Coming of Age of the U.N. (Goldberg) . 492 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of Septem- 
ber 16 478 

Unfinished Business of the U.N. and the World 
(Sisco) 487 

U.S. and Burma Reaffirm Bonds of Friendship 
and Cooperation (Johnson, Ne Win) . . 483 

Name Index 

Goldberg, Arthur J 492, 508 

Herrington, William C 500 

Johnson, President 483, 496, 499 

Ne Win 483 

Rusk, Secretary 478 

Sisco, Joseph J 487 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 12-18 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to September 12 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
194 of August 30 and 203 of September 8. 

No. Date 

*206 9/13 

207 9/14 

1208 9/16 

t209 9/16 

t210 9/16 

211 9/16 


Amendment to program for visit 
of President Marcos of the 

Amendment to U.S.-Spanish bi- 
lateral cotton textile agree- 

Amendment of U.S.-Philippine 
military bases agreement. 

Text of amendment of U.S.- 
Philippine agreement. 

Entry into force of U.S.-Cana- 
dian automotive products agree- 

Rusk: news conference of Sep- 
tember 16. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

■Cr U.S. Government Printing Office: 1966—251-930/13 

WASHINGTON. D.C.. 20402 


Private Boycotts VS the National Interest 

A frank look at a political and economic problem which has been and continues to be 
serious concern to the United States Government is the subject of this 19-pag-e pamphlet. Tl 
problem involves periodic attempts by individuals and groups, relatively small in number, to u; 
or threaten to use economic reprisals against American businesses which trade with Eastern Eur 
pean countries. The pamphlet explains U.S. policy toward trade with Eastern Europe and poin 
out that Americans who interfere with sales by local merchants — or by multimillion-dollar corp 
rations — handling Eastern European goods are "obstructing a foreign policy that has been dev( 
oped by four administrations since World War II." 



To: Supt. of Documenta 
Govt. Priotins Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 


Enclosed find $ (cash, check, or money order). Please send 

me copies of Private Boycotts VS the National Interest. 



, Enclosed 

To be mailed 



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Name . 

Street address . 

City, State, and ZIP code 

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Statement by Ambassador Arthur J. Goldberg 518 



by Robert W. Komer, Special Assistant to the President 549 

For index see inside back cover 

Initiative for Peace 

statement by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ' 

As the General Assembly convenes in this 
21st year of the United Nations, we of the 
United States of America are aware, as in- 
deed every delegation must be, of the great 
responsibilities which all of us share who 
work in this world organization. 

No one, I am sure, feels these responsibili- 
ties more, or more keenly, than the Secre- 
tary-General, U Thant. In the past 5 years 
he has filled his office with distinction and 
eflfectiveness. And indeed, this is the most 
difficult office in the world. We know how 
much selfless dedication and energy have 
been exacted from him on behalf of the 
world community. We can well understand 
how the burdens of his office led him to his 
decision not to oflTer himself for a second 
term as Secretary-General. 

But the United Nations needs him. It 
needs him as a person. It needs him as a 
Secretary-General who conceives his office in 
the full spirit of the charter as an important 
organ of the United Nations, endowed with 
the authority to act with initiative and 
eff'ectiveness. The members, in all their di- 
versity and even discord, are united in their 
confidence in him. His departure at this 
crucial time in world aflfairs, and in the life 
of the United Nations, would be a serious 

' Made in plenary session of the U.N. General 
Assembly on Sept. 22 (U.S. delegation press release 

loss both to the organization itself and to the 
cause of peace among nations. We reiterate 
our earnest hope that he will heed the unani- 
mous wishes of the membership and permit 
his tenure of office to be extended. His 
aflfirmative decision on this question would 
give all of us new impetus to deal with the 
many great problems on our agenda. 

The peoples of the world expect the United 
Nations to resolve these problems. With all 
their troubles and aspirations, they put great 
faith in our organization. They look to us not 
for pious words but for solid results: agree- 
ments reached, wars ended or prevented, 
treaties written, cooperative programs 
launched — results that will bring humanity 
a few steps, but giant steps, closer to the 
purposes of the charter which are our pom- 
mon commitment. ^ 

Realizing this, the United States has con- 
sidered what it could say in this general de- 
bate that would improve the prospects for 
such fruitful results in the present session. 
We have concluded that, rather than at- 
tempting to review the many questions on 
the agenda to which we attach importance, 
we could make a more useful contribution 
by concentrating on the serious dangers to 
peace now existing in Asia, particularly the 
war in Viet-Nam, and by treating that sub- 
ject in a constructive and positive way. 

The conflict in Viet-Nam is first of all an 



Asian issue, whose trag'edy and suffering 
iail most heavily on the peoples directly in- 
volved. But its repercussions are worldwide. 
It divei-ts much of the enerp:ies of many 
nations, including my own, from urgent and 
constructive endeavors. It is, as the Secre- 
tary-General said in his statement of Septem- 
ber 1, "a source of grave concern and is 
bound to be a source of even greater anxiety, 
not only to the parties directly involved and 
to the major powers but also to other mem- 
bers of the Organization." My Government 
remains determined to exercise every re- 
straint to limit the war and to exert every 
effort to bring the conflict to the earliest pos- 
sible end. 

The Viet-Nam Conflict 

The essential facts of the Viet-Nam con- 
flict can be stated briefly: Viet-Nam today 
remains divided along the demarcation line 
agreed upon in Geneva in 1954. To the north 
and south of that line are North Viet-Nam 
and South Viet-Nam. Provisional though 
they may be, pending a decision on the 
peaceful reunification of Viet-Nam by the 
process of self-determination, they are none- 
theless political realities in the international 

The Geneva accord which established the 
demarcation line is so thorough in its pro- 
hibition of the use of force that it forbids 
military interference of any sort by one side 
in the affairs of the other; it even foj-bids 
civilians to cross the demilitarized zone. In 
1962 at the Geneva conference held that 
year, military infiltration through Laos 
was also forbidden. Yet, despite those pro- 
visions, South Viet-Nam is under an attack, 
already several years old, by forces directed 
and supplied from the North and reinforced 
by regular units, currently some 17 identi- 
fied regiments, of the North Vietnamese 
Arniy. The manifest purpose of this attack 
is to force upon the people of South Viet- 
Xam a system which they have not chosen 
by any peaceful process. 

Let it be noted that this attack by North 
Viet-Nam contravenes not only the United 
Nations Charter but also the terms of Gen- 
eral Assembly Resolution 2131 (XX), adopted 
unanimously only last December and entitled 
"Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Inter- 
vention in the Domestic Affairs of States and 
the Protection of Their Indei)endence and 
Sovereignty." That resolution declares, 
among other things, that: "No State has the 
right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for 
any reason whatever, in the internal or ex- 
ternal affairs of any other State." It further 
declares that: ". . . no State shall organize, 
assist, foment, finance, incite or tolerate sub- 
versive, terrorist or armed activities directed 
towards the violent overthrow ... of another 
State, or interfere in civil strife in another 
State." It would be hard to write a more 
precise description of what North Viet-Nam 
is doing, and has been doing for years, in 
South Viet-Nam. 

Certainly the prohibition of the use of 
force and subversion, both by this resolution 
and by the charter itself, must apply with 
full vigor to international demarcation lines 
that have been established by solemn inter- 
national agreements. This is true not only 
in Viet-Nam but also in all divided 
states, where the recourse to force between 
the divided parts can have far-reaching 
consequences. Furthermore, solemn interna- 
tional agreements, specifically the Geneva 
accord, explicitly prohibit recourse to force 
as a means of reunifying Viet-Nam. 

Our Affirmative Aims in Viet-Nam 

It is because of the attempt to upset by 
violence the situation in Viet-Nam, and its 
far-reaching implications elsewhere, that the 
United States and other countries have re- 
sponded to appeals from South Viet-Nam 
for military assistance. 

Our aims in giving this assistance are 
strictly limited. 

We are not engaged in a "holy war" 
against communism. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


We do not seek to establish an American 
empire or a sphere of influence in Asia. 

We seek no permanent mihtary bases, no 
permanent establishment of troops, no per- 
manent alliances, no permanent American 
presence of any kind in South Viet-Nam. 

We do not seek to impose a policy of aline- 
ment on South Viet-Nam. 

We do not seek to overthrow the Govern- 
ment of North Viet-Nam. 

We do not seek to do any injury to main- 
land China nor to threaten any of its legiti- 
mate interests. 

We do not ask of North Viet-Nam an un- 
conditional surrender or indeed the surren- 
der of anything that belongs to it. 

Nor do we seek to exclude any segment of 
the South Vietnamese people from peaceful 
participation in their country's future. 

Let me state affirmatively and succinctly 
what our aims are. 

We want a political solution, not a mili- 
tary solution, to this conflict. By the same 
token, we reject the idea that North Viet- 
Nam has the right to impose a military 

We seek to assure for the people of South 
Viet-Nam the same right of self-determina- 
tion — to decide its own political destiny, free 
of force — ^that the United Nations Charter 
affirms for all. 

And we believe that reunification of Viet- 
Nam should be decided upon through a free 
choice by the peoples of both the North and 
the South without outside interference, the 
results of which choice we are fully prepared 
to support. 

These, then, are our affiiTnative aims. We 
are well aware of the stated position of 
Hanoi on these issues. But no differences can 
be resolved without contact, discussion, or 
negotiations. For our part, we have long 
been — and remain today — ready to negotiate 
without prior conditions. We are prepared 
to discuss Hanoi's four points, together with 
any points which other parties may wish to 
raise. We are ready to negotiate a settlement 
based on a strict observance of the 1954 and 
1962 Geneva agreements, which observance 

was called for in the communique of the 
recent meeting of the Warsaw Pact countries 
in Bucharest. We will support a reconven- 
ing of the Geneva conference, or an Asian 
conference, or any other generally acceptable 

U.S. Proposals for Peace in Southeast Asia 

At the same time we have also been 
soberly considering whether the lack of 
agreement on peace aims has been the sole 
barrier to the beginning of negotiations. We 
are aware that some perceive other obstacles, 
and I wish to make here today three pro- 
posals with respect to them. 

First, it is said that one obstacle is the 
United States bombing of North Viet-Nam. 
Let it be recalled that there was no bombing 
of North Viet-Nam for 5 years, during 
which there was steadily increasing infiltra- 
tion from North Viet-Nam in violation of 
the Geneva accords, during which there were 
no United States combat forces in Viet-Nam, 
and during which strenuous efforts were 
made to achieve a peaceful settlement. Let it 
be further recalled that twice before we have 
susi>ended our bombing, once for 37 days, 
without any reciprocal act of deescalation 
from the other side and without any sign 
from them of a willingness to negotiate. 

Nonetheless, let me say that in this mat- 
ter the United States is willing once again 
to take the first step. We are prepared to 
order a cessation of all bombing of North 
Viet-Nam the moment we are assured, 
privately or otherwise, that this step will be 
answered promptly by a corresponding and 
appropriate deescalation on the other side. 

We therefore urge before this august 
assembly that the government in Hanoi be 
asked the following question, to which we 
would be prepared to receive either a private 
or a public response: Would it, in the interest 
of peace, and in response to a prior cessation 
by the United States of the bombing in North 
Viet-Nam, take corresponding and timely 
steps to reduce or bring to an end its own 
military activities against South Viet-Nam? 



Another obstacle is said to be North Viet- 
Nam's conviction or fear that the United 
States intends to establish a permanent 
military presence in Viet-Nam. There is no 
basis for such a fear. The United States 
stands ready to withdraw its forces as others 
withdraw theirs so that peace can be re- 
stored in South Viet-Nam and favors inter- 
national machinery — either of the United 
Nations or other machineiy — to insure effec- 
tive supervision of the withdi'awal. 

We therefore urge that Hanoi be asked the 
following question also: Would North Viet- 
Nam be willing to agree to a time schedule 
for supervised phased withdrawal from 
South Viet-Nam of all external forces — 
those of North Viet-Nam as well as those 
from the United States and other countries 
aiding South Viet-Nam? 

A further obstacle is said to be disagree- 
ment over the place of the Viet Cong in the 
negotiations. Some argue that, regardless of 
different views on who controls the Viet 
Cong, it is a combatant force and, as such, 
should take part in the negotiations. 

Our view on this matter was stated some 
time ago by President Johnson, who made 
clear that, as far as we are concerned, this 
question would not be "an insurmountable 
problem." ^ We therefoi'e invite the authori- 
ties in Hanoi to consider whether this ob- 
stacle to negotiations may not be more 
imaginary than real. 

We offer these proposals today in the 
interests of peace in Southeast Asia. There 
may be other proposals. We have not been 
and we are not now inflexible in our posi- 
tion. But we do believe that whatever 
approach finally succeeds, it will not be one 
which simply decries what is happening in 
Viet-Nam and appeals to one side to stop 
while encouraging the other. Such an ap- 
proach can only further delay the peace 
which we all desire and fervently hope for. 

The only workable formula for a settle- 
ment ■will be one which is just to the basic 
interests of all who are involved. 

In this spirit we welcome discussion of 
this question either in the Security Council, 
where the United States itself has raised the 
matter,' or here in the General Assembly, 
and we are fully prepared to take part in any 
such discussion. We earnestly solicit the 
further initiative of any organ, including the 
Secretary-General or any member of the 
United Nations whose influence can help in 
this cause. Every member has a respon- 
sibility to exercise its power and influence 
for peace; and the greater its power and 
influence, the greater is this responsibility. 

The Problem of Communist China 

Now I turn to another problem, related in 
part to the first: the problem of how to foster 
a constructive relationship between the 
mainland of China, with its 700 million peo- 
ple, and the outside world. The misdirection 
of so much of the energies of this vast, in- 
dustrious, and gifted people into xenophobic 
displays, such as the extraordinary, difficult 
to understand, and alarming activities of the 
Red Guards, and the official policy and doc- 
trine of promoting revolution and subversion 
throughout the world — these are among the 
most disturbing phenomena of our age. 
Surely, among the essentials of peace in Asia 
are "reconciliation between nations that now 
call themselves enemies" and, specifically, 
"a peaceful mainland China." * 

Let me say to this Assembly categorically 
that it is not the policy of the United States 
to isolate Communist China from the world. 
On the contrary, we have sought to limit the 
areas of hostility and to pave the way for 
the restoration of our historically friendly 
relations with the great people of China. 

Our efforts to this end have taken many 
foi-ms. Since 1955, United States representa- 
tives have held 131 bilateral diplomatic 
meetings in Geneva, and later in Warsaw, 
with emissaries from Peking. 

• At a news conference on July 28, 1965. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 14, 1966, 
p. 229. 

■* For an address made by President Johnson on 
July 12, see ibid., Aug. 1, 1966, p. 158. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


We have sought without success to open 
numerous unofficial channels of communica- 
tion with mainland China. 

We have made it crystal clear that we do 
not intend to attack, invade, or attempt to 
overthrow the existing regime in Peking, and 
we have expressed our hope to see repre- 
sentatives of Peking join us and others in 
meaningful negotiations on disannament, a 
nuclear test ban, and a ban on the further 
spread of nuclear weapons. 

But the international community, if it is 
faithful to the charter and to our resolutions, 
cannot countenance Peking's doctrine and 
policy of intervening by violence and sub- 
version in other nations, whether under the 
guise of so-called "wars of national libera- 
tion" against independent countries or under 
any other guise. Such intervention can find 
no place in the United Nations Charter nor 
in the resolutions of the General Assembly. 
Yet dozens of nations represented in this hall 
have had direct experience of these illegal 

Issue of Peking's Admission to U.N. 

It is in the light of these facts, anjl of our 
ardent desire for a better atmosphere, that 
the United States has carefully considered 
the issues arising from the absence of repre- 
sentatives of Peking from the United Na- 

Two facts bear on this issue and on the 
attitude of my country toward any attempted 

First, the Republic of China on Taiwan is 
a founding member of the United Nations 
and its rights are clear. The United States 
will vigorously oppose any eflFort to exclude 
the representatives of the Republic of China 
from the United Nations in order to put 
representatives of Communist China in their 

The second fact is that Communist China, 
unlike anyone else in the history of this orga- 
nization, has put forward special and 
exti'aordinary terms for consenting to enter 
the United Nations. In addition to the expul- 

sion of the Republic of China, there are also 
demands to transform and pervert this orga- 
nization from its charter purposes — some of 
them put forward as recently as yesterday. 

What can be the cause of this attitude? 
We cannot be sure, but we do know that it 
comes from a leadership whose stated pro- 
gram is to transform the world by violence. 
It comes from a leadership which openly pro- 
claims that it is opposed to any discussion 
of a peaceful settlement in Viet-Nam. It 
would almost seem that these leaders wish to 
isolate their country from a world — and 
from a United Nations — that they cannot 
transform or control. Indeed, they have 
brought their country to a degree of isolation 
that is unique in the world today, an isolation 
not only from the United States and its allies 
but from most of the nonalined world and 
even from most of the Communist nations. 
Many, not only the United States, have 
sought improved relations and have been 

At this moment in history, therefore, the 
basic question about the relation between 
Communist China and the United Nations is 
a question to which only the leaders in 
Peking can give the answer. And I put the 
question: Will they refrain from putting for- 
ward clearly unacceptable terms; and are 
they prepared to assume the obligations of 
the United Nations Charter, in particular 
the basic charter obligation to refrain from 
the threat or use of force against the terri- 
torial integrity or political independence of 
any state ? 

The world — and my Government — will 
listen most attentively for a helpful response 
to these questions. We hope it will come soon 
— the sooner the better. Like many other 
members here, the United States has the 
friendliest historic feelings toward the great 
Chinese people. We look forward to the occa- 
sion when they will once again enrich, rather 
than endanger, the fabric of the world com- 
munity and accept the spirit of the charter, 
which enjoins all people to "practice toler- 
ance and live together in peace with one 
another as good neighbors." 



Tasks of Economic Development 

Mr. President, I have dwelt on these great 
and thorny issues of Asia because they are of 
more — far more — than regional imi)ortance. 
Progress toward their solution would visibly 
brighten the atmosphere of international re- 
lations all over the world. It would enable 
the United Nations to turn a new corner, to 
apply itself with renewed energy to the great 
tasks of reconciliation and peaceful construc- 
tion which lie before us in eveiy part of the 

Surely, peaceful construction is needed — 
above all in the less developed areas. It is 
needed in Southeast Asia, today a region of 
conflict but also a region of vast underdevel- 
oi^ed resources, where my country is pre- 
jjared to make a most substantial contribu- 
tion to the development of the whole region, 
including North Viet-Nam. It is needed in 
the Western Hemisphere, where, under the 
bold ideals of the Alliance for Progress, the 
states of Latin America are already carrying 
out a far-reaching, peaceful process of eco- 
nomic and social development. 

Indeed, in no area are the tasks of eco- 
nomic development more important than on 
the continent of Africa, represented in this 
hall by the delegates of 37 nations. Last May, 
in commemorating the anniversary of the 
Organization of African Unity, the President 
suggested ways in which the United States, 
as a friend of Africa, might help with some 
of that continent's major economic prob- 
lems.^ Our efforts in this field are now enter- 
ing a new stage as we begin to carry out the 
recommendations of a special committee ap- 
pointed to review United States participation 
in African development programs, both bi- 
lateral and multilateral. 

But the economic side of this peace cannot 
stand alone. The time is past when either 
peace or material progress could be founded 
on the domination of one people, or one race 
or one group, by another. Yet attempts to do 
just that still continue in southern Africa 

today. As a result, the danger to peace in that 
area is real and substantial. 

My Government holds strong views on 
these problems. We are not, and never will 
be, content with a minority government in 
Southern Rhodesia. The objective we support 
for that country remains as it was stated last 
May: * "to open the full power and respon- 
sibility of nationhood to all the people of 
Rhodesia- — not just 6 percent of them." 

Nor can we ever be content with such a 
situation as that in South West Africa, where 
one race holds another in intolerable subjec- 
tion under the false name of apartheid. 

The decision of the International Court, in 
refusing to touch the merits of the question 
of South West Africa, was most disappoint- 
ing.' But the application of law to this ques- 
tion does not hang on that decision alone. 
South Africa's conduct remains subject to 
obligations reaffirmed by earlier advisory 
opinions of the Court, whose authority is 
undiminished. Under these opinions, South 
Africa cannot alter the international status 
of the territory without the consent of the 
United Nations and South Africa remains 
bound to accept United Nations supervision, 
submit annual reports to the General As- 
sembly, and "promote to the utmost the ma- 
terial and moral well-being and the social 
progress of the inhabitants." 

This is no time for South Africa to take 
refuge in a technical finding of the Interna- 
tional Court — which did not deal with the 
substantive merits of the case. The time is 
overdue — the time is long overdue — for 
South Africa to accept its obligations to the 
international community in regard to South 
West Africa. Continued violation by South 
Africa of its plain obligations to the inter- 
national community would necessarily re- 
quire all nations, including my own, to take 
such an attitude into account in their rela- 
tionships with South Africa. 

Many other questions of significance will 

• Ibid., June 13, 1966, p. 914. 


' For a Department statement of July 27, see ibid., 
Aug. 15, 1966, p. 231. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


engage our attention during this session of 
the General Assembly. Foremost among them 
are questions of disarmament and arms con- 
trol, of which the most urgent are the com- 
pletion of a treaty to prevent the further 
proliferation of nuclear weapons and the ex- 
tension of the limited test ban treaty. Re- 
maining differences on these issues can and 
must be resolved on a basis of mutual com- 

Need for Rule of Law in Outer Space 

Finally, I wish to speak of one further 
matter of great concern both to the United 
Nations and to my country, and that is the 
draft treaty to govern activities in outer 
space, including the moon and other celestial 

Major progress has been made in the ne- 
gotiation of this important treaty, but sev- 
eral issues remain. One of these concerns the 
question of reporting by space powers on 
their activities on celestial bodies. A second 
issue concerns access by space powers to one 
another's installations on celestial bodies. On 
both of these points the United States made 
at the most recent meeting of the Legal Sub- 
committee of the Committee on Outer Space 
— and reaffirmed in the parent committee — 
significant compromise proposals in the 
interest of early agreement. 

Unfortunately, the U.S.S.R. has not re- 
sponded constructively to these proposals. 
Instead, it has insisted on still another mat- 
ter: a provision requiring states which grant 
tracking facilities to one country to make the 
same facilities available to all others, without 
reciprocity and without regard to the wishes 
of the granting state. The obligation pro- 
posed by the U.S.S.R., as was apparent in the 
Space Committee, was unacceptable to many 
countries participating in our negotiations 
and was supported indeed only by a very 
small number of Eastern European states. 

Tracking facilities, our discussions demon- 
strated, are a matter for bilateral negotiation 

and agreement. The United States has held 
such discussions and reached such agree- 
ments with a number of countries on a basis 
of mutual commitment and common advan- 
tage. France and the European Space Re- 
search Organization have also established 
widespread tracking networks on a similar 
basis. It is, of course, open to the U.S.S.R. 
and any other space power, without objec- 
tion from my Government, to proceed in 
exactly the same way. 

I should like to state today my Govern- 
ment's interest in bilateral cooperation in the 
tracking of space vehicles on the basis of 
mutual benefits, and I should like now to 
make an offer to help resolve this dispute. If 
the Soviet Union desires to provide for 
tracking coverage from United States terri- 
tory, we, on our part, are prepared to discuss 
with Soviet representatives the technical and 
other requirements involved with a view to 
reaching some mutually beneficial agreement; 
and our scientists and technical representa- 
tives can meet without delay to explore the 
possibilities to this end. 

For, indeed, the outer space treaty is too 
important and too urgent to be delayed. This 
treaty offers us the opportunity to establish, 
in the unlimited realm of space beyond this 
planet, a rule of peace and law — before the 
ai-ms race has been extended into that realm. 
It is all the more urgent because of man's 
recent strides toward landing on the moon. 
By far the greater part of the work on the 
treaty is now behind us. We have agreed on 
important provisions, including major obli- 
gations in the area of aims control. We 
should proceed to settle the remaining sub- 
sidiary issues in a spirit of conciliation and 
understanding so that this General Assembly 
may give its approval to a completed treaty 
before the Assembly adjourns. 

Mr. President, I conclude by expressing 
our earnest hope that the words of the 
United States today on all these issues may 
contribute to concrete steps toward peace 
and a better world. 



We know the difficulties, but we are not 
discouraged. In the 21 turbulent years since 
the chaiter went into effect, we of the United 
Nations have faced conflicts at least as great 
and as difficult as any that confront us today. 
The failure of this organization has been 
prophesied many times. But all these 
prophecies have been disproved. Even the 
most formidable issues have not killed our 
organization — and none will. Indeed, it has 
grown great and respected by facing the 
hardest issues and dealing forthrightly with 

There is no magic in the United Nations 
save what we, its members, bring to it. And 
that magic is a simple thing: our irreducible 
awareness of our common humanity and our 
consequent will to peace. Without that 
awareness and that will, these great build- 
ings would be an empty shell. With them, we 
have here the greatest instrument ever de- 
vised by man for the reconciliation of con- 
flicts and the building of the better future 
for which all mankind yearns. 

The United Nations will live. We, its 
members, must and will make it live and 

flourish. Whatever the troubles we face, we 
must and will make its purposes of peace 
more and more come true. 

Senate Confirms U.S. Delegation 
to 21st U.N. General Assembly 

The Senate on September 16 confirmed the 
following to be representatives and alternate 
representatives of the United States to the 
21st session of the General Assembly of the 
United Nations: 

Arthur J. Goldberg 
Frank Church 
Clifford P. Case 
James M. Nabrit, Jr. 
William C. Foster 

Alternate Representatives 
James Roosevelt 
Mrs. Eugenie Anderson 
Mrs. Patricia Roberts Harris 
George L. Killion 
Harding F. Bancroft 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


President Marcos of the Philippines Visits the United States 

President Ferdinand E. Marcos of the 
Philippines made a state visit to the United 
States September 12-27. He met with Presi- 
dent Johnson and other Government officials 
at Washington September lJt-16 and ad- 
dressed a joint session of the Congress 
September 15. Following are exchanges of 
greetings and toasts hetiveen President 
Johnson and President Marcos on September 
lU and a joint communique released on 
September 15, together with the text of 
President Marcos' address to the Congress. 


white House press release dated September 14 

President Johnson 

Mr. President and Mrs. Marcos: We wel- 
come you. 

You come to this house and to this Nation 
as the captain of a great country and you 
bring more than your credentials as a Chief 
of State. For your people and mine have 
shared suffering and victory. So we are not 
only friends; we are brothers. 

You have also brought rain — and that 
endears you to us greatly. 

More than anyone here today, Mr. Presi- 
dent, you know the price of freedom. You 
were wounded five times in freedom's cause; 
you survived the Bataan Death March and 
for 2 years led a force of guerrillas with 
great and legendary courage. You wear two 
Silver Stars. And you carry the Distin- 
guished Service Cross — one of the highest 
awards a grateful United States can give its 

Our people take pride in the independence 
and progress of the Philippines. Your nation 
of islands is an exhibit for history's claim 

that the future belongs to those who cham- 
pion freedom and labor unselfishly for it. 

I think it is particularly fitting this morn- 
ing to observe that the new billion-dollar 
Asian Development Bank will soon have its 
headquarters in Manila. Your nation sym- 
bolizes the promise of this new venture. 
From the ruin of war you have built an 
economy which gives your people great hope, 
and you are an example to all nations that 
economic and social progress can be achieved 
without abandoning individual freedom. 

We know that what your nation has, it has 

What you yearn for, you work for. 

And what you work for — you are ready to 

For that, Mr. President, we are grateful. 

Last Sunday, on your 49th birthday, 2,000 
Philippine troops began their journey to 
Viet-Nam. In the field they will take their 
place beside Australians, Koreans, New Zea- 
landers, Americans, and South Vietnamese. 

I think I can understand your own feelings 
about this. As Commanders in Chief, you 
and I know that it is never easy to commit 
men to battle. But we know that if a leader 
is to pass along to the next generation the 
treasure of liberty, he must do what must 
be done. 

During the next 2 days we will talk of a 
day when the Pacific will be truly what its 
name implies: a place of peace. We will look 
to the time when nations who live by the 
side of that great ocean need no longer fear 
their neighbors; to a time when plenty, not 
poverty, is every man's reward for his labor. 

Two decades ago the Filipino and the 
American were joined in cause and blood. 
Today we are joined in our hopes for a peace- 
ful and prosperous world. 



You yourself, Mr. President, have set as a 
goal for your nation "the attainment of a 
higfher level of life for our people." That goal 
is our goal, too. 

So this morning it gives me great pride 
and pleasure, Mr. President, to see you and 
Mrs. Marcos here in our house, the first 
house of this land. I want you to know that 
the welcome comes from all the people of this 
land, who respect the work and sacrifice of 
your great nation. 

Thank you for being here. 

President Marcos 

President and Mrs. Johnson: Mrs. Marcos 
and I wish to extend our gratitude to you for 
your gi'acious welcome. 

We have come to your great country many 
times, but this is the first occasion on which 
I can extend to the American people, through 
you, a message of good will and friendship, 
of comradeship and amity, from the Filipino 
people, whose destiny and fate you once de- 
cided in a historic moment 20 years ago, 
when on July 4, 1946, you dismantled the 
American colonial machineiy in my country, 
declared it free, and thus set into motion one 
of the greatest glories of our age, the exten- 
sion of the frontiers of freedom and the 
emergence of sovereign nations all over the 

If the historians' verdict be true that our 
age will be remembered not so much for mili- 
tary or scientific achievements but for the 
ideal and the principle of the acceptance of 
international responsibility for the entire hu- 
man family, then America, under your lead- 
ership, Mr. President, can claim a major 
share of this pioneering work in implement- 
ing this radical principle that the rich na- 
tions must help the poor nations, not only 
because they are interdependent in an irre- 
versibly one world but because it is right. 

I have come in the hope that in my own 
modest way I shall be able to strengthen 
the ties that bind us and deepen the rela- 
tionship that has existed between our two 

For we have shared the community of the 
spirit, a commonness of ideals conceived in 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 

peace, strengthened in war. For over seven 
decades your nation and mine have walked 
the path of democracy. We have followed 
you. And we do not regret it. 

For we are happy today to be known as 
an independent country seeking to identify 
the ancient springs of our national identity, 
participating in all that is Asia and hoping 
to help mold its ultimate destiny, but remem- 
bering that in this country lies the fountain- 
head of most of our liberties and that in this 
kindly land came the generous impulse that 
allowed the birth of a new Republic in the 

This new Republic, I represent. It has only 
32 million people, and so perhaps the ques- 
tion should be asked: What can a small na- 
tion that was once a colony of the United 
States say to the President of the strongest 
nation ever known in the world? 

I can only say, Mr. President, that we have 
come humbly and in all modesty to offer the 
fearless resolution of the spirit of the Fili- 
pino. For you have strength of body, and we 
can only tell you that on many occasions we 
have survived on fortitude alone. 

What can we offer to this partnership with 
a great nation? You are perplexed by many 
problems that come from Asia and Africa. 
We come to offer you the intimate knowledge 
that we have acquired of Asia, from whence 
we come. 

We come to offer you a heart and mind 
dedicated to the same objective: peace with 

This is all that we can offer you. But we 
offer it with a full heart. Accept, therefore, 
our gratitude, again, Mr. President, for your 
benevolence and your enlightened colonial 
policy as far back as 1902. 

For the image of America that you have 
created in the disenchanted eyes of the Asian 
countries at the beginning of this centuiy, we 
thank you as a nation on which we can de- 
pend for the salvation of mankind. 

For in your strong hands lies the awesome 
responsibility that you discharge as the first 
and foremost nation that is a nuclear power. 

We thank you for utilizing your powers 


with restraint and wisdom. We have watched 
the leadership of President Johnson and we 
can only say, as the Orientals say: Leader- 
ship is the other side of the coin of loneliness, 
and he who is a leader must always act alone 
— and acting alone, accept everything alone. 

We have seen you accept everything. The 
compulsion of the timorous you have dis- 
carded; the importunings of friends you have 
rejected. But staying close to the image that 
you knew of America and your vision of 
what is America, you have insured the se- 
curity of my part of the world. 

And in insuring the security of my part 
of the world, you have given to them a vision, 
too, perhaps of prosperity. Because in addi- 
tion to the fact that you have become the 
guardian of the hopes of Asia, you have as- 
sured them that your ultimate motive is 

Your plan for the Asian Development 
Bank,' which soon shall be established; the 
Mekong Lower Basin Project,^ to which goes 
many of the taxes of the American people; 
the Honolulu Declaration,^ which in ringing 
terms calls upon the whole world for a social 
revolution without violation of human rights; 
and your own move within your country — all 
this Asia watches and can only say: God 
grant that this leader continue in health that 
he may attain the final noble objectives that 
he envisions and we all dream about. 

Thank you, again. 


White House press release dated September 14 

President Johnson 

Mr. President, Mrs. Marcos, ladies and 
gentlemen, and Mr. Valenti: I have a con- 
fession to make tonight, Mr. President. I 
invited you here because I wanted to get to 
know you and to talk over with you many 
problems of interest to our two countries. 

But there is also another reason for the 
invitation. It has been, until tonight, classi- 
fied as top secret, known only to a handful of 
the highest American officials. It has been 
known to the Vice President, to the Secre- 

tary of State, to Senator [Edmund S.] Mus- 
kie, and to a former member of my staff, 
Jack Valenti. 

Mr. President, each of them, you may re- 
call, has visited your country. Each of them 
met Mrs. Marcos. And each of them came 
back with a report that, as I remember, was 
something like this: The Philippines are on 
the march. The Philippines have a great 
future. The Philippines have a great leader — 
and he has a beautiful wife. 

And then they went on to say, each of 
them: We believe, Mr. President, that you 
should invite President Marcos to the United 
States. And each of them always added a 
postscript: Be sure to include Mrs. Marcos. 

We are veiy fortunate, Mr. President, in 
the choice of our wives. There has been a lot 
of talk in my countiy recently about elec- 
tions. When someone asked me my reaction 
to this talk, I pointed out that actually, after 
all, I am a very fortunate man. So far, the 
Republicans haven't nominated Lady Bird. 
You and I, Mr. President, may win elections, 
but our wives win heails. 

We have much more in common, however, 
than just these wonderful helpmates. 

Both of us served in the Pacific during the 

Both of us later served in the Congress — 
and both of us later had our difficulties with 
the Congress. That may have sounded like a 
past tense. Both of us have had, and are 
having, difficulties with the Congress. 

Both of us became the Senate leader of our 
parties — and both of us sometimes wish we 
were still there. 

I hope you have an opportunity, Mr. Presi- 
dent, to gain an appreciation of American 
politics while you visit us for the next few 
days. Let me assure you now that we are 
never as mad as we actually sound. 

' For text of President Johnson's remarks upon 
signing the Asian Development Bank Act of 1966 
(P.L. 89-369) on Mar. 16, see BULLETIN of Apr. 4, 
1966, p. 521. 

^ For text of President Johnson's message to Con- 
gress on the Southeast Asia aid pi'ogram on June 1, 
1965, see ibid., June 28, 1965, p. 1054. 

' For background and text, see ibid., Feb. 28, 1966, 
p. 302. 



You are fortunate to be here before an 
election. You will probably understand very 
quickly what one of our philosophers once 
said about politics in our country. He said, 
"The Republicans have their splits after an 
election, and the Democrats have their splits 
just before an election." 

I ani sure you never have any problems 
like that in the Philippines. 

You are a most welcome guest in this 
house, Mr. President and Mrs. Marcos. To us, 
you are the sj-mbol of an undaunted spirit in 
Asia that is enlarging liberty and enhancing 
the lives of human beings. 

Our talks this afternoon were delightful. 
They were productive; they were good for 
both of our countries. We looked honestly 
and thoroughly at the problems that face our 
peoples and the world. 

We both, I think, understand that if free 
nations that are small are to be the archi- 
tects and guardians of their own destiny, 
they must be willing — and able — to discour- 
age intruders. 

As friends of your countiy, we are quite 
proud of the progress that you are making 
toward a free Pacific and toward a dynamic 

As old comrades in arms, we have made 
plans to join in a new alliance. This time, the 
alliance is to fight the enemy which is 
hunger, the enemy which is disease, the 
enemy which is ignorance. 

Already our work is under way. The new 
billion-dollar Asian Development Bank, 
which has its headquarters in Manila, offers 
the nations of Asia a cooperative pool of re- 
sources for the giant tasks ahead. 

The dramatic work of the International 
Rice Research Institute, which is also located 
in your country, is proving that our capacity 
for discovery is really unbounded. 

And these are but two of the specific steps 
of cooperation that we are taking together 
as willing partners in the future of the 

I hope, Mr. President, that you will be able 
to amend your itinerary, in the light of our 
discussions this afternoon, to visit other 
parts of this great land of ours. 

We hope that you can visit some of our 
space installations. I think that our conver- 
sations this afternoon in that regard were 
quite fruitful. I look forward to the day 
when the Philippines and the United States 
can exi)lore the stars together. 

I look forward to the day when we can es- 
tablish economic planning institutes in which 
we can work together in the field of oceanog- 
raphy and to the day when we can spend 
some time together attempting to determine 
what brings about the typhoons that cost the 
people of Asia $500 million a year. 

Our thoughts were of the future. Our 
thoughts were of tomorrow. Our thoughts of 
what we could, what we should, and what we 
must do to meet these problems. But our 
thoughts were always together, as brothers 
in arms. 

Mr. President, we recognize you as a man 
of courage and as a man of faith. Tonight 
we have assembled from all parts of this na- 
tion our leading and most respected citizens. 
They have come here to honor you and your 
lady, Mr. President. 

They have come to salute a hero in war 
who was on the Bataan Death March, who 
was wounded five times, who wears two Sil- 
ver Stars and the Distinguished Service 
Cross — and who is a new voice of Asia and 
a leader for peace in the world. 

So I should like to ask those of you, my 
friends, who have come here to meet with me 
tonight, to join in a toast to the President of 
the Republic of the Philippines. 

President Marcos 

President and Mrs. Johnson, Members of 
the Cabinet and Congress of the United 
States, distinguished guests, ladies and gen- 
tlemen: When I spoke this morning in re- 
sponse to the welcome of President Johnson, 
I spoke of the President as a man known to 
Asia as the man who has guaranteed se- 
curity for that part of the world. 

Now there is a new dimension. There is 
compassion and at the same time mixed with 
a sense of humor which strikes me as over- 
whelming under the circumstances. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


As I was passing through Honolulu, Gov- 
ernor [John A.] Bums told me this story. 
"The ladies of this country," he said, "actu- 
ally follow the men. Although they make the 
decisions as to where the children should go 
to school, where the family should reside, 
where the marketing should be done, how the 
family budget should be maintained, the men 
make the big decisions like whether NATO 
should continue in Europe or not, or whether 
there should be a counterinsurgency center 
in Manila." 

I answered Governor Burns that "In the 
Philippines we have simplified all of this. 
We surrendered to the women a long, long 
time ago. We set them up on a pedestal so 
high they can't intervene in manly affairs." 

I say this, because I understand that the 
occasion of our visit here has somehow re- 
solved a continuing rivalry between the 
ladies and the men of the fourth estate. I am 
happy to know, however, that it has been re- 
solved to the satisfaction of everybody and 
that the day after tomorrow I will be able to 
meet with all of the members of the fourth 
estate peaceably gathered, like the United 
Nations in fragments. 

We have the saying in our country that a 
man who does not look back to his origins 
can never reach his destination. 

This is true of nations, and this is true of 
peoples. As I look back at the origins of our 
people, I see a country, my country — 7,770 
islands, as of the last count — whose shores 
have been washed by the tidal ebb and flow of 

I see a people with its neighbors who, ac- 
cording to the latest diggings of Dr. Fox in 
Palawan Island, were established in these 
islands in 3000 B.C. 

But I also see an association between the 
Philippines and the United States that dates 
back more than half a century, an association 
that resulted in a partnership conceived in 
peace, tested in war, and now meeting the 
challenges of this trying age with resolution 
and determination. 

We have separated, and freedom was 
granted us in 1946. You have grown up into 

the most powerful democracy ever known to 

While the Philippines has become an ex- 
periment in democracy in our part of the 
world, it is my feeling that as I look back 
and see all the trials and tribulations that we 
have gone through, I am certain that such a 
partnership will outlast all the difficulties of 
the long and tedious road that we must travel 

As I look back, I see the United States 
establishing the conditions for freedom and 
emancipation not only of the nation but also 
of the individual. 

But now I see, too, the compassion of 
America. What is the image of America to 
the Asian? The image of America to the 
Asian is, first, that of freedom, of liberty. 
But, as I said, there is a new dimension and 
there is compassion. 

All over the world one hears of the agita- 
tion of all the nations as the issue of a third i 
world war or peace hangs in perilous bal- J 
ance. This issue of freedom is disputed not 
only in the battlefields but in the hearts and 
minds of men. 

And I am, therefore, most thankful that 
in our conversations, Mr. President, this 
afternoon, you permitted your vision of the 
image that should be America to contaminate 
my mind. 

I look up into the heavens and hope that 
this modest and small country, the Philip- 
pines, may participate in the great and joyful 
dreams of utilizing the secrets of space for 
peaceful means, that the talents of the 
United States may help develop a poor and 
undernourished country. 

Underdevelopment is a term perhaps hazy 
to the many. To some it may mean just an- 
other television set or automobile. But to us 
who plan for the underdeveloped countries, 
a slight mistake means pain, bitterness, 
despair, hunger, and even death. 

And, thus, your graceful offer that the 
minds and talents and genius that is Ameri- 
can can be offered for the planning of the 
development of the small and poor countries 
is, indeed, something that inspires me and, I 



know, as I shall transmit this messag-e to all 
the Asian leaders and the Asian peoples, will 
inspire them. 

For, Mr. President, they realize and they 
will realize that in this kindly land that is 
America there was, indeed, not only freedom 
but humanity and a sensitiveness to the needs 
of all mankind. 

I would also like to note the fact that in 
this country I have learned as I watched the 
tolerance by a great leader of dissent. I have 
watched you explain to the less perceptive 
without irritation. And certainly we are 
happy that this is so. 

For we look to this leader who can make 
decisions without impatience with difficult 
allies, notwithstanding the increasing fatigue 
from unending responsibility and in spite of 
what is apparently divided counsel. 

Mr. President, I carry back to my country 
a clearer image of America as I carry back 
to my people, also, a clearer message that 
comes from you. It is not only a message of 
resolution, it is not only a message of 
strength, it is also a message of humaneness. 

It is a message of your belonging to the 
great majority that is mankind. It is a mes- 
sage of your broad perspective and vision. 

As I bear this message back to Asia, I 
know that Asia will understand and listen. 
And to the challenge that you have raised, 
Asia will respond. 

I look forward, therefore, to the day when 
all of Asia, notwithstanding its diversity, 
shall stand up in partnership with a great 
country, the United States of America, and, 
under the leadership of a man like you, rise 
up to the dreams of our nobler selves and 
attain this vision that has all but been erased 
by these terrible problems that confront us 

Mr. President, it is hard to concentrate on 
questions of state in such happy, congenial, 
and lovely company. So, may I now ask each 
and every one of you to stand up and join 
me in a toast to the President and Mrs. John- 

May they achieve all their dreams and may 
they lead the American people to the fulfill- 

ment of the noble objectives that they have 
set for their country and for their people. 
The President and Mrs. Johnson. 


Whit« House press release dated September 16 

1. At the invitation of President Johnson, Presi- 
dent Marcos made a state visit to Washington Sep- 
tember 14 to 16, 1966. This afforded an opportunity 
for the two Presidents to engage in the friendly 
and fraternal talks which have become traditional 
between the two countries. 

2. President Johnson and President Marcos had a 
frank and cordial exchange of views on internation- 
al developments of common significance as well as 
the cooperative arrangements which give substance 
to Philippine- American relations. 

3. President Marcos set forth his vision of the 
Philippine future. He described the many frontiers 
that mankind faces- — in space and in the ocean 
depths, on the farm and in the laboratory, in eco- 
nomic development and in expanding the capabili- 
ties of the young. He expressed his determination 
to move his country forward across these frontiers, 
with the exertion of Philippine energy and initiative 
and with the cooperation of friendly nations, espe- 
cially the United States. 

4. Scientific Cooperation. Both Presidents recog- 
nize the need of promoting cooperation in areas of 
science and technology and the mutual exchange of 
information and scientific knowledge for peaceful 
purposes. Such cooperation will furnish incentives 
to public and private resource initiative of both 
countries in enhancing and cultivating scientific and 
technological endeavors as a fundamental basis of 
a mutually beneficial relationship on science and tech- 

5. Specifically, the two Presidents discussed recent 
developments in space technology. President Marcos 
expressed his desire to encourage greater training 
of Philippine scientists and engineers in the peace- 
ful applications of such technology, and President 
Johnson undertook to offer appropriate fellowships 
for this purpose in U.S. institutions. 

The considerable economic loss suffered annual- 
ly in the Far East from typhoons was discussed 
by the two Presidents, who agreed that the re- 
gional initiatives undertaken by ECAFE [Eco- 
nomic Commission for Asia and the Far East] 
and WMO [World Meteorological Organization] 
to improve technical capabilities for typhoon dam- 
age control deserved full support. President John- 
son offered the services of a United States mete- 
orological team to develop a joint program of 
typhoon damage control in the Philippine area in 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


concert with regional planning, and President 
Marcos agreed to the desirability of such a pro- 

Finally, the two Presidents noted the coopera- 
tive programs already started between the Philip- 
pine National Science Development Board and the 
U.S. National Academy of Sciences, and agreed 
that these programs should be expanded so that 
private and public research efforts can be ap- 
plied to the advance of knowledge about growing 
food on the land and in the sea in the tropics. 
The two Presidents noted the expanded efforts 
now under way by the U.S. Government in the 
field of oceanography, in which it was agreed that 
the Philippines would participate fully. 

6. Economic Development. One of the principal 
matters dealt with was the vigorous approach of 
the new Philippine Government to the problem of 
economic development. President Marcos re-empha- 
sized his four-year development program to raise 
the living standards of the Philippine people, along 
lines already made public and discussed over many 
months. President Johnson was particularly encour- 
aged to note the emphasis which President Marcos 
placed on improving the lot of the rural people 
through increased agriculture productivity, better 
income and meaningful land reform. 

7. To support President Marcos' program of eco- 
nomic development and progress, the United States 
assistance program will be substantially increased 
during the coming year. This expanded effort will 
give priority to President Marcos' rural development 
and rice productivity program, including loans for 
irrigation projects and grants for other aspects of 
this program. 

The two Presidents agreed to begin immediate 
negotiations for sales of agricultural commodities 
under a liberal credit arrangement over the next 
year, the proceeds of such sales to be used to sup- 
port projects or programs to be agreed upon in 
such fields as irrigation, drainage and flood con- 
trol, land reform, feeder roads, agricultural credit 
and Farmer's Cooperatives. The United States 
government will also provide support for pro- 
grams and projects to be agreed upon in agricul- 
tural research, training and productivity, and 
pest and disease control, cadastral survey and 
land classification. 

Extensive discussions are now in progress on 
these programs and projects. In addition, a new 
self-help program is being launched pursuant to 
the Food for Peace program under which food 
will be provided as a grant to allow payment of 
wages in kind to rural workers engaged in local 
improvement projects, and a grant of feedgrains 
will be made to stimulate the establishment and 
growth of livestock cooperatives. 

U.S. assistance will also include a stepped-up 
malaria eradication campaign and planning for 

rural electrification, air traffic control and an inte- 
grated telecommunications network. The United 
States is prepared to extend credit to finance en- 
gineering feasibility studies to help develop other 
new projects for external financing. 

8. Further Economic Matters. The two Presidents 
noted that their representatives are continuing to 
identify, on an urgent basis, additional ways in 
which the United States can be helpful in assisting 
President Marcos' initiatives in agricultural, indus- 
trial, and other fields. Both Presidents recognized 
that the size of the task to be done requires the 
active participation of all interested governments 
and international institutions. It was also recog^iized 
that the success of the renewed Philippine efforts 
depends to a great extent on raising the level of 
internal savings, both public and private. 

9. The two Presidents recognized that orderly 
economic development required the full organization 
and utilization of available management talent. 
President Marcos described the measures he had 
taken to systematize economic development planning 
and indicated he would welcome additional United 
States technical assistance in this field. President 
Johnson agreed to make available a technical ad- 
visory team composed of both governmental and 
private experts for this purpose. 

10. Recognizing that external assistance mobilized 
through the major international lending institutions 
would speed economic development in the Philip- 
pines, the two Presidents agreed on the desirability 
of closer consultations among all countries and in- 
ternational agencies having an interest in helping 
the Philippines. President Johnson assured Presi- 
dent Marcos of full American support for a Philip- 
pine initiative along these lines, and of active 
American cooperation in such an effort. Pending 
completion of multilateral arrangements, the U.S. 
will provide assistance to the Philippines under a 
bilateral program. 

11. As regards means for ensuring the fruitful 
participation of foreign private investors in Philip- 
pine development, the two Presidents emphasized the 
importance to the Philippines of a favorable invest- 
ment climate to attract and hold foreign private 
capital. As a further means of stimulating new pri- 
vate capital flows to the Philippines, the Presidents 
were pleased to announce that an exchange of 
notes ■* had taken place providing for an augmenta- 
tion of the coverage provided under the current 
Investment Guaranty Agreement ' between the two 

12. Future Economic Relations. The two Presi- 
dents agreed that an expansion of trade between 
the Philippines and the United States would also 
contribute to the development and stability of both 

* Not printed here. 

^ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2517. 



countries. They agreed that there should be an early 
beginning of intergovernmental discussions on the 
concepts underlying a new instrument to re- 
place the Laurel-Langley Trade Agreement ' after 
its scheduled expiration in 1974. Intergovernmental 
discussions should be conducted through a joint pre- 
paratory committee to be set up before June 30, 
1967. Both Presidents recognized the necessity of 
providing an adequate framework after 1974 for a 
fair and equitable treatment of new and existing 
investments, as well as for the expansion of trade 
opportunities between the two countries. The two 
Presidents agreed that the extension of Parity 
Rights under Article 6 of the Agreement would not 
be sought. 

13. Offshore Procurement. The two Presidents 
agreed that the Philippines should participate on a 
full and equitable basis in supplying U. S. offshore 
procurement needs in Vietnam. 

14. Mutual Security. Both Presidents recognized 
the strategic role which the Philippines plays in the 
network of allied defenses and agreed to strengthen 
their mutual defense capabilities. Both Presidents 
recognized that such defense construction projects 
as are presently under way and may be required in 
the future contribute to this end. President Marcos 
informed President Johnson of recent indications of 
resurgence of subversive activities, especially in 
Central Luzon. President Johnson pledged the con- 
tinued assistance of the United States in the con- 
certed drive of the Marcos Administration to 
improve the well-being of the people and strengthen 
its capabilities for internal defense. 

15. The two Presidents reviewed the current re- 
quirements of the Philippine armed forces for ex- 
ternal assistance. In accordance with President 
Marcos' program to expand the Army's civic 
action capability, President Johnson was pleased to 
inform him that the United States would within this 
fiscal year provide equipment for five engineer con- 
struction battalions to be engaged in civic action 
projects contributing to internal security, and would 
consider furnishing equipment for five more such 
battalions in the next fiscal year. President Johnson 
also informed President Marcos that delivery of 
a Destroyer Escort for the Philippine Navy was 
anticipated next year. The two Presidents agreed 
to keep the U.S. Military Assistance Program under 
continuing review in order to ensure that the mate- 
riel and training supplied to the Philippine armed 
forces were kept appropriate to the changing re- 
quirements and missions of these forces. 

16. The two Presidents pledged themselves to 
strengthen the unity of the two countries in meeting 
any threat to their security. In this regard, they 
noted the continuing importance of the Mutual De- 
fense Treaty between the Philippines and the United 

States ' in maintaining the security of both coun- 
tries. President Johnson reiterated to President 
Marcos the policy of the United States regarding 
mutual defense as stated by him and by past U.S. 
Administrations to the Philippine Government since 

17. The two Presidents noted that in the forth- 
coming Rusk-Ramos Agreement, the U.S. accepts 
President Marcos' proposal to reduce the term of 
the military agreement from 99 to 25 years.' 
The two Presidents reaffinned that the bases are 
necessary for both countries for their mutual de- 
fense, and were gratified with the progress being 
made in the negotiation and resolution of various 
issues related to the Bases Agreement in the spirit 
of harmony, friendship and mutual accommodation. 
They agreed that the base negotiations should be 
continued with a view to earliest possible resolution 
of remaining issues in the spirit of good will and 
cooperation which has characterized these negotia- 
tions to date. 

18. The two Presidents noted the benefits to be 
gained if countries can share and profit from their 
common experiences in meeting Communist infiltra- 
tion and subversion in all its forms in Southeast 
Asia. In this connection, the accomplishments of 
SEATO and of individual countries were discussed 
as well as means by which the Philippines and the 
United States might make an added contribution to 
this significant work. The two Presidents concluded 
that the usefulness of a center in the Philippines 
which might serve as a focal point for this work 
should be explored and proper actions pursued. 

19. Veterans. The two Presidents noted that as 
a result of the recommendations of the Joint Com- 
mission which they appointed earlier this year, leg- 
islation to provide increased benefits to Philippine 
veterans, their widows, orphans and other depend- 
ents has been introduced in the U.S. Congress. Presi- 
dent Johnson assured President Marcos of his full 
support of these measures and expressed his strong 
hope that they would be enacted in the near future. 

20. President Marcos put the case of the Philip- 
pine veterans. President Johnson explained the 
problems and limitations from the standpoint of the 
United States. The two Presidents agreed that 
their representatives would discuss the means of 
restoring wartime pay to those recognized Philip- 
pine guerrillas who did not previously receive it 
and of compensating certain members of the Philip- 
pine Army for erroneous deductions of advanced 
salary from their wartime pay. 

21. The two Presidents agreed to adopt pro- 
cedures which would minimize the adverse impact 
which additional payments to Philippine veterans 
might have on the U.S. balance of payments. 

'TIAS 3348; for background and text, see Bul- 
letin of Sept. 19, 1955, p. 463. 

'TIAS 2529; for text, see Bulletin of Aug. 27, 
1951, p. 335. 
' See p. 547. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


22. Special Fund for Education. The two Presi- 
dents agreed to put to effective and creative use the 
Special Fund for Education available from and 
pursuant to the U.S. War Damage Appropriations 
for the Philippines. They directed the joint panels 
established last spring to accelerate discussions al- 
ready under way on project proposals, and concurred 
in the rapid implementation of projects as they are 
mutually agreed. 

23. Developments in Asia. President Marcos dis- 
cussed his efforts in concert with other Asian coun- 
tries to bring about an all Asian political forum to 
which can be referred any crisis in Asia like 
the Vietnam conflict for settlement by concilia- 
tion or other peaceful means. President Marcos also 
stressed his country's recognition of Malaysia and 
Singapore and the acknowledgment by Asian coun- 
tries of the Philippine role in helping pave the way 
toward solution of the Indonesian and Malaysian 
question. President Johnson reiterated his support 
for an Asian conference to settle the Vietnam war 
and reaffirmed to President Marcos that so far as 
the United States is concerned it is prepared for 
unconditional discussions or negotiations in any ap- 
propriate forum in an effort to bring peace to South- 
east Asia. President Johnson reaffirmed that the 
basic U.S. purpose in Asia is to support the national 
aspirations of Asian peoples; the United States is 
ready to continue helping other nations which seek 
its assistance in improving the welfare of their 
peoples and in strengthening themselves against ag- 

24. The two Presidents conducted a frank and 
searching review of the problems of international 
security in the Pacific area in general and in South- 
east Asia in particular. They were in complete 
agreement that the principal threat to peace and 
security in the region was the Communist war of 
aggression and subversion being waged against the 
government and people of South Vietnam. President 
Johnson expressed his deep admiration as well as 
that of the American people for the action recently 
taken by the Philippines to send a civic action group 
of 2,000 men to assist the Vietnamese in resisting 
aggression and rebuilding their country. 

25. The two Presidents reviewed events of the past 
few years which demonstrated the substantial prog- 
ress being made in Asia toward regional coopera- 
tion. President Marcos noted, in particular, the 
recent meeting of the Foreign Ministers of Asia and 
the Pacific in Seoul, and the meeting of the Foreign 
Ministers from the Philippines, Thailand and 
Malaysia in Bangkok within the framework of the 
Association of Southeast Asia. The two Presidents 
noted that the establishment of the Asian Develop- 
ment Bank, with its headquarters in Manila, was 
a specific example of which imaginative statesman- 
ship by Asian countries working together could ac- 

complish. President Johnson welcomed the evidence 
of expanding cooperation in Asia and reiterated the 
willingness of the United States to assist and sup- 
port cooperative programs for the economic and 
social developments of the region. 

26. Mutual Objectives. Both Presidents agreed 
that the close personal relationship established be- 
tween them during the visit will further strengthen 
the deep friendship and partnership which bind 
their two countries. President Marcos expressed his 
profound appreciation for the warm welcome and 
hospitality shown him and his party by President 
Johnson and the American people. The two Presi- 
dents recalled with pride the historic association of 
their two peoples who, once more, are standing 
side by side in the defense of liberty. They affirmed 
that their partnership reflects their long-standing 
and common dedication to the promotion of human 
rights and freedom. 


Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, distin- 
guislied Members of Congress, ladies and 
gentlemen: I must first thank the distin- 
guished Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives for his generous introduction. 

When your distinguished diplomat by in- 
stinct and by necessity, Vice President 
Humphi'ey, extended to me the invitation of 
your great leader President Johnson to visit 
the United States in his now well-storied and 
effective trips to Asia, I did not expect the 
distinct honor of addressing a joint session 
of the U.S. Congress. 

For there is no more noble forum than the 
U.S. Congress. It is the Foro Romano, the 
Roman Forum of the modern world. For, in- 
deed, in our century, you are more than the 
voices of the American people or of American 
civilization. The voices that speak here speak 
to every man of the world. And it is here, 
since the 18th century, that the issues of 
modern times have been expressed and de- 
bated. Your decisions impinge upon the lives 
of the lowly and powerful alike. 

Conscious of these circumstances, I come 
as an Asian, and I come with a message from 

' Reprinted from the Congressional Record of Sept. 
15, p. 21818. 



Asia and especially my country, the Philip- 

For, in culmination of a novel experiment 
in government, the United States dismantled 
its colonial machinery in my country some 20 
years ago on July 4, 1946. It is as the elected 
representative of an Asian nation of 32 mil- 
lion people whose independence and destiny 
in the modern world have been the subject of 
debate in this Hall, that I stand before you 

I come before you as the bearer of these 

The First Message: Fraternal Affection 

The first is a message of fraternal affec- 
tion from the Filipino people. 

America occupies a special place in Philip^ 
pine hearts. So do the American people. And 
we Filipinos, for our part, are proud to be 
counted among America's friends and allies. 

I have journeyed 10,000 miles across the 
Pacific and continental America. I have come 
from Asia, from what some may describe as 
another world. But I feel at home in your 

For here in America I breathe a native air, 
the air of freedom that has become as much 
the breath of life for our young Republic as 
it has been for yours for nearly 200 yeai's. 

And in this inner citadel of American 
democracy, in this Congress of the United 
States, where the vital pulse of freedom beats 
strong and true, my own heart is at ease. 

At ease and full. For any citizen of the 
free world, to stand here is to remember how 
a great Nation was formed in liberty tem- 
pered by law. How the greatest of democra- 
cies flourished in freedom and became, in 
two global wars, the salvation of the world. 
And now, at the summit of its power, it is 
called upon to lead in translating into reality 
the most cherished of humanity's hopes: 
peace with justice, in a world rebuilt upon a 
moral order that insures survival and growth 
even under the shadow of manmade total 

For a Filipino like myself, to stand here 

is also to remember that in this kindly land 
lies one of the fountainheads of his own 
country's liberties, that from here emanated 
the generous impulse that made possible a 
new birth of freedom in the Pacific, that in 
a very real sense the Philippines is a sister 
Reiniblic of the United States. 

That new birth of freedom in our island 
nation was but the first of many. The inde- 
pendence of the Philippines initiated the dis- 
mantling of colonialism in Asia, a historic 
process that was to extend to Africa and 
eventually become worldwide. To America 
belongs the pioneer's honor for bringing 
about one of the glories of our age: the vast 
extension of the frontiers of freedom 
through the emergence of so many new 
sovereign states. 

Filipinos believe that he who does not 
look back to his origins will not reach his 
goal. This belief applies to nations as well 
as men. When I say that we Filipinos have 
a special regard for America, I look back to 
a Philippine-American association of more 
than half a century, during which a friend- 
ship was formed strong enough to endure 
the trials of war and, I hope, rich enough 
in living values to meet the varied and stem 
challenges of peace. 

I look back and it was precisely this spirit 
of prevailing freedom in the United States, 
the ripeness of emancipation in your society, 
that made the Philippine revolutionary 
leaders in 1898 come into consultation and 
some terms of partnership with Admiral 
Dewey, even before a single American had 
landed on our shores. 

The facts are in history: the agreement 
between President Aguinaldo and Admiral 
George Dewey; the consensus of opinion 
between the Filipinos fighting an ancient 
monarchy and a colonial regime and the 
Americans regarding the procedure of our 
finally realizing freedom. 

It matters not now to many what the true 
agreement was between American represen- 
tatives and Filipino revolutionaries in Hong 
Kong — as to whether you promised inde- 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


pendence, denied it, and claimed the Philip- 
pines as a purchase for $20 million, thus 
starting the bloody war between your country 
and mine of 1898 to 1902. 

For you redeemed all of these with such 
an enlightened colonial policy that the 
Filipino committed himself to destruction in 
the frontlines of the lost battles of Bataan 
and Corregidor as well as the underground 
under American higher commanders. The 
frontiers of these historic places were 
manned by Filipino troops and Filipino offi- 

It matters not except to us that after 
the Second World War the Filipino soldier 
felt disowned by you when you approved the 
law which provided that service of the 
soldiers of the Philippine Commonwealth 
inducted to the U.S. Army shall not be con- 
sidered service in the U.S. Army for pur- 
poses of benefits and rights granted by law. 

For the American leaders again listening 
in a spirit of fairness have openly declared 
an injustice had been committed and you 
have sought and are still seeking to right 
this wrong. 

So the Filipino soldier again died in the 
battlefields of Korea beside his American 
comrades for the same cause, while the Re- 
public of the Philippines was fighting its 
own war of survival against the Huks, the 
armed elements of communism in my coun- 
try who had staged their own violent national 
liberation movement. 

And today we send our sons to South 
Viet-Nam on an errand of mercy although 
we face the retaliation of armed communism 
in our own land in the midst of a financial 

What matters was that you had willingly 
abided by the true image of America, at 
once providing in the Philippines a condition 
of the spirit of freedom; founding throughout 
the country a universal educational system; 
replacing the feudal dispensation of the once 
regnant Spanish regime with civil institu- 
tions; helping the Commonwealth govern- 
ment in its efforts to implement social and 

economic reforms; and, finally, introducing 
into our much-Europeanized culture the tech- 
nology, awareness, ideas, and expertise of 
the vigorous civilization of the new world. 

And, as an Asian, may I say that this is 
precisely what has endeared the civilization 
of America to Asia. As Tagore had de- 
clared, at the turn of the 19th century, it is 
the modern spirit of liberalism that makes 
the West relevant to us. 

The Second Message: A Vote of Thanks 

The second message from the Philippines 
is a vote of thanks to America. 

History recalls that twice in this century 
America's power, wielded with courage and 
heroism by the American people, has pro- 
vided the margin of strength needed to bring 
world wars to a victorious end. Twice after 
victoiy, America shunned the prospect of 
world domination and turned instead to the 
tasks of peace. 

The Filipino people are thankful that the 
greatest military power in the world today 
is also the power most completely committed 
to the cause of world peace based on law and 

A distinguished historian has predicted 
that future generations will regard as the 
noblest achievement of our time not military 
or scientific conquests but the acceptance of 
international responsibility for the welfare 
of the entire human family. If this should 
indeed be the verdict of history, America 
would be entitled to claim a major share of 
the credit. For America has pioneered in 
giving reality to the revolutionary concept 
that rich nations should help those less for- 
tunate than themselves, not only because it 
is necessary to do so in today's interdepend- 
ent world but because it is right. 

We in the Philippines are also thankful 
America has discharged the awesome re- 
sponsibility of being the first and foremost 
atomic power in the world with restraint 
and wisdom. Humanity's safety and its 
chances for survival rest in the hands of 
America and we thank God that those strong 



hands are firmly harnessed to the uses of 
peace and the heart that moves them entirely 
worthy of its solemn trust. 

The Third Message: The Burden of Leadership 

]\Iy third messajie is of jrreater urgency 
from the Philippines as well as from all of 

As an Asian friend who has read the 
Asian mind and heart, allow me to speak 
in candor. 

We note some hesitancy, some frustration 
and doubts, in America today. 

After you lost the mainland of China to 
communism, after the battles of Korea and 
the debacle of Dien Bien Phu, you have 
doubted your own streng^th, your own com- 
petence, and questioned your own wisdom. 
Even after the commitment of your sons in 
Viet-Nam, still the question is asked: "Where 
are we headed for?" The mothers ask, "Why 
must our sons die in some unknown land?" 

We condole with you because we, too, have 
lost our sons in battle. We, too, have known 
the horrors of war. God grant that America 
will never know what we have known at first 
hand — Manila was the most ravaged city in 
the Far East after World War II, and, in the 
distinguished company of bombed-out shat- 
tered cities, was next only to Warsaw. 

God grant that America will never see 
what we saw — an occupation army in full 
control of city and countryside. 

And we know what guerrilla warfare 
means; we are intimate with its cruel con- 
notations. And we know what it is to die in 
jungle fastnesses as well as in street coniers 
and alleys — as your young men once knew 
death in Bex'lin and Paris, as they are ex- 
periencing now in the mud and mire of 
South Viet-Nam. 

The Philippines is the only country, per- 
haps, which has overcome a national Com- 
munist rebellion with its own indigenous 
troops — without the aid of alien soldiery. 
And even today in the Philippines commu- 
nism again has resurged as a reaction to our 
increased aid to the Republic of Viet-Nam. 

You who have lost your sons in an un- 
known land — why such death? you ask. When 
will these sacrifices end, and what does the 
future hold for all of us? 

These are your questions. Gone for our 
moment of history is Grotius and his vision 
of world order. Only you can answer these 
questions. I can only offer you my thoughts. 

The Wall of Fear 

You have built around you a wall of fear — 
the wall of fear of Asia and all things Asian. 
It is the wall of fear of Asian communism. 
It is the wall of the unknown, the distant, 
the unplumbed risks, and the imagined ter- 

For a time Asia cringed in anxiety as 
there were suggestions that you forfeit your 
leadership in the Pacific because of fear. 

America, the time has not yet come for 
you to lay down the heavy burden of leader- 
ship. Out of the bounty of your human and 
material resources, this great country has 
already given more generously to the com- 
mon fund of human welfare than any other 
single nation in history. In the lifetime of 
this generation alone, America has con- 
tributed more to the security and well-being 
of the free world than could ever be repaid 
by its beneficiaries. 

For America by the inscrutable judgment 
of destiny has become the trustee of civiliza- 
tion for all humanity. And America cannot 
escape this role. 

The summons to America is worldwide, 
but the area of greatest urgency is my own 
region, Asia. In Asia today, the issue of world 
war or world peace hangs in perilous bal- 
ance. In Asia the future of freedom is being 
disputed in battlefields as well as in the minds 
and hearts of men — in the hamlets, the mar- 
ketplaces. Last year we were losing the mili- 
tary war. Today the tide has turned. The 
military initiative has ti'ansferred to Viet- 
Nam and her allies. But we are not winning 
the war for the mind and heart of Asia. We 
are in danger of losing it. 

In Asia the ultimate questions are being 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


asked concerning- man's capacity, in this 
atomic age, to survive his own suicidal in- 
stincts, fashion workable modes of coexist- 
ence, and eventually build that better world 
to which his nobler self aspires. 

The Three Challenges 

Asia today challenges America and the 
rest of the world in three vital fields: security 
from aggression; economic cooperation; and 
the definition of the moral and political basis 
upon which a new, more creative, more stable 
partnership could be built. 

The war in Viet-Nam agitates the whole 
world and has brought into sharp focus the 
problems of Asian security. We stand with 
America in maintaining that aggression, 
whether perpetrated openly or by proxy, must 
be deterred and defeated; that all nations, 
Asian or not, are entitled to freedom from 
fear of subversion or overt attack; that they 
should have the period of peace they need to 
attend unmolested to their urgent tasks of 
economic and social development. 

"Looming Menace" of Communist China 

But peace or victory in Viet-Nam is only 
part of the answer to the question of Asian 
security. After Viet-Nam resurgent China 
poses the bigger problem. Very soon Com- 
munist China's growing military power may 
match its intransigence and its expansionist 
ambitions. This is the looming menace to 
Asian and world security today. 

If the problem were simply a power equa- 
tion, it could be solved tomorrow. But at the 
heart of the matter lies an agonizing di- 

To the free Asian nations rightly belongs 
the primary responsibility for their own se- 
curity and well-being. This is an inevitable 
and a welcome consequence of independence. 
It is a privilege as well as a duty. However, 
China's power, blatantly militant and still 
unrestrained by firm commitments to inter- 
national law, is developing during the dan- 
gerous interim period when the other Asian 
states, whether jointly or alone, cannot or- 
ganize adequate defensive strength and be- 

fore the United Nations has perfected its 
capacity to maintain international peace and 
order. The resulting security gap invites in- 
tervention, subversion, and foreign-inspired 
"wars of liberation." This dangerous security 
gap which is the present period can only be 
filled by America, however much Asian na- 
tions may abhor or at best regard with dis- 
trust such non-Asian power. It is only Amer- 
ican military power that is acceptable in 
Asia and great enough to deter Communist 
China's aggressive tendencies. 

Lin Piao's Pattern for Conquest 

As an Asian who has made it his lifework 
to study and know the Asian mind and heart 
as reflected in the diff"erent countries, allow 
me to remind you that the old hard-core lead- 
ers around Mao Tse-tung are firmly and se- 
curely in power. The mantle of authority 
upon the demise of Mao Tse-tung will fall 
upon the shoulders of Marshal Lin Piao, the 
prophet of Mao Tse-tung still supported by 
Chou En-lai. This is a hard political reality. 
During the lifetime of these leaders at the 
least, it is believed by many that there is no 
probability of the moderation or mellowing 
of Chinese Communist policies. It is felt that 
Mao Tse-tung's version of protracted war, 
the war of national liberation, shall be uti- 
lized as an instrument of ideological expan- 
sion by means of an interminable wave of 
guerrilla action sustained by ruthless terror. 

We are not against negotiations with Red 
China nor do we espouse a cutting of com- 
munications with them. On the contrary, we 
will support every effort to keep the channels 
of communication open and hope that nego- 
tiation can bring about a suspension of hos- 
tilities — but the military initiative just re- 
cently recovered should not be forfeited. 

Marshal Lin Piao's pattern of world con- 
quest is summed up in his terse simplifica- 
tion that in the world Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America are the rural areas while Western 
Europe and North America are the cities: 
that when the rural areas are conquered, the 
cities will fall, as was their experience in the 
Chinese mainland. 



Asia may fall but America is the ultimate 
target. It is, therefore, to your national in- 
terest that the plan be aborted. 

Hopes for Peace in Viet-Nam 

For the iiast several months, several Asian 
states, the Philippines among them, have been 
working quietly and unobtrusively to bring 
about the first prerequisite to peace in Viet- 
Nam and that is to establish lines of com- 
munications between North and South Viet- 
Nam. The suspension of hostilities in South 
Viet-Nam can be attained only by the self- 
less obsession for anonymity by the negotia- 
tors that is required in delicate and sensitive 
negotiations of this nature. 

To bring about peace in Viet-Nam will 
involve long, tedious, confidential, and secret 
negotiations. Patience and fortitude and just 
the right touch of sophistication and civility 
in the conduct of these negotiations will suc- 
ceed. Publicity should come only after peace 
has been negotiated. 

From my point of view it will not matter 
who will claim the credit for having brought 
about the successful negotiation. What mat- 
ters now is that this violent, ruthless, and 
wasteful war must be brought to the con- 
ference table. 

The effectivity and success of the quiet 
type of diplomacy that I propose and advo- 
cate has been demonstrated in the disman- 
tling of the confrontation between Indonesia 
and Malaysia in which the Philippines had a 
modest share. 

Even in this modern world, for the success 
of conciliation the most important factor to 
regard in Asian diplomacy is that no nation 
or leader or diplomat loses face in the nego- 
tiations. Losing face is still an unpardonable 
offense to an Asian. 

An Asian Political Forum 

Perhaps in this juncture it is now timely 
to speak frankly of the possibility of an 
aggroupation of Asian states constituting the 
ECAFE under the United Nations into a 
political forum which can de-fuse or even 
settle any crisis that may arise in the region. 

Such an aggroupation of necessity accepts 
again the reality of the diversity of ideology 
among Asian nations. But an aggroupation 
of like-minded states would of necessity be 
suspect and be unable to bring about com- 
munication between conflicting countries 
with different ideologies and political beliefs. 
The establishment of the Asian Development 
Bank, I hope, will bring the different nations 
together close enough and condition them to 
cooperation so that they can hammer out 
such an arrangement. 

The crux of the problem for America is to 
bring American power to bear in Asia on 
terms acceptable to Asian nationalism. It is 
a difficult but not an impossible task. Com- 
munist China's attacks on Korea, Tibet, and 
India had alerted neighboring countries to 
a developing pattern of expansionist design. 
The unsuccessful Communist-inspired coup 
d'etat in Indonesia last year projected this 
design into the forefront of Asian conscious- 
ness. The result was a greatly heightened 
realization that Communist China, soon to 
become a nuclear power, is everybody's se- 
curity problem, requiring for its solution the 
cooperation of eveiyone. 

This new factor in the Asian solution is 
just beginning to be discerned and has not 
yet fully developed and cannot be appreciated 
outside Asia. It is among the most significant 
and heartening developments in the region in 
that one of its meaningful aspects is the pos- 
sible growing desire for regional cooperation 
not only in the economic and social fields but 
possibly also in the political and security 

Another is the enhanced awareness that 
for the present and the years immediately 
ahead, Communist China's neighbors cannot 
expect, singly or together, to "balance" 
China's crucial margin of nuclear power 
without the assistance of non-Asian coun- 
tries like America. There is in consequence 
a new disposition to regard America's de- 
terrent power in Asia as a necessity for the 
duration of time required by the Asian na- 
tions to develop their own system of regional 
security supported by what they hope would 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


have become a greatly strengthened United 

It is a mood both realistic and hopeful. 
Regarded with understanding and consider- 
ation, it could offer a wider basis for Asian 
cooperation than America has been able to 
achieve in the past. Three conditions are in- 
dispensable to the realization of that broader 
association. It must be based not on the nar- 
row ideological alinements of the cold war 
but on the inescapable reality of Asian di- 
versity. It must work with the tide of Asian 
nationalism instead of running counter to 
it. And it must be constructive in spirit and 
purpose, looking beyond victory in Viet-Nam 
to the creation of a milieu of justice and a 
rule of law under which all Asian nations 
could achieve their maximum potential for 
peaceful growth. 

The experience of Viet-Nam suggests that 
it is not too soon to explore the creative pos- 
sibilities of this new approach. To func- 
tion in Asia without full Asian support 
is to build on shifting sand. The greater the 
power projected from outside into Asia, the 
more compelling the need that it should oper- 
ate in harmony with Asian aspii'ations, to- 
ward goals compatible with Asian independ- 
ence and dignity. 

The Challenges to America and Asia 

America's deepening appreciation of this 
need for a genuine basis of understanding 
and common purpose with Asia coincides 
with the growing desire in the region for 
security from aggression of all kinds, open 
or disguised, Asian or non-Asian. The chal- 
lenge to America is to extend to Asia the 
defensive shield of American power in forms 
consonant with Asian freedom and self- 
respect. The challenge to Asia is to discard 
the dry meatless bone of mysticism and fatal- 
ism for the lifegiving substance of aspiration 
and endeavor; to leave the past behind, recog- 
nize today's need for energetic self-reliance 
and dignified maturity; to make common 
cause against aggression and meet America 
halfway in a joint undertaking to make the 
future secure for all. 

After the United States recognized the in- 
dependence of the Philippines in 1946, the 
American Government reluctantly yet real- 
istically accepted the triumph of Communist 
power in the Chinese mainland as an ac- 
complished fact. Still later, the Allied occu- 
pation of Japan, which was essentially an 
American operation, was formally termi- 
nated. All these developments added up to 
a recognizable policy of American disengage- 
ment from the affairs of Asia. 

In Europe the trend was exactly the oppo- 
site. To the challenge of Soviet power fol- 
lowing the end of the Second World War, the 
United States and its European allies coun- 
tered with NATO. In rapid succession the 
Soviet attempt to drive the Western Allies 
from West Berlin was deflected by the Berlin 
airlift and the Communist threat against 
Greece and Turkey was nullified by the 
Truman doctrine. America made it abun- 
dantly clear that it was not prepared to see 
Western Europe overrun by Soviet power. 

Thus, American policy in the period after 
the war conformed more or less to the 
Europe-first doctrine that had dominated 
Allied strategy during the war. The Filipino 
people, who were the main sacrificial victims 
of that wartime strategy, were deeply con- 
cerned that a similar strategic concept would 
govern the postwar policy of the United 
States. In 1949, from this same rostrum, 
President Elpidio Quirino, the second Presi- 
dent of the Republic of the Philippines, called 
upon the United States to respond to the 
Communist menace in Asia with a Pacific 
equivalent of NATO. His appeal fell on deaf 
ears, however, and the following year he was 
compelled to convoke in Baguio City, on his 
own responsibility and without American 
support, the first Conference of Southeast 

Within months after the holding of the 
Baguio conference, the Communists struck 
in Korea. President Truman, who had firmly 
challenged Communist ambitions in Europe 
while acquiescing to a policy of disengage- 
ment from Asia, suddenly realized that Com- 



munist power was reaching- out boldly toward 
Asia. Under the banner of the United Na- 
tions, the United States and 15 other states, 
includinjif the Philippines, joined forces to 
repel the Communist invasion of South 

Out of the bitter experience of the war 
in Korea, the Southeast Asia Treaty Organi- 
zation — SEATO — was bom. This happened 
in Manila in 1954, 4 years after President 
' Quirino had first advocated the establishment 
of an anti-Communist alliance to serve as 
; the Asian equivalent of NATO. At the same 
I time, the United States entered into mutual 
defense alliances with the Philippines, Japan, 
Australia, and New Zealand. All these things 
were done under the then much-scorned but 
now surprisingly topical Dulles doctrine of 
"brinkmanship" and "massive retaliation." 

The salient elements of American policy 
emerge from this brief recital of recent 
events. The first is that, following the end 
of the Second World War, there was a de- 
libei'ate attempt to orient American policy 
away from Asia and the Pacific toward 
Europe and the Atlantic. The second is that 
American policy in Asia has been essentially 
passive in character, developed and pursued 
mainly in response to Communist initiatives 
in subversion, aggression, and conquest. In 
short, the United States has been a reluctant 
participant in the affairs of Asia. 

That reluctance did not spring from a new 
spirit of isolationism among the American 
people: It sprang rather from the feeling that 
prevailed among the makers of American 
foreign policy at the time that while the 
United States could undertake a virtually 
unlimited commitment to defend Europe, it 
could only accept a limited commitment to 
defend Asia. This was duly reflected in the 
differing obligations accepted by the United 
States under NATO and SEATO. American 
awareness of closer racial and cultural affini- 
ties with Europe probably justified this atti- 
tude in a situation where American power 
was, in any case, inadequate to police the 
world as a whole. 

Today, we face the fact of massive Amer- 

ican involvement in Viet-Nam — in a struggle 
which can neither be exi)lained on the basis 
of recognized affinities nor justified by the 
example of the previous United Nations ac- 
tion in Korea. 

American Involvement in Viet-Nam 

History, however, may i)rovide both ex- 
planation and justification. One elementary 
fact of American history is that the United 
States was a Pacific power long before it be- 
came an Atlantic power. President Washing- 
ton's injunctions against "entangling alli- 
ances" and President Monroe's promulgation 
of the doctrine that bears his name insured 
America's virtual isolation from European 
aflfairs. This isolation lasted a long time, and 
America did not become an Atlantic power 
until after the First World War. 

By contrast, the United States became a 
Pacific power just before the Civil War, when 
Commodore Perry opened feudal Japan to 
the modern world. This was followed at the 
turn of the last century by the acquisition 
of the Philippines, Hawaii, and Alaska, and 
by American support of the open door policy 
in China. American rule over the Philippines, 
the war in the Pacific, and the American oc- 
cupation of Japan confirmed and strength- 
ened the status of the United States as a 
Pacific power. 

The American presence in Viet-Nam makes 
sense only when viewed in the historical con- 
text of the development of the United States 
as a Pacific power. 

To recall this chapter of American history 
is not, of course, necessarily to justify the 
motives that brought the United States to 
Asia. The truth is that the American Repub- 
lic, having isolated itself from the affairs of 
Europe and having had no share in the 
spoliation of Africa, was obliged to turn to 
Asia, across the Pacific, as the object of its 
belated imperialist attentions. 

Today, having relinquished control of the 
Philippines and terminated the occupation of 
Japan, the United States can truthfully dis- 
avow any surviving imperialist ambitions in 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


Asia. The presence of American bases and 
American troops in South Korea, Japan, 
Okinawa, and the Philippines could be justi- 
fied as aiming solely to deter or repel any 
encroachments of Communist power in these 

This point should be made indubitably 
clear in the case of the American presence 
in Viet-Nam. Americans and their Govern- 
ment should never tire repeating that the 
United States is in Viet-Nam for the purpose 
of assisting that nation in defending its in- 
dependence and territorial integrity. They 
should give every assurance that they are 
not in Viet-Nam, or anywhere else in Asia, 
for the purpose of political hegemony or eco- 
nomic gain. This, President Johnson has re- 
peatedly done. 

Such avowals of American purpose would 
correspond to the deepest aspirations of the 
non-Communist Asian nations themselves. 
Their common hope and desire is to be given 
an opportunity to consolidate their independ- 
ence, to translate it in terms of a better life 
for their citizens, to determine and shape the 
destiny of their country without outside in- 
terference of any kind. To achieve these 
goals, these non-Communist nations realize 
that they need the umbrella of American 
power to shield them from Communist infil- 
tration, subversion, and aggression. Without 
attempting to establish new or enlarged mili- 
tary alliances, it should be possible for the 
United States to provide this protection for 
all those nations that desire and ask for it. 

America's Record in Foreign Affairs 

Does America have a "negative" record 
in foreign affairs? The record shows that the 
East-West confrontation in Europe has been 
stabilized and that Communist influence is 
in retreat in Asia and Africa. As late as 2 
years ago, nonalinement or Communist-lean- 
ing neutralism was the prevailing policy 
among Asian states. Today, Ceylon, India, 
and Indonesia have virtually abandoned their 
old familiar stance of neutralism and become 
firmly anti-Communist. Pakistan appears to 
be desisting from its open flirtation with 
Communist China, while the Communist par- 

ties of North Korea and Japan have declared 
their independence of Peking. 

I personally know for a fact that the Amer- 
ican presence in Viet-Nam provided — though 
quite unintentionally — encouragement and 
support to those who successfully resisted the 
attempted Communist takeover in Indonesia. 
It is certain that the U.S. 7th Fleet in the 
China Sea, as well as American airpower in 
the area, rendered inoperative the so-called 
"Peking-Djakarta axis," which the Indo- 
nesian Communist Party might otherwise 
have invoked in the extremity of its dis- 
astrous debacle in Java. 

In effect, and almost without realizing it, 
we are even now already reaping valuable 
dividends from the American presence in 
Viet-Nam. Those benefits are certain to mul- 
tiply as the non-Communist neighbors of 
China understand that their security is guar- 
anteed by the umbrella of American power. 
The assurance that has been given by Presi- 
dent Johnson that this protection will not 
suddenly be withdrawn tomorrow, thus leav- 
ing them to the mercy of Chinese commu- 
nism, is an indispensable factor in maintain- 
ing the stability of southeast Asia. 

The so-called "domino theory," which 
many experts tend to discount, may be an 
oversimplification. But it is cei'tainly correct 
to argue that a countiy like Thailand, for 
example, is hardly likely to depend for its 
security on an American army that has been 
defeated or has withdrawn under fire from 
Viet-Nam. Thailand would have to adjust 
to Chinese hegemony in Asia and its attitude 
would be shared in varying degrees by Laos, 
Malaysia, India, Pakistan, Japan, and the 

Our object must be to hold the line in Viet- 
Nam and, at least, to roll back Communist 
power behind the 17th parallel. This being 
achieved, we shall have provided a necessary 
basis for joint action among the Southeast 
Asia nations themselves in order to insure 
their collective security. 

When this has been done, American mili- 
tary power could withdraw to existing bases 
in the outlying islands and archipelagos: 
Japan, Okinawa, Taiwan, and the Philip- 



pines. Together with the U.S. 7th Fleet, this 
line of defense off the Asian mainland could 
be rendered completely impregnable, while 
offering needed sujiport to any mainland 
nation that may be threatened by Commu- 
nist power. 

Communist China and Its Neighbors 

With this cordon sanitaire effectively es- 
tablished around the eastern and southern 
rtanks of Communist China, the latter might 
then realize that it could more usefully har- 
ness its energies to the enormous task of 
satisfying the needs and improving the liveli- 
hood of its 700 million people. Or it could 
turn around and begin looking over and 
across the 5,000-mile front which it shares 
with the Soviet Union. But that would be 
another story. 

There was reason to say in mitigation of 
Communist China's avowed policy of univer- 
sal revolution, that is, of abetting and as- 
sisting "people's wars" abroad, that while 
the rulers of Peking are violent in their 
speeches, they are remarkably nonviolent in 
their actions. In recent weeks, however, many 
of the statements of the Chinese Communist 
leaders, as well as some of the actions which 
they have tolerated or encouraged, appear to 
verge dangerously on the irrational. Pru- 
dence dictates that we should beware lest the 
fanaticism behind their words translates it- 
self into fanatical action and lest their ir- 
rationality in domestic matters merely fore- 
shadows irrationality in foreign affairs. 

No Asian country or government desires 
the destruction of Communist China. We 
who are its neighbors realize that we must 
coexist with China and the Chinese people. 
We need to adjust to the overwhelming fact 
that it exists in our very midst. But, equally. 
Communist China must accept the obligation 
to coexist peacefully with its neighbors. This 
means that it must abandon and forswear 
its policy of exporting violence and foment- 
ing disorder amongst its neighbors. 

Until we receive assurances to this end, 
the policy of the military containment of 
China must continue. 

It was Winston Churchill who said, as 

he rallied the battle-weary people of Britain 
during the last war, that the true measure 
of a nation's greatness is what it can do when 
it is tired. On the basis of this criterion, the 
United States may not, because of divided 
counsel at home, because of increasing 
fatigue from endless responsibility, or be- 
cause of impatience with difficult allies, lay 
down the heavy burden of power and, in 
effect, resign as the leader nation of the free 

It is not easy for someone not an American 
to say these things to Americans at a most 
trying moment in their history. It would be- 
hoove an outsider to keep discreet silence on 
questions that have so deeply divided Ameri- 
cans. Having served in the U.S. Armed 
Forces during World War II and as a guer- 
rilla officer during the Japanese occupation, 
I cannot be indifferent to the grief of thou- 
sands of Americans and Vietnamese whose 
brothers, sons, and husbands are fighting and 
dying in Viet-Nam. 

Though I have spoken of our stake in 
Viet-Nam in terms of a battle of ideologies 
and a contest for power, I do not forget that 
the values involved in that struggle are pro- 
foundly human. Because the stakes are high, 
even decisive, involving the very future of 
freedom in Asia and, ultimately, in the world 
as a whole, including this country, we should 
like to see the hand of America remain 
steady and sure on the wheel of power and 
responsibility. We should like to be reassured 
that this great country, its people and Gov- 
ernment, shall never act upon the agonizing 
issues of our time in disgust or anger, or 
from a feeling of tiredness or a sense of 
panic, but in the knowledge that they are 
confronted with responsibilities that must be 
met, tasks that must be accomplished, and 
battles that must be waged with all the cour- 
age and wisdom at their command. 

The Parallel in the Economic Field 

A parallel situation obtains in the eco- 
nomic field. Here, too, the primary respon- 
sibility rests with the Asian countries 
themselves. Economic and social develop- 
ment on a scale commensurate with the 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


aroused expectations of their own people is 
a task deserving of their greatest effort and 
utmost dedication. Maximum self-help should 
be their watchword dictated as much by self- 
respect as by sheer necessity. But here, too, 
even heroic national exertions may yet leave 
between success and failure, between poverty 
and prosperity, a vital margin — the economic 
gap which only assistance from outside can 
fill at this stage. And as in the field of 
security, foreign aid, though needed and de- 
sired, must be extended without the harsh 
demands that remind Asia of its past en- 
slavement and with some sophistication if 
not idealism, in ways compatible with Asian 

The links of economics with the problem 
of peace are less obvious but no less real. 
Poverty is not only a fertile seedbed for 
Communist dictatorship and other extreme 
solutions; it is also the open gate to foreign- 
inspired subversion and the open road to 
"wars of national liberation." When it afflicts 
a region as vast and as populous as Asia, it 
becomes a major threat to world peace. 

One-half of mankind living in abject want 
or at bare subsistence levels constitutes an 
enormous drag on world prosperity. Itself 
already a "sea of troubles," impoverished 
Asia also has the more dreadful potential of 
triggering another world war, offering as it 
does an almost irresistible temptation for 
foreign intervention. And in the growing 
economic bipolarization of the world into 
rich nations becoming richer and poor 
nations becoming poorer — one of the most 
serious long-term threats to international 
security — Asia, with its population explo- 
sion, its unsatisfied wants, and its deeply 
rooted grievances against the past, would be 
a major factor for all of humanity. 

Much is already being done through ex- 
isting organizations, within as well as out- 
side the United Nations, to meet Asia's need 
for economic aid. More is required to fill that 
vital margin between failure and success 
which even the most devoted application of 
self-help cannot bridge. Increased capital 
investments and more effective technical as- 

sistance are essential. But more important in 
the long run is the enhancement of the feel- 
ing of partnership between the nations 
giving aid and the nations receiving it. 

The Moral Basis of Economic Assistance 

Precisely because there is no shortcut to 
economic development, the human factor 
should be kept constantly in view. The moral 
basis of economic assistance should never 
be forgotten in the preoccupation with its 
material superstructure. A sense of joint 
involvement in one of the great enterprises 
of this century is needed to sustain both the 
rich and the poor nations during the long, 
difficult journey toward the goal of a better 
life for all envisaged by the United Nations 

The moral aspect of economic cooperation 
is of particular relevance to Asia. The na- 
tions of Asia give high priority to economic 
progress. But their deepest hunger is not of 
the body; it is hunger of the spirit: the de- 
sire, after centuries of colonial bondage, for 
the fullest attainable measure of human 
equality and human dignity. 

This is the reason why the American 
Declaration of Independence still transmits 
a living message to the peoples of Asia, why 
they hold Lincoln the emancipator in such 
high regard, and why they have been so 
deeply moved by Roosevelt's proclamation of 
the four freedoms, Kennedy's ringing sum- 
mons to a global alliance for the upliftment 
of the human condition throughout the 
world; and that is why President Johnson is 
called the liberator of Asia with his solemn 
promise of military security and his chal- 
lenge to a social revolution. 

They misjudge Asia who believe that 
the material factor will be decisive for Asia's 
future. And they malign Asia who imagine 
that Asian nations are craven opportunists 
intimidated by brute strength and ever ready 
to join the winning side. America's Philip- 
pine experience belies both beliefs. And if an 
Asian leader were to be asked to choose be- 
tween indignity and hunger, he would unhesi- 



tating-ly choose hunger. And his people would 
go hungiy with him. 

For Asia is an ancient civilization; and 
its culture is essentially shaped by philoso- 
phy and religion and its actions moved by 
its ethical precepts. And when we react to 
the West, it is its materialism, its scientific 
power, that we confront, and the signs of 
enervation of its spirit. We discover a pros- 
perous society advanced in its technology and 
living by the fundamentals of power and the 
machine and by its material excesses. 

Human Values in a Materialistic Culture 

But even here we perceive the fact of 
conflict arising from the inability of peoples 
to accommodate the yearnings of purely 
human values to be projected in this mate- 
rialistic culture. And indeed in our world 
we witness not merely total war but also the 
acceptance of the totalization of doom. Be- 
neath the overt unresolved conflicts of na- 
tions is the reality of human conflict — man 
against his culture because it has not been 
able to accommodate entirely his values, and 
even man against himself. 

The human condition is a dialectic, and 
man himself has forfeited the inner harmony 
of his own nature. 

Between the conceptions and actions of 
our civilization is a great divide of dis- 
cordant facts. We have a politics, for in- 
stance, openly declared on democratic 
principles, but we witness the reality of 
inequality in our times; the fact of the sub- 
version of the self-determination of nations; 
the disintegration of international law itself 
because of the inability of nations and 
powers in the international community to 
live by the postulates of the rule of law. The 
system of Grotius and the eff'orts of inter- 
nationalists to enlist reason and an ordered 
postulate of justice in the settlement of dis- 
putes have found no concrete actuality. 

And yet, it cannot be denied that in our 
century the evidence of material advance- 
ment and the prosperity of peoples is more 
true than at any other period of human his- 
tory. The conclusion, therefore, is undeni- 

able: that man cannot be sustained by the 
actuality of materialism; that he does not 
live by bread alone; and that it is only when 
wealth identifies itself with the spirit that it 
justifies itself. 

American leadership has never been 
solely militaiy; more accurately, it has con- 
sistently been spiritual. 

Your Marshall Plan to a devastated 
Europe; your corps of peace volunteers to 
Africa and Asia; your concern with the 
democratic rehabilitation of Japan, an enemy 
counti'y ; even your economic aid to develop- 
ing societies and your readiness to come to 
the defense of nations beleaguered in their 
just fight for sovereign rights — this is not 
America, the military imperialist, but the 
same America which saw in the conditions 
of the Philippines, my country, the prospect 
for a democratic experiment in Asia, the dis- 
mantling of the colonial machinery that was 
to end the enslavement of many peoples of 
the world. 

In Viet-Nam are the savagery and ferocity, 
the treachery and bloodiness of war. Yet, 
there America has identified itself with indi- 
vidual fulfillment, with freedom, with no- 
bility of the soul, with social justice. 

For all the iron and steel you have piled 
on solid ground, Viet-Nam remains a vision 
and spirit which posterity, given the per- 
spective of time, will be able to judge in its 
true light. 

There is, therefore, the relevance of a reas- 
sertion of American leadership — a leader- 
ship based on the concepts of this new society 
as it was defined by your Founding Fathers 
and reiterated in the American Declaration 
of Independence, a leadership that is bold 
and vigorous in its liberalism, cutting across 
the distances between peoples which were 
created by misunderstanding, ignorance, and 
differences of human conditions — and just as 
your Founding Fathers had ventured out to 
the open seas so much feared for their 
imaginary terrors and false depths of risks, 
let America once more break through the 
wall of fear of Asia which has kept peoples 
apart and nations divided. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


This is the America which the old world 
had enshrined in its liberalism; the new 
society which immediately found acceptance 
from the disenchanted nations of Europe and 
Asia at the turn of the 19th century — the 
image of the new world that had bewitched 
Dutch sailors' eyes and the migrating vision 
of those who took flight from the tyranny of 
monarchies — the green light of the 20th 
century that has heretofore been a beacon 
of the lost ideals of our times. 

This is what has ennobled the image of 

How Can America Reach the Heart of Asia? 

To those who ask how America can reach 
the heart of Asia, I say: Let America speak 
from the depths of its own heart, with the 
voice of Jefferson, with the compassion of 
Lincoln, with the vision of Roosevelt, with 
Kennedy's clarion call to a crusade in behalf 
of the weak, the oppressed and defenseless; 
for a world of hope, lawful order, and grow- 
ing freedom; let America speak through 
President Johnson's challenge for the social 
revolution that would transform human 
society without violence to human rights. 

America, speak to Asia in the words of 
President Johnson when he said: i" 

By peace in Asia I do not mean simply the 
absence of armed hostilities. For where men hun- 
ger and hate, there can be no peace. 

I do not mean that peace of conquest. For humili- 
ation can be the seedbed of war. 

And I do not mean simply the peace of the con- 
ference table. For peace is not written merely in 
the words of treaties, but in the day-by-day works 
of builders. 

The peace we seek in Asia is a peace of concili- 
ation between Communist states and their non- 
Communist neighbors; between rich nations and 
poor; between small nations and large; between men 
whose skins are brown and black and yellow and 
white; between Hindus and Moslems and Buddhists 
and Christians. 

It is a peace that can only be sustained through 
the durable bonds of peace: through international 
trade; through the free flow of people and ideas; 

'" For text of President Johnson's radio-TV ad- 
dress of July 12, see BULLETIN of Aug. 1, 1966, 
p. 158. 

through full participation by all nations in an inter- 
national community under law; and through a 
common dedication to the great tasks of human 
progress and economic development. 

Is such a peace possible? 

With all my heart, I believe it is. We are not there 
yet. We have a long way to journey. 

Addressed in these accents, Asia will listen. 
Confronted with this challenge, Asia will 

The Last IVIessage 

My last message to you is hard for me to 

Let me bare my heart to you. I have come 
not as an enemy. I have contributed my 
modest share in the payment of the price for 
the liberties and ideals which we all cherish. 

It is precisely because of this that I have 
been hounded by the loud persistent criti- 
cisms that I am much too pro-American in 
my policies. Perhaps I am — emotionally so. 
For I was one of the many who gambled 
everything — life, dreams, and honor — on a 
faith and the vision of America, when all 
was lost as the Stars and Stripes for the 
first time in history was trodden to the 
ground in Asia. I have faith in your objec- 
tives in Asia and am deeply convinced that 
democracy such as ours in the Philippines 
can thrive in an ocean of neutrals and Com- 
munists but only if you keep true to and 
abide by the image of fairness that is 

And the truth is all of Asia watches how 
America will treat her most loyal and stead- 
fast ally. The whole world watches if 
America will mete out justice to the Filipino 
veterans. There are rumblings among my 
people. Far too many of them, including some 
of our intellectual leaders, have long ago lost 
faith in your sense of fairness. Without nec- 
essarily heeding the importunings of our 
Communist enemies, they are harsh critics 
and have given up hope of American justice. 
They claim American policy desires only the 
permanence or predominance of American 
power in Asia regardless of what happens 
to the individual Asian and that you could 
not care less who lost his head to the tyrant 



provided that tyrant was your tyrant. They 
cry "American help is self-help; America is 
a friend in need — her need." 

And it is paradoxical that after the Sec- 
ond World War we have had to endure 
American ridicule for our claims to equal 
rights under the veterans laws of this 
country. We were unprepared for the rebuffs 
that we received but even less prepared for 
the hostility in the attitudes of some of your 
executive officials who have had to deal with 
us. Our former common enemy, Japan, had 
been patient and understanding. From you, 
our allies, we expected nothing less. But we 
did not get it. 

Sometimes I have stood alone or with a 
few loyal comrades as of old, beleaguered by 
a sea of opposition as I reaffirmed loyalty to 
the American image. 

So, upon the kind invitation of your gi'eat 
President, I have come to you with leave of 
my people. When I sought their counsel, they 
told me: "Go, young man of many dreams 
and many scars, go to your friends. Go but 
once and no more." I can hear them say still: 
"Go with our misgivings for we know only 
too well the Americans' disdain for state visi- 
tors who go to their land with promises of 
loyalty to their ideals and global objectives 
but with their palms and hands stretched 
out for aid. Do not beg for alms or aid for 
we do not solicit charity. 

"But tell them loyalty is not for sale. There 
is no price tag for faith except justice. 

"Go and tell them this. If, after they have 
heard you, they remain unmoved, then with 
soi-row and grief tell them we are prepared 
to close this unfortunate chapter of Philip- 
pine-American history. With dignity, the 
Philippines shall stand alone as we have done 
in the past, fighting off the terrors of our 
enemies. If we are overwhelmed, then Asia 
is lost to communism but we would have had 
our share of conflict. And if we fall, we shall 
have fallen with pride and shall have died 
with honor." 

But the critics were more cruel. And even 
the veterans scoff at our own scars in battle. 
One of these scars I received in trying to 

save an American comrade. "Where is he 
now?" they ask. "He is dead like many of 
our dreams." 

Yes, my American comrade died in my 
arms. We were surrounded and we had to 
break out. He fell and, as he tried to crawl 
to safety, I returned to him, to fall at his 
side — Filipino and American blood commin- 
gling in Philip])ine soil. 

As I cradled him in my arms to a fox- 
hole, he died with the words: "Tell them 
back home, you who will live, my only regret 
in dying is that America has failed us." 

I, the Filipino, assured the American, as if 
this would assuage his dying, "No, America 
does not forget and will not fail us." 

Many years are past. Time should have 
muted the tone of confidence and the tyranny 
of circumstance should have eroded the mem- 
ory, but still today I say to you as I have 
said to my people: "America does not forget. 
America will not fail us." 

U.S. and Philippines Amend 
IVIilitary Bases Agreement 


Press release 208 dated September 16 

Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Philip- 
pine Secretary of Foreign Affairs Narciso 
Ramos signed and exchanged diplomatic 
notes today [September 16] dealing with 
United States bases in the Philippines and on 
which understandings had been reached in 
1959. The United States agreed to amend the 
Philippine-U.S. Military Bases Agreement of 
1947 '■ by reducing the term of Agreement 
from the original period of 99 years to a 
period of 25 years from the exchange of 
notes. It also confirmed the understanding 
reached in 1959 concerning consultation,^ and 
reaffirmed its policy on mutual defense. 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 
' Not printed here. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 



Press release 209 dated September 16 

Text of U.S. Note 

Department of State 
Washington, September 16, 1966 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to 
the Military Bases Agreement of 1947 be- 
tween the RepubHc of the PhiUppdnes and the 
United States of America and the Memoran- 
dum of. Agreement of Foreign Secretary 
[FeHxberto M.] Serrano and Ambassador 
[Charles E.] Bohlen of October 12, 1959. In 
this regard, I have the honor on behalf of 
my government to reaffirm the policy of the 
United States regarding mutual defense ex- 
pressed in the 1959 Memorandum. 

I have the honor, further, to propose that 
agreements reached between Ambassador 
Bohlen and Secretary Serrano in that Mem- 
orandum regarding consultation be con- 
firmed, and that Article XXIX of the Mili- 
tary Bases Agreement be amended by sub- 
stituting for the present provisions of Article 
XXIX the following: 

Article XXIX — Term of Agreement. Un- 
less terminated earlier by mutual agreement 
of the two governments, this Agreement and 
agreed revisions thereof shall remain in force 
for a period of 25 years from September 16, 
1966 after which, unless extended for a 
longer period by mutual agreement, it shall 
become subject to termination upon one 
year's notice by either government. 

If the foregoing proposal is acceptable to 
your government, I have the honor to pro- 
pose that Your Excellency's reply indicating 

such acceptance shall constitute an agreement 
between our two governments on this pro- 
posal, which will enter into force on the date 
of Your Excellency's reply. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assur- 
ances of my highest consideration. 

Dean Rusk 

His Excellency 

Narciso Ramos, 

Secretary of Foreign Affairs, 

c/o Embassy of the Philippines, 

Washington, D.C. 

Text of Philippine Note 

Washington, D.C, September 16, 1966 
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to 

Your Excellency's Note dated September 16, 

1966, which reads as follows: 

[Text of the U.S. note.] 

I have the honor, further, to inform Your 
Excellency that the proposal of the United 
States Government is acceptable to the Gov- 
ernment of the Republic of the Philippines 
and that my Government agrees that Your 
Excellency's Note above quoted and this Note 
shall constitute an agreement between our 
two governments on the foregoing proposal 
eff'ective September 16, 1966. 

Please accept, Excellency, the renewed as- 
surance of my highest consideration. 

Narciso Ramos 
Secretary of Foreign Affairs 

His Excellency 
Dean Rusk 
Secretary of State 
Washington, D.C. 



The Other War in Vietnam — A Progress Report 

On September 13 President Johnson re- 
ceived a report entitled "The Other War in 
Viet7iam — A Progress Report," prepared by 
Robert W. Komer, Special Assistant to the 
President. Mr. Komer' s letter of transmittal 
(Old the i4-page report were made public by 
the White House on September H. 

Following is the text of Mr. Komer's letter, 
together with the introductory section and 
the first two chapters of the report, i 

letter of transmittal 

The White House 
Washington, 13 September 1966 
Dear Mr. President: I submit to you 
herewith the first comprehensive report on 
the "other war" in Vietnam. I believe that it 
demonstrates both real progress and growing 
momentum in the joint Vietnamese/US effort 
to move that country forward, even in the 
midst of war. At the same time as it resists 
aggression, South Vietnam is increasingly 
coming to grips with the need to modernize 
its society, bolster its civil economy, develop 
its representative institutions, and provide a 
better life for its people. The US is providing 
substantial help, technical advice, support 
and material aid. But this is primarily an 
effort of the Vietnamese themselves. 

This report is mainly a review of accom- 
plishments. It is designed to show how the 

• The second part of this report covering chapter 
III, "Revolutionary Development: Functional Pro- 
grams and Institution-Building"; chapter IV, "The 
Free World Joins In — 32 Nations Help the Viet- 
namese"; and an annex, "Honolulu — Seven Months 
of Progress" will appear in the Bulletin of Oct. 

GVN and US are moving forward on a broad 
front in an effort to win the "other war." It 
does not by any means contend that this war 
is won. Indeed, I would not overstate the 
progress to date. There are still many short- 
comings in our own non-militaiy programs 
and in those of the GVN. Much more remains 
to be accomplished. But the cumulative evi- 
dence of what is being done is impressive, 
especially in the light of the tragic problems 
confronting this embattled Republic of Viet- 

Aside from all the difficulties which face 
any new developing country, the Vietnamese 
people are seeking to build a modern nation 
against a background of terror, harassment 
and aggression mounted by a determined 
enemy — from both within and without. This 
enemy seeks to throttle Vietnam's economy 
by systematic disruption of its transport, 
communications, and commerce. His use of 
terror and harassment has as its target not 
just miUtary forces but the soldiers of Viet- 
nam's "other war" — the school teachers and 
health workers, the village chiefs and agri- 
cultural workers, the literate and those who 
would lead Vietnam toward social justice and 
modernization. In the last seven months 3015 
of these "other war soldiers" have been mur- 
dered or kidnaped by the VC. Here is a little 
known but tragic drama of the war in Viet- 
nam. That steady progress can be made 
under such conditions is a tribute to the 
Vietnamese people. 


Seven months ago at Honolulu ^ you re- 
newed our pledge of common commitment 
with the Government of Vietnam to defense 

' For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 28, 1966, 
p. 302. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


against aggression, to the work of social rev- 
olution, to the goal of free self-government, 
to the attack on hunger, ignorance, and dis- 
ease, and to the unending quest for peace. 
You stressed that the war on human misery 
and want is as fundamental to the successful 
resolution of the Vietnam conflict as are our 
military operations to ward off aggression. 

Shortly after Honolulu, you gave a new 
management to our role in this "other war" 
by appointing Deputy Ambassador William 
Porter to direct the American efforts in the 
field under the guidance of Ambassador 
Henry Cabot Lodge. Then, five months ago 
you designated me as your Special Assistant 
to supervise and direct these civil side opera- 
tions from the Washington end. In the last 
five months, my deputy Ambassador William 
Leonhart and I have made four trips to Viet- 
nam. Recently we have received from Am- 
bassadors Lodge and Porter a series of de- 
tailed progress reports on how we and our 
Vietnamese allies are faring in the "other 
war." They and the US Mission in Vietnam 
have played a central role in the accomplish- 
ments cited in this report to you — it is really 

The months since Honolulu have seen a 
quickening pace of our joint efforts — not just 
in the well-publicized field of military opera- 
tions but also in the less dramatic and often 
overlooked "other war." US civilian agencies 
— especially AID, USIA, and experts from 
other departments — are making exceptional 
efforts parallel to those of our military forces. 
The latter as well are contributing greatly 
to the non-military eflFort, through civic ac- 
tion programs, medical aid, logistic support, 
and in a host of other ways. 

States and 32 other free nations, has com- 
mitted itself to: 

— A Revolutionary Development program 
for constructive change in the countryside. 
Both governments are mounting a growing 
effort to protect the countryside, revive its 
economic health, and provide it with modem 
sei-vices. Our efforts will not end when Com- 
munist aggression ceases, but will remain as 
the foundation of a modern nation. 

— A campaign to preserve economic sta- 
bility. In the midst of war, the GVN has 
courageously sought to bring its economic 
house in order — devaluing its currency, over- 
hauling its fiscal system, and employing 
budgetary restraint. 

— New stress on Health, Education, and 
Welfare. The US has put increasing empha- 
sis on helping to meet the health and educa- 
tional needs of Vietnam's people, and on 
caring for the impoverished refugees who are 
tragic victims of the war. These programs 
of AID, with help from our military services 
and private US sources, are among the larg- 
est and most impressive in Vietnam. 

— Expansion of the already successful am- 
nesty program. In the last eight months, over 
12,000 people have voluntarily left the jun- 
gles and swamps and returned to the Gov- 
ernment, which in turn has given them 
amnesty and a chance for a new life. The 
number so returning in 1966 is already 
higher than in all of 1965. 

— Major steps towards representative gov- 
ernment. This month, in unprecedented war- 
time conditions — and against VC efforts to 
terrorize and intimidate a free people from 
voting — the Vietnamese elected 117 members 
of an Assembly which will draft a democratic 
constitution for the Republic of Vietnam. 

The report that follows lists both the prob- 
lems we and the GVN confront and some of 
our accomplishments to date — including the 
progress made toward achieving the goals 
set at Honolulu. The statistical record is im- 
pressive. But statistics tell only a fraction 
of the story. The highlights are that the Re- 
public of Vietnam, assisted by the United 

The coming year will no doubt present ad- 
ditional trials. As the American people in- 
creasingly recognize this "other war" is a 
diflicult and complex conflict, for the enemy 
has eaten his way into the fabric of Viet- 
namese society. But — as pledged at Honolulu 
— "the leaders of both of the governments 



are determined that we are going- to move 
forward and we are going to make progress." 

We expect in the coming year to focus our 
efforts on helping the GVN stabilize its econ- 
omy — increase the pace of Revolutionary 
Development to recover and reconstruct the 
countryside — open more roads, railroads, 
and waterways — and strengthen representa- 
tive institutions. Many of the specific meas- 
ures we hope to undertake are outlined in 
the report. 

Mr. President, all Americans can be proud 
of what many of their countrymen are doing 
— and our tax dollars are supporting — not 
only to resist aggression in Vietnam but to 
wage this constructive "other war." It is in 
our highest tradition. It is for and ivith the 
people of Vietnam. It offers them the crucial 
assurance that their future will be better 
than their past. The road ahead may be a 
long one. We will no doubt encounter set- 
backs. But I believe that we can and will do 
better yet, toward helping our Vietnamese 
allies build a free and modern Vietnam. 



Major Fields of Accomplishment 

The reports which follow describe the 
multi-faceted US programs which support 
South Vietnam's growing effort to win the 
"other war." They cite both progress and 
problems. Where possible, they include fore- 
casts of what we and the GVN hope to ac- 
complish over the coming year. In other 
cases, GVN and US agencies are now formu- 
lating plans and budgets for the next Viet- 
namese fiscal year — beginning on 1 January 

Even these detailed reports hit only high- 
lights of US civil side programs. Many other 
facets have not been covered in detail. For 
example, a Joint US Public Affairs Oflice — a 
joint informational effort under a single 
manager — integrates the public information 
and exchange programs of State, USIA, AID 
and Defense in Vietnam and provides across- 

the-board support for all Revolutionary De- 
velopment activities. Operations include a 
diversified range of psychological and infor- 
mational functions such as media support — 
press, publications, radio and TV; technical 
assistance to the GVN's Vietnam Informa- 
tion Service; five US and seven binational 
cultural centers; student and teacher ex- 

Many other US activities supporting the 
GVN could not be fully treated, e.g., the labor 
field, legal reforms, the logistic support 
needed for a massive wartime aid program, 
military civic action, and other contributions 
of the military establishment. But they are 
by no means unimportant. In particular, our 
forces in Vietnam have given an impi'essive 
helping hand to the civil side — the non- 
military effort could not have accomplished 
nearly so much without it. 

A word is also needed on the extensive 
technical assistance and advice which the US 
has given the GVN over the past year. Aside 
from the growing number of US technicians 
on duty in Vietnam, 36 separate civilian ad- 
visory or survey teams were sent between 
August 1965 and August 1966. Some were 
high level groups such as those led by Secre- 
taries Freeman and Gardner and former 
AID Administrator Bell at the President's 
request. Others were teams of technical ex- 
perts. Many of these teams were led by or 
included volunteer non-governmental ex- 
perts. Eight were in the agricultural field, 
seven in that of health and medicine. 

I. Buttressing Vietnam's Economy 

For the past few years, the bulk of US 
non-military aid to Vietnam has been de- 
signed to help feed the people, keep the civil 
economy functioning, and forestall runaway 
inflation. It has served as an essential com- 
plement to our military effort to help Viet- 
nam defeat aggression. In FY 1966, as the 
accelerating tempo of military operations 
and the buildup of Free World forces posed 
new threats to economic stability, the US 
similarly stepped up its economic aid and 
other measures to cope with these threats. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 



War has cut harshly into the Vietnamese 
economy. A prime target of the VC has been 
to disrupt transport, communications, and 
commerce. Roads have been mined, water- 
ways blocked. Bridges, railroads and power 
lines have been destroyed by VC saboteurs. 
Young villagers have been forced off the 
land and into the VC ranks. Officials and 
farm leaders have been killed or driven from 
rural areas. To meet this attack, the GVN 
has had to mobilize an extraordinary propor- 
tion of the nation's manpower for police or 
military duties. By 1966, over two-thirds of 
Vietnam's able-bodied young men of 20-30 
years of age were prevented by the exigen- 
cies of war from filling their normal produc- 
tive role. All this has interrupted the flow 
of food and export crops to the cities from 
Vietnam's basically agricultural economy. 

Hence, an increasing share of maintaining 
Vietnam's economy has been shouldered by 
the US through AID's Commercial Import 
Program and Food for Peace. Neither is a 
new program. Since 1954, the US has pro- 
vided aid goods for sale or direct distribution 
in Vietnam. The piasters received help fi- 
nance the strained Vietnamese budget, while 
the goods themselves offset inflationary pres- 
sures and prevent losses in living standards 
that would otherwise result from shortfalls 
in domestic production. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— During FY 1966, the dollar funding of 
goods through AID's Commercial Import 
Program increased to $398 million, more 
than double the $150 million of FY 1965. 
Imports financed by the GVN out of its own 
foreign exchange earnings increased almost 
proportionately and are expected to exceed 
an annual rate of $200 million in calendar 
1966 — as the GVN undertook at Honolulu. 

— -The import program is being revised 
and modified to assure maximum anti- 
inflationary impact and protect against the 
misuse of US funds. While mistakes and 
cases of corruption involving commodities 
under the commercial import program inev- 

itably occur, what we learn from errors often 
tends to outweigh the actual cost of the error 
itself. The Vietnamese and American govern- 
ments are working continuously to improve 
the program. Several reforms were instituted 
in FY 1966: 

New licensing procedures for importers 
were designed to insure that the great bulk 
of imports are supplied through competi- 
tive bidding by suppliers. This economizes 
dollar costs and prevents collusion be- 
tween importers and suppliers to circum- 
vent GVN exchange controls. 

Certain goods required in large quantity 
now are being procured through bulk pur- 
chases by the U.S. General Services Ad- 
ministration. This will mean lower unit 
costs and greater efficiency in transport 
scheduling and port handling. 

Increased competition among importers 
was stimulated by making import licenses 
available to all legitimate Vietnamese firms 
satisfying certain minimal requirements. 
This holds down prices and produces an 
import flow responsive to the needs of the 
Vietnamese populace. 

Importers must now also maintain 
larger deposits with their banks as well as 
full bank guarantees, subject to forfeit if 
irregularities are discovered. 

Arrival checks, to insure that quality 
and quantity are in accord with sums paid, 
are being carried out in ever increasing 
numbers with direct participation by US 

— Authorized imports under the Food for 
Peace program rose to about $138 million in 
FY 1966, as compared with $58 million in 
FY 1965. These were sold on the market, dis- 
tributed as assistance in kind, or made avail- 
able through voluntary agencies as part of 
their help to the needy. 

— Despite a poor harvest and increased 
military activity in rice producing areas, 
heavier VC exactions of rice from the peas- 
antry, and VC disruption of normal rice 
trading, US-financed imports (mostly under 
Food for Peace) have provided the people of 
Vietnam enough of their staple food — rice. 



Kffort hi the Coming Year: 

— Because of the central role in economic 
stabilization played by imports, priority will 
be given to increasing the rate at which nec- 
essary commodities can move through the 
]H)rts, whether destined for the commercial 
economy or war-related programs. GVN and 
I'S financing for commercial imports may 
have to be increased to assure adequate sup- 
plies for stabilization and development. 

— Loopholes which permit abuses of im- 
port privileges or limit competition will be 
closed wherever possible. In these cases, as 
with all the 1966 reforms, discovering unan- 
ticipated weaknesses in the newly instituted 
measures and making them effective in prac- 
tice will require a substantial further effort. 
The principles underlying the reforms are 
sound. They will yield major returns if — but 
only if — they are made to work. 

— Issuance of import licenses by the GVN 
will be speeded up through new processing 
procedures and US technical assistance. 

— The GVN and US Mission are consult- 
ing on how to increase the supply of rice 
from domestic production. More agiicultural 
specialists will take to the field to help Viet- 
namese farmers improve their cultivating 
techniques. Fertilizer and pesticides will be 
supplied. The farmer's opportunity to sell his 
output will be increased by facilitating 
farm-to-market transport through the pro- 
vision of additional barges and improving 
security along principal transport routes. It 
may be possible to encourage the rice market 
to operate more freely by providing appro- 
priate incentives to producers and mer- 
chants. The extension of security in the 
countryside and the protection of normal 
commercial activities will free increasing 
' numbers of peasants from VC exactions, per- 
mitting them to sell their rice at a profit in 
GVN-controlled areas. This will also reduce 
the supply of rice available to the VC to sup- 
port their military operations. 


As in all countries at war, Vietnam's econ- 
omy has come under inflationary pressure. 

This pressure multiplied with the expanded 
GVN war effort and the extensive US mili- 
tary buildup over the last 18 months. Viet- 
namese militaiy and police forces increased 
by almost 100,000, US and Free World troop 
strength rose from some 25,000 to over 
300,000, and unprecedented construction of 
military bases and logistical facilities got 
under way. 

These measures — vital to the war effort — 
demanded resources at a rate which could 
not be met out of domestic output and normal 
government revenues. As a result, more 
money was pumped into the Vietnamese 
economy than could be readily absorbed. Dur- 
ing FY 1966 alone, money in circulation 
increased nearly 80 percent. Prices rose 
sharply. In 12 months, the cost of living for 
working-class families in Saigon rose by over 
70 percent. While the flow of real goods and 
services has increased in Vietnam despite 
price rises, the pattern has been distorted. 
For several important groups, such as the 
military, police and civil servants, money in- 
come lagged behind prices. 

Spiraling prices and excessive spendable 
funds also mean waste and economic dis- 
ruption. They stimulate hoarding of scarce 
goods. They foster ill-conceived expenditures 
by businesses and government, diverting 
scarce skilled manpower and capital to sec- 
ond-priority uses. They permit undertakings 
that cannot be completed, tying up resources 
in unfinished projects. 

So the GVN and US decided at Honolulu 
on a massive effort to control inflation before 
it could undermine the economic fabric of 
South Vietnam. A broad economic stabiliza- 
tion program aimed at controlling the inequi- 
ties and economic dislocation produced by 
monetary imbalance and inflation was given 
new teeth and purpose during 1966. 

Even before Honolulu, the US and GVN 
sharply increased the flon' of imports. As 
already noted, the sale of US aid goods 
served to reduce GVN budget deficits and to 
take piasters out of circulation. Piasters col- 
lected in this way accounted for over 60 
percent of total GVN budgetary revenues 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


and paid for many US outlays in Vietnam. 

Dollar purchases of piasters for other di- 
rect US expenditures provided foreign ex- 
change to the GVN, with which it financed 
additional imports. Sales of goods from these 
two sources accounted for about 80 percent 
of total piaster absorption in FY 1966, and 
required over $500 million in foreign ex- 

While imports remain the principal tool 
for checking inflation, there are limits on 
how much can and should be done through 
imports alone. The capacity of Vietnam's 
ports is limited. The financial burden to be 
borne by the United States must be kept 
within reason. Imported goods can fill only 
part of domestic Vietnamese demands. Ex- 
cessive reliance on imports also tends to 
undermine Vietnam's ability to become eco- 
nomically independent in the future. For 
these reasons, the GVN and the US also took 
steps toward the more efl'ective management 
of the economy by fiscal and monetary meas- 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— US military pay in Vietnam is now is- 
sued in military scrip instead of US cur- 
rency to cut down the volume of dollars 
traded on the black mai'ket. Piasters pur- 
chased with scrip are channeled to the Na- 
tional Bank of Vietnam. Almost $70 million 
flowed to the GVN from this source during 
FY 1966, at a rate increasing monthly with 
the US buildup. The GVN in turn agreed to 
finance $200 million worth of imports during 
calendar 1966, relieving the demands on the 
US-financed Commercial Import Program. 

— In March 1966 the GVN increased taxes 
on restaurants, bars, cabarets, beer and other 
items, and launched a program of more vig- 
orous collection of taxes already on the books. 

— The most decisive single measure to con- 
trol inflation was the courageous devaluation 
undertaken by the GVN on 18 June 1966, on 
the advice of the International Monetary 
Fund. For each dollar of imports, nearly 
twice the previous number of piasters are 
now withdrawn from circulation. The new 
exchange rates mean that all Vietnamese 

commodity imports and purchases of foreign 
exchange, with certain specified exceptions, 
now take place at 118 piasters to the dollar. 
As a surgical operation, the devaluation ap- 
pears to have had marked success. The initial 
result was to raise prices of imported goods, 
but by early August import price indices 
had generally stabilized, total money in cir- 
culation decreased slightly, and blackmarket 
rates for dollars and gold sharply declined. 
— As a major step toward controlling the 
inflationary impact of US piaster spending 
in Vietnam, the Department of Defense de- 
cided to place a ceiling on all its FY 1967 
piaster expenditures at the level reached by 
the end of FY 1966. These include troop 
expenditures, contractor outlays, and other 
construction costs. 

Effort in the Coming Year: The GVN and 
US are determined to check inflation via a 
multi-faceted program designed to preserve 
the beneficial effects of devaluation. 

— The US and GVN must continue to fi- 
nance an adequate rate of imports, further 
improve the port and internal distribution 
system, prevent critical commodity short- 
ages, and undertake further fiscal and eco- 
nomic measures to limit demand. 

— The GVN intends to hold down total 
budgetary expenditures in 1967. The civil 
and military pay raise granted at the time 
of devaluation, together with the increasing 
momentum of social and economic programs, 
will undoubtedly force the 1967 GVN budget 
above its 1966 level, but it will still be an 
austere one. 

— GVN tax collections must be further in- 
creased. At GVN invitation, a team of tech- 
nical experts from the US Internal Revenue 
Service is being sent to Saigon to assist in 
further increasing tax revenues. US-assisted 
efforts to tighten customs inspections and col- 
lections will be continued. Tax and customs 
receipts are expected to be significantly above 
FY 1966 levels. 

— Control over the rate of piaster expendi- 
ture generated by US military programs 
must be maintained. Given the continuing 
US troop buildup, this will require offsetting 



'measures to absoi-b more troop expenditures 
within official (non-piaster) facilities or out- 
side Vietnam and to limit in-country pro- 
curement of materials and wage payments. 
— Wage restraint must be exercised in all 
sectors of the economy. 


The buildup of US/Free World forces be- 
ginning in 1965, coupled with increased non- 
military aid, created dangerous bottlenecks 
in the ports of South Vietnam. Only Saigon 
port could be considered a modern facility. 
Yet it was run-down and already over- 
crowded — and designed to handle only 
150,000 tons a month. Other ports were 
small — some limited to shallow draft coastal 
ships and junks; they could not relieve the 
burden on Saigon port. As a result ware- 
houses in Saigon became clogged, materials 
piled up on the docks, and ships backed up 
awaiting discharge even in other Pacific 

Breaking the port bottleneck became a key 
to successful GVN/US economic stabilization 
efforts as well as the military campaign. Ur- 
gent measures were taken to clear supplies of 
all types through the ports, particularly Sai- 

Accomplishments to Date: The immediate 
port crisis has been overcome and port 
capacity is rising, though not yet rapidly 
enough to clear up the backlog. 

— The amount of cargo put through Sai- 
gon port monthly has more than doubled 
since last August. Military cargo handled in- 
creased from about 60,000 metric tons in 
August 1965 to over 170,000 metric tons in 
August 1966. Civilian cargo increased from 
about 130,000 metric tons to more than 
210,000 metric tons over the same period. 

— The Vietnamese Army took over man- 
agement of the port, with General Lan ap- 
pointed Port Director, responsible directly to 
the Prime Minister. 

—In June 1966, the GVN and US signed 
an agreement making the US military re- 
sponsible for receipt, discharge, and delivery 
to first destination holding areas of govern- 

ment-to-government AID cargo as well as 
military cargo. MACV and AID are advising 
General Lan on operations involving the en- 
tire port area. The US Army 4th Terminal 
Command is operating US sections of the 
poi*t and assisting the Vietnamese in their 
sections. Port management has greatly im- 

— By agreement with the GVN, seven 
high-tonnage commodities (e.g., fertilizer, 
cement, and galvanized iron sheet) will be 
procured in bulk by General Services Admin- 
istration and shipped through the military 
transport system. 

— The Defense Department has agreed to 
schedule a substantial part of AID cargo 
from the US, such as the bulk commodities 
noted above, via the military transport pri- 
ority system. Thus the worldwide computer- 
ized management system of the DOD for 
regulating movement of supplies will be used 
to smooth out arrival of cargo at Vietnamese 
ports. Military and civilian cargo will here- 
after use a common priorities system. 

— Commercial cargo, including that fi- 
nanced by the US, is being better regulated. 
For example, to reduce congestion, the GVN 
has decreed that all cargo must be removed 
from port warehouses within 30 days or be 
auctioned by the government. 

— Physical facilities at Saigon port have 
been greatly improved: 

(1) 14 additional deep draft buoy sites 
have been prepared, a floating dock for roll- 
on-roll-off unloading has been put into opera- 
tion, and a 90-acre depot complex at Thu Due 
has been constructed. 

(2) Roads and open storage areas have 
been repaired or constructed. More efficient 
traffic patterns have been laid out. 

(3) More barge discharge and transit fa- 
cilities were opened. 

(4) 5,840 tons of sheet steel piling have 
been provided for constructing LST and 
barge landing sites in Saigon and Qui Nhon. 

(5) Obstructions to navigation in the Sai- 
gon River have been removed. 

(6) Five heavy-duty hydraulic dredges for 
use in port construction have been sent to 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


— Cargo handling and terminal operating 
equipment has been increased in Saigon and 
at other ports: 

(1) AID has procured or contracted for 
552 trucks, 156 Hghters, 13 tugs and 213 
pieces of handling equipment to facilitate 
port operations. More will be procured. 

(2) 32 new barges have been procured; 
14 are in SVN and the remainder will be 
delivered soon. 

(3) Steel plate for constructing 47 new 
barges in SVN and rehabilitating 40 existing 
barges has recently arrived. 

(4) 10 coastal vessels and an 800-ton per 
month junk fleet have been chartered to help 
move cargo from Saigon to other ports. 

— Through improvements made, deep draft 
ships can now discharge directly onto piers 
at Da Nang, Qui Nhon and Cam Ranh Bay. 

— 12 US Navy pontoon wharfs and 10 
Bailey bridges have been procured to provide 
additional pier facilities at Da Nang, Nha 
Trang, Qui Nhon, and Quang Ngai. 

— A steel truss bridge is being constructed 
to pi'ovide two-way traffic into the Da Nang 
port area. 

— As a result of these measures, the ca- 
pacity of ports other than Saigon has been 
increased from about 125,000 metric tons in 
August 1965 to more than 400,000 metric 
tons — over a threefold increase. 

Effort in the Coming Year: Since require- 
ments are still rising in both the military 
and civil sectors, port capacity may have to 
double again next year to keep up with de- 
mand. Many remaining obstacles to efficient 
port operation will have to be removed. For 
example, lack of sufficient deep draft berths 
requires that most cargo be handled twice; 
the rate of discharge of civilian cargo is low 
partly because the civilian port of Saigon 
operates only 12 hours a day; and unloading 
slows down in bad weather because much 
cargo is discharged from anchorage using 
lighters or barges. Major efforts are under 
way to cope with all these problems. 

— Plans call for increasing the capacity of 
the Saigon port system to at least 650,000 
metric tons per month by the end of 1967. 

This growth is necessary to cope with the 
expected surge in cargo arriving in SVN. 

— Completion of the major Newpoi-t proj- 
ect and the Fish Market section of the Sai- 
gon port will release deep draft berths now 
used for military cargo. 

— Additional barge berths and discharge 
sites will be constructed. 

— A fresh water storage facility for ships 
in port will be finished. 

— 676,000 square feet of new warehouse 
space will be erected at Thu Due, close to 

— Port management will be further im- 
proved; enforcement of customs and port 
clearance regulations will be tightened. 
Lights for night operations are being in- 
stalled at commercial docks. 

— First destination warehouse facilities 
will be expanded to expedite port clearance. 

— Integration of AID and military cargo 
under the military sea transport system will 
be completed. 

— Documentation practices will be im- 
proved to assure more rapid handling of 
cargo documents, letters of credit, and cus- 
toms receipts. 

— The feasibility of using high-speed un- 
loading of bulk commodities such as cement, 
grain and fertilizer will be explored. 


Although dependent primarily on agricul- 
ture. South Vietnam has developed an indus- 
trial plant that now contributes one-fourth 
of its gross national product. Its industi-ies 
now supply the major part of internal needs 
for textiles, plastics, and home utensils. US 
aid, plus that from other countries, has 
helped to construct or expand some 800 in- 
dustrial plants employing over 75,000 work- 
ers. Further development is handicapped as 
yet by shortages of long temi capital, skilled 
labor, materials, and transport congestion. 
Because of insecurity, as well as nearness to 
markets, there has also been heavy concen- 
tration of industry around Saigon. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— In FY 1966 private Vietnamese firms 
were licensed to import $16.8 million of in- 




dustrial machinery under the Commercial 
Import Program. This measure of investor 
confidence included $2 million in machineiy 
for an auto tire plant, $700,000 for two steel 
pipe plants, $515,000 for a cement products 
plant and $562,000 for the plastics industry. 
Other US-made machinery was imported for 
plants producing chemicals, pharmaceuticals, 
glass and ceramics, and automotive batteries. 

— Altogether, AID assisted in the estab- 
lishment of 15 new industrial ventures and 
the expansion of 70 existing facilities in FY 

— The GVN has encouraged industrial de- 
velopment through favorable legislation, tax 
incentives, designation of industrial parks, 
and establishment of an Industrial Develop- 
ment Center to stimulate and finance new fa- 
cilities. A 400 million piaster loan from the 
GVN revitalized the IDC in 1966. 

— Twentj'-one American firms have in- 
vested a total of $5 million in Vietnam, in 
partnership with local fii-ms. 100 non-US 
firms act as agents for US companies in Viet- 
nam. Two American banks are opening 

— To relieve shortage of electric power, ag- 
gravated by the Viet Cong sabotage of power 
lines from the large Da Nhim hydroelectric 
facility built by the Japanese, work was 
finished early in 1966 on a 33 megawatt 
steam generating plant, 12.5 megawatt gas 
turbine generating plant and a 4.5 megawatt 
diesel electric plant financed with US loans 
at Thu Due near Saigon. 

— Ninety-one smaller power units totalling 
5,160 kilowatts were installed in district capi- 
tals and larger towns in FY 1966. 
Effort in the Coming Year: Additional indus- 
trial investments can be expected in such 
fields as fertilizer, animal feed, paper, build- 
ing materials, and small engines: 

— Paper production capacity will be ex- 
panded from 18,000 tons per year to 35,000 
tons in 1967. 

— Construction has begun on a plant to 
produce concrete blocks and prestressed 
forms and poles, for completion in late 1967. 

— CIP-funded industrial projects in FY 
1967 are expected to approximate $12 mil- 

lion. One major project under consideration 
is a pipe plant. 

— USAID plans to establish a joint loan 
fund with the IDC to assist in alleviating the 
current tight money situation for investment 

— A Btcreau of Standards will be developed 
to test and improve the quality of manufac- 
tured goods. 

— An additional 42 megawatts of electrical 
generating capacity will be placed in opera- 
tion in Saigon during FY 1967, and design 
work begun on a 125 megawatt steam gener- 
ating plant at Thu Due. Installed capacity of 
140 megawatts to meet Saigon's expanding 
needs is planned for June 1967. 5800 kilo- 
watts of capacity will be installed outside of 
Saigon under an urban-provincial program 
in addition to the rural electrification 
through cooperatives and under the Revolu- 
tionaiy Development program. 

— The US Marines are assisting the GVN 
in clearing the An Hoa-Nong Son industrial 
area a few miles southwest of Da Nang. 
Within the next year, further progress on 
this industrial development may be feasible. 

— Further work on surveys, initial plans, 
and the start of construction is projected for 
Cam Ranh Bay, which offers attractive post- 
war possibilities for Vietnamese industry. 

— Overall postwar planning for social, 
agricultural, economic and industrial devel- 
opment of Vietnam will get under way. 

II. Revolutionary Development: The "Other 
War" in the Countryside 

The Viet Cong have been able to sink their 
roots deep into the fabric of rural Vietnam. 
Insecurity, poverty, low health standards, 
lack of opportunity, social injustice, and land 
inequities have enabled the VC to exploit a 
rural feeling of alienation from the govern- 

The Revolutionary Development program 
must change all that — or else ultimately be 
judged a failure like its predecessors. As it 
has evolved, it focusses on gradually securing 
the countryside, eliminating terror and in- 
timidation, and producing radical and con- 
structive change in the lives of the people. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


Its aim is to dry up the source of VC local 
support and build a strong and progressive 
society from the hamlet up. It is what Am- 
bassador Lodge has called "the heart of the 

The first prerequisite of Revolutionary De- 
velopment is adequate local security and 
elimination of the remaining VC threat, 
after main enemy military forces have been 
driven from an area. This has been primarily 
the function of the Regional and Popular 
Forces, support by the RD Cadre and civil 
police. Behind this shield, measures can be 
taken to reinstitute government processes 
and services, restore productive life among 
the inhabitants of an area, and develop na- 
tional spirit and good government. 

At Honolulu, the Vietnamese and US Gov- 
ernments pledged full support to an intensi- 
fied program of revolutionary development 
(then termed rural construction). They 
sought new emphasis on the effort to build 
democracy in the rural areas — an effort as 
important as the military battle itself. They 
emphasized the necessity of combining mili- 
tary and civilian plans so that the RD effort 
would not be made in a vacuum surrounded 
by Viet Cong. 

For many reasons, the Revolutionary De- 
velopment program has been relatively slow 
in gathering speed. The task of winning the 
"village war" is complex and takes time, as 
shown by the limited achievements of prede- 
cessor programs aimed at similar objectives. 
Among the reasons for the difficulties this 
program has encountered: 

It is a dagger pointed at the Viet Cong's 

heart; thus the enemy is making every effort 
to thwart it. 

— Adequate training of officials and cadre 
is essential; this has started, but takes time. 
— In many areas, the farmers have seen 
too many ill-thought-ooit programs aban- 
doned in mid-stream ; they are watching and 
waiting before committing themselves to 
this one. 

The great buildup in main force enemy 

units in the last year made it essential that 
the US and the GVN concentrate troops in 
the highlands and other danger spots in an 

effort — now clearly successful — to "spoil" the 
planned VC/North Vietnamese "monsoon of- 

Nonetheless, there has been over the last 
several months a modest gain in secure ham- 
lets and population. While "secure" in Viet- 
nam is necessarily a relative term, our best 
estimate is that about 50 percent of the popu- 
lation was in reasonably secure areas at the 
end of 1965. By 31 August 1966 it is esti- 
mated that secure population had increased 
to almost 8,300,000, or over 55 percent of the 
total population. To take another standard of 
measurement, it is estimated that as of 1 
July 1965 only 3199 hamlets were "secure"; 
by 30 June 1966 this figure had risen to an 
estimated 4054. This does not mean that the 
balance are under Viet Cong control. Much 
of the countryside is controlled by neither 
side or is in the process of being recovered 
by the allied forces. Our best current esti- 
mate is that some 24 percent of the popula- 
tion is still under VC domination. The re- 
maining 21 percent is caught in the middle. 

The key point is that the groundwork for 
an accelerated RD effort is being effectively 
laid, and better results are in prospect. As 
the ARVN regular army and US/Free World 
military forces achieve continued success in 
driving back the North Vietnamese and VC 
main force units, an increasing proportion 
of regular units of the RVNAF can help pro- 
vide the indispensable security base for RD. 
The GVN's Revolutionary Development pro- 
gram is also gaining momentum. Several 
facets of this program in the countryside are 
discussed below, and others in the section 
which follows. 


Forerunners of the Revolutionary Devel- 
opment program, regardless of their concep- 
tual soundness, failed primarily because the 
VC/NVA destroyed the GVN ability to pro- 
vide essential local security. However, man- 
agement deficiencies also contributed. Inter- 
ministerial committees were created, found 
cumbersome and difficult, and abandoned. 
Councils chaired by the Prime Minister, and 



composed of top civilian and military leaders, 
were unable to cope on a daily basis with the 
breadth and complexity of the problems in- 

In August 1965 a Ministry of Rural Con- 
struction was formed to administer the pro- 
gram now called Revolutionary Development. 
A djTiamic new Minister, Major General 
Nguyen Due Thang, took over shortly after 
its foiTnation. On 12 July 1966 he was ele- 
vated to Commissioner General for Revolu- 
tionary Development and given supervision 
over ministries for Public Works, Agi-icul- 
ture, and Administration (formerly Inte- 
rior). An integrated management system at 
the national level is within sight. 

One essential building block in this pro- 
gram is government teams — called in Viet- 
nam Revolutionary Development Cadres — 
working directly with the rural population. 
The RD Ministry is training them at two 
centers which the US assists in supporting. 
This pi'ogram grew out of the Political Ac- 
tion Teams begun in a few provinces in late 
1964. One of the ti'aining centers, located at 
Pleiku, trains only Montagnards; this is a 
major step forward in the effort to bring 
these tribal people forward into the 20th cen- 
tuiy. The second center, at Vung Tau, trains 
ethnic Vietnamese for work in all provinces. 
The RD Ministiy, operating through the 
province chiefs, has also allocated major 
sums for local self-help projects — to assist 
the rural population to help itself. Revolu- 
tionary Development Councils, tying together 
the many aspects of RD, have been created 
at region, division, province, and district 
levels. The RD Minister has twice visited all 
of the provinces to explain the RD concept 
and eliminate bottlenecks. Working relation- 
ships between the field and Saigon have been 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— Secure population in the four National 
Priority Areas has increased by about 230,- 
000 since the beginning of 1966. 

— For the first time in years, provincial 
RD budgets were approved and authoriza- 
tion was given to expend funds at the begin- 

ning of calendar 1966 — the fiscal year for 
the GVN. 

— 1252 self-help projects were completed 
during the first half of 1966, compared to 
521 during the same period in 1965. The 
people themselves contributed almost 6 mil- 
lion piasters and over 235,000 man-hours of 
labor to these projects. In July alone, 449 
more self-help projects were completed. 

— One month's statistics — for July 1966 — 
show the accelerating RD pace: 

966 more hamlet school classrooms com- 

3651 Vietnamese families resettled (30,- 
736 for the year) ; 

655 Montagnard families resettled (3,995 
for the year) ; 

184 kilometers of roads completed; 

9 irrigation dams, 13 breakwaters and 8 
dikes finished; 

39.7 kilometers of irrigation canals dug; 

5341 farmers given agricultural extension 

1637 pigs, 3393 chickens and 4100 ducks 
distributed as part of the animal hus- 
bandry program; 

84,161 kilograms of seed distributed. 

— The number of RD Cadre trained is 
growing rapidly, and the quality of training 
has been improved by a 13-week training 
course; Cadre class I of 4518 students com- 
pleted training in May at the Vung Tau cen- 
ter. These cadre in 76 teams of 59 men each 
have returned to their home provinces and 
are engaged in RD activities. Total cadre 
strength has reached 28,539, consisting of 
24,766 RD Cadre operating in all provinces 
and 3773 Montagnard cadre in the High- 

— US/Free World military forces have 
made a major contribution to Revolutionary 
Development via civic action projects. In 
July alone a sampling of civic action reveals: 

24 bridges built or repaired; 
16 medical dispensaries erected; 
5 market places built; 

33 kilometers of road constructed or re- 
47 school classrooms built; 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


308,397 medical treatments given; 
3406 surgical operations performed; 
8855 immunizations given; 
10,134 sewing kits distributed; 
4,914,054 piasters contributed. 

Effort in the Coming Year: Successful mili- 
tary operations by GVN/Free World forces 
— now numbering one million — are creating 
conditions more favorable to Revolutionary 
Development. The VC, however, will do 
everything within their power to defeat the 
RD effort, which poses the greatest long- 
term threat to their existence. Hence to the 
extent possible military operations will be 
designed to provide security in and around 
areas of importance, population centers, 
vital installations, and critical roads, rail- 
roads and waterways. Military success per- 
mits Revolutionary Development to proceed. 
The focus during the coming year will be on 
overcoming the many problems and deficien- 
cies which still plague the RD effort in the 
countryside, and on increasing the tempo of 

— Two more cadre classes will graduate 
from Vung Tau in 1966. The second class, in 
training now, will provide 38 more 59-man 
teams, and 158 units of 19 men to reinforce 
existing 40-man teams already working in 
the field. 

— Management deficiencies at all levels of 
the complex RD effort will be tackled. At the 
national level, better coordination among the 
many ministries involved is essential; at the 
local level, district government needs to be 
strengthened to respond to demands stimu- 
lated by RD Cadre operations. 

— Manpower resources for RD, especially 
for local security forces and RD Cadre, are 
deficient in quality and in some areas in 
quantity. A manpower coordinator has been 
added to the US Mission staff to work out 
recommended priorities. 

— More attention will be given to securing 
critical roads, railroads, and waterways. 
Obstacles such as poor or closed roads, 
inadequate transiwrtation, port congestion, 
etc., impede the flow of materials needed for 
local RD activities. Use of airlift is being in- 

creased to overcome obstacles temporarily. 
Construction capabilities are being expanded 
to repair roads and waterways. 

— Efforts to arouse the interest of the 
Vietnamese peasant in RD are being stepped 
up through information programs, visits by 
government leaders, and instructional work- 
shops for provincial and district officials. 

— Tentative 1967 goals for RD are now 
being developed. At present they call for a 
substantial increase in the number of se- 
cured hamlets; addition of 1-2 million peo- 
ple to those in secured areas; a major 
increase in the number of RD Cadre teams; 
greater emphasis upon education, health, 
people's self defense, self-help, rural electri- 
fication, RD Cadre and agriculture. Pro- 
grams will be oriented toward quality rather 
than quantity. High impact projects designed 
to reach the maximum number of people will 
be stressed. 


Basic to the VC strategy has been inter- 
diction of roads and waterways. The VC 
have sought to cut or control transport 
routes, prevent surface military movement, 
disrupt the village market economy and sup- 
ply of cities, exploit remaining civilian traffic 
by setting up tax collection roadblocks, and 
isolate the people. This effort at strangula- 
tion includes canals and waterways in the 
strategic delta region, where civilians could 
hardly travel except at the sufferance of the 
VC. It is extended to the strategically im- 
portant Saigon ship canal where ocean-going 
vessels were vulnerable to VC guerrillas op- 
erating in the mangrove swamps along the 

Friendly control of roads and waterways 
had to be improved — for military security 
units to have a secure base and logistic sup- 
port system; for revolutionary development 
to proceed in its efforts to win the people; 
for government influence to grow in the 
countryside. This has become a prime indi- 
cator of progress in pacification. 

Accomplishments to Date: The campaign to 
open roads and waterways is a US and 
ARVN military effort, but its contribution to 



ihe civil side merits mention. By 1 Januaiy 
L966, it was estimated that, as a result of 
military actions over the preceding six 
months, 30 percent of the major roads in 
Vietnam were relatively secure. A new sys- 
tem for classifying relative security was then 

Red: Closed, either by VC/NVA militaiy 
conti-ol of the area or by extensive physical 
interdiction. Requires major military opera- 
tion or engineer effort to open. 

Amber: Marginal. Used by RVN, US/FW 
forces employing thorough security meas- 
ures. Used by civilians subject to VC taxa- 
tion. Frequent incidents occur. 

Green: Controlled by RVN-US/FW forces. 
Minimum security measures required. Iso- 
lated incidents may occur. 

A major effort was launched in 1966 to 
clear more roads. A series of special opera- 
tions known as Road Runner and Bush- 
master has been targeted on improving and 
extending road security; County FAiR-type 
operations also contribute. 

— In Road Runner, multiple routes are 
used simultaneously to make it difficult for 
the VC to concentrate for an ambush. 

— Bush MASTER makes use of friendly am- 
bushes to upset VC ambushes along commu- 
nication routes. 

— County Fair is designed to smash the 
local VC administrative structure and tax 
collection organizations and the guenlllas 
that give them muscle. It contributes to over- 
all area control — the best way to make travel 
along roads and waterways safe. 

The following results have been achieved; 
they show a trend rather than a precise 
measure of progress : 

Green Amber Red 

8 February 1966 32% 41% 27% 

30 June 1966 (Most 36 26 38 
recent report) 

31 Aug:ust 1966 (Estimate) 40 60 

Additionally, 34 percent of SVN's 1200 
miles of railroad are now open, i.e., in ap- 
proximately the gi'een condition described 
for roads. 

To secure the waterways, a further series 
of measures has been taken. For the Saigon 

ship canal, US amphibious operations such 
as JACKSTAY and Lexington I and II, naval 
gunfire and air attacks, as well as numerous 
RVN operations in the mangrove swamps 
along the Saigon ship canal, have been under- 

Ai-med helicopters and light observation 
aircraft are routinely kept airborne over 
ships as they transit narrows along the Long 
Tau and Soi Rap Rivers (i.e., the Saigon ship 

Twelve US Navy minesweepers have been 
introduced to supplement the Vietnamese 
Navy minesweeping operations of the river 
approaches to Saigon and the Nha Be POL 
depot. As a result, the enemy's capacity to 
seriously disrupt ship traffic into the Saigon 
port has been significantly reduced. 

For other waterways Operation Game 
Warden, using 71 newly introduced patrol 
boats, covers the river approaches to Saigon 
and the Mekong and the Bassac waterways 
to deny their use by the VC and suppress 
VC tax collection. Many VC tax collection 
stations have been destroyed; VC traffic now 
moves much less freely than it did a year ago. 

Naval, police and customs agencies have 
been organized to deal with river control in 
a more integrated manner. GVN police now 
serve aboard US naval ships conducting river 

Road and waterway security can never be 
absolute so long as even a minor guerrilla 
threat exists. A single man with a rifle or a 
command-detonated land or water mine can 
render a route insecure. A green security 
condition requires the continuous presence of 
friendly forces as patrols and in static guard 
posts at critical points such as bridges. Other 
militaiy operations must keep large enemy 
units entirely out of the area. 

Effort in the Coming Year: It is hoped that 
by the end of 1966 roads in the green se- 
curity categoiy can be increased to around 
50 percent. Waterways, especially the Saigon 
ship canal, will be made safer for friendly 
traffic and VC/NVA use of the critical 
Mekong River and Bassac River complex will 
be denied to a large extent. 
Operation Game Warden will be stepped 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


up by increasing the number of US ships 
involved to 120 from 71. 

By the end of 1967 it is tentatively esti- 
mated that many additional roads can be 
largely secured (i.e., in green or amber con- 
dition), such as Route 1 from Saigon north 
to the Demilitarized Zone, Route 15 from 
Saigon east to Vung Tau, Route 4 from Sai- 
gon south to Ca Mau, Route 19 from Qui 
Nhon west to Pleiku, and Route 11 from Da 
Lat to the seacoast. 


In normal circumstances the principal 
function of civil police is to maintain law and 
order, protect lives and property, detect and 
suppress illegal activities, and perform vari- 
ous regulatory functions ranging from traf- 
fic control to border patrol. On top of all 
these functions, the National Police of Viet- 
nam support the national effort to overcome 
the Viet Cong. While the armed forces seek 
out and destroy the enemy military forces, 
the police gather intelligence on VC clandes- 
tine operations and movements, maintain 
public order in urban and rural areas freed 
of overt VC influence by military forces, and 
seek to prevent the movement of men and 
material into VC hands. 

Beginning in 1964, revitalization of the po- 
lice has received high priority, with support 
from AID. By 1966 the police were carrying 
an important share of the counter-insurgency 
effort. Significant improvements have been 
made in the police organization within the 
last year. More and more the police are 
spreading out from the cities and are com- 
batting the VC in the rural areas. 

Police activities consist of various major 
programs: including Regular police help to 
provide security and order in hamlets, vil- 
lages and cities and participate in the Re- 
sources Control Program in order to regulate 
illegal movement of people and supplies; Po- 
lice Field Forces are targeted against 
marauding bands of VC propagandists, tax 
collectors, kidnapers and killers; and Police 
Special Branch carries out an intelligence 
and operational role against the VC appa- 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— Total police strength has grown from 
42,000 a year ago to 56,000. Over 2900 po- 
licemen and policewomen are presently re- 
ceiving training. Until recently draft age 
men were ineligible for the police; opening 
of the 21-29 year age bracket will increase 
the flow of recruits. 

—The tactical Police Field Force, consist- 
ing of small, highly mobile, lightly armed 
units capable of controlling low levels of 
armed banditry, now numbers 3000 trained 
and equipped men. Twenty-three companies 
have been organized, fifteen are operational 
and the remainder are undergoing training. 
Captured documents and prisoner interroga- 
tion reveal that the VC in the provinces close 
to Saigon consider the PoHce Field Forces a 
grave threat and have made them a priority 


A countrywide police communications 

net of 3400 radios now links regional direc- 
torates to province and district police offices. 
During the last year 347 radios were added 
to the resources control net, and 304 issued 
to the police field forces. The regular police 
sponsored village/hamlet network now has 
10,000 two-way radios. 

—Police mobile patrols in Saigon increased 
30 percent in FY 1966. Boat patrols of water- 
ways in and around Saigon were inaugu- 

—Police Special Branch has been strength- 
ened. Prisoner Interrogation Centers now 
exist in 31 provinces; hamlet informant nets 
have been greatly expanded. Good intelli- 
gence pays off. One hamlet informant pro- 
vided information leading to the arrest of 27 
Viet Cong agents. 
—Police actions against the VC infrastnic- 
ture were more effective than in any previous 
period in recent years. During the first half 
of 1966, police arrested 6960 known or sus- 
pected VC, killed 288, and wounded 52. 

— Since 1964, police have cari'ied on an in- 
creasingly intense program of resource con- 
trol using checkpoints, identity cards and 
family census measures to prevent movement 
of men and materials to the VC. The system 



now consists of 6800 trained personnel op- 
erating 813 checkpoints. This prog:riim is as 
yet far from being fully effective, but the fre- 
quency of VC attacks against checkpoints 
and pei'sonnel tends to confimi intelligence 
repoils that it is hurting the VC. 

— Approximately 3000 police man static, 
mobile and marine checkpoints in the Saigon 
area and the seven surrounding provinces. 
1966 has seen an extension of the resources 
control system to the Delta; police are operat- 
ing 311 checkpoints in the upper and lower 
Mekong area and aboai'd patrol boats in the 
network of Delta rivers and canals. 

— A major development during 1966 has 
been increasing cooperation between the 
militaiy and police in resources control. Na- 
tional Police are assigned to each of the 71 
US Navy vessels involved in Operation Game 
Warden patrols of the major Delta water- 

— Resource control achievements for the 
first five months of 1966 include: Persons 
apprehended — 7035 known or suspected VC; 
27,398 draft evaders; 4146 military de- 
serters; 28,290 illegal residents. Commodi- 
ties seized include 2.7 million kilograms of 
food, and substantial volumes of medicine, 
firearms and ammunition, and other equip- 

— 7,500,000 persons have been registered 
and issued ID cards since the program began 
in 1958. Identification cards are an integral 
part of the population control program, de- 
signed to reduce the support the VC/NVA 
can obtain from the local populace. The pres- 
ent ID card method for identifying such ele- 
ments as Viet Cong, militaiy deserters, draft 
evaders, criminal fugitives, and illegal resi- 
dents was introduced in 1960. 

— ID card checks during 1 June 1965-30 
June 1966 contributed to the detecting of 
13,456 known or suspected VC, arrest of 
5771 deserters, apprehension of 50,309 draft 
evaders, and identification of 58,988 illegal 
residents. Even without an adequate central 
records facility for cross-checking personal 
data with intelligence, police and militaiy 
agencies, some 87 VC and 676 military de- 

serters have been detected using only ID 
card information. 

— 120 American public safety advisors are 
now advising the Vietnamese Police in vari- 
ous fields. Commodity assistance has been 
furnished the police by the US and other 
Free World countries in the form of commu- 
nications equipment, vehicles, boats, labora- 
tory and training equipment, and weapons 
and ammunition. 

— The National Police Academy at Thu 
Due, \vith American help, is almost com- 
pleted. A Field Forces Training Center at 
Trai Mat is under construction and already 
being partly used. 700 police have received 
training abroad in the US and other coun- 

Effort in the Coming Year: The police, a 
growing force that only within the last 
two years has received priority attention, 
have many deficiencies. Management needs 
strengthening; leadership is thin, and fre- 
quent shifts further weaken efficiency. The 
police must compete with the armed forces 
for qualified personnel. Training facilities 
limit the rate at which the police can ex- 
pand. Police field forces represent a new con- 
cept which all province chiefs do not fully 
understand. But the GVN, with US help, 
is seeking to improve police capabilities. 1967 
plans include: 

— Expanding police strength at least to the 
72,000 which was originally the 1966 goal. 
Expanding PFF toward a goal of 8500 by 
January 1, 1967. 

^Putting 60 PFF companies into the field, 
at least one company in every province by 

— Adding 2500 radios to the existing 
10,000 unit village/hamlet network. 

— Increasing the police training capacity. 

— Stepping up Police Special Branch ac- 
tivities against VC infrastructure. 

— Registering and issuing new ID cards 
to 2.5 million people. Applicants will be 
fingerprinted and photographed, and will in- 
clude 15-to-18-year-olds to hamper VC use of 
youth for liaison agents and couriers. 

— Building and training staff for the Nc/- 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


tional Record Identity Center to classify, 
cross-reference, and search 10,000 sets of 
fingerprints each day. 


Since 1963 the GVN has offered the Viet 
Cong guerrillas a general amnesty program 
kno\vn as Chieu Hoi (Open Arms). In no 
area of the government's efforts have the re- 
sults been so impressive in demonstrating 
the increasing disillusionment and disaffec- 
tion in the Viet Cong ranks. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— From the program's beginning in early 
1963 to the end of August 1966, over 40,000 
Viet Cong have voluntarily left the jungles 
and swamps, surrendered, and undergone the 
process of reintegration into Vietnamese 
society — which is the heart of the program. 

— In the last 12 months, steady, and in 
some respects spectacular, improvement 
in the program's effectiveness has been 
achieved. From 1 August 1965 to 1 August 
1966 some 17,445 Viet Cong returned to the 
government, compared with 21,315 during 
the preceding thirty months of the program. 

— In a special campaign coi^ducted over 
the Vietnamese New Year 3462 returnees 
came in, carrying 709 weapons plus miscel- 
laneous material and documents. 

—The total for 1966 alone is 12,106 as of 
August 26 — moi'e than the 11,124 that re- 
turned to the government during all of 1965. 
The rate of guerrillas seeking amnesty is 
now 50 a day. 

—Of the 1966 total, about 8000 were mem- 
bers of the military arm of the VC and over 
3800 were civilians attached to the VC. 

—The GVN, with US aid, has built Chieu 
Hoi reception centers in every province and 
is now in the process of improving or ex- 
panding the older ones. During the period 
immediately following their arrival at the 
centers, the former Viet Cong are given 
courses which include iwlitical indoctrination 
and practical skills and are assisted in begin- 
ning a new life, sometimes in the hamlets 
and sometimes as laborers and semi-skilled 

— Special field personnel have been sent to 
the provinces to seek out the Viet Cong 
through every channel of communication 
available and to convince them that if they 
remain in the jungles and swamps they have 
no future, but if they return to the govern- 
ment they can help build a new and free 

— JUSPAO has helped the GVN mount a 
major informational support program, utiliz- 
ing printed materials (leaflets, posters, ban- 
ners and pamphlets), airborne and ground 
loudspeaker broadcasts, and special radio 
and TV programs. In the last week of 
August, more than 45 million leaflets were 
dropped over VC and North Vietnam areas. 

— The Viet Cong have shown intense sen- 
sitivity to these efforts urging the Viet Cong 
and NVA infiltrators to rally to the govern- 
ment. Current Viet Cong instructions to their 
troops are to drown out loudspeakers by 
beating on pots and pans and to collect and 
burn leaflets before reading. 

Effort in the Coming Year: The impor- 
tance of the Chieu Hoi program cannot be 
overestimated. Hence it is planned to: 

— Increase substantially the amount of 
funds available. 

— Provide maximum needed material as- 
sistance, particularly in the supply of roofing, 
cement, and other material for new housing 
for the returnees, in transportation and dis- 
tribution of PL 480 rice to returnees in the 
centers, in expanded vocational training, 
and in the resettlement of returnee families. 

— Double the capacity of the national re- 
ception center to 1000 and complete the con- 
struction of 14 more provincial and district 

— Expand the program of special armed 
propaganda teams of former Viet Cong, used 
to recruit additional VC returnees. 

— Continue the campaign of leaflets, mil- 
lions a week. 

The 1967 aim is to double once again the 
number of VC returning to the GVN. 


One result of the increased tempo of mili- 
tary operations since 1964 has been a massive 



movement of peasant families seeking refuge 
in more secure territory under GVN control. 
More than a million liave migrated since the 
fall of 1964. This steady influx swamped ex- 
isting facilities for emergency care and faced 
the GVN with a Uisk of vast dimensions. 

To meet these crying human needs, the 
GVN launched a major emergency in-ogram. 
AID, the US military, US voluntary agencies, 
and other Free World countries have joined 
in jissisting the GVN to cope with this hu- 
manitarian task. Its components include tem- 
porary housing, supplies of clothing and 
household goods for those forced to abandon 
their belongings, a temporary subsistence 
allowance for emergency feeding, medical 
and health care, primary schooling for chil- 
dren, vocational training in new skills, reset- 
tlement, and reintegration into the Vietnam- 
ese economy. 

In the past six months the GVN response 
has been increasingly effective — particularly 
since the appointment in February 1966 of a 
Special Commissioner for Refugees, Dr. 
Nguyen Phuc Que. His Special Commissariat 
provides a focal point for refugee programs 
which were previously diffused among the 
Ministry of Social Welfare, the Ministry of 
Rural Construction, and other agencies. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— In the last 12 months, temporary shelter 
has been provided to over 460,000 refugees. 

— In the same period almost 280,000 refu- 
gees have been resettled, either in new loca- 
tions or by return to their native villages. 
Incoming refugees exceeded those resettled, 
so the total in temporaiy encampments rose 
during the year from 320,000 to over 500,000. 

—For calendar 1966 the GVN has budg- 
eted over 1.1 billion piasters (approxi- 
mately $10 million) for refugee relief pay- 
ments, housing, resettlement grants, schools, 
and vocational training, and other program 

—In FY 1966 the US programmed $22.5 
million for Vietnam refugee relief, including 
$10.4 million in AID funds, $7.9 million in 
Food for Peace commodities, and $4.1 million 
from other related programs (health, agri- 
culture, education, logistics, etc.). 

— The Special Commissioner for Refugees 
has asked Province Chiefs to review their 
needs for the construction of temi)orary refu- 
gee housing and has established minimum 
standards for refugee camjjs (one disjien- 
sary, two wells, and twenty latrines for every 
100 refugee families and one classroom for 
eveiy 100 refugee children). The GVN has 
increased refugee relief payments from 7 to 
10 piasters per person per day, or 5 piasters 
and 400 grams of rice per person per day. 

— In Quang Tri, one temporary refugee 
center is 80 percent completed and two othei'^ 
are programmed. In Quang Ngai, 500 hous- 
ing units are planned, and materials have 
been delivered for 300 of these. In Tay Ninh 
Province, 150 units have been completed in 
addition to 13 other units under self-help 
projects, and an additional 100 units are 
under construction. In three districts in Binh 
Dinh Province, a total of 200 housing units 
are under construction; 300 have been com- 

— 104 temporary classrooms for refugee 
children had been completed as of 30 June 
1966, and 60 more were under construction, 
out of 269 planned for 1966. In many prov- 
inces permanent structures are being built or 
expanded under the new hamlet school pro- 
gram to serve both refugee and non-refugee 

— Short-term vocational training pro- 
grams for refugees have been started at five 
polytechnic schools operated by the Ministry 
of Education, and the Ministry of Labor has 
undertaken short courses in masonry and 
construction trades. 

— Several pilot inter-provincial resettle- 
ment projects are under way. In mid-May, 
nearly 1000 refugees were resettled from Phu 
Yen Province to the Cam Ranh Bay area. 
Food and temporary housing were furnished. 
Work is available in the ai-ea, and refugees 
will build their own permanent housing with 
materials furnished by the US and GVN. 
Each family will be provided with 600 square 
meters of land for house and garden. Another 
resettlement project in Dong Lac on Cam 
Ranh Bay will accommodate an initial group 
of 300 refugee families. This project is co- 
sponsored by the GVN, the US, the Vietnam- 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


ese Confederation of Trade Unions, and 
the US International Union of Electrical 
Workers. The Assistant to the President of 
the lUE participated in groundbreaking cere- 
monies for this project, and presented the 
CVT with the initial $15,000 of the lUE con- 

Effort in the Coming Year: The goal for 1967 
is to expand refugee relief and raise the 
standards of care and rehabilitation to the 
target levels established in 1966. 

Because so many refugee facilities have 

been hastily erected to meet sudden inflows, 
additional construction will be undertaken to 
provide health and educational facilities and 
improve housing standards. 

—Additional refugee staff will be re- 
cruited and trained, and the rate of resettle- 
ment accelerated. 

US and GVN plan 50 vocational train- 
ing/community centers near refugee camps 
with large populations. Vocational training 
will be given in simple skills, home improve- 
ment and child care, agricultural practices, 
blacksmithing. The centers will also offer 
sewing, health, sanitation, and literacy 
classes for the rank and file of the refugee 
camp population. 

—New ground must be broken in findmg 
employment opportunities for refugees. 
While many may return to agriculture, con- 
tinuation of the war will make this impos- 
sible for the time being for others. Further 
vocational training will help. Handicraft and 
cottage industry cooperatives will be orga- 

jTrce World contributions to refugee re- 
lief will increase. The Federal Republic of 
Germany's new refugee aid programs, total- 
ling approximately 25 million Deutsche- 
marks, will include assignment of 25 experts 
to assist in the construction of refugee cen- 
ters, erection of a refugee village near Saigon 
to accommodate about 300 families, and 
establishment of a social welfare training 
center. The Federal Republic has also en- 
tered into an agreement with the Knights of 
Malta, under which the latter will provide a 
multi-purpose team or teams for refugee 

Netv Zealand plans to increase — from 8 

men to 14— the strength of the surgical team 
which has been serving refugees in the Qui 
Nhon area, provide two or three mobile 
teams to work in refugee camps in the area, 
and furnish four or five vocational training 

— US voluntary agencies will assume an 
even larger humanitarian role (see next 


In Vietnam today, the American people 
are once again expressing their concern for 
the suffering of their fellow man. They have 
responded to the plight of the Vietnamese 
people by contributing to and through US 
voluntary agencies food, shelter, clothing, 
medical assistance — and hope — for millions 
of men, women and children in South Viet- 
nam. These voluntary agencies serve as 
essential and valued partners to the GVN. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

—At present 29 US voluntary agencies, 
with over iOO American staff members, are 
directly engaged in relief and rehabilitation 
programs in Vietnam. Of these 29 agencies, 
18 are directly involved in refugee relief ac- 

More than $6 million in funds has been 

donated by the American people (plus an 
additional $13 million worth of clothing, 
medical supplies, school equipment and other 
material) to the voluntary agencies for 
emergency relief. 

—In the past year, US voluntary agencies 
have distributed over 83 million pounds of 
Food for Peace commodities to feed one and 
one-half million needy Vietnamese. Essential 
to their activities is a partnership with the 
US Government, which defrays the cost of 
the ocean transportation of the supplies dis- 
tributed by the voluntaiy agencies. 

—In refugee relief programs, the number 
of voluntaiy agencies has increased from 
seven to eighteen in the past year and their 
staffs have increased from 50 to more than 
150. Vietnam Christian Service (a joint pro- 
gram of Church World Sei-vice, the Men- 



nonite Central Committee and Lutheran 
World Relief), for example, is quadrupling 
its staff of doctors, nurses, social and com- 
munity workers in Vietnam this year. 

— A seven-man team of experts, jointly 
supported by the American Red Cross and 
AID, has arrived to operate model refugee 
camps for the training of Vietnamese Red 
Cross personnel. This program will be sup- 
ported in large measure by contributions by 
the American people to the Red Cross. 

— Countless other Americans have sent 
donations through APO shipments to indi- 
vidual servicemen and units stationed in 
Vietnam, and through the Navy's "Operation 

Effort in the Coming Year: 

— Continue and increase support to the re- 
lief activities of the voluntaiy agencies, par- 
ticularly for the half-million refugees in 

— Expand the Food for Peace program to 
assist three million people — the food and the 
funds from the sale of food to assist in relo- 
cation, self-help and civic action, refugee 
relief, school lunch, and maternal and child 

U.S. Rejects South African 
Charge of Interference 

Press release 215 dated September 21 

Following is the text of an aide memoire 
which was handed to Ambassador H. L. T. 
Tastvell of South Africa on September 21 by 
Assistant Secretary for African Affairs 
Joseph Palmer II in the latter's office in re- 
ply to the aide memoire from the South 
African Government delivered to Acting Sec- 
retary George W. Ball by Ambassador 
Tasivell on August 17} 

The Government of the United States re- 
fers to the aide-memoire of the Government 
of South Africa, which was handed to the 
Acting Secretary of State by the Ambassador 
on August 17, 1966. 

' Not printed. 

That communication in turn referred to 
an aide-memoire that was conveyed to the 
South African Government by the American 
Embassy at Pretoria on July 15. The United 
States aide-memoire of July 15 contained the 
following statements concerning the views 
of the United States Government on the 
South West Africa case then pending before 
the International Court of Justice: 

South Africa, like the United States and other 
United Nations Members, has the obligation under 
Article 94 of the United Nations Charter te comply 
with decisions of the International Court of Justice 
in cases to which it is a party. Without prejudging 
the nature of the decision the Government of the 
United States assumes that all parties to the case, 
including the South African Government, will re- 
spect the rule of law and comply with the terms 
of the Judgment. 

The United States Government would be glad to 
receive the South African Government's apprecia- 
tion of the situation. 

The Government of South Africa should under- 
stand that the Government of the United States 
will feel obligated to support the decision of the 
International Court of Justice. It is clear that this 
will be the view of an overwhelming majority of 
United Nations members. 

The South African aide-memoire of Au- 
gust 17 asserts that these statements con- 
stituted "interference by bringing unwar- 
ranted pressure to bear" on the Government 
of South Africa. The Government of the 
United States cannot accept this characteri- 
zation of a communication intended merely to 
make clear, without prejudging the outcome 
of pending litigation, that the United States 
would support that outcome whatever it 
might be. 

A considerable part of the South African 
aide-memoire of August 17 is devoted to an 
exposition of views on the merits of the South 
West Africa case which South Africa had 
advanced in its presentations to the Inter- 
national Court of Justice. Beyond that, the 
South African aide-memoire seeks to repre- 
sent the Court's Judgment of July 1966 as 
lending support to the position taken by 
South Africa on some of the substantive is- 
sues in the case. In the view of the United 
States, any such analysis of the Court's 
Judgment is untenable. The July 18 Judg- 
ment decided only one question: whether 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 


Ethiopia and Liberia had a legal right or 
interest entitling them to a determination 
of claims they had put before the Court con- 
cerning the administration of the mandate 
for South West Africa. All the Court decided 
was that Ethiopia and Liberia did not have 
such a legal right or interest. The Court 
therefore did not decide the merits of their 

The Judgment of July 18, therefore, in no 
way diminished the legal authority of ad- 
visory opinions given by the Court in 1950, 
1955 and 1956 at the request of the United 
Nations General Assembly. These advisory 
opinions established that the mandate for 
South West Africa continues in effect, that 
South Africa cannot alter the status of the 
territory of South West Africa without the 
consent of the United Nations, and that 
South Africa continues to be bound under the 
mandate to accept United Nations super- 
vision, to submit annual reports and to for- 
ward petitions to the United Nations General 
Assembly, as well as to "promote to the ut- 
most the material and moral well-being and 
the social progress of the inhabitants." 

These opinions remain the basic and au- 
thoritative statements of the International 
Court of Justice on important substantive 
legal questions, including the existence and 
scope of South Africa's obligations and the 
rights of the inhabitants of South West 

The South African aide-memoire of Au- 
gust 17 requested 

that in view of the stand taken by the United 
States Government before the verdict that it will 
support the Judgment of the Court, it will now 
abide by the decision, and that having regard also 
to the further implications outlined above, it will 
instruct its representatives at the United Nations 
to oppose any renewal of the vendetta against South 

The United States Government does in- 
deed accept as final and binding on the par- 
ties, in accordance with the United Nations 
Charter and the Statute of the Court, the 
Judgment of July 18 on the issue of the legal 
right or interest of the applicant states, 
Ethiopia and Liberia, to secure a determina- 
tion of their claims. In keeping with its posi- 

tion of upholding the rule of law, the United 
States Government continues to accept also 
the authority of the advisory opinions ren- 
dered earlier by the Court on questions re- 
lating to South West Africa. In accordance 
with those opinions, the United States con- 
siders that the mandate for South West 
Africa continues in force, that South Africa 
is bound by its legal obligations as manda- 
tory power, and that the United Nations 
General Assembly has supervisory powers 
concerning the administration of the man- 

In further consideration of the question 
of South West Africa at the United Nations, 
the Government of the United States will be 
guided by its concern for the well-being of 
the inhabitants of the territory and for the 
rule of law. 

W. True Davis, Jr., Confirmed 
as IDB Executive Director 

The Senate on September 16 confirmed the 
nomination of W. True Davis, Jr., to be 
Executive Director of the Inter-American 
Development Bank for a term of 3 years and 
until his successor has been appointed. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

89th Congress, 2d Session 

U.S. Observance of Intemational Human Rights 
Year, 1968. Hearings before the Subcommittee on 
International Organizations and Movements of the 
House Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R. 
17083 (and similar measures). August 11-17, 1966. 
50 pp. [Committee print.] 

Atlantic-Pacific Canal Study. Message from the Pres- 
ident transmitting the second annual report of the 
Atlantic-Pacific Interoceanic Canal Study Commis- 
sion. H. Doc. 466. August 15, 1966. 52 pp. 

Amending the Act of June 30, 1954, as Amended, 
Providing for the Continuance of Civil Government 
for the Ti-ust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Re- 
port to accompany S. 3504. S. Rept. 1524. August 
25, 1966. 25 pp. 

Continued Suspension of Duty on Certain Istle. Re- 
port to accompany H.R. 12461. S. Rept. 1540. Au- 
gust 30, 1966. 2 pp. 



Report on Audit of Saint Lawrence Seaway Develop- 
ment Corporation, Calendar Year 1965. Letter from 
the Comptroller General of the United States 
transmitting a report of examination of financial 
statements of Saint Lawrence Seaway Develop- 
ment Corporation, Calendar Year 19G5, Depart- 
ment of Commerce. H. Doc. 487. August 31, 1966. 
13 pp. 

ForeiRn .\ssistance Act of 1966. Conference report. 
H. Kept. 1927. August 31, 1966. 30 pp. 

Use of Foreign Currencies. Report to accompany S. 
801. H. Rept. 1954. September 1, 1966. 2 pp. 

Adjusting the Status of Cuban Refugees to that of 
Lawful Permanent Residents of the United States. 
Report to accompany H.R. 15183. H. Rept. 1978. 
September 1, 1966. 11 pp. 

Claims Against Communist China. Report to accom- 
pany S. 3675. S. Rept. 1586. September 1, 1966. 
9 pp. 


Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at sea, 
1960. Done at London June 17, 1960. Entered into 
force May 26, 1965. TIAS 5780. 
Acceptances deposited: Chile, September 7, 1966; 
Trinidad and Tobago, September 6, 1966. 

International regulations for preventing collisions 
at sea. Approved by the International Conference 
on Safety of Life at Sea, London, May 17-June 
17, 1960. Entered into force September 1, 1965. 
TIAS 5813. 

Acceptance deposited: Trinidad and Tobago, Sep- 
tember 6, 1966. 

Satellite Communications System — Arbitration 

Supplementary agreement on arbitration. Done at 
Washington June 4, 1965.' 

Signature: Director-General, Telecommunications 
Department of Malaysia, September 17, 1966. 


Partial revision of the radio regulations (Geneva, 
1959), with annexes and additional protocol. Done 
at Geneva November 8, 1963. Entered into force 
January 1, 1965. TIAS 5603. 

Notification of approval: Pakistan (with reserva- 
tions) , July 8, 1966. 


Current Actions 



Amendment to the Articles of Agreement of the 
International Cotton Institute (TIAS 5964). 
Adopted by the General Assembly of the Inter- 
national Cotton Institute at Washington Septem- 
ber 7, 1966. Entered into force September 7, 1966. 


Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done 
at Washington March 18, 1965. 
Ratifications deposited: Netherlands, September 

14, 1966; Pakistan, September 15, 1966. 
Enters into force: October 14, 1966. 
Articles of agreement of the International Bank 
for Reconstruction and Development. Opened for 
signature at Washington December 27, 1945. En- 
tered into force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502. 
Signature and acceptance: Guyana, September 26, 

Articles of agreement of the International Monetary 
Fund. Opened for signature at Washington De- 
cember 27, 1945. Entered into force December 
27, 1945. TIAS 1501. 
Signature and acceptance: Guyana, September 26, 


Oil Pollution 

Amendments to the international convention for the 
prevention of pollution of the sea by oil, 1954 
(TIAS 4900). Done at London April 11, 1962. 
Enters into force May 18, 1967 (except amend- 
ment to article XIV). 
Acceptance deposited: United States, September 

20, 1966. 
Entry into force: Amendment to article XIV, 

June 28, 1967. 


Agreement concerning automotive products. Signed 
at Johnson City, Texas, January 16, 1965. Entered 
into force provisionally January 16, 1965. 
Entered into force definitively: September 16, 


Amendment to the agreement of July 12, 1955, as 
amended (TIAS 3311, 4407, 4507, 5079, 5723, 
5909), for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington August 23, 
Entered into force : September 22, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace 
Corps program in Korea. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Seoul September 14, 1966. Entered into 
force September 14, 1966. 


Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington July 28, 
Entered into force: September 15, 1966. 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy, as amended. Signed at Washing- 
ton January 18, 1956. Entered into force Janu- 
ary 18, 1956. TIAS 3477, 3775, 4035, 5143. 
Terminated: September 15, 1966, superseded by the 
agreement of July 28, 1966. 

United Kingdom 

Supplementary protocol amending the convention for 
the avoidance of double taxation and the preven- 
tion of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on 
income, signed at Washingrton on the 16th April, 
1945, as modified by supplementary protocols 
(TIAS 1546, 3165, 4124). Done at London March 
17, 1966. 
Proclaimed by the President: September 15, 1966. 

' Not in force. 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 




The Senate on September 16 confirmed the fol- 
lowing nominations: 

Reynold E. Carlson to be Ambassador to Colombia. 
(For biographic details, see White House press 
release dated August 4.) 

Glenn W. Ferguson to be Ambassador to the 
Republic of Kenya. 

Robinson Mcllvaine to be Ambassador to the Re- 
public of Guinea. (For biographic details, see White 
House press release dated August 29.) 

John M. McSweeney to be Minister to Bulgaria. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 218 dated September 23.) 

J. Robert Schaetzel to be the representative of the 
United States to the European Communities, with 
the rank and status of Ambassador Extraordinary 
and Plenipotentiary. (For biographic details, see 
Department of State press release 214 dated Septem- 
ber 21.) 

The Senate on September 20 confirmed the nomi- 
nation of Robert R. Bowie to be counselor of the 
Department of State. (For biographic details, see 
Department of State press release 224 dated Sep- 
tember 27.) 

Cliecic List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 19-25 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to September 19 
which appear in this issue of the Bulletin 
are Nos. 208 and 209 of September 16. 

No. DaU Subject 

t212 9/20 Ball: House Foreign Affairs Com- 

*213 9/20 Visit of President Senghor of 
the Senegal. 

*214 9/21 Schaetzel sworn in as U.S. Rep- 
resentative to the European 
Communities (biographic de- 
215 9/21 U.S. aide memoire to South 

t216 9/21 Rusk: "The Outlook for Free- 
dom" f GxcGrDtsl • 

1217 9/22 Office of Refugee * and Migration 
Affairs transferred. 

*218 9/23 McSweeney sworn in as Minister 
to Bulgaria (biographic de- 

*219 9/22 Visit of Chancellor Erhard of the 
Federal Republic of Germany, 

t220 9/23 International Joint Commission, 
United States and Canada, 
studies on air pollution. 

*221 9/23 Cyr sworn in as Ambassador to 
Rwanda (biographic details). 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Services, Bureau of Public Affairs, 
provides the public and interested agencies 
of the Government with information on 
dovelopmenta in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin Includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other officers of 


the Department, aa well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for sale by the Super- 

OCTOBER 10, 1966 

intendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing OflUce, Washington, D.C., 20402. 
Price: 62 issues, domestic $10, foreign $16; 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publi- 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

NOTE: Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 



INDEX October 10, 1966 Vol. LV No. 1^24 

Africa. U.S. Rejects South African Charge of 
Interference (U.S. aide memoire) .... 567 

American Republics. W. True Davis, Jr., Con- 
firmed as IDB Executive Director .... 568 

Asia. President Marcos of the Philippines Visits 
the United States (Johnson, Marcos) . . 526 

Bulgaria. McSweeney confirmed as Minister . 570 


Initiative for Peace (Goldberg) 518 

President Marcos of the Philippines Visits the 
United States (Johnson, Marcos) .... 526 

Colombia. Carlson confirmed as Ambassador . 570 


Confirmations (Bowie, Carlson, Ferguson, Mcll- 
vaine, McSweeney, Schaetzel) 570 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 
Policy 568 

President Marcos of the Philippines Visits the 
United States (Johnson, Marcos) .... 526 

Senate Confirms U.S. Delegation to 21st U.N. 
General Assembly 525 

W. True Davis, Jr., Confirmed as IDB Execu- 
tive Director 568 

Department and Foreign Service. Confirmations 
(Bowie, Carlson, Ferguson, Mcllvaine, Mc- 
Sweeney, Schaetzel) 570 

Economic Affairs 

The Other War in Vietnam — A Progress Re- 
port (Komer) 549 

W. True Davis, Jr., Confirmed as IDB Execu- 
tive Director 568 

Europe. Schaetzel confirmed as U.S. representa- 
tive to European Communities 570 

Guinea. Mcllvaine confirmed as Ambassador . 570 

Human Rights. U.S. Rejects South African 
Charge of Interference (U.S. aide memoire) 567 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
W. True Davis, Jr., Confirmed as IDB Execu- 
tive Director 568 

Kenya. Ferguson confirmed as Ambassador . . 570 

Military Affairs. U.S. and Philippines Amend 
Military Bases Agreement (texts of notes) 547 


President Marcos of the Philippines Visits the 
United States (Johnson, Marcos) .... 526 

U.S. and Philippines Amend Military Bases 
Agrreement (texts of notes) 547 

Presidential Documents. President Marcos of 

the Philippines Visits the United States . . 526 

Science. Initiative for Peace (Goldberg) . . . 518 

South Africa 

Initiative for Peace (Goldberg) 518 

U.S. Rejects South African Charge of Inter- 
ference (U.S. aide memoire) 567 

South West Africa 

Initiative for Peace (Goldberg) 518 

U.S. Rejects South African Charge of Inter- 
ference (U.S. aide memoire) 567 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 569 

U.S. and Philippines Amend Military Bases 

Agreement (texts of notes) 547 

United Nations 

Initiative for Peace (Goldberg) 518 

Senate Confirms U.S. Delegation to 21st U.N. 

General Assembly 525 


Initiative for Peace (Goldberg) 518 

The Other War in Vietnam — A Progress Re- 
port (Komer) 549 

President Marcos of the Philippines Visits the 

United States (Johnson, Marcos) .... 526 

Name Index 

Anderson, Mrs. Eugenie 525 

Bancroft, Harding F 525 

Bowie, Robert R 570 

Carlson, Reynold E 570 

Case, Clifford P 525 

Church, Frank 525 

Davis, W. True, Jr 568 

Ferguson, Glenn W 570 

Foster, William C 525 

Goldberg, Arthur J 518, 525 

Harris, Mrs. Patricia Roberts 525 

Johnson, President 526 

Killion, George L 525 

Komer, Robert W 549 

Marcos, Ferdinand E 526 

Mcllvaine, Robinson 570 

McSweeney, John M 570 

Nabrit, James M., Jr 525 

Ramos, Narciso 547 

Roosevelt, James 525 

Rusk, Secretary 547 

Schaetzel, J. Robert 570 

^t U.S. Government Printing Office: 1966—251-930/14 







"The United States and Western Europe^' 

This 29-minute, 16min, black-and-white motion picture is the first of a series of Foreign Folic 
Briefing Films on U.S. relations with the major geographic areas of the world. It is based on infoi 
mal conversations with four policy-level officers of the Department who help shape our relation 
with the nations of Western Europe. Most of their remarks are illustrated by documentary footagf 
there are narrated historical and animated sequences as well. 

The subjects discussed include the status of NATO, the differing perspectives of France an 
her allies, European unity, economic cooperation within Europe and across the Atlantic, and th 
overall trends of U.S. policy toward Europe since World War II. A discussion guide is provide 
with each print. 

The film is available for loan (the only charge is return postage) to schools and college; 
television stations, public service organizations, and any other interested groups. Prints can also h 
purchased for $39.61. 







WASHINGTON, D.C., 20520 


-Please send a preview print of "The United States an 

Western Europe" for screening on . 

LOANS: I would like to borrow a print of "The United States an 

Western Europe" on temporary loan for showing on 


Street address 

City, State, and ZIP code 







Vol. LV, No. H25 

October 17, 1966 

Special Interview for Tenth Anniversary Issue of America Illustrated 57U 


Vmt of Chancellor Ludwig Erhard 
of the Federal Republic of Germany 578 

Address by Secretary Rusk 586 



by Robert W. Komer, Special Assistant to the President 591 

For index see imide back cover 

In this special interview, ivhich appears in the 10th anni- 
versary issue (September 1966) of America Illustrated, 
President Johnson discusses U.S.-Soviet relations over the 
past decade. America Illustrated is a Russian-language 
magazine published by the United States Information 
Agency for sale in the Soviet Union. This English text 
was supplied by USIA. 

An Interview With President Johnson 

Q. Mr. President, 10 years have elapsed 
since the United States and the Soviet Union 
began to exchange America magazine and 
Soviet Life in an effort to achieve better 
understanding between our countries. I 
wonder, sir, if you ivould comment on the 
state of relations between the two countries 
over the past decade ? 

A. That's a question frequently asked, 
and one which is always difficult to answer. 
It is easy to be a hopeful optimist — and just 
as easy to be a fearful pessimist. What is 
important in these complicated times is to be 
a realist. Time and again, in many parts of 
the world, we and the Soviet Union find 
ourselves on the opposite sides of a ques- 
tion. But, over the years, we've gained a 
lot of experience in working out many of 
our differences. And we've taken a few very 
important constructive steps together. I 
have in mind the nuclear test ban treaty, 
which forbids testing of these destructive 
weapons in the atmosphere or under the 
ocean and thus eliminates the dangerous 
hazard of fallout. I also think of the his- 
tory of the cultural exchange program which 
broadened the opportunities for our best 
scientists, teachers, and artists to share 
their creativity with one another. These are 
positive, concrete steps. They help create a 
more favorable atmosphere for further 
steps, and further normalization of relations 
between countries. My prayerful hope is 

that they will endure and expand, despite 
differences of view we may have. 

Q. What do you consider to be some of 
the future possibilities for additional con- 
structive steps? 

A. I think we must work toward progress 
in the field of disarmament and in greater 
cooperative efforts between our two coun- 
tries in space exploration, medical research, 
and communications. This administration 
strongly supports these efforts. And then, 
too, there are what you might call the basics. 
You know, in Texas, when we go to buy 
a farm, we don't put too much importance 
on the manmade disappointments — like a 
rundown barn or a badly fenced pasture. A 
good farmer goes out to the fields and sees 
what's growing. He stoops down and tastes 
a little bit of the soil. He looks at the stock 
and the streams and the spring. If these are 
ample or can be made so by the sweat of 
his brow, the farmer knows the place holds 
a future. I grew up on that land. Some of 
it was mighty poor and rocky — but some of 
it was good. I learned not to be afraid of 
disappointments — of the weeds and rocks — 
but to value the good soil and the hard, con- 
structive work. 

I think there's considerable good soil for 
U.S.-Soviet relations to grow and prosper 
with the right cultivation and care. We 
have more in common than we sometimes 
realize. I have considerable faith in the 



people of the Soviet Union. We are both 
large countries. We both possess an incred- 
ible variety of natural resources. Our people 
are energetic, generous, and talented. We 
Americans really came to know and to ad- 
mire the Russian people in World War II. 
And, I hope, they share some of the same 
feeling for us. So, I would say that our 
people are more naturally friends than 
enemies. I would like to see us exchange 
goods and ideas and technology — all of the 
means to achieving common progress and 

Decade of Economic Progress 

Q. Mr. President, this decade has been 
one of economic progress for both the 
United States and the Soviet Union. Does 
this progress directly affect the issues of 
war and peace? 

A. This decade of progress has under- 
mined the goals of those who have preached 
that the ideological differences between 
America and the Soviet Union must inevi- 
tably lead to war. We see now that we can 
both prosper in spite of the differences. The 
two nations have never gone to war with 
one another. The fact is that no two nations 
have more to lose in war than the United 
States or the Soviet Union. 

The past 10 years are a good example of 
what I mean. Just think how much we've 
achieved here in America: We've reached out 
into space, we've begun a new era of prog- 
ress for our Negro citizens, our poor, our 
elderly, our students. We've realized so many 
of the dreams of the New Deal of the 1930's 
and 40's. We were prompted to act then be- 
cause of a great depression. Today, we are 
acting at a time when our economy is at 
the highest point in history. But we want 
to have all our people share in our bounties. 
And we want to inject excellence into all 
aspects of our national life — on our farms, 
in our cities, in our classrooms, in the arts, 
in our factories. This is the Great Society. 

But we are not the only ones building on 
our dreams. Think of what the Soviet people 
have accomplished after experiencing a most 

destructive war in which they lost 20 mil- 
lion people. They have not only rebuilt their 
country, but they also have achieved splen- 
did technological and scientific accomplish- 
ments. Neither country would like to see all 
these advances go up in smoke. 

"World Law Can Bring World Order" 

Q. Do you think then, sir, that we have 
reached a point in our relations tvith the 
Soviets where both sides accept the proposi- 
tion that nuclear war is impossible? 

A. There is no question but that the 
American people and the Russian people are 
absolutely opposed to war. I wish I could 
say that nuclear war is impossible. The 
United States, as I said before, will never 
start any war, nuclear or otherwise. But 
this world of ours is filled with dangers. We 
can never know what may suddenly erupt 
to bring new tensions and threats to the 

Under President Kennedy's leadership we 
proposed the most comprehensive plan yet 
advanced for general disarmament in stages 
so that no nation would be at a disadvantage 
at any stage. Pending action on this broad 
plan, we have proposed a treaty to curb 
proliferation of nuclear weapons and to 
reduce stockpiles. We hope that current dis- 
armament talks will produce progress to- 
ward such a treaty. This Government has 
devoted considerable time and effort to this 
problem. In fact, we began negotiating right 
after the war. At that time we were the 
only nation in the world with the atomic 
bomb, but our reason then was no less 
compelling than it is today: The world 
simply cannot be free of danger as long as 
any nation possesses a nuclear arsenal. But 
general disarmament will not, in my view, 
become a universal fact until we can develop 
a compelling substitute for armed might 
in international relations. Once we had a 
terrible, bloody war between the States 
here in America. Since that time, we have 
established a rule of law that regulates our 
national life and shapes the relations be- 
tween the National Government and the 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


state and local governments. I think that 
the United Nations, through principles 
enunciated in its founding charter, points 
the way toward a truly ordered structure 
of world law. World law can bring world 
order. But it also must reflect the desires of 
men and nations. When law ignores this 
cardinal principle, law itself is ignored. I 
think we may be evolving a world consensus 
on which law can stand. For example, in the 
time since I became President, the United 
States has particii)ated in more international 
conferences — about 650, I believe — than dur- 
ing the first 150 years of our history. And so 
I believe we must pursue avenues of co- 
operative effort and agreement with the 
Soviet Union wherever they are to be found. 
We've got to get into the habit of peaceful 
cooperation. The test ban treaty was a 
significant step. There have been others 
since 1963. We have agreed not to put 
bombs in orbit, we are working together on 
a number of other important ventures — 
in desalination, weather information, ex- 
changes of scientists, artists, and yes, 

Q. What about the ideological barriers, 
Mr. President? Do you think we can really 
find social and political accord with the 
Soviet Union as long as we are in such 
diverse ideological camps? 

A. I think both sides must realize that 
neither is going to convert the other. The 
United States has no interest in remaking 
the Soviet Union in our image. And I don't 
see any evidence that America will go 
Communist. I think that the real interests 
of nations transcend the ideological dif- 
ferences. For instance, some of the nations 
with which we work closely have moved 
toward planned economies. But this makes 
no diflference to us — or to them. We work 
together out of mutual trust and respect 
and because we share many of the same 
ideals and aspirations. 

We Americans believe that our democracy 
and our system of a mixed economy with a 
wide scope for free enterprise works best 
for us. But we support and respect the 
rights of all peoples freely to choose their 

own system. We oppose the practice of 
imposing one's system on others. If every- 
one would abide by the principle of self- 
determination and reject aggression and 
subversion, the world would be a happier 

Government by Consent of the Governed 

Q. Mr. President, as a practitioner of 
ivhat has been called "consensus politics," 
I wonder if you would comment on the dif- 
ferences between achieving a popular con- 
sensiis for your domestic programs and for 
matters dealing with foreign policy? 

A. We are a democracy, and Americans 
have the basic right to disagree with any 
policy of their Government — foreign or 
domestic. As we well know, Americans are 
not bashful about using this right. Now, 
there are a few important points I'd like to 
make about achieving a so-called consensus. 
First, I am a firm believer in the principle 
of national unity. I believe that our people 
have more reason to work together than 
apart to build a country we can be proud 
of. We may divide along many sectional, 
regional, political and special interest lines 
on the best way of approaching some of our 
problems — but I do think the vast majority 
agrees on what our problems are and the 
need for doing something about them. The 
challenge then is for the President to assert 
his leadership, to take a position on these 
issues by formulating legislative programs 
on which the Congress can act. The Con- 
gress, of course, can reject the President's 
programs — and it often does. But a Presi- 
dent must do what he thinks is right. He 
must think in terms of the national interest 
and the Nation's security — even if this 
means stirring up some segments of public 
opinion, no matter how vociferous. I con- 
fess that on the home front it is easier for 
the public to understand what an adminis- 
tration is trying to do. They see that some 
of our schools are overcrowded, that we 
must do something to help our Negro citi- 
zens, that we are rapidly outgrowing our 
cities, and they are responsive to programs 
that seek remedies. But when the President 



takes an extremely serious step in foreigrn 
matters, then it is really a more diflicult 
proposition for people to grasp. Certainly, 
there are dissenters — those who disagree. 
But the great majority of the American 
people strongly support their Government. 
You know, the concept of consensus politics 
is just one expression in day-to-day political 
terms of the fundamental proposition of 
American government — government by con- 
sent of the governed. Either a President has 
achieved a popular mandate in office, or 
after his 4 years were up the people achieved 
a consensus of their own and voted him 
into retirement. So, in either case, the 
principle of government by consent of the 
governed has always been upheld. 

Peace the "Bedrock of All Our Hopes" 

Q. Mr. President, what are your hopes for 
the next 10 years? 

A. You know, I've been in public life now 
for 35 years. And it's a sad commentary on 
the human condition when we realize that 
not once in any of those years has the world 
been wholly at peace. We've seen a lot of 
social and scientific advancement in the past 
10 years. My hope for the next 10, like any 
sane man's hope, is that this will be 
matched in building a peaceful world. Then 
we will have something really to be proud 
of. Peace, after all, is the bedrock of all our 
hopes. Without peace, all of our work and 
progress come to naught. Think of all the 
important and beneficial work that the 
United States and the Soviet Union could 
undertake with the vast sums now being 
spent on the instruments of war. Why, it 
staggers the imagination. We could use that 
wealth to help the two-thirds of the world 
that is afflicted with poverty, hunger, il- 
literacy, and disease. These have-not nations 
want their place in the sun, their chance 
for a better life. And as I have often said, 
the wall between the rich and poor is made 
of glass, through which all can see. Men 
every-where want the opportunity to grow, 
to become what they are capable of becom- 
ing. And this has a special meaning for me. 

Fifty years ago I stood as a boy in the 
Texas hill country and wondered whether 
there would ever be any opportunity lieyond 
those hills. We who have attained our 
dreams must respond to the dreams of 
others — the revolution of rising expecta- 
tions. I hope we can work toward a world 
of greater interdependence among nations — 
where countries will increasingly cooperate 
in economic, social, and cultural under- 

The United States and the Soviet Union 
still have an agenda of unresolved differ- 
ences, some of them quite serious. I believe 
we can settle these disputes, honorably and 
peacefully. We in the United States are 
determined to try. What has changed in 
recent years is not the size of our problems, 
but the means for solving them. The United 
States and the Soviet Union now possess — 
for the first time in history — the technology 
and productive capacity for extending man- 
kind's benefits to all men. The alternative, 
of course, is that the world can fall victim 
to its fears and antagonisms and plunge 
humanity into the nuclear abyss. I happen 
to prefer the positive way. 

Q. Do you see any indication that we can 
achieve this "positive way" ? 

A. Oh, yes, I do. I think that cultural ex- 
change between our two countries is ex- 
tremely important. We must get to know 
each other better. The political realities are 
such that we too often dwell on one an- 
other's mistakes and weaknesses. Let's 
admit that every nation has its infirmities. 
We all make mistakes, and injustice is not 
the product of any one geographic area. 
That's why I value this magazine exchange: 
America Illustrated and Soviet Life show 
what both countries are doing in construc- 
tive social and cultural ways. Here, both 
nations put their best foot forward, show 
their best products, their finest accomplish- 
ments, their creative ability. This is a most 
positive step toward better understanding. 
And understanding is essential to the quest 
for peace. 

As I said earlier: If you take an objective 
look at our two countries — not just at the 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


issues which divide us — you see the two 
most powerful nations on earth with every 
reason to want peace and no rational reason 
to want war. I am an optimist about man- 
kind. I believe men, with enough effort, can 
get what they want. And so I believe that 
the good soil will prevail over the rocks 
and weeds. The responsibility for the future 
rests in large part on the United States and 
the Soviet Union. We differ on many things. 
The Soviet leaders are often convinced of 
the rightness of their actions when we think 
they are wrong. And they sometimes think 
we are wrong when we feel strongly that 
our cause is just. As great powers, our two 
nations will undoubtedly have commitments 

that will conflict. But there is one commit- 
ment I hope we both share: the commit- 
ment to a warless world. However you 
define it, this is mankind's age of greatest 
promise. We must move toward it — not 
toward war. We must find ways toward dis- 
armament and an international rule of law 
strong enough to take the place of arms. 

As President of the United States, as a 
citizen of this troubled planet, as the father 
of two daughters who want to bring chil- 
dren into a peaceful world, I say we not only 
want peace — we in America are willing to 
expend every effort to achieve this goal. 
And, really, as responsible citizens living in 
the nuclear age, we can do no less. 

United States and Germany Reaffirm Community of Interest 

Chancellor Ludwig Erhard of the Federal 
Republic of Germany visited the United 
States September 2i-27. He met tvith Presi- 
dent Johnson and other high officials on Sep- 
tember 26 and 27, and visited the John F. 
Kennedy Space Center at Cape Kennedy, 
Fla., rvith President Johnson on September 
27. Follotving are an exchange of toasts be- 
tween President Johnson and Chancellor Er- 
hard at a dinner at the White House on Sep- 
tember 26 and President Johnson's remarks 
at Cape Kennedy, together with the text of 
a joint communique issued on September 27. 


White House press release dated September 26 

President Johnson 

Mr. Chancellor, Mrs. Erhard, ladies and 
gentlemen: When Swift was informed that 
Handel was at his door, he said, "Ahh, a 
German and a genius. Admit him." 

We greet you tonight, Mr. Chancellor, with 
equal vigor and enthusiasm — not only be- 

cause you are a German and a genius but 
because you have also brought with you for 
the first time your devoted companion and 
helpmate, Mrs. Erhard, whom we are de- 
lighted to welcome this evening. 

It was a native of your country who said 
that "He only earns his freedom and exist- 
ence who daily conquers them anew." 

We in this country believe that. We be- 
lieve that the game is won or lost every day. 
We believe that the pursuit of life, liberty, 
and happiness is never, never ended. We be- 
lieve that it is as new as the rising sun and 
as urgent to all of us as the next breath of 
fresh air. 

Because the people of your country are un- 
afraid of each day's test, they have shown 
the world now for more than 20 years what 
courage and fortitude can mean in the life 
of a nation that is determined to build anew. 

You have given the world not only an ex- 
ample of resolution — you have given us the 
gifts of culture and science and spirit which 
have enhanced the lives of so many. 

Your contribution to the Metropolitan 



Opera is something that I can never forget, 
Mr. Chancellor — because Lady Bird won't 
let me. 

In Viet-Nam tonight are your doctors and 
your teachers who have come there from 
Germany, and your medicine and your eco- 
nomic assistance — all devoted to spelling- 
hope to aid a struggling, freedom-seeking 

You seem to understand how deep is our 
concern for South Viet-Nam and how ear- 
nestly our thoughts these days are turned in 
that direction. 

But you also know that America's efforts 
in Southeast Asia can and will never 
diminish our concern for the security of 
Europe and the Atlantic, because, Mr. Chan- 
cellor, more than one ocean commands our 

Mr. Chancellor, no one need doubt the 
American commitment to Europe's future. 
We keep our commitments in Viet-Nam and 
we keep them every place that we have them. 

We stand with our allies in NATO, firmly 
dedicated to a common defense, because we 
believe in firmness and in unity lie the best 
hopes of peace in the world. 

That is why the security of West Berlin, 
that island of courage, that city of commit- 
ment, is so very important to all Americans. 
I recall vividly how the spirit of its people 
inspired me during my most delightful visit 
there in 1961 ' at a very critical moment in 
our national life. 

So we share your determination that the 
people of all Germany shall be peacefully 
united in freedom with all of their fellow 
citizens — and we do believe that it will truly 
come to pass. 

I also share your hope, Mr. Chancellor, 
expressed to me earlier today, that I can 
come to Europe again. Your invitation to 
come to Germany next spring would give me 
a good opportunity for another meeting with 
our friends and allies. I want to assure you, 
sir, that I will try my very best to accept 
your invitation, if my other responsibilities 
will permit. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 4, 1961, 
p. 391. 

I have welcomed you on many occasions, 
Mr. Chancellor, as a statesman of the modem 
world, but always most of all as our friend. 

Tonight I welcome you again as a great 
leader, as a champion of progress for your 
people, as hope for mankind, and as one of 
our close and tinisted friends in the world. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I should like to ask 
you to join me in a toast to the President of 
the Federal Republic of Germany and to the 
whole German people, whose security and 
whose freedom are our very own. 

Chancellor Erhard 

Mr. President, Mrs. Johnson, ladies and 
gentlemen: I would like, Mr. President, to 
thank you from the bottom of my heart for 
the warm welcome that you have extended to 
me and, very particularly, to Mrs. Erhard, to 
my colleagues, and to the members of my 

I have felt today how closely and how long 
we belong to each other. If I say long, I am 
thinking in terms of my activities in German 
political life which reach back to the time 
of the breakdown. 

I am thinking about, too, the happy experi- 
ences which became alive again today when 
I met so many people with whom, from the 
very beginning, I cooperated in rebuilding 
our country. I won't be able to name them 
all, but I would like to name a few of them 
on behalf of all: General Lucius Clay, Mr. 
[John J.] McCloy, General [Maxwell] Tay- 
lor — as I say, I can't name them all. 

But I have again felt something of the good 
will and openmindedness with which the 
American people met us in the darkest hour 
of our nation. And that, Mr. President, will 
remain unforgotten. 

This is a lasting bond and this, in fact, has 
brought about the community of ideals which 
we share in common. In the beginning we 
thought that we were about to be reedu- 
cated. But soon we felt that there was much 
more behind it, that there was the honest will 
of a friend who was extending his saving 
hand to those who were in bitter need. 

In the meantime, we have experienced, as 
you have said, Mr. President, that freedom 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


needs to be conquered daily anew. And, to 
use your words, these ideals require of us 
courage and firmness. 

When I think of your worries which oc- 
cupy you in the first line, then I can say, Mr. 
President, that I believe that of all of the 
peoples of the world there is none that has 
as much understanding and feels as much 
sympathy for the pain and at the same time 
the hope which the American people experi- 
ence when standing up for the freedom you 
fight for, a just peace, and for the restora- 
tion of law and order, and that we share 
your hope that you be successful in restoring 
calm and order in that part of the world. 

We do what we can do to help you in the 
humanitarian field. You can also be sure that 
the German people as a whole feel and know 
that there is moral relationship between the 
worries you are occupied with and that move 
you and the worries that move the German 
people. I have only to quote in that context 
the name of Berlin. 

And we cannot be sure of our freedom 
without making efforts daily to preserve that 
freedom. And in Germany there are problems 
still, the solution of which requires your as- 
sistance. And let me say that in trying to 
solve these problems we trust in you. 

We have to solve the European problems, 
but we consider these problems imbricated 
into an Atlantic world and we know that 
what is about to form in Europe is indis- 
solubly linked with what the Atlantic alliance 
stands for, with our joint efl!"ort to stand up 
in defense of the ideals of freedom, peace, 
and security. 

And for us the United States of America 
is the country in which we place the greatest 
trust, with whom we feel the most intimate 
solidarity. We are aware that freedom, peace, 
security, are not words which should only 
be used when there is no problem and no 
tension, should be used only because you are 
sure to get applause when you use them — 
that they must not become the small change, 
that they must not become slogans, but that 
they must be comprehended in their total 

value, in what they mean as commitment for 
man, for peoples, for nations. 

And if during these days, Mr. President, 
we struggle in the joint search for fruitful 
solutions, we know that friendship does not 
only have to prove its value when there is 
sunshine everywhere and when there is not 
the slightest difference in interests — we feel 
that these ideals must stand their test even 
when both our countries have, each of them, 
their worries. And that we must try not 
only to understand ours but that we must at 
the same time show the greatest understand- 
ing for the partner, the ally, the friend. 

And I think that this was underlying all 
our talks. It was also underlying our internal 
discussions on our side, that we were trying 
on our side to have the maximum under- 
standing for the American position. 

And we are equally sure, Mr. President, 
that the same was true for the American 
side, that you, too, were appreciating, trying 
to understand, our reasons. 

We don't have to use big words, and I 
don't think there is any reason for us to give 
up. The problems of our world can be solved. 
They can be solved all the more easily the 
closer we stand together. What we defend 
cannot be had for nothing. And we are pre- 
paied to pay the price that goes with it. 

When I say "price" I don't mean that in 
the material sense — I mean it in terms of the 
willingness of peoples to assume the sacri- 
fices that must be assumed in order to settle 

I was very pleased, Mr. President, that you 
have opened this hoi>e, and I do believe that 
it is — and I do hope that it is — more than 
only hope: the expectation that soon we shall 
be able to welcome you in Germany. And 
then, of course, Mr. President, we expect to 
welcome you and Mrs. Johnson. And I am 
sure that the reception you will have in Ger- 
many, not only from the Government but 
from the people, will be a welcome with open 
arms. Because the German people understand 
that you are a symbol of this world and that 
we share a common fate. 



Some people may think that this is a his- 
torical accident. I think it is impoi-tiint. I 
think that there is a common spirit animat- 
ing us and this common si)irit must not l)e 
lost because otherwise cruelty and force 
would prevail in the world. 

We must be vijrilant. We must be strong:. 
But we must also trust in the moral foi*ce 
which will guarantee freedom, peace, and 
the order of law. 

I would like to toast looking forward to 
having our next meeting, Mr. President, take 
place in Germany and then you will find that 
this is visible confirmation of the friendship 
between our two nations, a friendship which 
is lasting. 


White House press release dated September 27 

Chancellor Erhard, Dr. Webb [James E. 
Webb, Administrator, National Aeronautics 
and Space Administration], distinguished 
officials of the Republic of West Germany, 
ladies and gentlemen: I want to thank you 
for taking time this afternoon away from 
what I know is always a veiy tight schedule 
to welcome our distinguished friends. 

I am pleased that our distinguished visitor. 
Chancellor Erhard, could also find time on his 
busy schedule to let me show him what you 
are doing here at Cape Kennedy. I wanted 
him to see it, not merely because of the pride 
we take in what you are achieving here but 
also because of the promise which this great 
spaceport holds for the future of all man- 

The story of man's advancement, through- 
out history, has been the story of his victories 
over the forces of nature. In that continuing 
story, our own generation has been given the 
opportunity to write the grandest chapter of 
them all. Much of that chapter has already 
been written in this place where we now meet 
this afternoon. 

As we look at this vast scientific complex. 

it is hard to believe, Mr. Chancellor, that only 
5 years ago no American had yet orbited the 
earth. Today 17 American astronauts have 
flown in orbit. Five of them have flown twice. 
Only 5 years ago the heaviest satellite that 
we could put in orbit, as you saw a few min- 
utes ago, weighed only some 3,000 pounds. 
The Saturn V, which will make its first flight 
next year, can place 250,000 pounds into 
earth orbit, as you have just been told. 

Five years ago the moon was far beyond 
our reach. Today we have thousands of de- 
tailed photographs of our planet's orbiting 

I could go on, Mr. Chancellor, listing the 
achievements of the remarkable national 
space team and the new adventures which lie 
just ahead. I can also tell you that we are on 
our schedule in our plan and our determina- 
tion to put men on the moon before 1970. 

But there is more — much more — involved 
in our work than the adventure and the chal- 
lenge of space. 

The adventures of men like [Charles] Con- 
rad and [Richard F.] Gordon, whom you met 
this afternoon and who came here with us, 
not only widen their own horizons, but they 
open up vast new possibilities for our men 
of science throughout the world. 

That is really why I invited you, Mr. Chan- 
cellor, to come along with me to have a per- 
sonal look at these fantastic craft that are 
taking us into the future and to which men of 
German ancestry have contributed so much 
and of whom we are so proud. That is why I 
am discussing with the Chancellor, as well as 
other leaders, my hope that our scientists can 
join in joint endeavors to reap the full bene- 
fits of this adventure. 

Later in the day we will make an an- 
nouncement about expected exchanges among 
the excellent young people of both nations 
which I think will be of interest to the Ger- 
man people and to the American people. 

In particular, I have authorized Mr. Jim 
Webb to discuss whether solar physicists 
from Europe may wish to be associated with 
the American solar physicists who are pre- 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


paring telescopes to fly on an Apollo flight in 
order to study the sun at the height of the 
solar cycle. 

This is an avenue of international coopera- 
tion which we intend to vigorously pursue in 
every way that we can. 

It has been said that the real and legiti- 
mate goal of science is the endowment of 
human life with new inventions and riches. 
That is the real goal of our own space effort 
in America. You are helping to endow all of 
human life in all lands with new inventions 
and with new riches. 

And to each employee here who has con- 
tributed his part, I, as your President, say 
thank you. We appreciate you and we admire 
you. The presence of our distinguished visitor 
serves to remind us of the very special nature 
of achievements in space. Their benefits must 
flow not just to a single nation, but they must 
flow to all nations and to all peoples every- 

Let me give you briefly a few examples. 
Our weather satellites have already started a 
revolution in weather forecasting — which al- 
ready has been a boon to farmers and fisher- 
men the world over. 

Other satellites are improving navigation, 
bringing information and education to liter- 
ally hundreds of millions by relaying radio 
and television programs across the continents 
and across the seas of the world. 

At the same time that we are meeting the 
demands for long space flights by our astro- 
nauts, we are developing techniques that will 
help us solve the problems of air and water 
pollution here on earth. We are very proud 
of the studies that we have made of your 
country and the information that you have 
given us in this field, Mr. Chancellor. 

We have launched six research satellites 
that are designed by scientists in other coun- 
tries. Eight more are planned. 

We are working with scientists in 14 other 
countries in the launching of sounding rock- 

We are cooperating with 17 other nations 
which provide tracking, data acquisition, and 
command services for our satellites. 

We would like so much to see many more 
multilateral prospects organized and man- 
aged by the countries of Europe, acting to- 
gether. I would like to say this afternoon 
that the United States is prepared, if re- 
quested, to join with them in space efforts of 
mutual benefit by providing launch vehicles 
or in whatever other ways you leaders may 
feel that we can be of help. 

This cooperation is among acknowledged 
friends. But we go beyond that. We seek — 
and we shall continue to seek — cooperation in 
space with the Soviet Union. We have an 
agreement to exchange certain kinds of space 
data. We have shared information on varia- 
tions in the earth's magnetic field. We will 
soon publish jointly American and Soviet 
material on space biology and medicine. 

We have agreed to certain principles gov- 
erning the use of space. 

But these agreements in principle — ex- 
pressed in resolutions at the United Nations 
— fall short of the full, binding force of 
treaty law. 

I earnestly hope that the Soviet Union — 
whose space achievements have been very 
great — will feel as we feel in America: that 
the rapid evolution of space technology 
makes early conclusion of a treaty between 
us governing the use of space a most urgent 

So it is a matter of the highest common 
interest — for the future peace of the world 
and the security of all men may very well be 
at stake as a result of our efforts. 

And so, as we explore the vastness of space 
and as we dream of new horizons, we work, 
too, for the manmade controls that will keep 
these efforts at the service of man and at the 
service of peace. 

There is so much ahead of us for all of us 
to do. 

Each nation has its own problems — food 
for its hungry, medicine for its sick, care for 
its elderly, education for its young. 

Each nation has its own dreams, and we 
have exchanged dreams in these last 2 pleas- 
ant days that I have spent with the Chancel- 
lor. We have dreams of peace, of security, of 



independence, of progress, of the advance- 
ment of our youth and friendship among all 
the peoples of the world. 

And together, men of all nations face the 
challenge not just of our world but of the 
vast universe whose stars shine down on us 
all and whose mysteries we slowly will pene- 
trate together. 

So let us go about the business of mankind. 

Let us abandon the use of force. 

And let us meet together — in peace — the 
common challenges that confront all men. 

The time we have is short. 

The earth moves on. 

And the heavens wait. 

Before we leave, I want each man and 
woman who is in any way associated with 
this endeavor to know how much your coun- 
try appreciates your effort and your achieve- 

As we meet here our men patrol and guard 
freedom throughout the world. Some of our 
men are dying at this very hour in the rice 
paddies of Viet-Nam. We honor, respect, and 
are grateful for their contribution to our 

I particularly want to acknowledge the 
great efforts that Dr. [Kurt H.] Debus, who 
came to us from Germany, and Dr. Wernher 
von Braun, who has been so intimately iden- 
tified with our space program, also a former 
citizen of Germany, have made to our space 

I am called upon, on occasions, to dis- 
tribute Medals of Honor to our gallant men 
who have protected our security and who 
have advanced the cause of peace. Today I 
don't have any Medals of Honor to distribute, 
but I would like in thanking each of you to 
point out that I know of none who are more 
deserving of our recognition than Dr. Debus 
and Dr. von Braun. 

I want to add to that list two great Ameri- 
can public servants, too — Secretary Robert 
McNamara, who is associated in this effort 
and who is one of our most brilliant and com- 
petent leaders today, and our own most able, 
imaginative Director, Dr. James Webb. 

I have said many times I would like to have 

Dr. Webb in the Cabinet and I would have if 
he didn't have a more important assignment. 
Thank you very much. 


White House press release dated September 27 

President Johnson and Chancellor Erhard com- 
pleted today the fifth of a series of meetings which 
began in 1963. The two leaders attach exceptional 
importance to these consultations, which afford an 
opportunity for intimate and thorough discussion 
of matters of mutual concern. They were accom- 
panied by Secretary of State Rusk, Secretary of 
the Treasury Fowler and Secretary of Defense Mc- 
Namara on the American side and Federal Ministers 
Dr. Schroeder [Gerhard Schroeder, Minister of For- 
eign Affairs], von Hassel [Kai-Uwe von Hassel, 
Minister of Defense], and Dr. Westrick [Ludger 
Westrick, Minister for the Federal Chancery] on the 
German side. 

In two days of wide-ranging talks the President 
and the Chancellor reviewed problems in the rela- 
tions between the two countries, as well as questions 
of world peace and security. The exchange of views, 
as in former meetings, took place in an open and 
cordial atmosphere and resulted in basic agreement 
on all important points. The President and the Chan- 
cellor found that the Federal Republic of Germany 
and the United States of America continue to share 
a deep community of interest in all major problems 
affecting international security. 

The situation of the Atlantic Alliance and the 
state of East-West relations, including the problem 
of a divided Germany and Berlin, were among the 
main topics discussed. Questions of long-term Atlan- 
tic defense planning, which include the burden on 
the American balance of payments resulting from 
the stationing of United States forces in Europe 
were also discussed in that context. Other subjects 
reviewed were disarmament and the non-prolifera- 
tion of nuclear weapons, European unity within an 
Atlantic partnership, the Viet Nam conflict, foreign 
aid, space and other scientific cooperation, the Ken- 
nedy Round and international liquidity. 

German Reunification 

President Johnson reaffirmed the objective of the 
reunification of Germany as one of the most signifi- 
cant goals of American foreign policy. Chancellor 
Erhard stressed the human suffering which results 
from the continuing artificial division of Germany, 
and the President and the Chancellor agreed that a 
solution of the German problem on the basis of self- 
determination was essential in the interest of human- 
ity as well as of lasting peace in Europe. They em- 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


phasized the right and duty of the Government of 
the Federal Republic of Germany, as the only freely 
elected Government of the German people, to speak 
and to stand for their interests until the German 
nation has been made whole. They agreed that the 
freedom of Berlin must be preserved and that the 
problem of Berlin can be resolved only within the 
framework of the peaceful reunification of Germany. 

Western Unity and East-West Relations 

The President and the Chancellor addressed two 
main needs of our day: Western unity and improved 
East-West relations. 

The President and the Chancellor underlined once 
more the great importance of European unification 
founded on common action and common institutions. 
A united Europe is a basic element of Western 
strength and freedom and a bulwark against the 
spirit of national rivalry which has produced so 
many disasters in the past. They emphasized that 
Europe and North America are parts of a common 
Atlantic world and have a common fate. It there- 
fore continues to be a vital interest of their foreign 
policies to multiply and deepen the ties between 
North America and a uniting Europe. In this con- 
nection the President and the Chancellor discussed 
the problem of the technological gap between the 
United States and Europe and noted the excellent 
initiatives of the Italian Government in this regard. 
The President indicated that the United States 
stands ready to respond to any proposals by our 
European allies in this area of advanced technology. 
In East-West relations they believe that we should 
continue to respond to the widespread yearning to 
heal the division of Europe and of Germany with- 
out which no lasting peace can be achieved, looking 
steadily for ways to overcome the rigidities of the 


They believe that closer ties between all European 
nations, the United States and the Soviet Union 
will serve this purpose. So will new moves to remove 
ancient fears. 

They agreed to explore with their allies every use- 
ful step that could be taken to these ends. 

The Chancellor discussed with the President the 
possibilities for further development of the ideas ex- 
pressed in the German Peace Note of March 25, 
1966.^ The President welcomed this constructive Ger- 
man initiative. 

The President and the Chancellor are convinced 
that Western unity will contribute to East- West un- 
derstanding—that Western European integration 
and Atlantic solidarity can open the way for wider 
cooperation in promoting the security and well-being 
of Europe as a whole. 

Atlantic Security 

President Johnson and Chancellor Erhard dis- 
cussed fully the problems of Atlantic security. They 
agreed that tension in Europe is less acute. Yet a 
basic threat to security persists and the Atlantic 
Alliance continues to be the vital condition of peace 
and freedom. They reaffirmed the determination of 
the two governments to maintain the strength of the 
Alliance and its integrated defense and to adjust it 
to the requirements it will face in the coming years. 
They agreed that a searching reappraisal should be 
undertaken of the threat to security and, taking 
into account changes in military technology and 
mobility, of the forces required to maintain adequate 
deterrence and defense. This review should also ad- 
dress the question of equitable sharing of the defense 
and other comparable burdens, and the impact of 
troop deployment and force levels on the balance of 
payments of the United States and United Kingdom, 
and take into account the effect on the German eco- 
nomic and budgetary situation of measures designed 
to ameliorate balance of payments problems. 

The President and Chancellor agreed that it would 
be desirable to have conversations in which the 
United Kingdom would be invited to participate 
along with the Federal Republic and the United 
States, to examine these questions, in the considera- 
tion of which all the NATO allies will wish to par- 

The President and Chancellor worked on the prob- 
lems which have arisen under the existing offset ar- 
rangements between the Federal Republic and the 
United States. The Chancellor assured the President 
that the Federal Republic would make every effort 
fully to meet the current offset agreement insofar as 
financial arrangements affecting the balance of pay- 
ments are involved. The Chancellor explained to the 
President that the Federal Republic would not in the 
future be able fully to offset the foreign exchange 
costs associated with the stationing of U.S. forces m 
Germany by the purchasing of military equipment. It 
was agreed that that question would be one of the 
problems to be considered in the tripartite conversa- 

» For texts of German note of Mar. 25 and U.S. 
note of Apr. 2, see Bulletin of Apr. 25, 1966, p. 654. 

NATO Nuclear Issues 

The President and the Chancellor emphasized their 
great interest in an early termination of the arma- 
ments race and in progress in the field of general 
and controlled disarmament. 

They agreed that the proliferation of nuclear 
weapons into the national control of non-nuclear 
states must be checked, and expressed the view that 
nuclear arrangements consistent with this objective 
should be made within the Alliance to provide the 
non-nuclear Allies with an appropriate share in nu- 
clear defense. They noted with satisfaction the deci- 
sion of the Nuclear Planning Working Group m 



Rome to recommend a permanent nuclear planning 
committee in the Alliance. They hope other members 
of the Alliance will support this recommendation, 
which would broaden and deepen the areas of nuclear 
consultation and would bring the Allies more inti- 
mately into planning for nuclear defense. 

Viet Nam 

President Johnson informed Chancellor Erhard of 
the current situation in Viet Nam. Chancellor 
Erhard reiterated his view that the assistance given 
by the United States to Viet Nam's resistance 
against aggression is important to the entire free 
world. Chancellor Erhard stated that in his view 
the efforts and sacrifices made by the United States 
in Viet Nam provide assurance of the seriousness 
with which the United States regards its interna- 
tional commitments. The Chancellor expressed his 
deep regret that the President's repeated peace offers 
have so far not been accepted. President Johnson ex- 
pressed to Chancellor Erhard great appreciation for 
this support and for the tangible assistance in the 
economic and humanitarian fields which the Federal 
Republic has given to Viet Nam. 

Space and Science Cooperation 

The President and the Chancellor discussed possi- 
bilities for increased cooperation in technology and 
science and in particular in the field of space re- 
search. The Chancellor expressed his satisfaction 
that effective steps towards increased cooperation in 
space research have been initiated since his last 
meeting with the President in December 1965.' The 
President and the Chancellor welcomed the decision 
to expand the present cooperative satellite program 
reached as a result of the recent discussions in Bonn 
between NASA Administrator Webb and Minister of 
Science [Gerhard] Stoltenberg. 

The President and the Chancellor agreed that 
scientific cooperation should be pressed forward for 
the mutual benefit of both countries and the advance- 
ment of human knowledge, preserving opportunities 
for additional nations to participate and contribute. 

Natural Resources and Environmental Control 

The President and the Chancellor expressed great 
satisfaction over progress which has been made on 
the program of German-American cooperation in the 
field of natural resources and environmental control 
which was agreed on during the Chancellor's visit 
last December. They reviewed with satisfaction the 
visit of Secretary of the Interior Udall to Germany 
in March of this year with a mission to look into 

' For background, see ibid., Jan. 10, 1966, p. 46. 

what we could learn from each other. American and 
German program directors and expert teams have 
been appointed who arc exchanging experiences and 
making detailed plans, especially in the fields of air 
and water pollution and urban renewal. 

Kennedy Round 

The President and the Chancellor discussed the 
Kennedy Round. They agreed that the European 
Communities and the United States are now facing 
the decisive and most difficult phase of these trade 
negotiations. Both governments will give a very high 
prfority to their successful conclusion in order to 
achieve the common goal of encouraging increased 
world trade by a substantial reduction in trade 

International Monetary Negotiations 

The President and the Chancellor also discussed 
the international monetary negotiations. They ex- 
pressed satisfaction with the decisions of the Minis- 
ters and the Governors of the Group of 10 at the 
Hague, and with the plan for joint meetings be- 
tween the International Monetary Fund Executive 
Directors and the deputies of the Group of 10. They 
agreed that the successful conclusion of these nego- 
tiations is of the highest political importance. 

The President proposed to the Chancellor that 
there be established secure means of direct telephonic 
communication between Washing^ton and Bonn to 
permit easy and rapid consultation on issues of con- 
cern to the two Governments. The Chancellor agreed 
that such an arrangement would be useful and 
should be set up as soon as feasible. 

The two leaders agreed to increase the flow be- 
tween their countries of the young people who are 
devoted to excellence in special fields. A competitive 
scholarship program will be explored to provide a 
creative exchange of talented youth who can make 
serious scientific, cultural or artistic contributions to 
the society of the host country. 

The President and the Chancellor were happy to 
have had this opportunity to discuss together their 
common problems, as well as to renew their close 
personal friendship. They reaffirmed the friendship 
and trust which has developed between the people 
and governments of the United States and Germany. 
They expressed gratification at the results achieved 
by this meeting which should go far toward building 
even closer relations between themselves and with 
their partners, as well as toward improving future 
relations with the Eastern neighbors and other parts 
of the world. 

The Chancellor extended an invitation to the Presi- 
dent to visit the Federal Republic next spring; the 
President said that he would be most pleased to do 
so if his responsibilities permitted. 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


The Outlook for Freedom 

Address by Secretary Rusk 

It is a high privilege to take part in this 
golden anniversary celebration. The range 
of topics and of speakers at your convoca- 
tion suggests the breadth, and the height, of 
the vision of the leaders of the American 
business community. It indicates that your 
most important product is statesmanship. 

You are concerned with the preservation 
and continual improvement of the most pro- 
ductive economic system the world has ever 
known. Its health and success are primary 
concerns of the Government of the United 

The central objective of our foreign policy 
is, in the familiar words of the preamble to 
our Constitution, to "secure the Blessings of 
Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." 

We can no longer find national security 
through policies and defenses limited to the 
North American Continent or the Western 
Hemisphere or the North Atlantic basin. In 
this age of instant communication and inter- 
continental missiles with thermonuclear war- 
heads, distance does not spell safety and no 
part of this small planet is remote. 

Our security depends upon a generally 
peaceful world. And a generally peaceful 
world cannot be achieved merely by wishing 
for it and talking about it and carrying 
placards calling for peace. It has to be orga- 
nized and maintained by hard work, deter- 
mination, and, at times, sacrifice by those 

' Made before the National Industrial Conference 
Board at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 21 (press re- 
lease 216). Mr. Rusk also made some extemporaneous 

who want a peace that is safe for free insti- 

The kind of world we seek is sketched out 
in the preamble and articles 1 and 2 of the 
United Nations Charter. 

We are deeply committed to the principles 
of free choice: to self-determination, to the 
right of every nation to choose and change 
its own institutions. Unlike the Communists, 
we do not try to impose our system on others. 
We don't even ask other nations to copy 
either our political or our economic institu- 
tions. But we have, nevertheless, some basic 
convictions about these matters, convictions 
rooted in experience. 

We believe in government with the "con- 
sent of the governed," in Jeff"erson's phrase. 
We believe that democracy, with its capacity 
for great variety of forms and institutions, 
is the type of government most consistent 
with the dignity of the individual and the 
rights of man. 

And we believe in economic institutions 
based on private enterprise. We regard pri- 
vate initiative as the engine of economic 
progress. In earlier days the engine was not 
well harnessed to our society as a whole and 
periodically it broke down. But immense 
progress has been achieved in improving the 
capitalist system to make it serve better and 
more steadily the needs of man. To this end, 
both government and enlightened leaders of 
business have made essential contributions. 

The modern capitalism of the Western 
World has knocked the bottom out of 
Marxist-Leninist economic doctrine. 



We must, and will, continue to imjirove 
our economic and social system. But already 
it provides, on the average, the highest level 
of living for our people as a whole that the 
human race has yet known. 

Foreign Policy and the U.S. Economy 

We in the State Dejiartment are deeiily 
and constantly aware of the vital stake our 
foreign policy has in the success of the Amer- 
ican economy. Our economic strength is the 
backbone of our international position. 
Without a strong economy, we could not sus- 
tain the effoi-ts which are necessaiy to pre- 
serve the security and to build the strength 
of the free world — our necessary Military 
Establishment, our relatively modest foreign 
aid programs, our overseas information pro- 
gram, our diplomacy. And, beyond that, the 
ability of the American system to provide an 
ever better living for all our people is a very 
important asset in the contest between free- 
dom and regimentation. 

Promotion of the economic growth of the 
United States is one of the oldest objectives 
of our foreign policy. The central preoccupa- 
tion of our first ministers to Europe after 
we won independence — John Adams and 
Thomas Jefferson — was our commerce. In 
fact, they set in motion our first national ex- 
port promotion drive. 

Among the constant objectives of our for- 
eign policy are: access to goods from abroad 
which our economy needs and enlargement 
of foreign markets for American products. 
In line with those objectives — and with the 
paramount purpose of preserving our na- 
tional security and way of life — the United 
States in recent decades has pursued several 
closely related policies: 

The lowering of trade barriers; 

Strengthening of the international finan- 
cial system; 

Aid to the economically advanced coun- 
tries of the free world in recovering from 
the destruction and disruptive effects of war; 

And aid to the developing nations in mod- 
ernizing their economic, social, and political 

These have been bipartisan policies — or, 
as the late Arthur II. Vandenberg i)referred 
to say, "unpartisan." 

We in the Department of State recognize 
that we have special responsibilities for 
furthering the successful international op- 
erations of American business. 

You are all aware of the keen commercial 
competition we face from other industrialized 
nations. Even with an overall increase in our 
exports, there has been a gradual reduction 
in our share of foreign markets. Our trade 
surplus diminished somewhat this past year 
because of increased imports. We must do 
more to expand our exports. 

Working With the Business Community 

In the Department of State we have been 
moving ahead with a number of new or 
intensified activities of particular interest to 
American business. 

1. For several years I have emphasized to 
all our ambassadors overseas the importance 
of maintaining friendly and helpful relations 
with the American business community 
abroad. I have urged on all of them the 
importance of working with American busi- 
ness to expand our exports. 

2. We have established an open door for 
businessmen with overseas activities. More 
and more businessmen are coming into the 
Department with their problems. We are de- 
lighted by this. 

3. We have established the position of 
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Commercial 
Affairs and Business Activities to give lead- 
ership to this program. 

4. We have enlarged and revitalized the 
Department's Advisory Committee on Inter- 
national Business Problems; and at two very 
useful meetings in the last several months 
that committee has given us its views. 

5. We have broadened our consultations 
with many business organizations and trade 

6. We have also enlarged our consultation 
program through the Business Council for 
International Understanding, under which 
our ambassadors and other senior officers 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


meet with senior representatives of Ameri- 
can business firms with overseas interests 
before they go on to their posts. More than 
100 such consultations have taken place in 
the past year. 

7. Cooperative efforts have also been 
undertaken with the Department of Com- 
merce to upgrade the economic and com- 
mercial function abroad and to see that the 
total resources of our missions are used to 
forward the commercial and economic 
interests of the United States. 

These are illustrative of our recent efforts 
to work more effectively with groups such as 
yours. They are in keeping with the para- 
mount objectives of our foreign economic 
policy: to rebuild and expand the interna- 
tional economic order; to cultivate an inter- 
national environment that encourages and 
expands the interchange of goods, capital, 
technology, and ideas. These efforts have 
accomplished important results. 

Advances in the Free World 

Trade among free-world countries has 
doubled in a decade. Last year, free-world 
exports totaled $165 billion. Capital is mov- 
ing across international boundaries in in- 
creasing volume, thereby contributing to a 
more effective use of the world's resources 
and special skills and to higher world in- 

The countries of free Europe and Japan, 
long since recovered from the war, have ad- 
vanced to new levels of productivity and 

We have an immense and vital interest in 
the North Atlantic community, with its com- 
bined gross national product of more than a 
trillion dollars. We have a vital interest in 
the new, democratic Japan. 

In the Western Hemisphere that great 
cooperative enterprise in social reform and 
economic development, the Alliance for 
Progress, is meeting its overall goals. How- 
ever, some countries are lagging, and the 
overall goals may need to be lifted. Politi- 
cally, the main trend has been toward mod- 
eration and democracy. 

In the Dominican Republic we joined 
other members of the Organization of Ameri- 
can States to assure the Dominican people a 
free election, thus averting a takeover by 
either the extreme right or the extreme left, 
both of which had been condemned by the 

The Developing Countries 

In free Asia, the Middle East, and Africa 
economic progress has been uneven. But 
some countries have made solid and relatively 
rapid advances. As a rule, they are those 
which have provided a favorable environ- 
ment for private enterprise. In the develop- 
ing areas there is a growing trend away from 
doctrinaire leadership. 

But not all the indices are favorable. Over- 
all, the gap between the developing coun- 
tries and the advanced countries is widening. 
And the world stands at the threshold of a 
food-population crisis, which cannot be over- 
come by exports from the countries which 
produce more food than they need for them- 
selves but requires immense efforts on the 
part of the developing nations. 

At President Johnson's direction, our AID 
programs are putting increased emphasis on 
agriculture, as well as on health and educa- 
tion, the basic building blocks of develop- 

We have a great stake in the success of the 
populous democracies of the Asian subcon- 
tinent. We hope that India and Pakistan will 
move toward settlement of the disputes be- 
tween them, so that both countries can con- 
centrate more on internal development and 
make the best use of the assistance they are 
receiving from other free-world nations. 

We have a vast stake in the security and 
progress of the free nations of East Asia and 
the western Pacific. The protective shield we 
are helping to provide for those countries is 
already yielding important results. From 
Australia on the south to Korea and Japan 
on the north, the free nations of that area 
are moving forward with renewed confidence. 
Indonesia, potentially a very rich country, 
has turned away from adventurism and is 



coining to grips with its economic and social 

We have been much encouraged by new 
regional initiatives and institutions in that 
part of the world. Among them are: 

The Asian Development Bank, which will 
open its doors next month. 

The Southeast Asian Development Con- 
ference under the leadership of Japan. 

ASPAC [Asian and Pacific Council], the 
group of Asian and Pacific nations brought 
together on the initiative of the Republic of 

The renewed activities of the Association 
of Southeast Asia — Thailand, Malaysia, and 
the Philippines. 

Those who say that what we are doing in 
South Viet-Nam lacks understanding and 
support in the western Pacific and East 
Asia are poorly informed. Those who pre- 
dicted that it would cost us the friendship 
of other Asian nations were wrong. The new 
sense of confidence in that part of the world 
is mainly due to the conviction that the 
United States has the means and the will to 
meet its commitments and that aggression 
will not be allowed to succeed. 

"Building Bridges" Through Trade 

Side by side with our endeavors to deter 
or to repel aggression and to increase the 
strength and well-being of the free world, we 
pursue a third policy. That is to search per- 
sistently for areas of common interest and 
agreement with our adversaries. 

In President Johnson's phrase, we are try- 
ing to "build bridges" of human contact and 
trade and understanding with the nations of 
Eastern Europe. 

And we earnestly seek agreements or 
understandings with the Soviet Union to 
blunt disputes and to reduce the danger of a 
great war. We hope for international agree- 
ments on the peaceful uses of space and on 
nonproliferation of atomic weapons. And we 
hope the time will come when, by permitting 
effective inspection on their own soil, the 
Soviets will make possible progress in reduc- 
ing armaments. We do what we can to in- 

crease contacts with the Soviet people. 

We believe that our natioruil interest — 
and the cause of peace — would he served by 
increased trade with Eastern Europe and the 
Soviet Union. In February of last year Presi- 
dent Johnson appointed a special committee 
on that subject composed of American busi- 
ness, labor, and academic leaders under the 
chairmanship of Mr. J. Irwin Miller, chair- 
man of the board of the Cummins Engine 
Company. The recommendations of that com- 
mittee led to the proposed East-West Trade 
Relations Act, submitted to Congress in May 
of this year.2 This act would give the Presi- 
dent authority to extend most-favored- 
nation tariff treatment to individual Commu- 
nist countries when this is determined to be 
in the national interest. The authority could 
be exercised only in a commercial agreement 
with a particular country in return for 
equivalent benefits to the United States. 

It is in our interest to encourage the Com- 
munist countries to devote primary attention 
to the well-being of their own people and to 
realize that peaceful relations with the na- 
tions of the free world serve that end. We be- 
lieve that that policy is sound, even when we 
are required to resist aggression in Viet> 
Nam. We think we should do all we can to 
make it clear to Communist leaders that they 
have a constructive alternative to support of 
costly and futile attempts to gain advan- 
tages through the use of force. 

Trade Relationships With Eastern Europe 

Most of the European Communist nations 
have been seeking increased trade and other 
contacts with the West, including the United 
States. And more trade with these countries 
could be profitable in itself. As their national 
economies turn more and more toward con- 
sumer desires, they will become more attrac- 
tive markets for our exports. 

Between 1956 and 1965 our exports to 
Poland increased from less than $4 million to 
more than $35 million, and our imports from 

' For texts of the proposed legislation and the 
special committee's report, see BULLETIN of May 
30, 1966, pp. 843 and 845. 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


Poland from $27 million to almost $66 mil- 
lion. In the first quarter of 1966 our trade 
with Poland was running at an annual rate 
of $60 million of exports and $80 million of 
imports. This is the kind of moderate but 
useful increase in trading relationships that 
we want to encourage for other countries of 
Eastern Europe. 

In the case of Romania our trade was 
nominal for many years — usually less than a 
million dollars for either exports or imports. 
But with recent improvement in our bilateral 
relations, our exports to Romania rose to 
more than $6 million in 1965 and were close 
to $6 million in the first 3 months of 1966 
alone. This increase not only benefits our 
own economy but carries with it the pros- 
pect of closer and more normal relationships 
with the people of Romania. Because 
Romania is still subject to discriminatory 
tariff treatment, its exports to us have not 
shown a comparable increase. They have 
grown only to $1.8 million in 1965 and a little 
more than half a million dollars in the first 
quarter of 1966. 

Since Yugoslavia embarked upon an inde- 
pendent course of policy in 1948, we have 
treated it accordingly. About 65 percent of 
Yugoslavia's trade is now with non-Commu- 
nist countries. 

I am convinced that, as President Johnson 
has said: "The intimate engagement of peace- 
ful trade, over a period of time, can influence 

Eastern European societies to develop along 
paths that are favorable to world peace." ' 

We also look forward to the time when it 
will be possible to have more normal rela- 
tionships with the Asian lands which are 
now under Communist rule. 

Despite dangers and crises and setbacks, 
the free world continues to grow in strength. 
The gap in gross national product between 
the advanced nations of the free world and 
the Communist states has widened. The com- 
bined GNP of the European members of 
NATO is approximately equal to that of the 
entire Communist world, and our GNP is 
substantially larger. Internal pressures for 
better living conditions and more personal 
freedom are spurring evolutionary changes 
in the Soviet Union and most of the smaller 
Communist states of Europe. 

I think that it is accurate to say that, over- 
all, progress has been made in building the 
foundations of peace. When Hanoi and 
Peking realize, as they must, that aggression 
will not be permitted to succeed and their 
militant doctrines have been discredited, I 
believe the world will have a good chance of 
organizing a peace that is safe for free 
societies and in which all peoples can make 
a better life for themselves and their pos- 
terity. Such a peace is our constant goal. 

' For text of President Johnson's remarks on sign- 
ing the proclamation commemorating Poland's na- 
tional millennium, see ibid., May 23, 1966, p. 794. 



The Other War in Vietnam— A Progress Report— Continued 

Following is the text of the final portion 
of the 44-page report transmitted to Presi- 
dent Johnson on September 13 by Robert 
W. Komer, Special Assistant to the Presi- 
dent. 1 

III. Revolutionary Development: Functional 
Programs and Institution-Building 

Aside from those programs already dis- 
cussed are the ongoing efforts to strengthen 
key elements of the Vietnamese economic 
and social fabric — agriculture, education, 
public health and medicine, government 
infrastructure. These programs have a 
major impact on the countryside. They are 
an integral part of Revolutionary Develop- 


Vietnam's predominantly rural population 
—85 percent of the total — has borne the 
brunt of the war. Farmers have had to 
leave their ancestral lands to escape Viet 
Cong terror and fighting. The Viet Cong 
have seized crops for their own use or for 
tax levies. VC interference and declining 
production have drastically reduced ship- 
ments to the cities and towns. But the GVN, 
with US help, has mounted a growing effort 
to help revive Vietnam's agriculture; despite 
wartime disruption, progress is being 
achieved. Major credit is due to the 1000- 
man staff of the GVN Agricultural Exten- 
sion Service and to the US agricultural ad- 

' Mr. Komer's letter of transmittal and the first 
portion of the report, which included chapter I, 
"Buttressing Vietnam's Economy"; and chapter II, 
"Revolutionarj' Development: The 'Other War' in 
the Countryside," appeared in the Bulletin of Oct. 
10, 1966, p. 549. 

visors who work with them and Vietnamese 
farmers in all 43 of Vietnam's provinces. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— With US help, the Ministry of Agri- 
culture has conducted an extensive educa- 
tional program, including distribution in 
1965 of 3.1 million educational leaflets. It 
is planned to distribute some 4.7 million 
more this year. 

— During 1965, 375 three-day agricultural 
training courses were held for 5000 farmers 
and local oflJicials. Over 5000 half-day and 
one-day training meetings were held for 
about 150,000 farmers. 

—Young farmers' "4-T Clubs," patterned 
after the American 4-H Clubs, have risen 
from 1200 in 1965 to 2200 this year, and 
have over 80,000 members. Membership 
should surpass 100,000 during the coming 

— Fertilizer use is being expanded. In 
1962 only 100,000 metric tons of chemical 
fertilizer were used. By 1965 some 700,000 
farmers used approximately 276,000 metric 
tons of fertilizer on 1,976,000 acres, and 
received about 1.5 billion piasters in addi- 
tional income. Major efforts are being made 
to improve fertilizer distribution. Over 10,- 
000 demonstrations of how to use fertilizer 
are planned for 1967, twice as many as in 

— Fifty-nine District Farmers' Associa- 
tions with 244,000 members, and 250 
farmers and fishermen cooperatives have 
been organized. In 1965 approximately 66,- 
000 metric tons of fertilizer and 50,000 
metric tons of corn were sold to 155,000 
farmers through cooperatives and farmers 

— Vietnamese research stations have 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


tested and distributed new varieties of seed. 
300 tons of improved corn seed, 40 tons of 
soybean seed, 150 tons of peanut seed, 250 
million sweet potato cuttings, and eight 
million seed pieces of superior sugar cane 
were distributed to farmers in 1965. 

— Farmers have become enthusiastic about 
new crops and techniques. The success of 
soybean plantings has prompted Mekong 
Delta farmers to request help in planting 
50,000 acres in the next growing season. 

— Vietnamese and American specialists 
have trained and worked closely with 
farmers to prevent losses from insects, 
disease, and rats. 1,400,000 acres were 
treated for insects and disease in FY 1966, 
and 20 tons of poison were used to kill 
about 10 million rats. Losses from these 
causes, estimated at 30 percent in 1961, 
have fallen to 16 percent this year. 

— Construction and repair of irrigation 
canals has continued despite the war. In 
1965 some 24 miles of new irrigation canals 
were completed, 15 miles rehabilitated, and 
42 dams built or restored. 70,000 acres were 
irrigated in 1965 and 78,000 additional 
acres are expected to be irrigated in 1966. 

— Success in improving hog quality and 
output is especially notable. Hog production 
grew from 1.7 million in 1963 to 3 million 
in 1965, and the average weight from 130 
to 220 lbs. Part of this is due to a "Hog 
Com" program whereby a farmer is given 
three small pigs, eight bags of cement for 
building a pig sty, and a supply of US-grown 
surplus com. One pig is marketed after it 
is grown and the money returned to cover 
the cost; the other two pigs are kept for 
breeding. Over 18,000 fine quality Yorkshire 
and Berkshire pigs were distributed in 1965, 
and 26,000 will be distributed in 1966. 

— Fishing — a major source of cash and 
protein — has greatly expanded. The Viet^ 
namese Inland Fisheries Service teaches 
farmers how to build and use fish ponds, 
which with fertilization and supplemental 
feeding using low quality grain can produce 
ten times the amount of fish of a natural 
pond. 27 million fingeriings have been dis- 

tributed for stocking. Present hatchery 
capacity is over three million fingeriings. 

— Off'shore fish catch has expanded from 
165,000 metric tons in FY 1959 to around 
400,000 metric tons in FY 1966. This growth 
has been due to better techniques, new 
wharfs, nylon nets and motors — some 12,000 
of 57,000 fishing boats are now motorized, 
largely through AID programs. 

— Mrich has been done to improve the lives 
of people in rural communities. In 1965 
Vietnamese and US home economists con- 
ducted home improvement programs with 
23,600 families, distributing 1000 sevring 
machines. Home Improvement Clubs, for 
Vietnamese rural women, increased from 
1000 in 1965 to 1200 in 1966, and member- 
ship rose from 25,000 to 30,000. 

— A rtiral electrification program through 
three selected cooperatives will begin this 
fall to bring electricity to 144,000 people in 
the countryside. 

— Rural water supply has been greatly 
improved. AID, supplying rigs and tech- 
nicians, has worked closely with the GVN 
Directorate of Water Supply. 80 wells and 
60 potable water distribution systems were 
installed in rural villages and district towns 
in FY 1966. An estimated 3.3 million people 
have benefited since the program began. 

— On land reform, the GVN is proceeding 
with distribution of 1.2 million acres of 
expropriated and government-owned land, 
much to be given to refugees. A pilot pro- 
gram involving 14,000 acres is being planned 
in An Giang Province using aerial photog- 
raphy for a thorough cadastral survey to 
permit the issuance of titles. The land will 
be divided into individual farm units, but 
developed as a controlled irrigation area 
with continuous cropping. 

Effort in the Coming Year: The US aid 
budget for assisting agriculture in Vietnam 
will probably be doubled. Plans for assist- 
ance include: 

-Doubling the seed multiplication pro- 


-Provision of 2000 marine engines. 



— Construction of five cold storage plants 
for deep sea fishing. 

— Training more agricultural and fisheries 
cooperative leaders. 

— Training 1218 extension workers. 

— Distributing 4.7 million educational 

— Increasing the number of American ad- 
visors in the provinces. 

— Distributing 40,000 purebred chicks and 
15,000 purebred hogs. 

— Carrying out a joint GVN/US program 
for providing agricultural credit funds. 

— Reorganization of the National Agri- 
cultural Credit Office. 

— Technical advice to the GVN on prob- 
lems of the pricing and transport of rice 
and on plans for comprehensive land re- 

—Providing an additional 500,000 to 600,- 
000 people with clean water in FY 1967 by 
drilling wells in the areas northwest of 
Saigon and in the Delta, where salt water 
pollutes hand-dug wells. 


Education is one of Vietnam's most vital 
needs. Traditionally there have been few 
schools in the Vietnamese countryside, and 
schools in the cities have been filled to more 
than capacity. The young seek better edu- 
cational opportunities; vocational and tech- 
nical skills are in urgent demand. New edu- 
cational methods and far more in materials, 
facilities, and numbers of teachers are 
needed. The Honolulu Conference and Secre- 
tary Gardner's subsequent mission to Viet- 
nam in March declared that priority should 
be given to elementary education in the 
country hamlets, to vocational and technical 
education, and to secondary education. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— 6iOO hamlet school classrooms have been 
built so far. This program has been enthu- 
siastically supported by the Vietnamese 
people, and accordingly has been one of the 
targets of VC destruction and killings. 1364 
classrooms were built in 1965. In 1966 some 

'The Other War in Vietnam — A ProgresH 
Report" is available in pamphlet form on re- 
quest from the Information Staff, Agency for 
International Development, Washington, D.C., 

1600 have been completed in the first six 
months, out of 2300 planned. These were 
largely self-help projects, in which the GVN 
and the US contributed cement and lumber, 
and rural families provided the labor. 
These hamlet schools will provide 540,000 
children with an elementary education; 
about one third of all elementary pupils 
enrolled in Vietnam. 

— The number of hamlet school teachers 
has reached 7200, with 3400 trained so far 
this year. 

— Teacher training programs are being 
rapidly expanded. The Ministry of Educa- 
tion has selected ten schools for pilot pro- 
grams and opened a new demonstration 
secondary school with 280 students at the 
Faculty of Pedagogy of the University of 
Saigon. 1095 elementary school and 461 
secondary school teachers have been grad- 
uated this year. Ohio University and 
Southern Illinois University advisors are 
working with Vietnamese educational of- 
ficials to improve teacher training. 

— English language teaching has been 
greatly increased. International Voluntary 
Service courses have 12,600 full-time and 
1400 part-time students enrolled. The num- 
ber studying English at Binational Centers 
expanded fourfold last year. Civic action 
teams of US forces have taught English to 
30,000 Vietnamese. 

— The US has launched a large-scale text- 
book program. Thus far in 1966 some 2.2 
million textbooks have been distributed to 
elementary school children, bringing the total 
so far distributed to seven million. Also 
distributed last year were 2300 elementary 
teacher kits, making a total of 5250 out of 
10,000 programmed. Training in the use of 
the new textbooks was given to 18,750 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


— Vocational training is expanding. En- 
rollment in polytechnic schools in 1965 
reached 2384, a 16 percent increase over 
1964. There were 403 graduates, 60 percent 
more than the year before. Twenty rural 
training schools are being bailt; seven were 
completed this year, and six others are more 
than half built. Each will have a capacity of 
500 students. With double shifts and full 
staff, 20-25,000 students can be enrolled. 
Additionally, many Vietnamese are learning 
new on-the-job skills with civilian firms or 
in the army. 

— Agricultural training is being improved. 
The College of Agriculture graduated 265 in 
1965 and 320 in FY 1966, and secondary 
agricultural schools 290 in FY 1966 against 
220 the year before. Enrollment in second- 
ary agricultural schools rose from 920 in 
FY 1965 to 1280 in FY 1966. 300 agricul- 
tural cadre are being given special training 
under the Revolutionary Development pro- 

— A special team of US advisors is being 
assembled to assist education at the Uni- 
versity level. University enrollment in- 
creased 12.6 percent in 1966 over 1965. The 
new University of Can Tho will open on 
October 15 with four faculties: Science, 
Law, Letters and Pedagogy, and an Ad- 
vanced School of Agriculture. 

Effort in the Coming Year: 

— 3000 more classrooms will be built and 
4^000 additional teachers trained under the 
hamlet school program for a total of 11,400 
by the end of 1967. The total of hamlet 
school classrooms and "self help" class- 
rooms should reach 9000 by the end of 1966, 
and well over 12,000 by the end of 1967. 

— Enrollment in polytechnic schools will 
increase to 3000 in 1967 and 4000 in 1968. 
Additional training will be provided for a 
thousand refugees ard a thousand veterans. 

— Teacher education enrollment will be in- 
creased 15 percent at elementary and sec- 
ondary school levels, 50 percent in normal 
schools, and 10 percent at univei'sity level 
during FY 1967. 

— Construction of the remaining 13 rural 

trade schools will be completed. Vocational 
agricultural instruction will be intensified in 
An Giang and six other provinces. Rural 
trade schools will be serving 10,000 sixth and 
seventh grade students by the end of 1968. 

— Seven million more elementary textbooks 
will be distributed, bringing the total to 14 
million. Work will begin on producing eight 
million secondary level texts. Every sec- 
ondary school student will have his own set 
of English language texts in 1967. 

— The number of Fulbright-Hays lecturers 
and teachei's will be increased from six to 
twenty this academic year. 

— Six more mobile science educational 
units and two new in-service teacher educa- 
tional centers are programmed. 

— US advisors will work with the Ministiy 
of Education on improving program content 
and in helping to provide an educational 
plant adequate for a developing state. A spe- 
cial effort to expand secondaiy school facili- 
ties will be made to the maximum extent se- 
curity permits. 

— For Montagnard areas, where children 
have lacked access to education, specialists 
are being recruited to develop means to write 
Montagnard dialects. A first I'un of 50,000 
textbooks for the Montagnards will be pro- 
duced during the coming year. Training in 
agricultural techniques will be emphasized. 

— A five-year program to provide utility 
vehicles to transport school personnel and 
educational materials will be begun. 


Acute problems of disease, sickness, and 
sanitation generally overburden the feeble 
resources of newly developing societies. In 
Vietnam these have been harshly accentu- 
ated by war. 700 of the 1000 civilian doc- 
tors have been drafted. The Viet Cong have 
destroyed many village health centers. The 
movement of a million refugees since 1964 
has increased the danger of communicable 
disease. But the US and other free world 
countries have moved rapidly to meet the 
urgent need. More Vietnamese now have bet- 
ter access to medical care than ever before 



in their lives. The record of achievement is 
perhaps the most impressive of all civil aid 
programs in Vietnam, and the program calls 
for further rapid expansion. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— 42 Free World medkal teams of 5-21 
members are now working in Vietnam, in- 
cluding 21 teams of American military medi- 
cal personnel working at civilian hospitals. 

— Joining the Americans have been volun- 
teer Cuban refugee doctors and medical per- 
sonnel from Australia, China, Iran, Italy, 
Japan, Korea, New Zealand, Philippines, 
Spain, the United Kingdom, and Switzer- 

— 153 American doctors from 38 states 
under "Project Vietnam" have already vol- 
untarily served two-month tours at Vietnam- 
ese provincial hospitals. 

— By the end of June our medical teams 
were treating an average of 39,700 patients 
a month. At the present rate, US and other 
Free World doctors will treat more than two 
million needy Vietnamese patients in FY 
1967, and will be equipped to treat far more 
if necessary. 

— Under military civic action programs, 
medical personnel of our regular military 
units administered some 2.2 million treat- 
ments of various nature to the civil populace 
in the first half of this year. 

— Malaria eradication was an early suc- 
cess. Between 1958 and 1961, the incidence 
of malaria infection was reduced from 7.2 
percent to 1.5 percent. Some 85 percent of 
Vietnamese subject to malaria are protected 
and in this last year 405,000 houses were 
sprayed under the anti-malaria program. The 
goal is total eradication when security con- 
ditions permit restoration of a nationwide 

— To prevent the spread of communicable 
diseases, special attention is given to refugees 
as they come to the refugee centers. Some 
50,000 immunizations against cholera and 
70,000 against plague were given refugees 
and others in areas where outbreaks of 
disease threatened in the first half of 1966, 
adding to a total of some 12 million inununi- 

zations so far given with AID-donated 

— A special program for 90,000 Saigon 
elementary school children was completed 
in February. 

— Using vaccine donated by Canada, an- 
other special program will shortly begin for 
the immunization of school children against 

— The assistance of the National Tubercu- 
losis Association is being sought in a pro- 
gram against TB. 

— In the increasingly crowded cities we 
are assisting the Vietnamese Government to 
improve sanitary conditions, and providing 
garbage trucks in the collection of refuse. 

— After visiting Vietnam in March, Secre- 
tary Gardner suggested emphasis on improv- 
ing the transport and distribution of medical 
supplies. Construction has since begun on 
four regional medical depots and the expan- 
sion of the Saigon central depot. With US 
military help, the logistics system for the 
movement of medical supplies to Vietnam has 
been improved. 

— Major emphasis has been placed on 
medical education. The American Medical 
Association, drawing on US medical school 
faculties under AID contract, is working 
with the Faculty of Medicine at the Uni- 
versity of Saigon to revise curricula and edu- 
cational techniques. 

— The Vietnamese and US Governments 
jointly financed the construction of a basic 
sciences complex at the University which 
was completed in March 1966. 

— In this last year 32 Vietnamese trained 
in medicine in the United States, and 2100 
students (not including nurses) attended 
medical facilities in Vietnam supported by 
the US. 

— Since there are now only about 2500 
nurses and 3000 practical nurses and mid- 
wives in Vietnam, the US has supported the 
construction and staffing of six new nursing 
schools, four of which are now open. When 
all are completed, Vietnam will have eight 
such schools, the number of student nurses 
will be doubled, and over 800 will be gradu- 
ated annually. 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


- — The US has assisted in the renovation 
and construction of ten key provincial hos- 
pitals. Construction has been troubled by 
rising costs and competing demands for ma- 
terials, but two of the hospitals are now near 
completion. Further expansion of existing 
hospitals is to start shortly. 

— The US has donated 28 surgical suites 
to hospitals throughout the countiy. Prefab 
techniques are being investigated for the im- 
provement of 14 more provincial hospitals. 

— Our military units through their civic 
action programs renovated or constructed 29 
local dispensaries in the first half of 1966 
besides treating hundreds of thousands of 

— The German hospital ship "Helgoland" 
has arrived, and equipment for ten 200-bed 
portable emergency hospitals has been do- 
nated by Canada. 

Effort in the Coming Year: 

— The AID budget for medical help to 
Vietnamese civilians rose from about $5 mil- 
hon in FY 196.5 to $25 million in FY 1966; 
it will rise to more than $50 million in FY 

— Emphasis will continue on improving 
basic medical education and facilities to pre- 
pare for Vietnam's future peacetime needs. 
The US plans to work with the GVN on im- 
proving regional public health laboratories, 
rehabilitation facilities (including those for 
the blind) and the operations of the Ministry 
of Health. 

— By 1970 Vietnam will be capable of pro- 
ducing annually 200 fully-trained physicians 
and 50 dentists a year. 

- — A survey will be conducted on where 
new medical facilities should be built, using 
permanent type hospital construction on a 
standard architectural plan. 

— Fifty inter-village maternity/dispen- 
saries are planned by the end of 1967. 

— US civil and military agencies are 
cooperating on methods to improve the flow 
of medical supplies both to and within Viet- 
nam, and to help the GVN maintain the 
proper balance of medical resources between 
civilian and military needs. 


For ten years the VC has marked the 
structure of government in Vietnam as its 
special target; systematically murdered, 
maimed, or kidnaped government officials; 
and made public service vulnerable and 
hazardous. Their aim has been to destroy 
government at the lower levels, or leave be- 
hind a wasted structure of intimidated and 
ineffective officials, especially in rural areas. 
Cities have been besieged by refugees, and 
beset by problems of rapid urbanization, 
political instability and growing insecurity. 
1964-1965 saw rapid deterioration. These 
trends have not yet been finally reversed, but 
much progress has been made, especially in 
the last six months. 

Accomplishments to Date: 

— A major effort has begun to restore some 
authority and autonomy to the vital and tra- 
ditional village/hamlet level of government. 
Salaries for village and hamlet officials are 
being increased and a coordinated program 
to rebuild this weakest link between the peo- 
ple and the government is under way. 

— The RD Cadre perfoi-ms an essential 
role in helping local officials to rebuild village 
and hamlet administration. 

— The National Institute of Administra- 
tion, Vietnam's only school for administra- 
tors, is being reorganized. New programs are 
designed to train more young officials for 
work outside of Saigon. Each year there are 
graduating classes totalling 170, who are as- 
signed to rural districts as Deputy District 
Chiefs for administration or jobs of equal re- 
sponsibility. In addition NIA graduates 70 
senior clerks yearly for positions in the GVN. 

— Training centers for local officials have 
been built and staflFed in most of the 43 
provinces. Last year 14,000 local government 
employees participated in training programs. 

— Technical services are being decen- 
tralized to the provinces and districts and 
provide services more readily to the rural 

— The May 30, 1965 local elections were a 
significant, if generally unpublicized, step 
towards developing a responsible and crea- 



tive relationshii) between central, provincial, 
and villajie government. 

— A major administrative conference was 
held in Saigon in October 196;"), with province 
chiefs, mayors, and councilmen attending, 
representing' ;'ll provinces. 

— Viet Cong terrorism against local ofli- 
cials is being slowly reduced. 991 local offi- 
cials were killed or kidnaped in the first half 
of 196r); 512 in the second half of 1965; and 
420 in the first half of 1966. 

— Finally, the September 11 elections for 
a Constituent Assembly to draft a new Con- 
stitution will reinforce the democratic proc- 
ess and provide new fourdatio s for the re- 
construction of government at all levels. 

Effort in the Coming Year: The GVN, with 
US help, ])lans to give special emjihasis to 
strengthening government institutions and 
improving public sei'vices, particularly at the 
provincial, village and hamlet levels, which 
are critical to revolutionary development. 

— Training of government administrators 
will be expanded; 5000 more local officials are 
to be trained during the remainder of 1966. 

— Student capacity of the National Insti- 
tute of Administration is being increased by 
39 percent with part time courses for 700 
trainees, and the addition of business admin- 
istration courses with AID help. 

— We will continue to urge steps to im- 
prove the legal system, with emphasis on 
social justice. 


Youth in Vietnam represent the key to 
ti'uly "revolutionaiy" development. The 
young have been suspicious of government — 
a government which has relied traditionally 
on the wisdom of the elders. They have 
tended to stand aside. Meanwhile, the VC 
labor to capture the spirit and energy of 
youth for ])urposes of insurgency. So new 
horizons of hope and opportunity must be 
opened to the youth of Vietnam. They need 
to be educated so that they can successfully 
reach for these new horizons. They must be 
motivated to serve their country in war, just 
as they must be prepared to serve it in peace. 

Accomidishments to Date: 

— The GVN has improved its aid to and 
contact with youth yroiips, and is encourag- 
ing the participation of young people in local 
government. Democratic student government 
athletic ])rograms, and civic action programs 
are l>eing sponsored by the "New School 
Movement" in the secondary schools. Thirty 
out of 187 secondaiy schools have adoi)ted 
this program, and the GVN is encouraging 
its expansion. 

— Young civilians and soldiers joined in a 
highly successful project of self-government 
and self-im]n'ovement in one of Saigon's 
worst slums. District 8. Premier Ky has di- 
rected expansion of this experiment to other 
Saigon slum areas. 

— Youth are aiding their countrjTnen 
through civic action programs. Some 12,000 
secondary school students under the direction 
of young teachers and youth leaders worked 
this summer in Saigon and 33 provinces on 
reconstruction and repair projects in hamlets 
and urban slums. Other youth organizations 
such as the Boy Scouts, Girl Guides, Buddhist 
and Catholic student groups, the National 
Voluntary Service, and the Voluntary Youth 
Association are working on a variety of socio- 
economic development projects. 

— Under the Ministiy of Youth, the Prov- 
ince Youth and Sports Service is developing 
civic responsibility through voluntaiy civic 
action and social welfare projects — aiding 
competitive sports programs and assisting 
the police through the 41,000 man Combat 
Youth Force. There are 7500 youth cadre at 
the pi-ovince, district, village and hamlet 

— Greater emphasis is being placed on re- 
cruiting capable young people as RD Cadre. 
Young men and women are ideally suited to 
the rigorous life of revolutionary develop- 
ment cadre. They have the ability to motivate 

— Thirty-one provinces have 4-T Club pro- 
grams similar to our 4-H Clubs. Member- 
ship of young people from faiin families has 
risen from 46,000 in 1965 to 81,000 this year. 

— Vocational training for students is ex- 
panding. Many others are learning on-the- 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


job skills working on construction projects. 

Effort in the Coming Year: Programs are 
under way to: 

— Increase broad programs of educational 
assistance to youth. 

— Strengthen the Ministiy of Youth and 
increase aid to the Province Youth and 
Sports Service. 

— Encourage youth to participate in gov- 
ernment. Many will be given important re- 
sponsibilities in guiding the people and im- 
proving conditions in Saigon slum areas. 

— Increase vocational training opportuni- 

— Send more young people to rural areas 
during school vacations. 

— Sponsor and help more competitive 
sports events. Our military units will increas- 
ingly help. 

— Improve the effectiveness and morale of 
the Combat Youth Force. 

— Work with the religious youth organiza- 
tions to improve their leadership and re- 
sources for greater work in social welfare. 

IV. The Free World Joins In— 
32 Nations Help the Vietnamese 

Many other Free World countries have 
come to the aid of Vietnam. There were nine 
helping this embattled nation in 1963. As of 
today, 32 nations have participated. They 
have sent more than 700 teachers, technicians 
and medical personnel. In the first six months 
of 1966, their grant assistance for civil pro- 
grams amounted to more than $15 million. 
Over 600 Vietnamese are studying abroad at 
the invitation of foreign governments. 

Nations which have given non-military aid 
to Vietnam include: 










Great Britain 





















New Zealand 


Their large and varied assistance, either 

contributed directly or in some cases through 
the Red Cross, includes: surgical teams, civil 
engineers, dairy experts, textbooks, hand 
tools, blankets from Australia; agricultural 
and electric power advisors, mathematics 
textbooks and electrical power substations 
from the Republic of China; $5.5 million of 
reparations plus radios, ambulances, and 
medicine from Japan; police training in 
Malaysia; medicine from Greece, Turkey, 
Israel, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Nether- 
lands, Spain, Ecuador, Brazil; relief goods 
from India and Pakistan; petroleum and 
medical specialists from Iran; a wide range 
of teachers, experts and other assistance 
from France, Germany, Canada, and the 
United Kingdom; and much else. 

In the last few months, major new contri- 
butions have included the donation by the 
Federal Republic of Gennany of $4.4 million 
for refugee relief, social centers and buses 
for the city of Saigon. Germany has also sup- 
plied the fully equipped hospital ship "Helgo- 
land" which arrived in Saigon in August. 
This ship carries eight doctors, 30 other 
medical personnel, 145 beds, medical supplies 
and an ambulance. Canada is giving polio 
vaccine and equipment for ten emergency 
portable hospitals and Japan a ward and 
surgery section to the Cho Ray Hospital in 
Cholon. New medical teams are being sent by 
Japan, Denmark, Spain and the United King- 
dom. Venezuela is giving 500 tons of rice. 

Military units from the Republic of Korea, 
Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and the 
Philippines are participating actively in civic 
action programs in the communities near 
which they are stationed. 

The United Nations and its specialized 
agencies are also making significant contri- 
butions to the social and economic develop- 
ment of Vietnam. Under the UN Develop- 
ment Program 23 technical assistance pro- 
grams are under way in such varied fields as 
tuberculosis control, postal services, soil sur- 
vey, and physical therapy. UNICEF and 
WHO have large programs in the field of 
health. IAEA, ILO and UNESCO are also 



conducting- programs in Vietnam. ECAFE is 
also ijressinp ahead with pi-ojects of benefit 
to ail the nations in the Mekong Basin, and 
has undertaken surveys for irrigation, hy- 
droelectric facilities, and bridge construction 
projects in Vietn<un. 


To end at the beginning, I would repeat 
that this progress report focusses mainly on 
accomplishments to date. Its purpose is to 
show what the OVN, with US help, is doing 
in key non-military fields — under quite dilli- 
cult wartime circumstances. It is written in 
full recog-nition that few of the problems 
the Ci\'N and US confront have yet been 
solved, that all too many shortcomings still 
exist, and that much more remains to be 
done. Nonetheless what has been achieved to 
date is more than impressive enough to dem- 
onstrate both real progress and growing 
momentum in the joint Vietnamese/US effort 
to move \'ietnam forward, even in the midst 
of war. That is the message of this report. 


Honolulu — Seven Months of Progress 

Another way to show the accelerating 
tempo of our "other war" might be to relate 
its progress to date to those joint pledges 
made during your meeting with the top Viet- 
namese leaders at Honolulu 6-8 February 
1966. Only seven months have passed since" 
this meeting, perhaps too short a time to 
show real progress. But these months have 
not been wasted. The impetus already given 
to Revolutionary Development, the electoral 
process, economic stability, and a better life 
for the Vietnamese people might best be 
demonstrated by reviewing the status of 10 
major jiledges made in the Joint Communi- 
que and Declaration of Honolulu of 8 Febru- 
ary 1966.2 To this end, the following Annex 

» For texts, see Bulletin of Feb. 28, 1966, p. 304. 

recapitulates highlights in my main report. 

Goal. The GVN "pledged again: 

— To fomiulato a democratic constitution 
for discussion and modification. 

— To seek its ratification by secret ballot. 

— To create, on the biisis of elections rooted 
in that constitution, an elected government." 

Status. The first step in this direction pre- 
ceded Honolulu — the elections for provincial 
and city councils of 30 May 1965. 

— The second step takes place 11 Septem- 
ber, when the Vietnamese people will elect 
117 men and women to draft a constitution 
for Vietnam. 

— The GVN has already announced a third 
step — elections next year for whatever gov- 
ernmental institutions are called for in the 
new constitution. 

Goal. "The President and the Chief of State 
and Prime Minister have agreed that their 
two Governments will take further concrete 
steps to combat inflation in Vietnam." 

Status. Measures taken during 1966: 

— ^The Vietnamese piaster was devalued by 
50 percent. 

— Port congestion was reduced and the 
volume of imports doubled. 

— Import procedures were refoiTned to in- 
crease competition and restrain prices. 

— Customs duties and domestic taxes were 

— By late summer the cost of living index 
ceased to rise, money in circulation declined 
slightly, confidence in the piaster — and thus 
in the country's future — strengthened, and 
black market exchange rates fell shai-ply. 

Goal. "Continued emphasis by both Vietnam- 
ese and Allied forces on the effort to build 
democracy in the rural areas — an effort as 
important as the military battle itself." 

Status. This effort, called Revolutionary De- 
velopment, continues at an accelerating pace: 

— During the first six months of 1966, 531 
hamlets containing around 580,000 people, 
were brought into the program. 195 of these 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


hamlets, with 408,000 people, had jireviously 
been under VC control. 

• — The largest direct budget for these efforts 
in Vietnam's history has been committed: 1.7 
billion piasters so far in calendar year 1966. 
Other ministerial programs in direct supiiort 
also reached record levels. 

— RD Cadre tesims, 24,766 men and 
women, are now operating in all ])rovinces, 
with a separate Montagnard Program of 
3773 cadre in the Highlands. 

— 9338 cadre have received RD training at 
Vung Tau. 

— Training facilities and staffs have l:)een 
expanded to train and graduate 5000 to 6000 
new cadre every 15 weeks. 

Goal. The GVN invited those fighting with 
the Viet Cong to leave their jungle hideouts, 
and "come safely to join us through the Open 
Arms Program." 

Status. Since that call around 11,000 VC 
have returned to the govei-nment, accepte<l 
its protection and sought its benefits, under 
the Open Arms Program. 

Goal. "Continued emphasis on the design of 
rural construction work to meet the people's 
needs for larger output, more efficient pro- 
duction, imi)roved credit, handicrafts and 
light industry, and rural electrification." 

Status. Major steps are being taken in rural 
areas : 

—Under the provincial electric jirogram, 
power h;is been furnished to 135 localities as 
of 1 July 1966. 

— Rural Electric Cooperatives will bring 
electricity to 144,000 peoi)le in three selected 
locations, with sei'vice to begin in the first 
area in Sei)tember. 30 additional rural areas 
will be served with electricity in 1966 under 
the RD electricity ]irogiani. 

— 80 additional wells and 60 jiotable watei' 
systems have been provided in this last year 
in villages and di.strict towns. 

—Much of the $398 million ol)ligated for 
US aid imports in FY 1966 w;us for fertilizer, 
machinery, iron and steel, and petroleum 

products to strengthen agriculture and indus- 
try in the provinces. 

— The GVN, with US help, is improving 
the mechanisms for providing credit, both to 
the farmer and the small businessman. 

— Special attention is being given to help 
refugees learn the iiroduction of handicrafts 
and other skills of use to \'ietnamese society. 

Goal. "In agi'iculture it was agreed that spe- 
cial effort would be made to move agricul- 
tural know-how — particularly new species of 
highly iiroductive rice and corn and vege- 
table seed — from the exjierimental station to 
the fanner in the fields." 

Status. Agricultural programs are being 
greatly strengthened: 

— About 1200 tons of improved rice, corn, 
soybean, vegetable and other seeds, plus tens 
of thousands of improved coconut and sugar- 
cane cuttings have been distributed to 
farmers in the first half of 1966. 

— Over 40 varieties of new seeds are 
being released through agricultural research 
stations for seed multiplication. 

— The major part of 4.4 million educa- 
tional leaflets scheduled this year have been 
distributed to farmers. 

— Most of 26,000 pigs to be given to the 
farmers in 1966 have been distributed. There 
are now three million of imjiroved varieties 
of Yorkshire and Berkshire pigs; average 
weight has growTi from 130 to 220 pounds. 

Goal. "Stejxs foi- more rajiid land reform 
were carefully reviewed." 

Status. A pilot i)i-ogram for distributing 
14,000 acres in An Giang is iiroceeding. with 
80 percent of aerial mapjiing for the cadas- 
tral survey now comjileted. 

— GVN is proceeding with distribution of 
1.2 million acres of exjiroiiriated and gov- 
ernment-owned land to new owners, includ- 
ing refugees. 

(]OAL. "Both Governments agreed to make in- 
creased efforts in the training of health per- 
sonnel, in iiroviding te;ims for medical care, 


department nv STATE BULLETIN 

and creating a stronger medical logistics 

Status. American and other Free World 
medical teams in \'ietnjun increjised to a total 
of 42 teams with 5 to 21 members per team. 
They were treating an average of 39,700 
patients a niontli at tlie end of June. They 
included 21 teams of American military 
medical jiersonnel working at civilian hos- 
pitals throughout Vietnam. 

— Altogether 495 American medical and 
paramedical personnel are serving the needy 
civilian populace in Vietnam compared to 
193 at the beginning of the year. 

— Four of six new nursing schools have 
been opened, two during the last year. When 
all are completed the number of student 
nurses will be doubled and over 800 gradu- 
ated annually. 

— The medical faculty of the University of 
Saigon was strengthened by a contract with 
the American Medical Association and the 
completion of a new basic sciences complex. 

— AID and the Department of Defense 
worked out a common medical supply system. 

— Expansion of the Saigon medical depot 
and construction of eight regional medical 
dei)ots has begun. 

Goal. Both Governments "agreed to 
strengthen their cooperation in building ele- 
mentary schools, in training teachers, in re- 
inforcing vocational and technical education, 
and in supplying textbooks." 

Status. (Construction was completed on 2309 
elementary classrooms in the hamlet schools 
program in FY 1966, making a total of 6377. 

— 3200 teachers have been specially trained 
for elementary schools in the hamlets this 
year, and an additional 1095 elementary 
school teachers were graduated from normal 

— 461 secondary school teachers completed 
training at the Faculty of Pedagogy at Sai- 

— 20 rural vocational training schools are 
being built; seven have been completed so far 

this year and six others are more than half 
built. Each school will have a capacity of 
about 500 students. With double shifts and 
full staff, 20-25.000 can be enrolled. 

— 300 agricultural cadre are being given 
special training under the liD program. 

— 30 percent increase in polj1,echnic edu- 
cation is planned for this coming .school year. 

— 2.2 million textbooks have been distribu- 
ted to elementary school children, bringing 
the total almost to the half-way point in the 
distribution of 14 million textbooks under the 
scheduled program. 

Goal. "It was agreed that the refugees who 
have of their own free will come over from 
the enemy side must be adequately cared for 
and prepared to resume a useful role in so- 
ciety. ... It was agreed that a special effort 
will be made to provide good schools for 
refugee children." 

Status. GVN has established a Special Com- 
missariat for Refugees, funded with more 
than one billion piasters for 1966. 

— USAID/Saigon now has 49 staff posi- 
tions (35 in the field) and a budget of over 
$20 million for refugee-related programs, in- 
cluding Food for Peace commodities. 

— 18 voluntary agencies (with staff of over 
150) are currently engaged in refugee relief. 

— ^306 temporary centers to receive refu- 
gees have been established, with in-country 
material and logistic support to respond to 
sudden influxes. 

— The GVN has provided 104 classrooms 
for refugee children, with 60 more under 
construction and funds allocated for an ad- 
ditional 137. 

— By mid-1966, over one million refugees 
had been given temporaiy assistance, of 
whom 360,000 had been resettled and over 
140,000 returned to their native villages. 

— A program of vocational training and 
cottage industry is under way for these 

— The most pressing problem in refugee 
work now is integrating them into their new 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


Foreign Assistance Act of 1966 
Signed by President Johnson 

Statement by President Johnson 

white House press release dated September 19 

The Foreign Assistance Act of 1966 [Pub- 
lic Law 89-583] which I signed today [Sep- 
tember 19] provides the authority to carry 
forward our efforts to help other nations help 
themselves. These efforts are the foundation 
of our foreign policy in the emerging nations. 
Nothing we do at home or abroad is more im- 

Programs authorized by this act will: 

— attack the causes of poverty through spe- 
cial efforts in agriculture, health, and educa- 

— be concentrated in countries that are 
doing the most to help themselves; 

— permit us to play our part in the excit- 
ing new regional arrangements emerging in 
Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 

The Congress has wisely carried forward 
the principle of multiyear authorization for 
development lending and the Alliance for 
Progress. All of us know that the develop- 
ment of nations is not accomplished in a sin- 
gle year. It is the product of yeai"s of hard, 
patient, and imaginative work — primarily by 
the developing countries themselves. 

We and our partners must approach the 
problem of development in a pioneering 
spirit. We have learned much about nation- 
building in the past two decades. But we have 
also learned to expect many trials and many 
errors before success is assured. We have 
learned that our most important asset is a 
willingness to invent, to experiment, to try 
new approaches. 

This attitude will be the hallmark of our 
efforts to carry out this act. We will search 
for new ways to promote regional coopera- 
tion through programs which combine the re- 
sources of several nations for the common 
welfare of all. In this sort of creativity lie the 
seeds of tomorrow's world community. 

These programs are necessities, not lux- 

uries. The act which I sign today will keep 
them strong and vital. 

I am, however, concerned over a number 
of new restrictions on the administration of 
this program that have been added to this 
bill. Some of them are much less objection- 
able than earlier versions considered by the 
Congress, but, taken together, they still un- 
duly and unnecessarily limit the management 
of our foreign aid program. 

The Congress has a clear duty in connec- 
tion with authorization of the program. I 
have an equally clear duty in its execution. 
Although I am approving this bill with these 
new restrictions in it, I strongly urge the 
Congress next year to recognize the need for 
greater flexibility in the administration of a 
complex program that must be responsive to 
the rapidly changing circumstances of our 
world. Undue restrictions on the form and 
timing of our actions can significantly dimin- 
ish the benefits we seek from the program. 

Columbus Day, 1966 


White House press release dated September 22 

Proclaiming Columbus Day is much more 
to me than another ceremonial function. 

This event gives me a chance, along with 
all of my fellow countr>Tnen, to reflect on the 
beginnings of this nation — and on the men 
who began it. 

It reminds us that every citizen in this 
land is the descendant of men who once were 
foreigners — who were strangers from afar. 
This is what our great President Franklin 
Roosevelt was thinking about one day in 
April when he addressed the Daughtei-s of 
the American Revolution by saluting them as 
"My fellow immigrants." 

Today we think of Chi'istopher Columbus 
— a son of Italy — as the first immigi-ant: the 
first in that long procession of strangers who, 
over the centuries, have come to enrich our 



lives, our statesmanship, and our culture 
here in America. 

Today we think of Columbus Day as a time 
for honoring not only that gii-eat exi)lorer but 
all those Italians whose gifts have been free- 
ly given to make this nation great. 

Their names form a long list of excellency 
in every field of endeavor: Enrico Fermi, 
Frank Capra, A. P. Giannini, Fiorello La- 
Guardia, Max Ascoli, Joe DiMaggio, and 
John Pastore. 

I would like to call the name of each of 
you, because you mean that much to me and 
you have made great contributions. 

Steve Martini, who cuts my hair here at the 
White House and has cut the hair of Presi- 
dents for several years, is one of my most 
influential counselors, believe it or not. He 
is also one of my most recognized comforters 
in moments of distress and depression. 

I just cannot resist adding Jack Valentd 
and Joe Califano. In the period that I have 
been here, no two men have given their coun- 
try greater or more rewarding sei"vice. 

In the past year, I am very proud that by 
all of us working together we have made it 
much easier for people of such ability to come 
here to the United States. 

You may remember it was on October 3, 
last year, standing beside the Statue of Lib- 
erty, that I signed a new immigration bill 
that we had been trjing to pass for years and 
we had finally, successfully gotten it through 
both Houses.' That measure ended, I think, 
once and for all, the discrimination which, 
for nearly 40 years, handicapped those who 
wanted to call our land their home. 

Under the old system, even Christopher 
Columbus would have found it difficult to 
come to this country — simply because Chris- 
topher Columbus was born in Italy. 

Under the old system, a person born in 
England was 12 times more welcome to 
America than a person bom in Italy, and far 
more acceptable, Mike [Mike N. Manatos, 

' For text of President Johnson's remarks at Lib- 
erty Island, N.Y., see Bulletin of Oct. 25, 1965, 
p. 661. 

Administrative Assistant to the President], 
than a Greek, Portuguese, or a Pole. 

Under that old system, countries like Italy 
had very small immigration quotas. They had 
long lists of persons who were waiting to 
emigrate to the United States. At the same 
time preferred nations were failing to even 
fill the very large quotas that were assigned 
to them. 

The Immigration Act of 1965 has not 
"opened the floodgates" to immigration <is its 
opponents claimed that it would. In fiscal 
1966, the State Department granted 309,000 
visas — only 9,000 more than the year before. 
The increase is almost invisible when you 
consider that the internal growth of the 
United States was over 3 million. 

The Immigration Act of 1965 does assign 
quotas on a basis of equality. It does not ask: 
"Where were you born?" But rather it does 
ask: "What skills can you perform?" 

The act has been in force only since Decem- 
ber 1 of last year, but its effects are evident: 

Italy was granted 9,987 immigration visas 
in fiscal year 1965. In 1966, under the new 
law, Italy received 24,967. 

Portugal was granted 1,798 visas in 1965; 
9,017 in 1966. 

Greece: 1,900 visas in 1965; 8,900 in 1966. 

The Philippines: 2,489 in 1965; 5,204 in 

The list goes on through all the countries 
with citizens desiring to relocate here in 

So in its short life, this Immigration Act 
of 1965 has brought happiness to many 
homes, has reunited families that have been 
kept apart very cruelly for a good many 

It has brought us capable people that wish 
to put their skills at the service of the United 

It has earned us the friendship of nations 
which had resented this unfair treatment un- 
der the unjust quota system. 

It has demonstrated the desire of the peo- 
ple in the United States to end discrimina- 
tion and to end it in every corner of our 
national life. 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


For years, America has been a beacon of 
change and progress to men who wanted to 
escape old lands, old ways, and old injustices. 
That is what brought our fathers here; it 
still brings people here. 

To men across the world, we have been the 
land whose revolution did not end; we have 
been the land whose eyes are always forward. 

Today, all around the world, we hear the 
cry for change. And the cry for change is ris- 
ing. It is rising in our own country. We are 
listening — and we are acting. We welcome it 
— for we hear in that sound the echo of 1776. 

This is what I believe and this is what I 
remind you of — this echo of 1776 — as I meet 
with you here in the Cabinet Room today to 
sign this proclamation. 

When Columbus Day comes in 1966 — or a 
century from now — our American Revolution 
is still going on and is still going to be going 
on, because we are still going to be changing. 
We are still going to be reforming. We are 
still going to be improving. We are still going 
to be building. Men from Italy and men from 
a hundred other lands are going to be doing 
this job for this land. And any man who has 
courage and a will to work and who has a 
love for liberty is free to join our ranks — as 
a "fellow immigrant." 


There is something of Christopher Columbus in 
every American. Secure and prosperous as the nation 
is, it nevertheless retains something of the adven- 
turous spirit which inspired the great mariner to 
explore the mystery of unknown seas. 

We no longer brave the sea in frail wooden ships. 
We no longer face the hostility of superstitious 
men convinced the world is flat. Yet not all our 
frontiers are conquered. The American adventure is 
not over. 

New shores of promise await those who, like Co- 

lumbus, push on undaunted by the failures of the 
past or fear of the uncharted future. 

Columbus's vision and daring, and that of the 
courageous men who followed him, brought European 
civilization to the New World. His conquest of the 
Atlantic— the "outer space" of the fifteenth century 
— is as meaningful to Americans of the space age as 
it was to our forefathers who pushed across the vast 
expanses of this continent. 

Thus we honor Columbus not only as a voyager 
but also as a symbol of the long tradition of Italian 
enlightenment. From Galileo to Enrico Fermi, Ital- 
ians have been in the vanguard of those dedicated to 
expanding man's knowledge of his universe. 

Millions of Americans are bound to Italy by ties 
of blood, and all Americans are the spiritual heirs 
of the Italian genius which has enriched the quality 
of our national life. 

As we honor the first Italian- American, we honor 
all the others who came after. 

In recognition of our debt to Columbus, the Con- 
gress of the United States, by a joint resolution ap- 
proved April 30, 1934, requested the President to 
proclaim October 12 of each year as Columbus Day 
for the observance of the anniversary of the dis- 
covery of America : 

dent of the United States of America, do hereby 
designate Wednesday, October 12, 1966 as Columbus 
Day; and I invite the people of this Nation to ob- 
serve that day in schools, churches, and other suit- 
able places with appropriate ceremonies in honor of 
this great explorer. 

I also direct that the flag of the United States 
be displayed on all public buildings on the appointed 
day in memory of Christopher Columbus. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
hand and caused the Seal of the United States of 
America to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this twenty-sec- 
ond day of September in the year of our 
[seal] Lord nineteen hundred and sixty-six, and of 
the Independence of the United States of 
America the one hundred and ninety-first. 

The White House, 
September 22, 1966. 

• 31 Fed. Reg. 12673. 

By the President: 
George W. Ball, 
Acting Secretary of State. 




International Cooperation in Space 

Statement by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations * 

I am delighted at the opportunity to ad- 
dress this Committee on the work which its 
membership has so ably performed over the 
past year. This Committee, led by its dis- 
tinguished chairman, Ambassador [Kurt] 
Waldheim, has a remarkable history of 
achievement over the past several years. Its 
proceedings have been marked by a high de- 
gree of cooperation, and a willingness to com- 
promise. There have been some exceptions to 
this spirit and it is my fervent hope, Mr. 
Chairman, that these exceptions will remain 
few, isolated, and without permanent effect 
on the future course of this Committee's 

There are four major areas to which the 
Committee has devoted its efforts over the 
past year: to scientific and technical aspects 
of outer space activity; to general interna- 
tional cooperation in space; to the organiza- 
tion of a space conference; and to the draft- 
ing of a treaty governing the activity of 
states in outer space and on the moon and 
other celestial bodies. 

Our scientific and technical subcommittee 
has put before us a report which bears im- 
portantly, and in great detail, on interna- 
tional cooperation in space. I need not go into 
a detailed discussion of that report. I would 
like to say, however, that the United States 
warmly supports the subcommittee's recom- 

' Made before the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful 
Uses of Outer Space on Sept. 19 (U.S./U.N. press 
release 4914). 

mendations and hopes that this Committee 
will adopt all of them. One of the most im- 
portant and forward-looking actions that we 
will accomplish in so doing is the creation of 
an outer space committee working group to 
consider the "need, feasibility, and imple- 
mentation of a navigation-services satellite 
system." Such a working group might, I 
would hope, set the pattern for a major inter- 
national space activity of the future. 

Mr. Chairman, to promote international 
cooperation is a major obligation of all mem- 
bers of this Committee, and I cannot think 
of a more appropriate time for each member 
to report on its stewardship. Allow me a few 
brief comments on American cooperative 

U.S. Cooperative Programs 

The past year brought particularly note- 
worthy developments in the practical applica- 
tions of cooperative space activity. Trans- 
atlantic television broadcasts became routine 
by means of Early Bird. In the field of satel- 
lite meteorology, two operational satellites 
based on TIROS technology flew successfully, 
as well as Nimbus II, an advanced satellite 
equipped with special sensors to map night- 
time cloud cover and cloudtop temperature. 

These meteorological satellites illustrate 
the practical benefits that come as we learn 
to operate in space. The meteorological satel- 
lites now in operation provide widely dis- 
seminated weather information on a global 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


basis. I need not elaborate on the importance 
of this information to shipping, agriculture, 
and industry. 

Both the second operational meteorological 
satellite and Nimbus II cany the Automatic 
Picture Transmission System (APT), which 
permits local reception of daylight cloud 
cover on simple and inexpensive ground 
equipment. There are almost 50 APT stations 
in 29 countries outside the United States. 
Stations are successfully operating in such 
countries as Argentina, Chile, Hungary, 
India, Israel, Kenya, Malaysia, Pakistan, 
Poland, and Qatar. 

A number of these stations, I might add, 
have been built locally, using locally avail- 
able materials, on the basis of do-it-yourself 
instruction manuals we have disseminated. 
The benefits of space meteorology, we l:>elieve, 
will increasingly be measured in terms of 
lives both saved and enriched. We reaffirm 
the invitation e.xtended at the outset of the 
APT program to all countries to participate 
in it. 

We are proud, as well, of our information 
program. Everyone knows of our successes — 
and our failures. Currently, approximately 
5,000 foreign visitors a year come to see our 
space program in action, and some 18,000 
have done so during the last 8 years. We pub- 
lish fully and openly the results of our inves- 
tigations. On July 13, only 5 weeks after 
Sui^veyor soft-landed on the .surface of the 
moon, a package summarizing all the data 
available was on the way to scientific and 
space oflScials throughout the world. A 
smaller distribution was made within a few 
days of the landing. The same procedui-os are 
being followed with the Lunar Orbiter i)hoto- 

Another measure of openness and coo])era- 
tion in a nation's space jirogram is the op]ior- 
tunities it providas for the .scientists and 
engineers of other countries to woi'k and 
study at its universities and research centers. 
Education and training opportunities have 
l)roperly been a matter of great interest to 
this Committee and its scientific and techni- 
cal subcommittee. 

The opportunities available in the United 

States are indicated by the fact that during 
the current year, 76 resident research associ- 
ates from 21 countries are working at NASA 
[National Aeronautics and Space Adminis- 
tration] centers; 53 NASA international fel- 
lows from 13 countries are studying at 
American universities; and 36 technical 
trainees from 4 countries are in the United 
States for training in various NASA coopera- 
tive projects. We again invite others to take 
advantage of these opportunities. 

We are proud to recall that late last year 
NASA successfully launched a French satel- 
lite to measure veiy-low-frequency radio 
emissions and a second Canadian satellite, 
the first of four in a new series to conduct 
ionosi)heric studies. Other joint satellite 
projects are moving toward launchings in 
1966 and 1967. These include the platfonn 
launching of the second Italian San Marco 
satellite, and NASA launchings of the third 
United Kingdom satellite, the first and second 
ESRO [Euroijean Satellite Research Orga- 
nization] satellites, and the third Canadian 

The second subject to be considered by this 
subcommittee, Mr. ChaiiTnan, concerns the 
effoi-ts of a working group already in exist- 
ence. It has presented this Commitee with 
important recommendations for an interna- 
tional conference on the practical applica- 
tions of international sjiace cooperation. The 
United States would heartily welcome a con- 
ference of this nature, and we hojie that the 
Committee will be able to tie up the remain- 
ing loose ends and make a formal positive 
recommendation to the General Assembly. 

Outer Space Treaty 

The third subject with which this Com- 
mittee must deal is re]>resented by the work 
of its legal subcommittee. It involves the 
drafting of a treaty setting forth the stand- 
ards states will be required to follow in outer 
si)ace and on celestial bodies. 

Much has been said about the importance 
of such a treaty. It has been jiointed out that 
we have, here and now, the ojipoilunity to 
estal)lish a regime of law in outer space be- 
fore national interests develoj) and freeze 



positions. It has been said that this problem 
is immediate and current in light of the rapid 
advances being made to land a man on the 
moon. It has also been noted that important 
advances can be made in arms control 
throug-h the medium of this treaty. 

All this is true, all accurate. What I con- 
sider of most basic importance, however, is 
that this treatj' offers states an opportunity 
to Uft themselves out and above current 
issues and interests and build a framework — 
if only skeletal in form — for the future pat- 
tern of mankind's activity. This framework 
would have as its primary structural ele- 
ments the rule of law, the essential impor- 
tance of international cooperation, the cen- 
tral role of the concept of openness, and the 
practicability of including arms control 
measures as integral elements of evolving 
state relationships. 

In Geneva, the legal subcommittee com- 
pleted 4 weeks of deliberation with agree- 
ment on 8 substantive treaty articles cover- 
ing 13 separate points. Many of these points 
are broadly applicable and are of immediate 
interest to every member of the United Na- 
tions. The most significant of these are the 
arms control measures. It is truly of historic 
significance that we were able to record 
agreement on a provision requiring states to 
refrain from placing weapons of mass de- 
struction in orbit around the earth or on 
celestial bodies. To this was added a provi- 
sion that would prohibit bases, fortifications, 
military maneuvers, or the testing of any 
kinds of weapons on the moon or other celes- 
tial bodies. 

The other articles of agreement have been 
described and brilliantly analyzed by mem- 
bers of the subcommittee during the course 
of negotiations. They proclaim: 

— that the exploration and use of outer 
space and celestial bodies should be for the 
benefit of all mankind; 

— that there should be freedom of explora- 

— that there should be free access to all 
areas and installations on celestial bodies; 

— that there should be no claim of sover- 

— that there should be freedom of scien- 
tific exjiloration and international coopera- 
tion to that end; 

— that activities in outer space are subject 
to international law and the Charter of the 
United Nations. 

Further, there are succinct and necessary 
provisions governing the assistance and re- 
turn of astronauts, owTiership of space ob- 
jects, liability for damage, avoidance of 
harmful contamination, and jurisdiction over 

Review of Outstanding Issues 

At the close of the Geneva negotiations, my 
delegation was open and sincere in the ex- 
pression of its desire to review its position 
and find a means of accommodating out- 
standing diflferences.^ We made no secret of 
our desire to conclude a treaty; we attached 
great importance to such an act, and we said 
so. Our approach was succinctly expressed by 
President Johnson at Arco, Idaho, on August 
26 when he said: "I am confident that with 
good will the remaining issues could be 
quickly resolved." ' 

We were gratified, therefore, when the 
Soviet Union proposed that the legal subcom- 
mittee meet again on September 12, and we 
came prepared to do business. On those issues 
outstanding which we considered to be of 
substantive importance, my delegation tabled 
proposals which went far to meet the reser- 
vations expressed by the Soviet Union. 

In Geneva the Soviet Union said that it 
could not accept a compulsory reporting obli- 
gation nor one which required it to report 
exclusively to the Secretary-General. We hes- 
itated in meeting these objections, because 
we very much had in mind the interest of the 
nonspace powers and those with more modest 
space programs in full disclosure and publi- 
cation of information. We wanted to be con- 
sistent with the provisions already agreed 

' For a statement made by Ambassador Goldberg 
at Geneva on Aug. 3, see Bulletin of Aug. 29, 1966, 
p. 321. 

• For text, see ibid., Sept. 19, 1966, p. 410. 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


upon which declared outer space to be the 
province of all mankind and provided for 
international cooperation. To meet all of 
these considerations, we tabled a modified 
proposal on September 13, whereby parties 
would take note of the desirability of the 
fullest exchange of information, although 
they would be bound to submit reports only 
to the "extent feasible and practicable." 
Further, our modified proposal provides the 
option of reporting either to the Secretary- 
General or directly to the parties to the 

The second outstanding issue which we 
considered to be of substance concerned ac- 
cess to installations and vehicles on celestial 
bodies. In Geneva the Soviet Union accepted 
the principle of free and open access. They 
advanced considerations of courtesy and 
safety as requiring certain modifications in 
our proposal. Accordingly, on September 13 
we submitted a modified draft which provides 
for advance notice and appropriate consulta- 
tions in order to assure safety and to avoid 
interference with normal operations. We 
have in mind the establishment of close and 
cooperative arrangements between repre- 
sentatives on the moon when a visit is pro- 
posed comparable to the effective and satis- 
factory procedures prevailing in Antarctica. 
Our proposal does not in any respect con- 
template a veto; indeed, no one has suggested 
that a veto, under whatever guise, would be 

I firmly believe, Mr. Chairman, that my 
delegation, following the Geneva meeting, 
took to heart the injunction to review and 
reconsider outstanding issues. Our proposals 
show that we did our homework. 

Soviet Proposal Unacceptable 

We were, therefore, most surprised and 
deeply disappointed at the position of the 
Soviet Union. They did not modify in any 
substantial manner their proposal on the 
right of a space power to demand tracking 
facilities, despite the clear sentiment of the 
membership of this subcommittee in opposi- 

tion to it. Indeed, the Soviet Union now ap- 
pears to require the inclusion of this pro- 
vision as a condition for agreement to a 
treaty, and insists that this provision is a test 
of the sincerity of members of the subcom- 

Mr. Chairman, I will not go into a detailed 
technical analysis of the Soviet proposal. I 
spoke on this question in our subcommittee 
meeting on September 16.'' Others have tell- 
ingly analyzed the deficiencies of the Soviet 
proposal, its unequal nature, and its incon- 
sistencies. I merely wish to stress here my 
conviction that the Soviet proposal is unac- 
ceptable because it would be inconsistent 
with the broad principles of international 
cooperation and mutuality which are already 
agreed upon. The Soviet proposal would dis- 
courage rather than promote cooperation; it 
would deter and not promote wide adherence 
to the outer space treaty. 

In a treaty which contains important arms 
control measures, we should do everything 
possible to encourage all U.N. members to 

I would not wish to conclude this brief re- 
view of the work of the legal subcommittee 
without paying tribute to its distinguished 
chairman, Professor [Manfred] Lachs, who 
has been unfailing in his efforts to stimulate 
all members to do their best to reach agree- 
ment. His wise and impartial guidance de- 
serves our tribute. 

In summarizing the work of the Outer 
Space Committee in all its parts, Mr. Chair- 
man, I find that this has been a very active 
year for international cooperation in space 
and, in the final analysis, a good year. But a 
great deal is left to be accomplished. We have 
a space conference to oi-ganize. We have 
a potentially great treaty to finish drafting. 
To accomplish these tasks, and particularly 
the latter, we must practice, as well as 
preach, cooperation. If we promptly finish 
what we have started, 1966 ^^^ll be a historic 

* For text, see U.S./U.N. press release 4911. 



U.S. Replies to Statements 
on Viet-Nam Proposals 

I Following a; e statements made in the U.N. 

' General Assembly by U.S. Representative 
Arthur J. Goldberg in right of reply follow- 
ing statements made by Soviet Foreign Min- 
ister Andrei A. Gromyko on September 23 
and by French Foreign Minister Maurice 
Couve de Murville on September 28. 

statement of September 23 

U.S. delesation press release 4918 

Mr. President [Abdul Rahman Pazhwak], 
yesterday my delegation sought to deal with 
the Viet-Nam situation in the spirit of the 
Secretary-General's letter to the members of 
September 1 and in the spirit that you, Mr. 
President, wisely invoked in your noteworthy 
address on assuming the office of President 
of the General Assembly last Tuesday. 

My Government yesterday made serious 
and genuine offers to break out of the tragic 
impasse in Viet-Nam.^ We have offered to 
take the first step in reducing the intensity 
and extent of the military conflict. 

We have offered to begin, together with 
I North Viet-Nam, the process of phased with- 
drawal of external forces from South Viet- 
Nam under effective international supervi- 
I We have offered to enter into immediate 
contact, private or public, to explore these 
possibilities, Hanoi's four points, and any 
other points which any party to the conflict 
may raise. 

If the sincerity of these offers is to be 
tested or questioned, it should be tested not 
by verbal attacks nor by veiled warnings, 
but by exploring our willingness to take ac- 
tion — deeds — to match our words. 

For the responsibility for the next step 
falls not on Hanoi alone but also on every 
power that can help toward a solution. As my 

' For text of Ambassador Goldberg's statement of 
Sept. 22, see Bulletin of Oct. 3, 1966, p. 518. 

delegation pointed out yesterday, the greater 
a nation's power, the greater is its responsi- 
bility for peace. 

We of the United States will persevere in 
our efforts for peace in Viet-Nam. We still 
await a considered reply to our affirmative 
proposals, and we continue in the hope that 
all members of this organization will join in 
this great endeavor. 

What counts, Mr. President, is not prowess 
in the art of invective but prowess in the art 
of peacemaking. 

statement of September 28 

U.S. delegation press release 4921 

In briefly replying to the elegant address 
of the distinguished French Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, His Excellency Maurice Couve 
de Murville, I should like at the outset to ac- 
knowledge with pleasure and gratitude the 
expression of personal friendship on the part 
of the French delegation, an expression 
which I fully reciprocate both with respect 
to the distinguished Foreign Minister and 
the French delegation headed by my friend 
and colleague, Ambassador [Roger] Seydoux, 
and also for the French Government, its 
leaders, and its people. 

In reply, I have three very simple observa- 
tions to make. 

First, I reaffirm what I said to the General 
Assembly last Thursday: We are not inflexi- 
ble in our position. We recognize that there 
are — and we are prepared to consider — other 
proposals and views for a settlement in 
Southeast Asia. We welcome the several ex- 
pressions which have been made on this As- 
sembly floor — and there is no doubt that 
there will be many others considering the im- 
portance of the question — and we welcome in 
particular those made by the distinguished 
Foreign Minister of France, a country which 
we always remember is our oldest friend and 
ally. We remain convinced, however, that 
whatever approach will bring success, it will 
not be one which simply appeals to one side 
to stop, while addressing no similar appeal 
to the other side. 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


Second, the offers made by my Govern- 
ment to break out of the tragic impasse in 
Viet-Nam are evenhanded, genuine, and sin- 
cere, and should be tested by exploring our 
willingness to take action to match our 

And third, I would conclude by expressing 
the hope that all members of the United Na- 
tions, and particularly those members with 
interests in the area, historical or otherwise, 
will accord to the offers we have advanced 
and the fair proposals we have made no less 
consideration and scrutiny than, according 
to accounts published by reputable news 
agencies, they seem to be receiving from the 
parties most directly concerned. 

Agenda of Twenty-first Session 
of the U.N. General Assembly ^ 

U.N. doc. A/6440 

1. Opening of the session by the Chairman of the 
delegation of Italy. 

2. Minute of silent prayer or meditation. 

3. Credentials of representatives to the twenty-first 
session of the General Assembly: 

(a) Appointment of the Credentials Committee; 

(b) Report of the Credentials Committee. 

4. Election of the President. 

5. Constitution of the Main Committees and elec- 
tion of officers. 

6. Election of Vice-Presidents. 

7. Notification by the Secretary-(Jeneral under Ar- 
ticle 12, paragraph 2, of the Charter of the 
United Nations. 

8. Adoption of the agenda. 

9. General debate. 

10. Report of the Secretary-General on the work 
of the Organization. 

11. Report of the Security Council. 

12. Report of the Economic and Social Council. 

13. Report of the Tnisteeship Council. 

14. Report of the International Atomic Energy 

15. Election of five non-permanent members of the 
Security Council. 

16. Election of nine members of the Economic and 
Social Council. 

17. Election of five members of the International 
Court of Justice. 

18. Appointment of the Secretary-General of the 
United Nations. 

' Adopted by the General Assembly on Sept. 24. 

19. Election of the members of the International 
Law Commission. 

20. .Admission of new Members to the United Na- i 

21. United Nations Emergency Force: 

(a) Report on the Force; 

(b) Cost estimates for the maintenance of the 

22. Co-operation between the United Nations and 
the Organization of African Unity: report of 
the Secretary-General. 

23. Implementation of the Declaration on the Grant- 
ing of Independence to Colonial Countries and 
Peoples: report of the Special Committee on the 
Situation with regard to the Implementation of 
the Declaration on the Granting of Independ- 
ence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 

24. Report of the Committee for the International 
Co-operation Year. 

25. Installation of mechanical means of voting: re- 
port of the Secretary-General. 

26. Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons: report of 
the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Commit- 
tee on Disarmament. 

27. Question of general and complete disarmament: 
report of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation 
Committee on Disarmament. 

28. Urgent need for suspension of nuclear and 
thermonuclear tests; report of the Conference 
of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarma- 

29. Question of convening a conference for the 
purpose of signing a convention on the prohibi- 
tion of the use of nuclear and thermonuclear 
weapons: report of the Conference of the 
Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. 

30. International co-operation in the peaceful uses 
of outer space: report of the Committee on the 
Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. 

31. The Korean question: report of the United Na- 
tions Commission for the Unification and Re- 
habilitation of Korea. 

32. Report of the Commissioner-General of the 
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees in the Near East. 

33. Comprehensive review of the whole question 
of peace-keeping operations in all their aspects: 
report of the Special Committee on Peace- 
keeping Operations. 

34. The policies of apartheid of the Government of 
the Republic of South Africa: report of the 
Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid 
of the Government of the Republic of South 

35. Effects of atomic radiation: report of the United 
Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of 
Atomic Radiation. 

36. Peaceful settlement of disputes. 



37. United Nations Conference on Trade and De- 
veloi)mpnt: report of the Trade and Develop- 
ment Board. 

38. Establi.shment of a United Nations capital de- 
velopment fund: report of the Committee on a 
United Nations Capital Development Fund. 

39. United Nations Development Decade: report of 
the Secretary-General. 

40. .-Accelerated flow of capital and technical assist- 
ance to the developing countries: report of the 

41. Activities in the field of industrial development: 

(a) Report of the Committee for Industrial De- 
velopment ; 

(b) Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the 
United Nations Organization for Industrial 
Development ; 

(c) Confirmation of the appointment of the 
Executive Director of the United Nations 
Organization for Industrial Development. 

42. Inflation and economic development: report of 
the Secretary-General. 

43. Decentralization of the economic and social ac- 
tivities of the United Nations. 

44. Conversion to peaceful needs of the resources 
released by disarmament: report of the Secre- 

45. Permanent sovereignty over national resources. 

46. Population growth and economic development. 

47. World campaign for universal literacy. 

48. United Nations Institute for Training and Re- 
search: report of the Executive Director of the 

49. Operational activities for development: 

(a) .Activities of the United Nations Develop- 
ment Programme; 

(b) Activities undertaken by the Secretary- 

50. Programme of studies on multilateral food aid: 
report of the Secretary-General. 

51. Review and reappraisal of the role and func- 
tions of the Economic and Social Council : report 
of the Secretary-General. 

62. General review of the programmes and activ- 
ities in the economic, social, technical co-opera- 
tion and related fields of the United Nations, 
the specialized agencies, the International 
Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations 
Children's Fund and all other institutions and 
agencies related to the United Nations system. 

58. International Tourist Year. 

54. World social situation. 

65. Report of the United Nations High Commis- 
sioner for Refugees. 

66. Draft Declaration on the Elimination of Dis- 
crimination against Women. 

67. Elimination of all forms of racial discrimina- 

(a) Measures to implement the United Nations 

Declaration on the Elimination of All 
Forms of Racial Discrimination; 
(b) Status of the International Convention on 
the Elimination of All Forms of Racial 
Discrimination: report of the Secretary- 

58. Manifestations of racial prejudice and national 
and religious intolerance. 

59. Elimination of all forms of religious intoler- 

(a) Draft Declaration on the Elimination of All 
Forms of Religious Intolerance; 

(b) Draft International Convention on the 
Elimination of All Forms of Religious In- 

60. Freedom of information: 

(a) Draft Convention on Freedom of Informa- 

(b) Draft Declaration on Freedom of Informa- 

61. Creation of the post of United Nations High 
Commissioner for Human Rights. 

62. Draft International Covenants on Human 

63. International Year for Human Rights: 

(a) Programme of measures and activities to be 
undertaken in connexion with the Interna- 
tional Year for Human Rights; 

(b) Report of the Preparatory Committee for 
the International Conference on Human 

64. Information from Non-Self-Governing Territo- 
ries transmitted under Article 73 e of the 
Charter of the United Nations: 

(a) Report of the Secretary-General; 

(b) Report of the Special Committee on the 
Situation with regard to the Implementation 
of the Declaration on the Granting of In- 
dependence to Colonial Countries and Peo- 

65. Question of South Africa: report of the Spe- 
cial Committee on the Situation with regard to 
the Implementation of the Declaration on the 
Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries 
and Peoples. 

66. Special educational and training programmes 
for South West Africa: report of the Secretary- 

67. Question of Territories under Portuguese ad- 
ministration: report of the Special Committee 
on the Situation with regard to the Implementa- 
tion of the Declaration on the Granting of In- 
dependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 

68. Special training programme for Territories 
under Portuguese administration: report of the 

69. Question of Fiji: report of the Special Commit- 
tee on the Situation with regard to the Imple- 
mentation of the Declaration on the Granting 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


of Independence to Colonial Countries and 

70. Question of Oman : 

(a) Report of the Special Committee on the 
Situation with regard to the Implementa- 
tion of the Declaration on the Granting 
of Independence to Colonial Countries and 
Peoples ; 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General. 

71. Offers by Member States of .study and training 
facilities for inhabitants of Non-Self-Govern- 
ing Territories: report of the Secretary-General. 

72. Financial reports and accounts for the financial 
year ended 31 December 1965 and reports of the 
Board of Auditors: 

(a) United Nations; 

(b) United Nations Children's Fund; 

(c) United Nations Relief and Works .\gency 
for Palestine Refugees in the Near East; 

(d) Voluntary funds administered by the United 
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 

73. Supplementary estimates for the financial year 

74. Budget estimates for the financial year 1967. 

75. Pattern of conferences: report of the Secretary- 

76. Appointments to fill vacancies in the member- 
ship of subsidiary bodies of the General Assem- 

(a) Advisory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions; 

(b) Committee on Contributions; 

(c) Board of Auditors ; 

(d) United Nations Administrative Tribunal; 

(e) United Nations Staff Pension Committee. 

77. Scale of assessments for the apportionment of 
the expenses of the United Nations: report of 
the Committee on Contributions. 

78. Audit reports relating to expenditure by spe- 
cialized agencies and the International Atomic 
Energy Agency: 

(a) Earmarkings and contingency authoriza- 
tions from the Special Account of the Ex- 
panded Programme of Technical Assist- 

(b) Allocations and allotments from the Spe- 
cial Fund. 

79. Administrative and budgetary co-ordination of 

the United Nations with the specialized agencies 
and the International Atomic Energy .■\gency: 
report of the Advisory Committee on Admin- 
istrative and Budgetary Questions. 

80. Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of Experts 
to Examine the Finances of the United Nations 
and the Specialized Agencies. 

81. Personnel questions: 

(a) Composition of the Secretariat: report of 
the Secretary-General ; 

(b) Other personnel questions. 

82. Report of the United Nations Joint Staff Pen- 
sion Board. 

83. United Nations International School: report of 
the Secretary-Greneral. 

84. Reports of the International Law Commission 
on the second part of its seventeenth session and 
on its eighteenth session. 

85. Draft Declaration on the Right of Asylum. 

86. Technical assistance to promote the teaching, 
study, dissemination and wider appreciation of 
international law: report of the Secretary- 

87. Consideration of principles of international law 
concerning friendly relations and co-operation 
among States in accordance with the Charter 
of the United Nations: 

(a) Report of the 1966 Special Committee on 
Principles of International Law concerning 
Friendly Relations and Co-operation among 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General on methods 
of fact-finding. 

88. Progressive development of the law of interna- 
tional trade. 

89. Conclusion of an international treaty on princi- 
ples governing the activities of States in the 
exploration and use of outer space, the moon and 
other celestial bodies. 

90. Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's 
Republic of China in the United Nations. 

91. Treaty governing the exploration and use of 
outer space, including the moon and other celes- 
tial bodies. 

92. Strict observance of the prohibition of the threat 
or use of force in international relations, and 
of the right of peoples to self-determination. 

93. Withdrawal of all United States and other for- 
eign forces occupying South Korea under the 
flag of the United Nations and dissolution of 
the United Nations Commission for the Unifica- 
tion and Rehabilitation of Korea. 

94. Development of natural resources. 

95. Question of the violation of human rights and 
fundamental freedoms, including policies of 
racial discrimination and segregation and of 
apartheid, in all countries, with particular ref- 
erence to colonial and other dependent countries 
and territories. 

96. Status of the implementation of the Declara- 
tion on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the 
Domestic .Affairs of States and the Protection 
of Their Independence and Sovereignty. 

97. Renunciation by .'^tates of actions hampering 
the conclusion of an agreement on the non- 
proliferation of nuclear weapons. 

98. Elimination of foreign military bases in the 
countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. 




U.S. Policy on Atlantic Union 

Statemetit by Acting Secretary Ball ' 

This committee is examining proposals — 
in the form of resolutions — designed to en- 
courage a federal union of the North At^ 
lantic countries. 

Certainly the Dejiartment of State favors 
the development of increased cooperation 
among these nations. We look forward to 
seeing this cooperation — over time — assume 
an increasingly political form. We welcome 
increased discussion among private citizens 
who seek to promote Atlantic cooperation. 

But I cannot in all candor, Mr. Chair- 
man, endorse these resolutions since they do 
not, in our view, accord with the political re- 
alities of this mid-20th centuiy. It is our ex- 
perience that the pursuit of unrealistic 
goals distracts from, rather than assists, the 
achievement of the useful and the possible. 
We do not believe a United States Govern- 
ment initiative on Atlantic union would 
serve our interests and those of our Euro- 
pean friends at this time. 

The natural forces that tend to bind to- 
gether the peoples of the North Atlantic 
are clear for all to see. We share a common 
history and a common civilization. We are 
legatees of the great civilization of the 
Greeks, the political institutions of Rome, 
and the unifying moral force of Christianity. 

We are in a real sense children of the 
same history and the same spirit, as the men 
who founded our country well knew. The 
first of the great anticolonial struggles — our 
own War of Independence — was sparked by 
explosive ideas that originated in Europe. 

' Made before the House Committee on Forei^ 
Affairs on Sept. 20 (press release 212). (Mr. Ball's 
resignation from the Department of State was effec- 
tive Sept. 28.) 

Beyond our common heritage there is a 
second element that hjus tended to unite the 
Atlantic world. The nations of Western 
Europe and North America have, to a 
uni(iue extent, been beneficiaries of the In- 
dustrial Revolution of the 10th (-(Mitury and 
the great .scientific revolution of the 20th. 
As a result, the Atlantic nations occupy a 
position of uni)arall('l('(i power. Thoy share 
a set of unique world responsibilities that 
derive partly from that power and partly 
from the great ideas of human freedom that 
first flourished in the 

Together, we Atlantic nations i)roduce 
some two-thirds of the world's industrial 
output, while having only one-sixth of the 
world's population. We use advanced tech- 
nology and a highly skilled labor force to 
feed many other parts of the world. We 
share an enormous reservoir of capital and 
trained manpower. 

Present Impediments to Atlantic Union 

A recitation of these facts poses the cen- 
tral question this committee is considering 
today. Given the common heritage of the 
West, how can the Atlantic nations best 
translate their shared national interests in- 
to common policies? How can they most 
effectively work together to contribute to the 
needs of the modern world? 

In principle, there are two major ways of 
going about combining the energies and 
re.sources of the peoples of the Atlantic area. 

One way would be, as the pending resolu- 
tions suggest, to move toward some form of 
Atlantic federalism immediately. The .second 
way would be to encourage the nations of 
Western Europe to move toward unity, 
while we at the same time worked at per- 
fecting tran.satlantic in.stitutions to make 
possible an effective partnership between 
North America and a uniting Europe. 

Of two approaches, the realities of 
politics and power clearly favor the second. 

There are, it seems to me, two reasons 
why it is unreali.stic U) expect great progress 
toward Atlantic union at the pre.sent time. 

The first derives from the great disparity 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 


in size and resources between America, on 
one side of the ocean, and the individual 
nation-states of Europe on the other. 

The second results from geography. The 
United States faces not only on the Atlantic 
but also on the Pacific Ocean, while Europe 
does not — and the United States also has 
special responsibilities within the Western 

The fact of disparity in size is, it seems 
to me, the central and inescapable impedi- 
ment to serious movement toward Atlantic 
union at the present time. During the last 
20 years we have seen a massive transfor- 
mation of the power balance of the world. 
The nations of Western Europe, which only 
a quarter of a century ago controlled a great 
part of the population of the earth through 
vast colonial systems, have been reduced to 
their metropolitan dimensions. At the same 
time, with the emergence of the United 
States and the Soviet Union, each organized 
on a continent-wide basis, there has been 
a redefinition of the scale of size essential to 
the role of a world power. 

The individual nation-states of Europe, 
therefore, find themselves suddenly lacking 
both well-defined territorial interests around 
the world and the vast resources which to- 
day are prerequisite for a generalized world 

As a result, the European nations have 
quite naturally tended to turn their atten- 
tion inward toward a concentration on their 
own affairs. To be sure, they have cooper- 
ated with the United States in developing an 
Atlantic defense system. But in economic 
and political matters they have been con- 
cerned primarily with their own European 
affairs — with building institutions looking 
toward economic integration and taking 
tentative steps toward political unity within 

Quite frankly, I find little evidence of any 
strong interest among Europeans for any im- 
mediate move toward greater political unity 
with the United States. We Atlantic nations 
are of different size and the Europeans are 

sensitive to this disparity. They fear the 
overwhelming weight of United States 
power and influence in our common councils. 
They fear the superior resources of United 
States industry in their economic life. They 
are concerned that, in their relations with 
the United States, they may tend to lose 
their o-wti identities and to become simply 
passive ancillaries to American policy. 

These are the hard facts, as I see them. 
Anyone who has attempted to perfect tech- 
niques and arrangements for effective con- 
sultation with European governments can- 
not help but be sensitive to these realities. 

Europeans Not Yet Politically Organized 

Along with the feeling of European 
peoples that they have not yet organized 
themselves on a basis that enables them to 
work closely with the United States without 
danger of being overwhelmed is the fear 
that Atlantic union under existing circum- 
stances would force them to pursue Amer- 
ican policies not immediately relevant to 
their own interests. 

This feeling is particularly apparent with 
regard to our policies in the Far East. Here 
our differences derive in considerable part 
from a differing sense of our responsibilities. 
They flow to some extent from the fact that 
the United States is a Pacific power and the 
European nations are not. 

I do not mean to suggest by these com- 
ments that there cannot, and should not be, 
a progressive drawing together between the 
peoples of the United States and those of 
Western Europe. Indeed, consistent with 
their efforts to build a unified Europe, most 
Europeans continue to favor cooperation 
across the Atlantic. I think that the differ- 
ence between the Department of State and 
the proponents of the pending resolution is 
a difference in sequence and timing and in 
the assessment of political realities. 

We believe that so long as Europe remains 
merely a continent of medium- and small- 
sized states there are definite limits to the 
degree of political unity we can achieve 



across the ocean. We believe, however, that 
if Europeans get on with the pressing busi- 
ness of constructing political unity in 
Europe, a coalescence in the relations of 
Europe and the United States can take place 
at a much more rapid pace. 

European Unity a Prime U.S. Objective 

Today, our prime objective in Western 
Europe should be to encourage unity. West- 
em Europe lies between the United States 
and the Soviet Union. It is still the center of 
power, and it is no accident that the two 
great wars of modem history have sprung 
from Europe. 

Over the past three centuries the world 
has already paid too dearly for the rivalry 
among European nation-states. It is es- 
sential that that rivalry be ended if we are 
to have any assurance of peace in the world. 

Fortunately, within the last 20 years, men 
of great vision have led Europe by peaceful 
means to a degree of united action unprece- 
dented in its history. They are now com- 
pleting the steps that are creating a vast 
mass market embracing six countries. 
Sooner or later this economic community 
will almost certainly be joined by Great 
Britain and perhaps by other European 

In the political sector they have unfor- 
tunately made less progress. Nonetheless the 
internal logic of the situation creates a very 
strong pressure toward unity. Europeans 
have come to recognize that they can play a 
significant role in the world and make the 
contribution which their resources and 
talents justify only by organizing their 
political affairs on a scale of size com- 
mensurate with the requirements of the 
modem age. 

Building of Atlantic Partnership 

It is with these considerations in mind 
that the United States throughout all post- 
war administrations has worked toward a 
constructive partnership of equals with a 
uniting Europe. We wish to build unity on 

a sound basis, and experience has taught 
that nothing can be more useless — and in 
fact diversionary — than creating a formal- 
istic set of institutions without organic 
vitality or political validity. 

It is imperative, therefore, that Europe 
get on with its own special task of unity if 
we are finally to deal on a basis of true 
equality across the Atlantic. For equality be- 
tween Europe and the United States is not 
something that we Americans can grant by 
an act of grace or create by unilateral fiat. 
Equality springs from political facts. Ameri- 
cans can act through a single set of insti- 
tutions and thus can apply the full resources 
of our continent to a single purpose. Euro- 
peans as yet cannot do this. And until they 
are organized to speak with one voice and 
act with one will, there can be no real equal- 

Efforts to build the basis of Atlantic 
partnership cannot, of course, await the full 
achievement of a united Europe — and they 
need not. There is much that we can and 
should do. For some years in NATO and 
the OECD [Organization for Economic Co- 
operation and Development] we Atlantic 
nations have been seeking to perfect instru- 
ments for common action for defense, and 
common policies in our economic relation- 
ships. These are necessary tasks but they 
are a far cry from the achievement of a 
federal Atlantic union. They are undertaken 
within the four walls of the possible. They 
take us, in Churchill's phrase, "from the 
tossing sea of Cause and Theory to the firm 
ground of Result and Fact." 

As the process of integration in Europe 
proceeds it is not possible to prejudge what 
more thorough forms of transatlantic col- 
laboration may develop. I do not rule out 
the possibility that one day — when Ameri- 
cans and Europeans can address each other 
as true equals — both may choose some more 
binding form of Atlantic association. But to 
press such association at the present time on 
an unwilling and unequal Europe could well 
postpone the future dawn of a more perfect 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 



U.S. and Canada Exchange Notes 
on Automotive Products Agreement 

Press release 210 dated September 18 

Pursuant to article VI of the United 
States-Canadian Agreement concerning 
Automotive Products,^ the Government of 
the United States and the Government of 
Canada have brought the agreement into 
definitive effect by giving formal notice that 
appropriate action in their respective legisla- 
tures has been completed. This was done 
through an exchange of notes at Ottawa on 
September 16 between U.S. Ambassador 
W. W. Butterworth and Canada's Secretary 
of State for External Affairs Paul Martin. 

Text of Canadian Note 

September 16, 1966. 

Excellency: With reference to Article 
VI of the Agreement Concerning Automotive 
Products between the Government of Canada 
and the Government of the United States of 
America, I have the honour to inform you 
that on June 30, 1966 the Canadian Parlia- 
ment completed its consideration of and gave 
its approval to the Agreement. 

Since appropriate action on the Agree- 
ment by the Government of the United 
States was completed with enactment of the 
Automotive Products Trade Act of 1965 on 
October 21, 1965, and issuance of a Procla- 

' For background and text, see Bulletin of Feb. 
8, 1965, p. 191. 

' For statements by President Johnson and text 
of the proclamation, see ibid., Nov. 15, 1965, p. 793. 

mation by the President on the same date^ 
to remove United States duties on automo- 
tive products covered by the Agreement, I 
propose that this Note and your reply consti- 
tute notice, in accordance with Article VI, 
that appropriate action in our respective 
legislatures has now been completed and that 
the Agreement Concerning Automotive Prod- 
force as of this date. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assur- 
ances of my highest consideration. 

Paul Martin 

Secretary of State 

for External Affairs 

Text of U.S. Note 

September 16, 1966. 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge your 

Note of today's date which reads as follows: 

[Text of the Canadian note.] 

I wish to inform you that my government 
agrees that your Note and this reply consti- 
tute notice, in accordance with Article VI of 
the Agreement Concerning Automotive Prod- 
ucts between the Government of the United 
States and the Government of Canada, 
that appropriate action in our respective 
legislatures has now been completed and 
that the Agreement has definitively entered 
into force as of this date. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assur- 
ances of my highest consideration. 

W. W. Butterworth 

Current Actions 



Convention for the unification of certain rules relat- 
ing to international transportation by air and ad- 
ditional protocol. Done at Warsaw October 12, 
1929. Entered into force February 13, 1933; for 
the United States October 29, 1934. 49 Stat. 3000. 
Adherence deposited: Nepal, February 12, 1966. 

Protocol to amend the convention for the unification 
of certain rules relating to international carriage 



by air signed at Warsaw October 12, 1929 (49 
Stat. 3000). Done at The Haprue September 28, 
1955. Entered into force August 1, 1963.' 
Adhermce deposited: Nepal, February 12, 1966. 


.■\rticle.s of aRreement of the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Developme'nt. Opened for sig- 
nature at Washington December 27, 1945. Entered 
into force December 27, 1945. TIAS 1502. 
Signature and acceptance: Guyana, September 26, 

Articles of agreement of the International Monetary 
Fund. Opened for signature at Washington De- 
cember 27, 1945. Entered into force December 27, 
1945. TIAS 1501. 

Signature and acceptance: Guyana, September 26, 

Load Line 

International convention on load lines, 1966. Done at 
London April 5, 1966. Open for signature April 5 
until July 5, 1966.' 

Signatures:' Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bra- 
^ zil, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Denmark, France, 
■ Germany, Ghana, Greece, Iceland, India, Ireland, 
Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Korea, Kuwait, 
Liberia, Malagasy Republic, Netherlands, New 
Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, 
Philippines, Poland, South Africa, Spain, Switz- 
erland, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Union of 
« Soviet Socialist Republics (with a statement), 
United Arab Republic (with a reservation). 
United Kingdom, United States, Venezuela, 
Acceptances deposited: Trinidad and Tobago, Au- 
gust 24, 1966; Tunisia, August 23, 1966. 

IMaritime IMatters 

Amendments to the convention on the Intergovern- 
mental Maritime Consultative Organization (TIAS 
4044). Adopted at London September 15, 1964.' 
Acceptances received: Kuwait, September 2, 1966; 
Malta, September 5, 1966. 

Racial Discrimination 

Convention on the elimination of all forms of racial 
discrimination. Adopted by the United Nations 
General Assembly December 21, 1965.' 
Signature: United States (with a statement), Sep- 
tember 28, 1966. 

Safety at Sea 

International regulations for preventing collisions at 
sea. Approved by the International Conference on 
Safety of Life at Sea, London, May 17-June 17, 
1960. Entered into force September 1, 1965. 
Acceptance deposited: Cyprus, August 11, 1966. 


Protocol for accession of Switzerland to the General 
Agreement on TariflFs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
April 1, 1966. Entered into force August 1, 1966. 
TIAS 6065. 

Acceptances: Canada, September 2, 1966; Israel, 

August 18, 1966; South Africa, August 17, 1966; 

Turkey, August 18, 1966. 

Protocol for accession of Yugoslavia to the General 

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 

July 20, 1966. Entered into force August 25, 1966. 

Acceptances: Austria, July 25, 1966;^ Canada, 

September 2, 1966; Finland, August 30, 1966; 

Indonesia, August 29, 1966; Israel, August 25, 

1966; Turkey, August 18, 1966; Yugoslavia. 
July 26, 1966. 



Agreement relating to the establishment of a Peace 
Corps program in Chad. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Fort Lamy August 31, 1966. Entered into 
force August 31, 1966. 


.Amendment to the agreement of July 18, 1955, as 
amended (TIAS 3307, 4176, 4514, 5105, 5623), for 
cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic energy. 
Signed at Washington August 25, 1966. 
Entered into force: September 28, 1966. 


Agricultural commodities agreement under title IV 
of the Agricultural Trade Development and Assist- 
ance Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 454; 7 
U.S.C. 1731-1736), with exchange of notes. Signed 
at Washington September 30, 1966. Entered into 
force September 30, 1966. 


Agreement amending Annex C of the mutual defense 
assistance agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 
2016). Effected by exchange of notes at Oslo Au- 
gust 29 and September 6, 1966. Entered into force 
September 6, 1966. 

Somali Republic 

Agreement extending the agreement of January 28 
and February 4, 1961, as extended (TIAS 4915, 
5332, 5508, 5738, 5814), concerning the succession 
of Somali Republic to the technical cooperation 
agreement of June 28, 1954, as amended (TIAS 
3150, 4392), between the United States and Italy. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Mogadiscio July 
28 and August 2, 1966. Entered into force August 
2, 1966. 

Agreement extending the agreement of January 28 
and February 4, 1961, as extended (TIAS 4915, 
5332, 5508, 5738, 5814), concerning the succession 
of Somali Republic to the technical cooperation 
agreement of June 28, 1954, as amended (TIAS 
3150, 4392), between the United States and Italy. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Mogadiscio Au- 
gust 15 and 29, 1966. Entered into force August 
29, 1966. 


Treaty of amity and economic relations. Signed at 
Lome February 8, 1966." 

Ratification advised by the Senate: September 28, 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of July 30, 1966 (TIAS 6067). Effected 
by exchange of notes at Tunis September 19, 1966. 
Entered into force September 19, 1966. 

' Not in force for the United States. 

' Not in force. 

' All signatures subject to acceptance except those 
of Panama and the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 

■* Subject to ratification. 

OCTOBER 17, 1966 




The Senate on September 30 confirmed the nomi- 
nation of Nicholas deB. Katzenbach to be Under 
Secretary of State. (For biographic details, sec 
White House press release dated September 21.) 


Mrs. Katie Louchheim as Deputy Assistant Sec- 
retary for Educational and Cultural Affairs, effec- 
tive October 1. (For biographic details, see Depart- 
ment of State press release 229 dated October 1.) 

George S. Springsteen as Deputy Assistant Secre- 
tary for European '' ffairs, effective October 1. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press 
release dated September 28. ) 


Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 
20U02. Address requests direct to the Superintend- 
ent of Documents, except in the case of free publi- 
cations, which may be obtained from the Office of 
Media Services, Department of State, Washington, 
D.C., 20520. 

The Essentials for Peace in Asia. Text of Presi- 
dent Johnson's address to the American Alumni 

Council on nationwide radio-TV, on July 12, 1966. J 
Pub. 8113. Far Eastern Series 148. 12 pp. 15<f. ' 

Major Publications of the Department of State — An 
Annotated Bibliography (Revised). Books, pam- 
phlets, and periodicals selected for their lasting 
value to persons interested in the development of 
U.S. ioreign policy and international relations. In- 
cluded are a few items published by Congress or 
other government agencies. I*ub. 7843. General For- 
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Sample Questions from the Written Examination 
for Foreign Service Officer (Revised). To help candi- 
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questions, sample materials are analyzed in detail. 
Pub. 7640. Department and Foreign Service Series 
123. 88 pp. Limited distribution. 

You and Your Passport (Revised). Application 
requirements, vaccinations, care of your passport, 
visas, and getting along abroad — all are highlighted 
in this folder. Pub. 7728. Department and Foreign 
Service Series 127. 12 pp. lOt*. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the 
Democratic Republic of the Congo — Signed at 
Leopoldville July 19, 1965. Entered into force July 
19, 1965. With exchange of notes. TIAS 5935. 14 
pp. 10^. 

Air Transport Services. Agreement with the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, 
amending the agreement of February 11, 1946, as 
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washing- 
ton May 27, 1966. Entered into force May 27, 1966. 
TIAS 6019. 16 pp. lO?". 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with Paraguay — Signed at Asuncion 
April 27, 1966. Entered into force April 27, 1966. 
With exchange of notes. TIAS 6020. 13 pp. lOt*. 

Air Transport Services. Agreement with Denmark, 
amending the agreement of December 16, 1944. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington June 7, 
1966. Entered into force June 7, 1966. With related 
notes. TIAS 6021. 7 pp. 10(f. 

Tracking Stations. Agreement with Malagasy Re- 
public, amending the agreement of October 7, 1963. 
Exchange of notes — Dated at Tananarive April 27 
and May 2, 1966. Entered into force May 2, 1966. j 
TIAS 6024. 3 pp. 5(f. 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Services, Bureau of Public Affairs, 
provides the public and intereeted agencies 
of the Government with information on 
developmentB in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the worlt of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of Stat« and other officers of 

the Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for sale by the Super> 

intendent of Documents. U.S. Govemmenll 
Printing Office. Washington. D.C., 20402. 
Price: 62 issues, domestic JIO, foreign $15: 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of thla publi- 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

NOTE: Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 



INDEX October 17, 1966 Vol. LV.No. H25 

Asia. The Outlook for Freedom (Rusk) ... 686 

Canada. U.S. and Canada Exchange Notes on 
Automotive Products Agreement (texts) 616 

Communism. The Outlook for Freedom (Rusk) 586 


Confirmations (Katzenbach) 618 

U.S. Policy on Atlantic Union (Ball) ... 613 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Katzenbach) 618 

Designations (Louchheim, Springsteen) . . 618 

Economic Affairs 

The Other War in Vietnam — A Progress Re- 
port — Continued (Komer) 591 

The Outlook for Freedom (Rusk) 586 

U.S. and Canada Exchange Notes on Automo- 
tive I*roduets Agreement (texts) .... 616 

Educational and Cultural Alfaira. Mrs. Louch- 
heim designated Deputy Assistant Secretary 618 


The Outlook for Freedom (Rusk) 586 

Springsteen designated Deputy Assistant Sec- 
retary 618 

U.S. Policy on Atlantic Union (Ball) .... 613 

Foreign Aid. Foreig^i Assistance Act of 1966 
Signed by President Johnson (statement) 602 

Germany. United States and Germany Reaf- 
firm Community of Interest (Erhard, John- 
son, communique) 678 

Immigration and Naturalization. Columbus 
Day, 1966 (Johnson, proclamation) . . . 602 

Italy. Columbus Day, 1966 (Johnson, proclama- 
tion) 602 

Publications. Recent Releases 618 

Presidential Documents 

Columbus Day, 1966 602 

Foreign Assistance Act of 1966 Signed by 

President Johnson 602 

An Interview With President Johnson .... 574 
United States and Germany Reaffirm Commu- 
nity of Interest 578 


International Cooperation in Space (Goldberg) 605 
United States and (Jermany Reaffirm Commu- 
nity of Interest (Erhard, Johnson, commu- 
nique) 578 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 616 

U.S. and Canada Exchange Notes on Automo- 
tive Products Agreement (texts) .... 616 
U.S.S.R. An Interview With President Johnson 574 

Unit«d Nations 

Agenda of Twenty-first Session of the U.N. 

General Assembly 610 

International Cooperation in Space (Goldberg) 606 
U.S. Replies to Statements on Viet-Nam Pro- 
posals (Goldberg) 609 


The Other War in Vietnam — A I*rogress Re- 
port — Continued (Komer) 591 

U.S. Replies to Statements on Viet-Nam Pro- 
posals (Goldberg) 609 

Name Index 

Ball, George W 613 

Erhard, Ludwig 578 

Goldberg, Arthur J 605, 609 

Johnson, President 574, 578, 602 

Katzenbach, Nicholas deB 618 

Komer, Robert W 591 

Louchheim, Mrs. Katie 618 

Rusk, Secretary 586 

Springsteen, CJeorge S 618 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Sept. 26-Oct. 2 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to September 26 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
210 of September 16, 212 of September 20, and 
216 of September 21. 


Program for visit of President 
Senghor of Senegal. 

Gordon: UPI editors and publish- 

Bowie sworn in as Counselor of 
the Department (biographic de- 

U.S.-Indonesia discussions. 

Ball: annual meeting of the 
IBRD Board of Governors. 

Carlson sworn in as Ambassador 
to Colombia (biographic de- 

Hayes sworn in as Ambassador to 
Switzerland (biographic de- 

Mrs. Louchheim designated Dep- 
uty Assistant Secretary for 
Educational and Cultural Af- 
fairs (biographic details). 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

















it U.S. Govtrnintnt Printing Offict: 1966—251-930/15 

WASHINGTON. D.C.. 20402 



Private Boycotts VS the National Interest 

A frank look at a political and economic problem which has been and continues to be o: 
serious concern to the United States Government is the subject of this 19-page pamphlet. Th( 
problem involves periodic attempts by individuals and groups, relatively small in number, to us< 
or threaten to use economic reprisals against American businesses w^hich trade with Eastern Euro- 
pean countries. The pamphlet explains U.S. policy toward trade with Eastern Europe and point 
out that Americans who interfere with sales by local merchants — or by multimillion-dollar corpo 
rations — handling Eastern European goods are "obstructing a foreign policy that has been devel 
oped by four administrations since World War II." 



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(cash, check, or money order) . Please send 

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Vol. LV. No. U26 

October 2U, 1966 

Statements by Henry H. Fowler and George W. Ball 626 

by U. Alexis Johnson 638 

by Assistant Secretary Gordon 6UU 

Address by President Johnson 622 

For index see inside back cover 

"Americans and all Europeans share a connection which 
transcends political differences. We are a single civilization; 
we share a common destiny; our future is a common chal- 

Making Europe Whole: An Unfinished Task 

Address by President Johnson '■ 

I remember some years ago Franklin 
Roosevelt addressed the Daughters of the 
American Revolution. His opening words 
were not "My Friends," but "Fellow Immi- 

And he was right. Most of our fathers 
came from Europe — East or West, North or 
South. They settled in London, Kentucky; 
Paris, Idaho; and Rome, New York. Chicago, 
with Warsaw, is one of the great Polish cities 
of the world. And New York is the second 
capital of half the nations of Europe. That 
is the story of our country. 

Americans and all Europeans share a con- 
nection which transcends political differences. 
We are a single civilization ; we share a com- 
mon destiny; our future is a common chal- 

Today two anniversaries especially remind 
us of the interdependence of Europe and 

— On September 30, seventeen years ago, 
the Berlin airlift ended. 

— On October 7, three years ago, the nu- 
clear test ban treaty was ratified. 

There is a healthy balance here. It is no 
accident. It reflects the balance the Atlantic 
allies have tried to maintain between 
strength and conciliation, between firmness 

' Made before the National Conference of Editorial 
Writers at New York, N.Y., Oct. 7 (White House 
press release; advance text). 

and flexibility, between resolution and hope. 

The Berlin airlift was an act of measured 
firmness. Without that firmness, the Marshall 
Plan and the recovery of Western Europe 
would have been impossible. 

That hopeful and progressive achievement, 
the European Economic Community, could 
never have been bom. 

The winds of change which are blowing in 
Eastern Europe would not be felt today. 

All these are the fruits of our detennina- 

The test ban treaty is the fruit of our hope. 
With more than 100 other signers we have 
committed ourselves to advance from deter- 
rence thi'ough terror toward a more coopera- 
tive international order. We must go foi^ward 
to banish all nuclear weapons — and war it- 

A just peace remains our goal. But we 
know that the world is changing. Our policy 
must reflect the reality of today — not yester- 
day. In every part of the world, new forces 
are at the gates: new countries, new aspira- 
tions; new men. In this spirit, let us look 
ahead to the tasks that confront the Atlantic 

Europe has been at peace since 1945. But 
it is a restless peace — shadowed by the 
threat of violence. 

Europe is partitioned. An unnatural line 
nins through the heart of a great and proud 
nation. Histoiy warns us that until this harsh 



division has been resolved, peace in Europe 
will not be secure. 

We must tura to one of the great unfin- 
ished tasks of our generation: making 
Europe whole. 

Our purpose is not to overturn other gov- 
ernments, but to help the people of Europe 
to achieve: 

— a continent in which the peoples of East- 
em and Western Euroi:)e work together for 
the common good; 

— a continent in which alliances do not 
confront each other in bitter hostility, but 
provide a framework in which West and 
East can act together to assure the security 
of all. 

■ In a restored Europe, Germany can and 
will be united. 

This remains a vital purpose of American 
policy. It can only be accomplished through 
a growing reconciliation. There is no short- 

We must move ahead on three fronts: 

— First, to modernize NATO and strength- 
en other Atlantic institutions. 

— Second, to further the integration of the 
Western European community. 

— Third, to quicken progress in East-West 

Let me speak to each in turn. 

Vitality of the Atlantic Alliance 

I. Our first concern is to keep NATO 
strong and abreast of the times. 

The Atlantic alliance has proved its vital- 
ity. Together, we have faced the threats to 
peace which have confronted us — and we 
shall meet those which may confront us in 
the future. 

Let no one doubt the American commit- 
ment. We shall not unlearn the lesson of the 
thirties, when isolation and withdrawal were 
our share in the common disaster. 

We are committed, and will remain firm. 

But the Atlantic alliance is a living or- 
ganism. It must adapt to changing conditions. 

Much is already being done to modernize 
its structures: 

— We are streamlining NATO command 

— We are moving to establish a permanent 
nuclear planning committee; 

— We are increasing the speed and cer- 
tainty of supply across the Atlantic. 

However, we must do more. 

The alliance must become a forum for in- 
creasingly close consultations. These should 
cover the full range of joint concerns — from 
East- West relations to crisis management. 

The Atlantic alliance is the central instru- 
ment of the Atlantic community. But it is not 
the only one. Through other institutions the 
nations of the Atlantic are hard at work on 
constructive enterprise. 

In the Kennedy Round, we are negotiating 
with the other Free World nations to reduce 
tariffs everywhere. Our goal is to free the 
trade of the world from arbitrary and arti- 
ficial constraints. 

We are also engaged on the problem of in- 
ternational monetary reform. 

We are exploring how best to develop sci- 
ence and technology as a common resource. 
Recently the Italian Government has sug- 
gested an approach to narrowing the gap in 
technology between the United States and 
Western Europe. That proposal deserves 
careful study. The United States is ready to 
cooperate with the European nations on all 
aspects of this problem. 

Last, and perhaps most important, we are 
working together to accelerate the growth of 
the developing nations. It is our common 
business to help the millions in these nations 
improve their standards of life. The rich 
nations cannot live as an island of plenty in 
a sea of poverty. 

Thus, while the institutions of the Atlantic 
community are growing, so are the tasks 
which face us. 

Pursuit of Further Unity in the West 

II. Second among our tasks is the vigorous 
pursuit of further unity in the West. 

To pursue that unity is neither to postpone 
nor neglect the search for peace. There are 
good reasons for this: 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


— A united Western Europe can be our 
equal partner in helping to build a peaceful 
and just world order; 

— A united Western Europe can move 
more confidently in peaceful initiatives to- 
ward the East; 

— Unity can provide a framework within 
which a unified Germany could be a full part-. 
ner without arousing ancient fears. 

We look forward to the expansion and fur- 
ther strengthening of the European commu- 
nity. The obstacles are great. But persever- 
ance has already reaped larger rewards than 
any of us dared hope 20 years ago. 
> The outlines of the new Europe are clearly 
discernible. It is a stronger, increasingly 
united but open Europe — with Great Britain 
a part of it — and with close ties to America. 

Improving the East-West Environment 

III. One great goal of a united West is to 
heal the wound in Europe which now cuts 
East from West and brother from brother. 

That division must be healed peacefully. It 
must be healed with the consent of Eastern 
European countries and the Soviet Union. 
This will happen only as East and West suc- 
ceed in building a surer foundation of mu- 
tual trust. 

Nothing is more important for peace. We 
must improve the East-West environment in 
order to achieve the unification of Germany 
in the context of a larger peaceful and pros- 
perous Europe. 

Our task is to achieve a reconciliation with 
the East — a shift from the narrow concept of 
coexistence to the broader vision of peaceful 

Americans are prepared to do their part. 
Under the last four Presidents, our policy 
toward the Soviet Union has been the same. 
Where necessary, we shall defend freedom; 
where possible, we shall work with the East 
to build a lasting peace. 

We do not intend to let our differences on 
Viet-Nam or elsewhere prevent us from ex- 
ploring all opportunities. We want the Soviet 
Union and the nations of Eastern Europe to 
know that we and our allies shall go step by 

step with them as far as they are willing to h 
advance. \\ 

Let us — both Americans and Europeans — 
intensify our efforts. 

We seek healthy economic and cultural re- 
lations with the Communist states. 

— I am asking for early congressional ac- 
tion on the U.S.-Soviet consular agreement.^ 

— We intend to press for legislative author- 
ity to negotiate trade agreements which could 
extend most-favored-nation tariff treatment 
to European Communist states. ^ 

And I am today announcing these new 

— We will reduce export controls on East- 
West trade with respect to hundreds of non- 
strategic items. 

— I have today signed a determination that 
will allow the Export-Import Bank to guar- 
antee commercial credits to four additional 
Eastern European countries — Poland, Hun- 
gary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia. This is 
good business. And it will help us build 
bridges to Eastern Europe. 

— The Secretary of State is reviewing the 
possibility of easing the burden of Polish 
debts to the United States through expendi- 
tures of our Polish currency holdings which 
would be mutually beneficial to both coun- 

— The Export-Import Bank is prepared to 
finance American exports for the Soviet- 
Italian Fiat auto plant. 

— We are negotiating a civil air agree- 
ment with the Soviet Union. This will facil- 
itate tourism in both directions. 

— This summer the American Government 
took additional steps to liberalize travel to 
Communist countries in Europe and Asia.* 
We intend to liberalize these rules still fur- 

— In these past weeks the Soviet Union and 
the United States have begun to exchange 

' For background, see BULLETIN of Aug. 30, 1965, 
p. 375. 

' For background and text of the proposed East- 
West Trade Relations Act of 1966, see ibid., May 30, 
1966, p. 838. 

* For background, see ibid., Aug. 15, 1966, p. 234. 



cloud photographs taken from weather satel- 

In these and many other ways, ties with 
the East will be strengthened — by the United 
States and by other Atlantic nations. 

Agreement on a broad policy to this end 
should be sought in existing Atlantic organs. 

The i)rinciples which should govern East- 
West relations ai-e now being discussed in the 
North Atlantic Council. 

The OECD [Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development] can also play 
an impoilant part in trade and contacts with 
the East. The Western nations can there ex- 
plore ways of inviting the Soviet Union and 
the Eastern European countries to cooperate 
in tasks of common interest and common 

Hand in hand with these steps to increase 
East-West ties must go measures to remove 
territorial and border disputes as a source of 
friction in Europe. The Atlantic nations op- 
pose the use of force to change existing 

Ending the Bitter Legacy of World War II 

The maintenance of old enmities is not in 
anyone's interest. Our aim is a true European 
reconciliation. We must make this clear to 
the East. 

Further, it is our policy to avoid the spread 
of national nuclear programs — in Europe and 
elsewhere. That is why we shall persevere in 
efforts to reach an agreement banning the 
proliferation of nuclear weapons. 

We seek a stable military situation in Eu- 
rope — one in which tensions can be lowered. 

To this end, the United States will continue 

to play its part in effective Western deter- 
rence. To weaken that deterrence might 
create temptations and endanger peace. 

The Atlantic allies will continue together 
to study what strength NATO needs, in light 
of changing technology and the current 

Reduction of Soviet forces in Central Eu- 
rope would, of course, affect the extent of the 

If changing circumstances should lead to 
a gradual and balanced revision in force levels 
on both sides, the revision could — together 
with the other steps that I have mentioned — 
help gradually to shape a new political envi- 

The building of true peace and reconcil- 
iation in Europe will be a long process. 

The bonds between the United States and 
its Atlantic partnere provide the strength 
on which the world's security depends. Our 
interdei>endence is complete. 

Our goal, in Europe and elsewhere, is a 
just and secure peace. It can most surely be 
achieved by common action. To this end, I 
pledge America's best efforts: 

— to achieve a new thrust for the alliance; 

— to support movement toward Western 
European unity ; 

— and to bring about a far-reaching im- 
provement in relations between East and 

Our object is to end the bitter legacy of 
World War II. 

Success will bring the day closer when we 
have fully secured the peace in Europe, and 
in the world. 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


Toward a More Rational World Economic Order 

The Boards of Governors of the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund and the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development 
and its affiliates, the International Finance 
Corporation and the International Develop- 
ment Association, held their annual meetings 
at Washington, D.C., September 26-30. Fol- 
lowing is the text of a statement by Secre- 
tary of the Treasury Henry H. Foivler be- 
fore the Board of Governors of the IMF on 
September 28, together ivith a statement for 
the press by Secretary Foivler issued the 
next day and a statement by Under Secre- 
tary of State George W. Ball before the 
Boards of Governors of the IBRD, IFC, and 
IDA on September 29. 


I give you my country's heartiest welcome 
as we meet togetlier again to consider the 
vital work of the International Monetary 
Fund. We are honored by your presence. 

In their 1966 annual report, the Execu- 
tive Directors report on the strengthening 
of the Fund in the past year. The Fund's 
resources have now been raised to over $20 
billion as the result of global and selective 
increases in quotas. During the past year a 
decision was made to renew the General Ar- 
rangements to Borrow. These arrangements 
have again been utilized for the special pur- 
poses for which they were designed and have 
helped the Fund meet record drawing re- 
quirements by its members. 

The United States fully supports the re- 
cent decision of the Executive Directors to 
improve the Fund's special compensatory 
financing facility, under which drawings 
may be made to meet shortfalls in export 

But our focus at these annual meetings 
must be on meeting future challenges rather 
than past accomplishments. 

When I spoke to you upon this same occa- 
sion last year.i I closed with a plea that we 
lift our eyes from our daily tasks long 
enough to catch sight of the broad outlines 
of what we who are associated in the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund are seeking to 
create: a world monetary structure strong 
enough, flexible enough, and with growth 
potentials adequate to the building of a 
greater society of nations. 

This vision of a greater society of nations 
places three principal requirements upon us 
in the year ahead. 

First, it calls for acceptance of a wider, 
deeper, more generally shared effort in the 
field of international economic development 
— to fill the crucial finance gap — the differ- 
ence between the capital available to all of 
us and the capacity of the developing coun- 
tries to use increasing amounts of capital 
effectively and productively — so eloquently 
expressed by President Woods [George D. 
Woods, President of the IBRD] in his notable 
address earlier in this meeting. 

In his Februaiy 1 message to Congress on 
foreign aid. President Johnson, anticipating 
this call, clearly stated the position of the 
United States, saying: ^ 

I propose that the United States — in ways con- 
sistent with its balance-of-payments policy — in- 
crease its contributions to multilateral lending insti- 
tutions, particularly the International Development 
Association. These increases will be conditional upon 
appropriate rises in contributions from other mem- 
bers. We are prepared immediately to support nego- 
tiations leading to agreements of this nature for 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 18, 1965, p. 614. 
' For text, see ibid., Feb. 28, 1966, p. 320. 



submission to the Congress. We urge other advanced 
nations to join in supporting this work. 

I have already made proposals to this end 
in a speech at Granada, Spain, earlier this 
year and my colleague, Under Secretary 
Ball, will develop this topic in his address. 

Second, the vision of a greater society of 
nations calls for the successful negotiation 
in the year ahead of a specific contingency 
plan for improved and expanded interna- 
tional monetaiy arrangements: arrange- 
ments with more depth, more span, and more 
flexibility; arrangements that would build 
into our international monetary system a 
means to provide world liquidity consonant 
with the world's ability to use resei-ves con- 
structively. I shall expand on this point later. 

Third, the vision of a greater society of 
nations summons us to tasks of national and 
international cooperation and development 
so far-reaching that they require the full 
and efficient use of our human talent and our 
material resources. We are facing a period in 
the world's history when the numerous and 
pressing demands for both national effort 
and international economic cooperation will 
reach new heights. 

The United States regards the year ahead 
as a hinge for opening the door to a better 
future, as the strong nations, the old and the 
emerging, seize their joint opportunities to 
deal constructively with their joint problems 
without being haunted by the past or con- 
founded by the present. I commend for your 
consideration the sense of urgency and 
analysis so well expressed in a report issued 
within the month by the Subcommittee on 
International Exchange and Payments of the 
Joint Economic Committee of the Congress 
of the United States. This report is entitled 
"Twenty Years After: An Appeal for the 
Renewal of Intel-national Economic Coopera- 
tion on a Grand Scale." 

Without passing upon the particular pro- 
cedures proposed in that report, there can 
be no question concerning the rightness of 
the emphasis and urgency expressed in the 
following words: 

The world is in trouble — deep trouble — in at least 
five different areas of economic negotiation and pol- 
icy: trade; aid to less developed countries; maintain- 

ing a balance in international payments; interna- 
tional monetary reform; and maintenance of stable 
price levels in economies marked by full employment 
and rapid economic growth. 

We in the United States are proud of our 
initiatives and national contribution in the 
last 20 years in these areas. We believe their 
spirit, their motivation, and their scale serve 
to give a measure of what must exemplify 
the role not just of the United States but of 
other nations individually as they regain and 
achieve strength and stature and of our 
family of free nations all together, if inter- 
national economic and financial cooperation 
is to assume ever greater dimensions that 
are required for the last half of this century. 

We call upon nations — those that are now 
strong and those that are rapidly emerging 
— to join us in a renewed effort that will 
make the year ahead a notable beginning. 

Let us consider some of the specific ways 
in which we may move toward a better world 

strengthening the Adjustment Process 

I call your attention to the report of 
Working Party Three of the Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development 
and to the discussion in the report of the 
Deputies of the Group of Ten countries of the 
need for improvement in our adjustment 
process and to the concern of the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund with the effective op- 
eration of the adjustment mechanism. 

Each of these reports recognizes that the 
adjustment process needs to be improved 
and that the responsibility for adjustment 
should fall upon both deficit and surplus 

Deficit countries must make full efforts to 
balance their payments positions through 
appropriate policy mixes, depending primar- 
ily upon fiscal and monetary policy to achieve 
sustainable equilibrium. Surplus countries 
must employ their surpluses or hold them in 
forms that are consonant with the interna- 
tional interest, taking measures which will 
permit the adjustment policies adopted by 
deficit countries to work. 

It is neither the course of national eco- 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


nomic wisdom nor of international coopera- 
tion for surplus countries to use their capital 
markets as instruments for the accumulation 
of gold and other reserves beyond their 
needs. Rather they should liberalize them — 
to facilitate capital export and for the fi- 
nance of increased development assistance 
through the international institutions such 
as the World Bank and its sister banks. 

Should this not be done by the surplus 
countries and should they not also liberalize 
trade restrictions, the deficit countries, after 
making appropriate use of policies to achieve 
equilibrium, may be forced, in the event such 
policies are not fully effective, either to adopt 
overly severe domestic measures or to apply 
unduly restrictive trade, capital, and assist- 
ance policies. These are not only difficult 
choices — they hurt the world economy. 

Let us apply these principles of adjust- 
ment to the problem of development finance. 
However excellent our development assist- 
ance intentions, our ability to realize them 
will be lessened if due attention is not paid 
to the need to finance assistance in ways that 
are consistent with balance-of-payments po- 

In considering the extension of resources 
by the industrialized countries to the devel- 
oping countries, there is a tendency to think 
of the donors as surplus countries and the 
recipients as deficit countries. This is not 
always the case. Among the capital-export- 
ing countries there are countries with 
balance-of-payments deficits and countries 
with balance-of-payments surpluses. Further, 
these positions change from time to time. 

It should remain clear that the amount of 
assistance extended by donor countries 
should be determined by their capacities to 
give assistance. However, in seeking to in- 
crease these amounts to meet the growing 
needs of the developing countries, the bal- 
ance-of-payments positions of particular do- 
nor countries must be taken into account. 
The most desirable way to reconcile these 
objectives would be for donor countries with 
balance-of-payments surpluses to reduce or 
eliminate any requirements that the financ- 
ing which they provide be linked to procure- 

ment in their markets. In extreme cases, 
surplus countries might even require that 
their financing be used for procurement in 
other countries. Surplus countries might also 
take steps to enlarge greatly the access of 
international lending institutions to their 
domestic capital markets. 

Deficit donor countries have to safeguard 
their balance-of-payments positions while 
continuing to extend amounts of assistance 
commensurate with the broad criteria of aid- 
giving. It should be possible for us to devise 
imaginative methods to achieve this dual 
objective of increased aid and protection of 
balance of payments, and to this end we 
would welcome discussion among donor 
countries and with the international finan- 
cial institutions. 

Rationalizing Capital Outflows 

The recommendations of a task force of 
the U.S. Government that I was privileged to 
head in 1963 included the following: « 

The (United States) should, through appropriate 
international bodies, particularly the OECD, advo- 
cate the step-by-step relaxation of monetary, legal, 
institutional, and administrative restrictions on cap- 
ital movements, together with other actions designed 
to increase the breadth and efficiency of Free World 
capital markets. 

Unfortunately, so little progress has thus 
far been made in this area that the United 
States is forced to ask American banks and 
corporations to restrict their foreign invest- 

We still find among the most highly devel- 
oped countries of the world a widespread 
desire to run current account surpluses al- 
though these same countries are not pre- 
pared to supply capital net to the world on 
the scale that is required to finance these 
export surpluses. Many of the problems we 
face arise from this simple fact. 

We expect that the OECD will issue 
shortly a blueprint for progress in improv- 
ing capital markets abroad. We are also con- 
fident that, once the way is pointed, the 
OECD will establish procedures to assist in 
the translation of plans into action. We can 

' For background, see ibid., May 18, 1964, p. 804. 



look forward to a meaningful improvement 
in foreign capital markets that in turn will 
reduce the need for restraining measures on 
our part to guard against overdependence 
upon U.S. capital. 

Coordinating National With International Policy 

It is the responsibility of every nation so 
to conduct its internal affairs as to avoid 
weakening the international economic fabric 
upon which, in the end, we depend for our 
maximum individual and collective growth. 
The United States is keenly aware that it is 
particularly incumbent upon a reserve-cur- 
rency country to keep its economy in good 
balance so that its currency should be a de- 
pendable store of value in the resei"ves of 
other nations. 

As you know, a year ago I was able to 
report a very satisfying trend of improve- 
ment in the balance-of-payments accounts of 
the United States. But this year we have not 
been able to make a further improvement. 
To a very large extent the cause of our con- 
tinued deficit is extraordinary and tempo- 
rary': Our heavy involvement in the defense 
of freedom in Viet-Nam has directly in- 
creased our foreign exchange costs for mili- 
tary expenditures in the Far East by nearly 
$1 billion. This does not take account of the 
indirect consequences reflected in the rapid 
rate of increase in impoiis, w^hich has dimin- 
ished the trade surplus. 

In the past year sharp increases in de- 
mand, to a considerable extent also attributa- 
ble to our involvement in Viet-Nam, have 
brought under attack the fine degree of bal- 
ance among various elements of our economy 
that was maintained in the United States 
through most of the nearly 6 years of rapid 
economic growth we have enjoyed. 

Consequently, earlier this month President 
Johnson announced a program intended to 
contribute to restoring that balance in the 
United States economy. With this program 
the United States Government took a further 
step in a step-by-step use of fiscal and mone- 
tary weapons during the past year to deal 
with inflationaiy excesses in our economy as 
and where they have appeared. 

Working Party Three cited the need for 
the more active use of fiscal policy as a 
countercyclical weapon. In his message to 
the Congress of September 8, President 
Johnson pointed out that when caution signs 
became visible early in 1966, the United 
States administration and the Congress 
acted promptly through a series of five fiscal 
measures taking $10 billion of excess pur- 
chasing power out of the economy during 
this calendar year. 

The President also pointed out that re- 
sponsible fiscal policy demanded tight control 
of Federal expenditures and that this has 
been exercised through a budget that on a 
national income basis, the best measure of 
economic impact, was designed to show an 
overall surplus of about $1 billion and that 
in the first half of 1966 actually ran at an 
annual rate of $3 billion surplus. Speaking 
on September 8, the President could say that 
since January 1 the Government has taken 
in more than it spent. 

The President has placed before the Con- 
g-ress further fiscal recommendations: sus- 
pension for 16 months of special tax incen- 
tives to business plant and equipment invest- 
ment. And he has undertaken a further wide 
range of actions to reduce Federal outlays, 
including a promise to cut actual spending 
far below what has been authorized by the 
Congress where authorizations exceed the 
fiscal 1967 budget. 

The Working Party Three recommenda- 
tions called also for further improvement in 
the implementation of general monetary pol- 
icy. In the United States monetary policy 
has been used actively during the past year 
to dampen excess spending by restricting the 
availability of credit in the face of a strong 
surge in demands for credit. In the process, 
interest rates have risen to heights unprece- 
dented for 40 years. All the instruments of 
general monetary policy — open market opera- 
tions, reserve requirement changes, and dis- 
count policy — have been used during the 
past year, and most recently there have been 
innovations in their use. 

We have also been making selective use of 
both fiscal and monetary weapons as the ad- 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


justment process report likewise recom- 
mended. When the danger of excess demand 
first appeai-ed early this year, we took both 
monetary and fiscal actions designed to re- 
strain general demand. Now that excess ac- 
tivity has become centered in the area of 
business investment, the President has asked 
the Congress to enact selective restraints in 
that area by suspending special tax incen- 
tives to investment. Meanwhile, the Federal 
Reserve has adapted its discount administra- 
tion so as to intensify the pressure on banks 
to dampen loans to finance business invest- 
ment spending. And because excessive com- 
petition for savings among financial institu- 
tions was having disproportionate effects on 
some sectors of the economy, we developed 
and won congressional approval for addi- 
tional authority by the regulatory agencies 
over interest rates permissible for different 
types of deposits. 

We expect this wide-ranging, varied, and 
flexible mix of measures to exert effective 
control upon demand in the United States 
such as the Fund report for this year sug- 
gests would be desirable. We also expect it to 
succeed, because of the careful selection and 
the variety of instruments used, without 
bringing about a harmful deflation. 

At the same time. President Johnson re- 
cently declared to Congress: 

Decisions made elsewhere will influence our de- 
fense needs in Viet-Nam. Because we cannot control 
or predict these outcomes, we cannot blueprint our 
fiscal measures in the months ahead. But should addi- 
tional fiscal measures be required to preserve price 
stability and maintain sound fiscal policies, I will 
recommend them. 

Improving the World System of 
Financial and Economic Cooperation 

One of the critically important areas in 
which we can and should be moving currently 
toward a more rational world economy lies 
in improvements that can be made in the 
world system of financial cooperation. 

At the center of this system lies the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund and the truly re- 
markable network of institutions and ar- 
rangements that has been developed to work 
with or alongside the Fund in the task of in- 

ternational economic problem solving. 

One of these is the General Arrangements 
to Borrow. Another is the cooperative net- 
work of reciprocal swap facilities developed 
by the United States and a number of other 
countries that has recently been enlarged to 
a total of $4.5 billion. 

There is less certainty that we have made 
progress in the field of the composition of re- 
serves. Rising gold ratios at a time when 
supplies of new monetary gold are limited 
weaken rather than reinforce the system. 

The improvements to date in the interna- 
tional monetary system that serves the na- 
tions gathered here have been on the whole 

What is needed now is a positive advance: 
a widening of the financial channels running 
between our nations, deepening of them so 
that they can carry greater loads, and exten- 
sion of them so that they reach more directly 
into all our lands. 

For several years and in several interna- 
tional forums we have been intensely oc- 
cupied with world trading arrangements in 
recognition of the necessity of expanding the 
volume and improving the flow of world 
commerce and particularly of increasing the 
participation of the developing countries in 
this commerce. In the Kennedy Round of the 
GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade] trade negotiations, we have now en- 
tered the crucial phase of activity. 

Another aspect of the future will be a dif- 
ferent payments situation from the one that 
has prevailed in the past two decades, when 
the world's reserves have grown chiefly due 
to United States payments deficits. 

It is these deficits, chiefly, that have pro- 
vided successively to a number of countries 
the reserves which have given them the cour- 
age to liberalize their trade restrictions and 
have thus in a sense floated the great in- 
crease in world trade that has taken place in 
recent years. There is a realization that the 
world cannot look to continued U.S. payments 
deficits to supply reserves in the future on 
the scale that they have in the past without 
unacceptable risks to the stability of the in- 
ternational monetary system. So we are mov- 



ing toward equilibrium in our payments as 
fast as the unusual and temporary foreign 
exchange costs of the war in Viet-Nam will 

Such large reductions in reserves as have 
occurred have affected the reser\'e currency 
countries and those countries that had un- 
usually high reserves at the end of World 
War II. That is, where reserves were too con- 
centrated at that time, they have been redis- 
tributed. But that process, having taken 
place, cannot be expected to continue under 
noiTnal conditions; and further dispersion at 
the expense of the reserve currencies does 
not strengthen the monetary system as a 

We must also keep in mind the fact that 
changes are taking place that are greatly in- 
creasing demand for goods and services. For 
example, the world population is expanding 
at a startling rate. The world's ability to pro- 
duce and transport is rising exponentially 
due to leaping growth in our technological 
and scientific capabilities. 

Many more people wanting many more 
goods and services and increasingly able to 
earn them will require a very substantial rise 
in the world's needs for reserves. While we 
must not make the mistake of confusing 
money, the lubricant, with incomes, which 
provide the fuel for the whole economic ma- 
chine, it is equally unwise not to give proper 
care to an adequate supply and use of lubri- 

We must not let it be said that we were the 
generation of finance ministers who insisted 
that new mountains of the world's products 
could be carried to untold new millions of 
the world's people waiting and eager for 
them on an economic machine which we re- 
fused to lubricate adequately. 

On July 10, 1965, I announced that the 
United States stood ready to attend and par- 
ticipate in an international monetary confer- 
ence that would consider what steps we might 
jointly take to secure substantial improve- 
ments in international monetary arrange- 

* For text of Secretary Fowler's address at Hot 
Springs, Va., see ibid., Aug. 2, 1965, p. 209. 

Progress in the direction of better mone- 
taiy arrangements, including assurance of 
adequate reserves in the future, is our decided 
puri)ose. With each pjussing month our deter- 
mination to move in that direction has in- 
creased. The repoi-t of the Deputies of the 
Group of Ten submitted this summer, the 
action of the Ministers and Governors at The 
Hague on July 28, the address of Managing 
Director [Pierre-Paul] Schweitzer of the 
Fund, and the expressions of Governors at 
this meeting confirm our conviction that the 
time for decisive action is here. 

We stand now at the threshold of the sec- 
ond stage of our negotiations aimed at im- 
proving international monetary arrange- 
ments. This stage follows upon agreement on 
basic points of contingency planning for re- 
serve creation by the Ministers and Gover- 
nors of the Group of Ten. 

A fundamental basis of the discussions 
among the Group of Ten countries was that 
all countries have a legitimate interest in the 
adequacy of international reserves. As a con- 
sequence, it was agreed that second-stage 
discussions should include joint meetings 
with the Executive Directors of the Fund. It 
was also agreed that deliberately created re- 
serve assets, as and when needed, should te 
distributed to all members of the Fund on the 
basis of IMF quotas or of similar objective 
criteria. Reserves distributed in this manner 
would be created on the basis of a collective 
judgment of the reserve needs of the world 
as a whole and would not be either geared or 
directed to the financing of balance-of-pay- 
ments deficits of individual countries. 

I believe these are sound recommendations. 
I hope and trust that a specific plan for delib- 
erate reserve creation will emerge from this 
second stage to become the subject of action 
by the Fund Governors no later than the next 
annual meeting. 

The Burdens of Supporting Freedom 

The United States has raised a shield 
against aggression in Southeast Asia, as 
earlier in Europe and the Middle East. We 
fight there together with our Vietnamese 
friends, whose homes and lives and country 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


are threatened, and with the help of our 
allies from Australia, South Korea, and the 

The homes, the lives, and the national in- 
tegrity of every free man — of every free 
nation — in the entire world lie in the shelter 
of that shield. 

In closing, I want to refer back to the U.S. 
balance-of-i)ayments position and in this way 
pull together the threads of my speech. 

Last year our payments deficit was $1.3 
billion on a liquidity basis. This year so far 
it is running at about that same rate, de- 
spite a rapid step-up of activity in Southeast 
Asia. We have done well in the face of very 
adverse circumstances. 

If we have not made further progress in 
our balance-of-payments position this year, 
the chief reason is the foreign exchange costs 
of the shield of freedom that I have just 
been discussing. 

The United States has, at present, a net 
international payments deficit on military ac- 
count of $2.6 billion — -this is not the budget- 
ary cost but the foreign exchange drain. 

We have a net deficit on foreign aid ac- 
count, after tying, of about three-quarters of 
a billion dollars. 

The total of these two items taken together 
is about two and a half times our overall 

As I have already said, we have used fiscal 
and monetary policy to keep our domestic 
economy in an attitude of sustainable growth. 
We are prepared to do more — as and when 
needed. The President has made this very 
clear. We already have adopted some re- 
straints on capital and tightened our assist- 
ance policies to minimize the balance-of- 
payments cost of this assistance. 

My point is a simple one. 

We want, and intend, to attain balance; we 
do not intend in the future to meet the world 
reserve needs by an American deficit. The 
costs of Viet-Nam have made the task more 
difficult, to be sure. 

The question is, therefore, not "whether" 
but "how" to attain both our interim and 
longer term objectives. 

Under present circumstances there are 
three broad possibilities. 

We can apply general and selective meas- 
ures that shrink the net flow of dollars to the 
rest of the world without any conscious geo- 
graphical selection; that is, wherever these 
measures happen to impinge. This course, we 
suspect, is likely to mean that in the first in- 
stance a number of developing countries and 
deficit countries would feel the first impact 
in a shrinkage of their dollar receipts or their 
ability to command real resources, or both. 
Only at a later stage would the needed ad- 
justment of the persistent surplus countries 
take place, as a result of the effect of this 
shrinkage in the purchasing power of the in- 
termediate countries on the hard core of the 
world's imbalances in these surplus countries. 

The second course would' be to tailor our 
measures to the maximum extent possible to 
concentrate the adjustment on surplus coun- 
tries. Measures that affect capital outflow 
could in large degree be so directed. Indeed, 
our voluntary restraints on capital repre- 
sented a first, albeit cautious, step in this 
direction, as did the interest equalization tax. 
But as economic as this course would seem 
to be, it is not without problems, as you well 

Finally, there is the possibility that the 
burden of adjustment might be shared in a 
more positive way with the surplus countries. 
By this I mean that the surplus countries 
would follow more active, instead of passive, 
policies in their pursuit of equilibrium. I say 
this although quite aware that such a course 
is not without difficulty for the major sur- 
plus countries. But I say this nevertheless be- 
cause it is clear to me that this course is the 
most efficient, if not the only, means of taking 
into full account all aspects of the relation- 
ship of the pursuit of equilibrium to the total 
objectives of a rational world economic order. 

The answer to this question as to how the 
objectives are to be attained is not one for 
the United States alone to answer. How it 
will be answered depends on the composite 
result of our own effoi"ts and the policies of 
other countries, particularly the countries in 



persistent surplus. Measures taken by the 
deficit countries might have to be quite 
drastic if surplus countries follow, whether 
by design or othenvise, policies that tend to 
preserve these surpluses. 

Here, as elsewhere, it is our hope that we 
can continue to seek solutions through close 
and rational cooi)eration, both in the interim 
period and in the longer run. We seek a world 
in which nations work and consult together, 
understand each other's capacities for action, 
and allow their policies to fit together. A 
combined forward thrust is the desideratujn 
— indeed it is a necessity — if our combined 
resources and efforts are to meet the im- 
l)ressive demands of the years and decade 


I am gratified that the Governors of the 
International Monetary Fund have supported 
proposals for broadening and intensifying 
negotiations on the deliberate creation of 
international reserves. 

Practically all the Governors who ad- 
dressed the meeting endorsed the creation of 
a contingency plan to make this possible, 
with outright opposition from only two 
countries — France and Chad. 

I am also pleased that IMF Managing Di- 
rector Schweitzer recommended a series of 
joint meetings of the Executive Directors 
of the International Monetary Fund and the 
Deputies of the Group of Ten to develop 
solutions of this problem. 

This second stage of negotiations would 
include representation of the full member- 
ship of the International Monetary Fund. 
Support for it came both from countries out- 
side the Group of Ten and the members of 
the Group of Ten who reaffirmed on Sunday 
their recommendations made earlier, in July 
at The Hague. 

In my remarks at this annual meeting I 
stressed the need for a greater sense of 
urgency and determination in pushing ne- 
gotiations to a successful conclusion and I 

expressed the hope of completing the devel- 
o])ment of a specific contingency i)lan for 
deliberate resei-ve creation in time for the 
next annual meeting. 

I repeat the commendation I made in that 
speech of the emphasis and the of 
urgency expressed in a recent report of the 
Subcommittee on International Exchange 
and Payments of the Joint Economic Com- 
mittee of the U.S. Congress concerning ne- 
gotiations and enhanced international co- 
operation in the field of aid, trade, 
international monetary reform, and the bet- 
ter working of the adjustment process in the 
inteiTiational balance of payments. 

During this IMF meeting, in a series of 
informal conferences which I held with the 
Fund Governors from Africa-Asia, Latin 
America, and other non-Group of Ten coun- 
tries, I have discovered very wide support 
for strengthening and improving interna- 
tional monetary arrangements. 

With reference to suggestions by Presi- 
dent Woods of the World Bank and many 
Governors that development assistance 
should be increased, I would emphasize the 
readiness of the United States to participate 
in an expansion of the resources of the In- 
ternational Development Association on a 
basis that takes account of the balance-of- 
payments situations of the i)rincipal donor 
countries. I call upon donor countries enjoy- 
ing balance-of-payments surpluses to devote 
these surpluses in greater measure to de- 
velopment financing, as an important aspect 
of strengthening the international monetaiy 
system as a whole. 


Press release 226 dated September 29 

Last Monday in this hall, the President of 
the World Bank made a forceful but disturb- 
ing speech. He pointed out that develop- 
ment, instead of proceeding at the faster 
pace at which it was capable, was "threat- 
ened by a serious loss of momentum." 

' Mr. Ball's resig^iation from the Department of 
State was effective September 30. 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


Assistance from public sources as a propor- 
tion of the income of the industriahzed coun- 
tries had, he noted, continued to decHne for 
the fifth successive year. 

This was a warning we should all take to 
heart. During the past few years not all 
trends have been favorable. While some of 
the developing nations have made great and 
heartening progress, others have lagged. 
Overall, the rate of economic growth is rela- 
tively high — but not high enough to meet the 
vast needs of the developing countries or to 
fulfill the objectives to which we are all com- 
mitted. A kind of pause approaching a 
malaise has set in. Yet our economic and 
technological capacity to promote develop- 
ment has never been as high. 

One can argue, on the basis of historical 
experience, that we are not doing too badly 
when national output among the rich and 
poor countries alike is growing at an aver- 
age rate of between 4 and 5 percent a year. 
Sustained growth — let alone gi-owth of this 
magnitude — is a relatively recent phenome- 
non. It was not until the time of Louis XIV 
that some West European countries suc- 
ceeded in breaking through the limitations 
of a static productivity. And it was not until 
the industrial revolution in the 1800's that 
nations began to achieve consistent increases 
in their per capita income. 

Even in highly industrialized countries, 
the growth rate during the hundred years 
before the Second World War averaged no 
more than 3 percent a year. It was half that 
in per capita terms after taking into account 
the population increase. At this relatively 
low level, moreover, economic growth was an 
uncertain and, to some extent, a haphazard 

But this is no longer very relevant, for a 
qualitative change has taken place over the 
past two decades. Today virtually every 
country is committed to economic growth as 
a major goal of national policy, and the re- 
sources of science, of government, and of 
research are put to its service. For many 
countries, and especially those newly 
emerged into statehood, economic growth 

has become the critical measure of national 
worth and performance. 

This systematic approach to economic de- 
velopment has been one element contributing 
to the higher increases in national output 
that we see today. Another has been an 
awakened sense of responsibility on the part 
of the industrialized nations. Yet we seem 
now to have reached a new plateau that is 
not high enough. We must prepare for more 
extensive efforts in the years ahead. 

During these proceedings and in past 
meetings of the Bank the main impediments 
to development have been quite thoroughly 
canvassed. There is a shortage of resources 
in a real sense and not merely in theoretical 
terms. More investment capital, both ex- 
ternal and internal, could be put to efi'ective 
use in the developing countries. Accumu- 
lated external debt and rising external serv- 
ice charges are holding back many develop- 
ing countries. Trade policy and development 
prospects are closely interrelated and 
progress must be made on both fronts. 
Demography is a brooding omnipresence 
over the whole development process; we must 
get on with initiatives to reduce population 
growth and we must put heavier emphasis on 
food and agricultural development. 

All these points are valid and central to 
the problem, and if I do not dwell on them 
it is because they have already received sub- 
stantial notice in our discussions. 

Technology and Development 

Today I shall touch briefly on a less 
familiar issue: the relation between tech- 
nology and development. The significance of 
this relation is well enough known but its 
practical consequences are largely uncharted 
territory. Yet the possibilities for economic 
growi;h are almost unlimited if we have the 
wit, the reason, and the resolution to put the 
new science to its service. For in every 
scientific field — in pure mathematics, physics, 
in biology — progress is moving at a geo- 
metric ratio. 

Most important perhaps for economic de- 
velopment is the progress in computers. The 



revolution in the design and use of these 
new instruments is only in its infancy. Yet 
its effects may prove as profound as those of 
the industrial revolution. 

The industrial revolution extended the 
reach of the human hand. The computer ex- 
tends the reach of the human brain. It can 
store vast quantities of infomiation for 
ready retrieval. It can organize that infor- 
mation, correlate it, and generalize from it. 
It can absorb data as events occur, monitor 
those events, and control them. It can gov- 
ern chemical plants, program the precise 
motions that a cutting instrument must fol- 
low to produce complex machine tools. It 
operates with fantastic speed. 

The computer can hold within its grasp 
the model of an entire economy, and it can 
follow through the implications of proposed 
policy changes. It is a powerful tool for 
science, for government, for business, and 
for research in everj' field. Moreover, it 
interacts with man. It stretches human 
reason and intuition much as microscopes 
and telescopes extend human vision. New 
concepts are born because nothing is too 
complicated to think about. 

Computer Training and Services 

The implications of this revolution are 
clear. The rate of scientific and technological 
advance is accelerating; the rate of economic 
growth could accelerate with it. Mastery of 
the computer will greatly enhance the pace, 
the prospects, and the scope of technological 

What can we then do to bring the develop- 
ing countries more rapidly into the techno- 
logical revolution that is already at hand? 

It is neither necessary nor desirable that 
developing countries should become techno- 
logical facsimiles of the advanced countries. 
But it is both necessary and desirable for 
them to begin now to train men and women 
to understand, to operate, and to adapt the 
powerful and revolutionarj' tools of our new 
era. For these new tools have many uses 
relevant to development. They can be used 
in planning transportation systems, in re- 

ducing cost and increasing output, in 
weather and crop forecasting, in medical 
diagnosis, in education — indeed, in every 
facet of what we may call the programing 
of economic development. 

Far more is at stake than training, or re- 
search, or better technical services, im- 
portant and worthwhile as each of these ob- 
jectives are. We must make it possible for 
the developing countries to become i)artners 
themselves in the interaction of ideas and 
innovations. This process knows no national 
boundaries, and the membership in the club 
should be made as wide as possible. The par- 
ticipation of the developing countries will 
vitally afi'ect their ability to manage their 
own economic destiny and to maintain their 
economic freedom. Their partnership may 
become increasingly essential to the develop- 
ment of a politically healthy community of 

I hope that the Bank, which has never 
been afraid of new ideas, can give special 
attention to this problem. It may be possible 
to organize computer centers on a regional 
basis to provide both training and service. 
Such computer centers could be linked to 
existing regional institutes of research and 
technology. Alternatively, they might become 
the core around which regional research 
institutes and other regional economic activi- 
ties could develop. If the Bank should de- 
velop a program in this field, the United 
States Government would be prepared to 
cooperate through its own aid program in 
support of this effort. 

IMeeting New and Emerging Needs 

We turn naturally to the Bank with pro- 
posals of this kind since innovation is cen- 
tral to the Bank's business. The Bank has 
had tw^o decades of experience in develop- 
ment during which it has acquired valuable 
skills and insights. It has worked in every 
area of development. It has pioneered in 
many. It has created two afliliates, estab- 
lished an economic development institute, 
sent missions throughout the developing 
world, brought donor countries and assist- 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


ance programs into consortia, consultative 
groups, and coordinating groups, helped to 
organize regional banks; and it is currently 
inaugurating the Center for the Settlement 
of Investment Disputes. 

The Bank has taken those initiatives to 
meet new and emerging needs. And my Gov- 
ernment is prepared more and more to coor- 
dinate its own programs with those de- 
veloped by the Bank. About 85 percent of 
United States development lending to Asia 
and Africa now moves under programs coor- 
dinated by the Bank through consortia and 
consultative groups. 

We look to the Bank to flash danger sig- 
nals and bring the critical issues into sharp 
focus. As we learn more about the develop- 
ment process we will need the Bank's guid- 
ance and prodding to shift development pri- 
orities and to use new methods and new 

We look to the Bank, for example, to pro- 
vide leadership in the field of agriculture and 
rural development. It is essential to make up 
for past years of neglect by placing special 
emphasis on agriculture if we are to avert 
famine in the developing world. And there 
is growing evidence that greater investment 
in the rural sector — unorthodox as some of 
these investments may be — can make most 
effective use of idle resources, provide an 
area of rational import saving, and in gen- 
eral increase the overall rate of growth. 

We look to the Bank to encourage the de- 
veloping countries to establish regional and 
subregional organizations that can lead over 
time to more extensive soundly based eco- 
nomic integration. They need the economies 
of scale, the benefits of specialization, and 
the spur of competition that larger markets 
make possible. The tentative efforts being 
made in this direction on every continent 
need the encouragement and support of the 
regional banks and the World Bank group. 
Here again we should not be afraid of unor- 
thodox methods if they are based on sound 
economic principles. 

We look to the Bank to help the develop- 
ing countries expand their export receipts 
and diversify their economies so as to free 

themselves from excessive dependence on 
commodities in chronic oversupply. The 
Bank's participation is essential to the coffee 
diversification studies now under way. Its 
help will be equally critical to encourage the 
new diversification and development features 
now being built into the International Cof- 
fee Agreement. This also is pioneer territory 
of great potential significance to the overall 
development effort. 

Aid Transfers and Liquidity 

The Bank has accumulated unique skills 
in the development field; but, as President 
Woods has pointed out, it must have access 
to the financial resources necessary to use 
them. The Bank staff and management have 
the talent and the imagination to do the job 
but the donor countries must provide the 
necessary financial resources. They must 
widen their capital markets to accommodate 
the Bank's regular bond issues and they must 
contribute resources for the IDA. 

Last July the President of the Bank sent 
each of the Part I countries a memorandum 
outlining his proposal for the replenishment 
of IDA at a new and significantly higher 
level than in the first replenishment. These 
resources are needed for many reasons: the 
heavy burden of debt service in the develop- 
ing countries, the pressure of population 
growth, the uncertainties in the growth of 
their export earnings, the leveling off of 
bilateral aid, and the hardening of aid terms 
as interest rates rise. 

Nor can there be any doubt regarding the 
effective use of this development capital. The 
same exacting standards of self-help and per- 
formance that have for 20 years governed 
Bank loans are applicable equally to IDA 

The industrial countries, by virtue of the 
size and vigorous growth of their economies, 
have the capacity for a positive response to 
this need. What is required is the will. 

Yet I must say one word at this point con- 
cerning the balance of payments of donor 
countries and its effect on aid transfer 
arrangements. Certainly it would be unwise 
to add to the mounting debt burden of bor- 



rowing: countries; but it could be equally un- 
wise to increase the balance-of-payments 
drain on donor nations in external deficit. 

Such nations can be expected to transfer 
real resources — the industrial materials, the 
capital equipment and tlie services that the 
developing countries need — and they can be 
expected to effect an increased part of this 
transfer through the World Bank group. But 
no nation when it is confronted with a seri- 
ous balance-of-pa.\Tnents deficit can afford to 
see the funds it transfers work their way 
through the international monetary circuit 
and end up in a gold drain, an increase in 
its payments deficit — and ultimately pressure 
to adopt restrictive domestic policies. 

Surely aid transfers should not be so man- 
aged as to result in contraction of world 
liquidity and world output. The contraiy 
should be the case. It should be possible — 
and indeed it is essential — to devise satis- 
factory arrangements that will permit 
donors in balance-of-payments deficit to 
make their proper contributions to IDA 
without further unbalancing their external 

This point is critical to the position of my 
countiy. The United States is prepared to 
increase its contribution to IDA substantially 
provided that other Paii; I members agree 
to cany an appropriate share of the burden 
of replenishment. But we must be assured 
of suitable arrangements to deal with the 
transfer problem. We look to the Bank to 
take the lead in shaping proposals to this 

Pioneering Work In Development 

We celebrate this year two decades of 
work by the Bank. They have been decades 
of steady accumulation of skill and experi- 
ence. They have been exjierimental decades 
marked by great changes in development 
priorities and by solidly based pioneering 

At the close of its first 10 years, almost 
half the Bank's portfolio consisted of out- 
standing loans to industrial countries. This 
year the portfolio testifies to the Bank's al- 
most exclusive and proper concern with the 
developing countries. And it vindicates the 
wisdom of the process, for it shows the ex- 
tent to which the Bank's one-time borrowers 
have become its full-fledged lenders. 

During the first decade, the Bank's funds 
went almost entirely to infrastructure invests 
ments — power, railroads, and port facilities. 
Now the use of these funds is more diversi- 
fied and includes investments in agriculture, 
education, and technology. 

The Bank family has reached the point 
where it is able to invest over $1 billion a 
year, more than three times the level of a 
decade ago. It is a thoroughly professional 
operation that accords with 20th-century 
concepts of human dignity and human better- 

Over the next decade we will depend more 
and more on the Bank's expert knowledge, 
its ideas, and its capital. The Bank has dem- 
onstrated that it has the competence to re- 
spond to these needs. It is for all of us to 
make sure that it has the resoui'ces to do so. 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


Free Asia 

by U. Alexis Johnson 

Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs ' 

It is a pleasure to be here today to talk to 
you about free Asia, the problems that we 
face, and the progress that is being made 
there. For behind the glare of headlines from 
Viet-Nam an increasing number of construc- 
tive developments elsewhere in free Asia are 
taking shape. I thus want today to take a 
broad look with you at the Asian picture, to 
discuss our basic interest there, and outline 
some of the constructive developments that 
are taking place. 

It may seem trite to say that our basic 
interest in Asia is served, as it is elsewhere in 
the world, by a community of independent 
states freely cooperating together and with 
us for common purposes. However, I do not 
consider this often repeated phrase just 
rhetoric, but rather the very foundation and 
strength of our policy. 

I have often told foreign audiences that we 
recognize that each country's foreign policy, 
including our own, is in the last analysis de- 
termined by its own estimate of its own self- 
interest. This is as it should be, for it is out 
of overlapping self-interests, that is, common 
interests, that sound self-respecting relations 
between states are built. They are not built 
on the shifting sands of sentiment and emo- 
tion. Especially they are not built on the con- 
cept of gratuitous aid or assistance, with 
their implications of inferiority and su- 

Thus, in dealing with foreign groups and 

' Address made before the Far East-America 
Council of Commerce and Industry, Inc., at New 
York, N.Y., on Oct. 4 (press release 231). 

officials I prefer to talk in terms of "coop- 
eration" for common purposes with each of 
us contributing within our capabilities and 
means. This is a self-respecting relationship 
for both parties. It does not require self- 
debasing expressions of "gratitude" on their 
part, but rather enables them to take pride 
in a relationship of equality. Also, I feel this 
concept happens to have the value of being 
true. I wish that we could talk more in these 
terms even among ourselves, for it would 
save much controversy and confusion of 
thought about what we tend to call our aid 

As far as the Far East is concerned, there 
are increasing indications of a realization 
that, when we say we are seeking a commu- 
nity of truly independent states, we really 
mean it. To my mind this is the fundamental 
strength of our position as opposed to that 
of Peking. The developing nations increas- 
ingly realize that their aims of nationalism 
and independence are not compatible with 
communism. This is not because all Commu- 
nists are at heart evil men, but because the 
very nature of the system requires central 
direction and control. 

On the other hand, we can live in a world 
of competing nationalisms much more easily 
than can Peking or even Moscow. While com- 
peting nationalisms have presented and will 
continue to present their problems to us, our 
basic national interest can be well sei'ved if 
other countries are not serving the interests 
of those who have the will and ability to do 
us harm. I feel that it is a notable and en- 
couraging fact that, of the more than 50 free 



countries that have become independent 
since the end of the Second World War, thus 
far not a single one has chosen communism 
for itself. Some have at times seemed to have 
hovered on the brink but, as in the most re- 
cent cases of Indonesia and Ghana, they 
draw back fix)m takinjr the irrevei-sible 
plunge. Thus, I feel that we can have confi- 
dence that the kind of a world that we say 
we want and are seeking- is more compatible 
with the fundamental aspirations of most of 
mankind than is the world of Peking. 

However, the word "community" is of 
equal importance with the word "inde- 
pendent" in the phrase "community of inde- 
pendent nations." This means a recognition 
of wider common interests and a cooperating 
together to achieve those interests rather 
than the anarchy of egocentric nationalisms. 
It is to be expected that the vigorous na- 
tionalistic assertion of independence will 
come first, as it did with our own countiy, 
and only following that will there be the 
gro^^'th of a sense of community. 

Related to all of this is of course the prob- 
lem of internal political and economic de- 
velopment; that is, the establishment and 
gro\\i;h of some foi*m of institutional frame- 
work and public attitude that will provide a 
government structure that in a reasonable 
degree has what our forefathers called the 
"consent of the governed" and which will 
organize the economy in a reasonably effec- 
tive fashion. 

Progress of Free Countries of Asia 

Viewed against the foregoing tests, how 
are things going in the Far East? 

\\'hile there have been and will continue to 
be many problems, to which I will refer later, 
I feel that we are entitled to take a consid- 
erable degree of confidence from what has 
thus far been accomplished out there. As the 
TV advertisement says, "We must have been 
doing something right." 

First, how are the free countries of Asia 
doing in establishing their political and eco- 
nomic structure? The picture of course has 
its dark areas and its bright areas, but I know 
of no free area that I would call black. Let us 

first briefly note some of the bright areas. 

I suppose most of us would list Japan as 
the brightest of all. Its phenomenal postwar 
record is of course primarily due to the 
genius of the Japanese people themselves, but 
I feel that we Americans are entitled to take 
some credit for helping them lay the base dur- 
ing the occupation period and, equally im- 
portant, for the peace settlement which was 
properly called "a treaty of reconciliation." 
This, I feel, was one of our acts of truly great 
statesmanship in the postwar period. 

Somewhat less noted, but to my mind al- 
most equally encouraging, has been what 
could now be called a "takeoff" of South 
Korea, both in the economic and political 
spheres. Out of the political tuiTnoil which 
understandably followed the ouster of Presi- 
dent [Syngman] Rhee, Korea has now 
emerged into a period of increasing political 
maturity and stability. Preparations are 
under way for new elections to be held a year 
from now. It now appears that the election 
\\ill be strongly and responsibly contested. 
Ten years ago one could scarcely have 
imagined such a development in that country. 

On the economic side, Korea has emerged 
from a period of economic stagnation and 
despair following the Korean War to achieve 
a GNP grovHh rate of 9 percent each year 
since 1963. As another example, its exports 
have increased over 10 times in 7 years, going 
from only $15 million in 1958 to $180 mil- 
lion in 1965. As Ambassador [Winthrop G.] 
Brown was saying to me the other day, per- 
haps equally important is the whole change 
in atmosphere that has taken place in the 
past few years. An attitude of pessimism 
and importuning for help has been replaced 
by an attitude of pride and "come see what 
we are doing." 

Moving south, the economic record in Tai- 
wan has also been notable. In the last 10 
years its per capita income has increased al- 
most 50 percent, and in the last 5 years its 
exports have approximately tripled. Our eco- 
nomic assistance program was entirely ter- 
minated at the end of the last fiscal year. 

On the political side in Taiwan, the Chi- 
nese from the mainland and the Taiwanese 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


have been gradually finding an accommoda- 
tion and are reaching a more meaningful re- 
lationship with one another, with the Tai- 
wanese assuming an increasing role in the 
administration of the island. 

The Philippines is one of only two or three 
former colonial countries stretching from 
Taiwan to Morocco which can boast of having 
changed its government by means of peace- 
ful elections, and certainly the only one to 
have done so three times. I feel we are en- 
titled to take some pride that in this former 
colony of ours pro- Americanism is apparently 
still generally considered to be a political 

Thailand, along with Japan, enjoys the 
great advantage of never having been colo- 
nized and having a respected monarchial in- 
stitution that provides a focus of loyalty for 
the nation. Its record since 1958 demonstrates 
that the lack of a constitutional structure and 
the domination of a government by men in 
uniform is less important than the attitudes 
and achievements of the governing group. 
What some would term a military govern- 
ment in Thailand has been able to avoid re- 
pression and achieve a remarkably high de- 
gree of "consent of the governed" while pur- 
suing progressive economic policies. Thailand 
has also produced Foreign Minister Thanat 
Khoman, who has emerged as a leader of 
truly all-Asian dimensions. 

I will not at this stage take time to discuss 
Burma, Cambodia, Malaysia, Singapore, and 
Laos, except to say that there are those who 
have since 1954 been saying that "we are 
losing Laos," but, for the moment putting 
aside the role of the Ho Chi Minh trail in the 
Vietnamese war, the internal situation in 
Laos itself is no worse and is in some ways 
better than it was 12 years ago. 

I have left Indonesia and Viet-Nam to the 
last. The reversal of the Communist tide in 
the great country of Indonesia, with its 100 
million population, has been an event that 
will probably rank along with the Vietnam- 
ese war as perhaps the most historic turn- 
ing point of Asia in this decade. It has been 
accompanied by a great loss of life and blood- 
shed, and difficult political and economic 

problems remain. The upheaval appears to 
have been essentially a recognition by Indo- 
nesian nationalism of the fact that Commu- 
nist domination was not compatible with true 

Now, happily, Indonesia is looking to a re- 
sumption of life in the international commu- 
nity with its new links to U.N. agencies, its 
membership in the U.N. itself, and its close 
collaboration with the IMF [International 
Monetaiy Fund] and IBRD [International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development]. 
Indonesia and its creditors recently decided 
in Tokyo that the U.S.S.R. should be invited 
to participate in future reexaminations of 
Indonesia's debt problems and problems fac- 
ing Indonesia in bringing about its economic 
stabilization and development. Neither we 
nor Indonesia are pressing for one or another 
specific orientation in Indonesia's foi-eign 
policy. Dedication to peace and world order is 
sufficient basis for developing friendly and 
constructive ties between the United States 
and Indonesia— and between Indonesia and 
other peace-loving countries. 

The elections last month in Viet-Nam mark 
a most encouraging point in the political de- 
velopment of that war-torn countiy. It took 
real courage and confidence to try to carry 
out elections in that country during the midst 
of a savage war. The results confounded the 
pessimists and surprised even the optimists. 
For more than 5 million persons to register to 
vote out of a possible total voting population 
throughout the entire country of probably 
around 7i/o million, and for more than 80 per- 
cent of those who registered to have voted in 
the face of Viet Cong threats and armed 
efi'orts to sabotage the elections, should once 
and for all set to rest whatever doubts there 
may have been with regard to the attitudes 
of the overwhelming majority of the Viet- 
namese people toward the Viet Cong and the 
so-called National Liberation Front. 

I now turn to the question of "communi- 
ties" of Asian nations. Our policy has con- 
sistently been to favor such communities and 
we have recognized that, to have any via- 
bility, the thrust must come from within the 
countries themselves. Engaged in their own 



internal problems, wracked by their historical 
animosities, separated l)y their deep religious, 
racial, and cultural differences, and with com- 
petitive economies heavily tied to Western 
countries, it is not suri)rising: that regional 
consciousness has been slow to develop. How- 
ever, there has been a series of notable de- 
velopments occurring- — particularly during 
the past year — that are worth noting and 
which mark important first steps. 

The first and most important was the set^ 
tlement between Korea and Japan under 
which those two countries have now moved 
from sterile contention to productive coopera- 
tion in both the economic and the political 

Another fundamental development was the 
agreement on the founding of the Asian De- 
veloi^ment Bank. This Bank, of which the ma- 
jority of the capital is subscribed by Far East 
countries themselves, is impoi-tant not only 
in and of itself, but it can form the nucleus 
around which can be grouped a wide range 
of economic development projects of interest 
and benefit to various groupings of Asian 
states. It will be located in Manila, and the 
leading candidate for its first president is a 
distinguished Japanese economist. 

Another encouraging development has been 
the reactivation of the Association of 
Southeast Asia (ASA), again bringing to- 
gether Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philip- 
pines, with the expectation that Indonesia 
may also participate. With "confrontation" 
ended, promising possibilities open up for 
joint ventures, liberalization of trade, and 
that relief from anxiety that is a precondition 
for constructive community building. 

This spring there was in Tokyo a meeting 
on economic development in which cabinet 
ministers from all Far Eastern states except 
Burma participated and during the course of 
which Japan pledged to increase its foreign 
assistance from i/o percent to 1 percent of its 
gross national product. 

In mid-June the Foreign Ministers from 
nine Far Eastern states met in Seoul under 
the name of "The Asian and Pacific Con- 
ference." They established machinery for the 
continuation of their objective of strengthen- 

ing solidarity and cooperation among them- 
selves, for what they teiTn safeguarding their 
national indei)endence and integrity and de- 
veloping their national economies. 

Except for the cajjital subscription of non- 
regional memljers of the Asian Bank, all 
these developments have been solely by and 
for the free Asian countries themselves. 
Thus, I feel that we can take some encourage- 
ment from these early steps to establish a 
true "community" of free Asian countries. 
We have nothing to fear from such a develop- 
ment, which can only encourage and hasten 
the day when the area can shape its own fu- 
ture with less direct military and economic 
suiiport from the United States. In all of this, 
one of the most encouraging factors is the de- 
gree to which Japan is assuming, and the 
other countries are accepting, its increasing 

It is also remarkable that, during these 
years of political and military strife in South- 
east Asia, the four countries of South Viet- 
Nam, Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand have 
continued to meet and cooperate together in 
the work of the Mekong River Coordinating 

The direct contributions by the SEATO 
membei-s — Australia, New Zealand, Thai- 
land, and the Philippines — together with the 
contributions of Korea, to the defense of 
South Viet-Nam are also major recognition 
of the community of interest of these Far 
Eastern countries. Incidentally, on the basis 
of population, the Korean force contribution 
to South Viet-Nam will soon be even greater 
proportionately than our own. 

The Overwhelming Fact of Communist China 

On the other side of the coin, and a large 
factor in the Far East, is the ovei-w^helming 
fact of Communist China. I would like to note 
a few elements in the situation. 

First, on the economic side, the disastrous 
failure of the "great leap forward" and 
China's slow recovery from its excesses, as 
compared with the creditable perfoiTnances 
of the economies of most of the free Asian 
countries, have, I believe, long since dispelled 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


in the area the notion that Peking holds any 
special key to rapid economic development. 
Our best and most objective judgment is that, 
although there have been great improvements 
in distribution and the development of a lim- 
ited capability to produce modern machinery 
and military goods, Communist China is one 
of the very few countries in the world in 
which there has been no increase in i^er 
capita gross national product during the last 
10 years. 

Politically, Peking is faced with uncer- 
tainty as to how to proceed in the face of a 
major series of setbacks internationally over 
the last few years. It stands in growing isola- 
tion even within the international Communist 
movement. Its own population, including ma- 
jor elements of the Chinese Communist 
Party itself, is exhibiting increasing skepti- 
cism as to the validity and effectiveness of its 
ideological prescriptions for China's ills. The 
tumultuous activities of the young Red 
Guards in mainland China — who appear to 
have dedicated themselves at the behest of 
some of Peking's leaders to the destruction 
of not only all foreign influences but of the 
survivals of Chinese culture and traditions — 
have shocked most of the world, as well as 
much of China's own population. 

All these indications appear to be symbolic 
of fundamental changes in process within 
Communist China whose outcome it is still 
far too early to predict. These changes could 
ultimately result in a mere reaffirmation of 
Peking's past policies. But they might also 
lead to basic shifts in Peking's positions — 
either in the direction of moderation or of 
even greater militancy. 

This is above all a period in which we in 
the United States must watch developments 
in Cormnunist China with great care, main- 
taining the maximum flexibility in our poli- 
cies and reactions, and being prepared to 
move to respond appropriately to signs of 
change in Peking's policies — either for the 
better or the worse. Nothing would be more 
welcomed by the American Government and 
people than an opportunity to renew the 
bonds of friendship with the people of main- 
land China. It has been China's policies and 

leaders who have consistently rejected such 
a reconciliation on grounds of doctrine and 

The United States has no intention of 
abandoning its friends and allies. But neither 
will it flag in its efforts to join with any coun- 
try which is prepared to work with good will 
and sincerity toward the goal of peace, sta- 
bility, prosperity, and security for all the na- 
tions of Asia. In the long term, this goal can- 
not be realized without the cooperation of 
mainland China. We would hope that the 
great Chinese people will ultimately recog- 
nize that this is also in their true interest. 

It is my own conviction that the outcome 
in Viet-Nam cannot but have a major and 
perhaps decisive influence on this question. 
The outcome in Viet-Nam will materially 
affect whether there will be a Communist 
China convinced of the correctness of its doc- 
trine of violence, surrounded by neighbors 
convinced of the invincibility of Chinese ex- 
pansionism, or a China looking more inward 
toward its own problems, and accepting a 
doctrine of "live and let live." In this sense I 
feel that Viet-Nam could well be regarded 
not just in the negative sense of demonstrat- 
ing an ability to resist aggression, but rather 
in a positive sense of an opportunity to influ- 
ence all of the Far East, including Commu- 
nist China itself. 

Japan's Constructive Role 

Another development that I would call to 
your attention is the increasing emergence 
of Japan into a role of constructive leadership 
and responsibility in Asia. Japan's growing 
contribution to the goals of free Asia, its 
technical and managerial talents, its political 
skill and influence as an Asian nation, and its 
great economic resources can make a real 
difference in the speed and success with 
which Asia moves toward conditions of peace 
and prosperity. 

Japan's new role in world affairs, with par- 
ticular focus on Asia, is still not clearly 
formed. The Japanese people are now in the 
pi'ocess of considering, in effect, the nature 
and direction of their national policies in 
coming generations. They and their leaders 



are discussing the direction of their economic 
policies, the magnitude of their commitment 
to less-developed Asian nations, the future 
security role that they will wish to develop 
for Japan, and other questions of funda- 
mental national policy. 

These questions are for the Japanese peo- 
ple to consider, as they are doing-, and to 
reach their own conclusions about the road 
ahead for Japan. Our role in this progressive 
debate in Japan is simply that of a friendly 
and sympathetic partner hoping our policies 
will continue to complement each other for 
our mutual goals. In our relationship with 
Japan we of course seek to maintain the 
extraordinarily high level of trade, our close 
and constant consultation with the Japanese 
Government on common problems, and our 
cooperation on the international stage in the 
pursuit of the basic goals we both seek. We 
are very serious about this partnership con- 
cept, and I myself would hope that, as Japan 
moves out in world affairs, we would be able 
to work toward a relationship with Japan in 
the Pacific comparable to our relationship 
with the United Kingdom in the Atlantic. 

I will say only a word on Taiwan and its 
relationship to our policy on Communist 
China. To those who say that we should 
change our policy in this respect or that re- 
spect with regard to Communist China or 
that we should do this or that with respect 
to Communist China in the United Nations, I 
reply that you cannot ignore the question 
of Taiwan, or say that it should just be put 
aside. This is not because we say so but be- 
cause Peking says so. We are bound to the 
Government of the Republic of China by 
treaty obligations. These are defensive. Pei'- 
sons advocating a change in policy must say 
what they would do with respect to Taiwan. 
They either have to say that they accept 
Peking's position that this is an "internal 
problem" which Peking is entitled to settle 
in any way it desires — including the use 
of force, without any outside interference — 

or that they do not accept Peking's position. 
As Dean Rusk often puts it, our experience 
is that when you say you are not willing 
entirely to accept the Chinese Communist 
position, "Peking hangs up the telephone." 

While Indonesia has freed itself from the 
threat of Communist control, the process of 
national construction is going to be long and 
hard. The natural wealth of Indonesia ex- 
ceeds that of any other free country of Asia, 
and the potentials are very large. An encour- 
aging factor is that the emerging leadership 
there seems to recognize the problems and 
the necessity of tackling them. Another en- 
couraging aspect is the degree to which 
Japan has been taking leadership in assist- 
ing Indonesia in tackling these problems. 

I am convinced that none of these problem 
areas, including that of Viet-Nam, is insolu- 
ble. As far as Viet-Nam is concerned, I am 
convinced that when Hanoi is persuaded that 
our patience and detennination are no less 
than theirs a peaceful resolution can be 
brought about. The major part of our job is 
to convince Hanoi of this fact. Our attitudes 
and actions here in the United States are at 
least as important in this regard as what our 
men are doing on the battlefield in Viet- 

I am also convinced that, while we have in 
the past and undoubtedly will in the future 
make tactical mistakes, the broad lines of our 
policy are fundamentally sound, and we can 
have confidence that we are running with the 
tide of histoiy, a tide favoring a community 
of free and independent states in Asia. This 
does not mean that there are not going to 
continue to be difficulties that will call for 
sacrifice on our part, for difficulties and sacri- 
fice are always associated with any great 
human endeavor. However, it does mean that 
these sacrifices are not in vain. It does mean 
that we should continue to have confidence in 
those principles that have made us great, and 
faith in those standards that have contributed 
to what we may have of goodness. 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


Panorama of Challenge and Response in Latin America 

by Lincoln Gordon 

Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs * 

I speak to you as colleagues, not because I 
have any professional connection with the 
world of journalism but because you gentle- 
men of the fourth estate are more than ever 
involved in the shaping of foreign policy and 
international relationships. 

To some degree, this has always been true. 
Thackeray wrote of the press more than a 
hundred years ago: 

There she is — the great engine — she never sleeps. 
She has her ambassadors in every quarter of the 
world — her courtiers upon every road. Her officers 
march along wdth armies, and her envoys walk into 
statesmen's cabinets. They are ubiquitous. 

And as James Reston points out in his arti- 
cle in July's Foreign Affairs: 

The eighteenth-century American pamphleteers not 
only helped write the Constitution but thought — 
with considerable justification — that they created the 
union. They believed that government power was 
potentially if not inevitably wicked and had to be 
watched, especially when applied in secret and 
abroad, and they wrote the rules so that the press 
would be among the watchers. 

We in the Department of State are accus- 
tomed to many watchers: the President and 
his aides in the White House; the Congress, 
its committees, and their professional staffs; 
the General Accounting Office; and — not least 
among them — the working press, the 
would-be Secretaries of State otherwise 
known as columnists, and the editors and 

• Made before the annual meeting of UPI editors 
and publishers at Mexico City on Sept. 28 (press re- 
lease 223 dated Sept. 27). 

publishers so broadly represented here today. 
We are also watched by the chancelleries of 
more than a hundred nations and by a for- 
eign press corps whose outlook often differs 
from that of their American colleagues. 

This fishbowl environment sometimes has 
its drawbacks. All of us have suffered our 
share of haphazard and distorted reporting, 
of premature leaks, and even of occasional 
malice. Nonetheless, as we contrast our lot 
with regimes which censor and control their 
press, we cherish our blessings. 

In the field of inter-American affairs, my 
own principal complaint concerning the press 
has been too little reporting rather than too 
much, and too narrow a view of the dramatic 
and newsworthy. Fortunately, there are signs 
of improvement on both these fronts. I hope 
that this meeting, the first of its kind to 
take place in Latin America, signifies an ac- 
celerated improvement. Surely there could be 
no more appropriate a location than Mexico, 
which, in addition to its natural beauties and 
justly renowned culture, is a living proof of 
Latin America's capacity for modernization 
without detriment to historic national values. 

To some extent, tension between the press 
and the official makers of foreign policy is 
built into their differing responsibilities and 
time perspectives. Diplomats and foreign- 
policy planners must think in terms of 
months, years, and even generations; a news- 
man with a deadline must get his story 
turned in in a matter of minutes. 



We also have our stack of daily cables from 
the field and must fight a constant battle to 
avoid exclusive concentration on the day-to- 
day "criselets," reserving a due share of our 
time and energies for the larger actions 
which really matter in the long run. But we 
are trained to make the effort to observe 
longTun processes of change and to search 
for levers which may influence them con- 
structively. For the press to do likewise re- 
quires a conscious exercise of willpower, a 
conscious resistance to the easy temptation 
to let today's apparent but momentary and 
superficial drama drown out the story of 
where a nation and a continent has come 
from and where it is going. 

So my plea to you is to press on with that 
conscious effort to redefine the dramatic and 
the newsworthy in Latin America. Even in 
the 10 years that I have been actively con- 
cerned with Western Hemisphere matters, 
there has been a marked move in that direc- 
tion. As Ambassador to Brazil, I received 
dozens of visiting American journalists, edi- 
tors, and publishers, many of them seeing 
Latin America for the first time.- Most of 
them were excited by their discovery of a 
new world — the tremendous potential, the 
immense problems, the throbbing changes, 
the opportunities, the vital cultures. 

It remains true that far more news from 
the United States is printed in Latin America 
than Latin American news is printed in the 
United States. It is still true that bad news 
travels faster and farther than good news; 
consequently the North American public 
more often gets exposed to dramatic head- 
lines of disasters and golpes than of quiet 
achievements in Latin America. 

Nevertheless, reporting from Latin Amer- 
ica is becoming not only more intensified but 
also more analytical. Writers for the news 
agencies and big dailies and the TV crews 
seem to be getting more of the "why" into 
their stories. While I may not always agree 
with their interpretations, this kind of inter- 
pretative reporting is immensely important 
for the entire hemisphere. I have no doubt 

that the present trend in this direction will 
continue as editors and publishers such as 
yourselves recognize the need — and the grow- 
ing desire of their readers — for more under- 
standing of this neighboring continent 
immersed in truly dramatic and revolution- 
ary change. 

The Thrust Toward Modernization 

In a phrase, here is a continent which dur- 
ing the last century, after the exciting period 
of winning its independence from Spain and 
Portugal, fell behind the mainstream of 
Western modern evolution but is now coming 
actively to grips with its destiny. Today it is 
unlocking the opportunities which its superb 
endowment of human talent and natural re- 
sources make available to it. The key is insti- 
tutional modernization. 

It is an immensely difficult process. It 
confronts not only the inertia of manifold 
vested interests but the burdens of a popula- 
tion growth rate higher than any other world 
region, rural isolation and agricultural back- 
wardness, quantitative and qualitative educa- 
tional inadequacies on a massive scale, and 
the fractionalization of national economies 
into areas too small for truly modern devel- 

Yet, it is not a hopeless process. With any 
reasonable time perspective it can be seen in 
motion. Casual visitors to this beautiful and 
dynamic capital of Mexico or to a Brazilian 
city such as Sao Paulo sense it instinctively, 
as do visitors to the new frontiers of the 
Eastern Andes, Mato Grosso, or lower Bo- 
livia. Those who knew Latin America a gen- 
eration ago fully appreciate how rapidly the 
thrust toward modernization is taking hold. 

Accelerating the Pace 

But the pace is too slow and it must be 
accelerated. It needs vigorous eflfort in each 
nation; it needs intensive cooperation among 
the Latin American nations; and it needs sus- 
tained support from outside Latin America, 
notably from the United States. That is the 
raison d'etre of the Alliance for Progress, 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


whose fifth anniversary we celebrated last 
month. And that is why the Alliance for 
Progress is in reality, and not merely as a 
slogan, the cornei-stone of the Johnson ad- 
ministration's policy in inter-American rela- 

The Charter of Punta del Este was a revo- 
lutionary innovation in the historic process 
of building a true community of free peoples 
in our hemisphere. From the earliest days of 
national independence, this has been one of 
the most cherished aspirations of farsighted 
statesmen in Latin and North America alike. 
Like all great political movements, it has 
suffered periods of frustration and setbacks. 
But as we review the sweep of the decades, 
we can say with some pride that we have not 
built badly. 

For over three-quarters of a century, the 
Pan American Union has fostered the cul- 
tural, educational, and technical interchanges 
that are the basis for mutual knowledge and 
understanding. For almost two decades, the 
Treaty of Rio and the Charter of Bogota 
have provided a framework of cooperation in 
political and security matters— to promote 
the peaceful settlement of disputes, to 
strengthen representative democracy, and to 
guard against aggression of any type from 
any source. 

Although the roots of economic coopera- 
tion in the Americas also run far back, it was 
only at Punta del Este that a sustained effort 
for economic and social progress took its 
rightful place as a major purpose of our 
inter-American endeavors. 

At Rio de Janeiro last November, our for- 
eign ministers agreed to incorporate the 
basic principles of the Alliance for Progress 
as permanent features of the OAS [Organi- 
zation of American States] Charter— a deci- 
sion soon to be consummated in terms al- 
ready agreed among our governments.^ And 
within a few months, it is expected that all 
the Presidents of OAS nations will meet to 

• For background and texts of the first two resolu- 
tions of the Final Act adopted on Nov. 30, 1965, see 
Bulletin of Dec. 20, 1965, p. 985. 

explore new ways to give added impulse to 
the Alliance. 

Convergence of Our Interests 

I have occasionally heard it argued by 
Latin Americans that the inter-American 
system should be conceived as a sort of bar- 
gain in which Latin American support for 
United States strategic and security interests 
is balanced against American support for 
Latin economic interests. This strikes me as 
a singularly erroneous view. 

When German and Italian agents were 
seeking before and during World War II to 
subvert Latin regimes to the purposes of 
fascism, the security of Latin America was 
engaged no less than our owti. When only 6 
years ago the agents of Trujillo sought to 
assassinate a Venezuelan President and more 
recently the agents of Fidel Castro sought to 
capture Caracas in a lightning coup d'etat, 
the security of Latin America was even more 
directly engaged than our own. The Havana 
Tricontinent Conference last January, the 
guerrilla activities in half a dozen countries, 
and contemporary speeches of Castro make 
clear that the danger of externally supported 
subversion continues and requires continuing 

Nor should the value of OAS action in re- 
solving peacefully a whole series of poten- 
tially inflammable Latin American border 
disputes be underestimated as a contribution 
to Latin American security. In short, the se- 
curity aspects of the system must be recog- 
nized as a convergent interest of all its mem- 

This is equally the case with the newer 
measures for cooperation in economic and 
social progress. We in the United States Gov- 
ernment believe — and we have had the con- 
sistent support of the Congress and public 
opinion in this belief — that accelerated eco- 
nomic and social progress in Latin America 
is also decidedly in the interest of the Amer- 
ican i>eople and of the United States as a 
nation. This, and not some imagined bargain 
of high strategy, is why Latin America can 



expect our continued interest and support. 

This is not to suggest any Poliyanna-iike 
notion of universal identity of interest — that 
what is good for Latin America is always 
good for the United States and vice versa. Of 
course we have differences, and often sub- 
stantial ones. So do the Latin nations among 
one another, as history eloquently testifies. 
It is only to suggest that there is an even 
larger area of convergence, resulting from 
history, geography, economics, and above all 
a shared set of basic values — of what gives 
life dignity and meaning and how essential 
to those values is not only material well- 
being but also freedom and respect for the 

It is clear that material progress is not 
synonjinous with materialism, that moderni- 
zation is not incompatible with spiritual val- 
ues. Rather, the Alliance stands for what the 
great Mexican thinker Jose Vasconcelos once 
called — speaking of the relations between 
Latin and North American cultures — the 
"concurrence of the two great life-creating 
forces" of the hemisphere. It represents the 
"means" he sought by which these "two cul- 
tures, instead of expending and wasting 
themselves in conflict, should unite and col- 
laborate for progress." 

Higher Targets for the Alliance 

When President Johnson reviewed the first 
5 years of the Alliance on August 17,' he took 
encouragement from the record, especially in 
the last 2 years when overall growth rates 
have exceeded the minimum target of 21/2 
percent per capita set forth at Punta del 
Este. More important even than these statis- 
tics of growth and their physical counterparts 
in schools, roads, powerplants, water sys- 
tems, and factories is the change in attitudes 
— the growing conviction that progress can 
be and will be achieved under free institu- 
tions and the growng understanding of how 
to do it. 

The President called for a raising of the 

' For text, see ibid., Sept. 5, 1966, p. 331. 

targets — from 2 '/o to 4 or even 6 percent per 
capita annually. Such rates have been 
achieved in other developing countries in the 
recent past. There is no fundamental reason 
why they cannot be achieved in Latin Amer- 
ica. Indeed they must be, if the rapidly grow- 
ing urban labor force is to secure useful and 
productive employment, the standards of 
agricultural production are to be raised, and 
a real attack is to be made on the deficiencies 
in education, health, and housing. 

That is the challenge the forthcoming sum- 
mit meeting of American Presidents will 
face. It is not for me today to anticipate the 
results of that meeting. Each of the partici- 
pants will have his own views on priorities. 
The task of joint preparation by govern- 
ments and the appropriate international 
institutions is just getting under way. 

President Johnson has made clear, how- 
ever, his belief that three topics stand out as 
of the highest urgency: greatly accelerated 
progress toward Latin American economic 
integration; an intensified drive for the mod- 
ernization of agriculture and rural living 
conditions; and a massive effort in education 
with special emphasis on developmental needs 
for skilled manpower. 

If new efforts in these fields can be 
mounted in addition to — and not in replace- 
ment for — the progress in infrastructure, in- 
dustrialization, the strengthening of private 
enterprise, the control of inflation, and the 
expansion of trade already well started under 
the Alliance for Progress, there is a good 
chance that higher targets of economic and 
social progress can in fact be realized. 

The Returns on Investment in Education 

You may suppose that my own emphasis 
on education merely reflects the bias of a 
former university professor with occasional 
nostalgia for the ivy-covered halls. I can as- 
sure you that there is much more to it. The 
fact is that no nation in modem times has 
achieved adequate rates of economic growth 
without a major expansion and reform of its 
educational system. The opening of oppor- 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


tunity to talent also has profound political 
and social effects in creating a basis for 
meaningful popular participation in public 
life, in expanding the middle class, and in 
encouraging social mobility. 

But even in the most narrow and severe 
economic terms, investment in education has 
been proven to yield higher returns than most 
forms of conventional investment. This is es- 
pecially true today, when the more advanced 
nations are going through a second or even 
third phase of the industrial revolution and 
when modern agriculture itself is becoming 
a highly capitalized and highly technical in- 

If Latin America is to achieve the ambi- 
tious growth-rate targets suggested earlier, 
one essential element will be to get on board 
this latter-day industrial revolution without 
going slowly and painfully through all the 
intermediate stages. This is already happen- 
ing here and there in particular areas or in- 
dustries. But it can become general only with 
a large supply of skilled manpower able to 
make it so: engineers, scientists, medical doc- 
tors, middle-grade technicians, economists, 
administrators, all in numbers far beyond 
anything on hand or in prospect with the 
educational systems as they now are. 

This task is primarily one for national ef- 
fort in each of the Latin countries, but it can 
be supplemented from the outside in various 
ways. One of the most promising is the con- 
cept of multinational postgraduate institutes 
of science and technology briefly mentioned in 
President Johnson's speech of August 17. If 
established on a sound basis with the support 
of governments and the professional groups 
concerned in each country and if properly 
backed by qualified institutions in the United 
States, they could make a major contribution 
to Latin development through their own pro- 
grams of training and research, through 
their effect in raising the standards of na- 
tional undergraduate institutions, and — not 
least — through reversing the brain drain of 
highly talented young Latin Americans to 
the United States and Europe. 

Major developments in economic relations, 
such as those I have touched upon here, in- 

evitably have their political consequences. I 
believe there is a favorable political trend. 
Since December 1963, over half the Latin 
American countries have held free demo- 
cratic elections and installed in office the 
elected candidates. Three other countries will 
hold elections in the next few weeks. Cer- 
tainly representative democracy is not yet 
universal practice in the hemisphere, and 
where it is at work — as in the United States 
itself — there remains ample room for further 
improvement. But the trend toward estab- 
lishment of more permanent and more stable 
democratic institutions is on the whole en- 

Even in the Dominican Republic, still suf- 
fering the maleficent effects of three decades 
of dictatorship, the people have another 
promising chance for democratic growth fol- 
lowing the orderly free election of June this 

Unfortunately, Cuba still wears the chains 
of Communist dictatorship imposed by Fidel 
Castro in repudiation of the promises he had 
made to the Cuban people. Five years ago 
there was widespread fear that the Castro 
example might take hold elsewhere in Latin 
America. But today throughout the hemi- 
sphere people are looking at Castro's Cuba 
more with pity than with admiration. It ap- 
pears that Latin Americans have decided 
they can make their own revolutionary 
changes, in peace with freedom — and with- 
out empty promises of ultimate paradise or 
compulsions of instant pareddn. 

Surely in this panorama of challenge and 
response, of new civilization being built on 
the foundations of ancient cultures, there is 
ample material both dramatic and newswor- 
thy. How it can best be communicated to the 
American people, all of you know much bet- 
ter than I; but that it should and must be 
communicated I have no doubt. 

It was said a few years ago that "It is one 
minute to midnight in Latin America." 

Perhaps now it is well after midnight and 
the dawn of a new day, a new era, is almost 
here. But this new day will be a working day, 
and we will want to be up and at it long 
before sunrise. 



President Senghor of Senegal 
Visits the United States 

President Leopold Scdar Senghor of Sene- 
gal visited the United States September 28- 
October 6. Following are an exchange of 
greetings between President Johnson and 
President Senghor at a welcoming ceremony 
at the White House on September 28 and the 
exchange of toasts between the two leaders 
at an informal dinner at the White Hoiise 
that evening. 


White House press release dated September 28 

President Johnson 

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: For 
me this is a very special occasion this morn- 
ing — a time to repay hospitality long overdue. 

I deeply regret, Mr. President, that we 
could not offer you better weather, but what 
we have lost in the weather we will try to 
make up in the warmth and friendship of our 

Five years ago I visited Senegal to attend 
your inauguration as first President and 
to celebrate the first anniversary of your 
country's independence. It was a trip I shall 
never forget. 

I remember the excitement of your people 
as they began their journey toward nation- 
hood. I remember the enthusiasm they ex- 
pressed toward the poet-statesman who 
serves as their great leader. 

I did not remain only in your great capital 
of Dakar. I explored your country, just as I 
hope you will be able to explore ours. 

I remember the many faces of your won- 
derful people. We traveled the countryside to 
the small village area of Kayar and I met the 
village chief there, a man whose tremendous 
strength and dignity spoke through our sepa- 
rations of language. 

Mr. President, I believe that we understand 
each other. I came away from your country 
with profound respect for you and your deep 
commitment to your people and to your coun- 
try. We are delighted that you are giving us 

this chance to know you better, to meet our 
people, and to .show you our nation. 

In your official capacity, Mr. President, we 
welcome you as the head of a verj' friendly 
and vigorous African nation. Of course, we 
know the hardships you have endured. We 
admire the progress that you have made and 
we share with you a partnership in this noble 
venture of free men. 

We can have no illusions about the diffi- 
culty of the road ahead. To wage a peaceful 
war against hunger, disease, and illiteracy 
will take all the strength and imagination 
that all of us can muster. The United States 
of America, Mr. President, intends to be a 
good friend and to be your strong ally in this 
effort that we will make together. 

Mr. President, your presence among us to- 
day is a most happy event — not only for all 
of those who are present here this morning, 
but to those eyes in the nation which will 
follow your visit, recognizing an old friend 
who has come to share with us his wannth, 
his humor, and his very wise counsel. 

I should like you to know that you are 
among friends. We bid you a most cordial 
welcome. We trust that your visit to our coun- 
tiy will be a pleasant one and that you will 
enjoy your stay among us. 

President Senghor 

Mr. President, I am very sensitive to your 
welcome. I am very happy and very honored 
to be your guest today here in Washington, 
because, first, you were our guest, the guest 
of the Senegalese people in 1961 on the occa- 
sion of our first independence day. 

I am honored to be your guest, secondly, 
because you are at the head of the United 
States of America, the most powerful nation 
in the world. 

Indeed, I admire your material power, but 
I much more admire your spiritual power, 
the power of your democracy, of your crea- 

Since you were elected, we are very 
aware of your policy and we know that you 
have made much for all Americans — for 
white and for Negro — on the road to the 
Great Society. 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


Long live the United States of America. 
Long live the friendship between the U.S.A. 
and Senegal. 


White House press release dated September 28 

President Johnson 

Mr. President, most distinguished guests: 
I once heard about a man who, while strolling 
through a cemetery, saw a tombstone bearing 
this inscription: "Here lies a Lawyer — and an 
Honest Man." Naturally, he was surprised to 
learn that the grave held only one man — not 

Well, I am more surprised today than he 

Here among us in the White House sits the 
architect of a nation's constitution; an educa- 
tor; a statesman; an historian — and a poet. 
And he is only one man — not five ! 

If I were to compare you, Mr. President, 
with some figure from our history, I would 
have to call the names of Thomas Jefferson 
and Walt Whitman — and perhaps many 

So from now on, when I am taken to task 
about my relations with intellectuals, I hope 
my learned critics will be convinced by this 
reply: "But what about President Senghor?" 

Mr. President, our two nations are differ- 
ent in many ways. 

America's independence is old — and yours 
is new. 

But today I am thinking of the things that 
we have in common. 

Your nation and mine are embarked on 
historic efforts to achieve social justice and 
economic progress for all of the citizens of 
our lands. 

Your nation, like mine, knows that its fu- 
ture depends on the hope which education 

You and I — who both began as teachers — 
deeply share that conviction. 

And we agree about the growing impor- 
tance to the world of Africa's young nations. 

In the United States, we admire the role 

that you and your people are playing in 
building the future of your continent. That is 
why we have welcomed the opportunity to 
work with you in building secondary and 
technical schools; and that is why we are 
proud to send Peace Corps volunteers to teach 
and learn in Senegal and throughout Africa. 

I was so pleased to hear you make the 
observations you did this morning about the 
effectiveness of our Peace Corps. 

We have seen the growing willingness 
among African nations to work together for 
progress. I believe the trend is clear: Africa's 
people are setting their course toward coop- 

It is fitting that Leopold Senghor, who is 
a symbol of this cooperative spirit, is both a 
political leader as well as a leader of thought. 

Of him, a biographer has written: "If this 
were not a topsy-turvy world, it would be 
governed by poets — for they are the most 
lucid of men . . . Their glance is clear and 
ever new. They see and foresee." 

Ladies and gentlemen, I ask you to join me 
in a toast to the people of Senegal and to 
their great leader, Leopold Senghor. 

President Senghor 

Mr. President, I would like, first of all, to 
express our thanks for the very cordial wel- 
come afforded my delegation and myself. 

We have, indeed, been deeply moved by it 
and particularly by the kind words you have 
just said. 

They confirm in our eyes the friendship 
that unites our two peoples and which dates 
from before our independence. 

Our gratitude is also coupled with the 
pleasure and honor we feel in being your 
guests today. 

We have pleasure, indeed, to meet again 
as President the politician who represented 
his country at the celebration of the first an- 
niversary of our independence and who, if I 
am not mistaken, has so far visited only 
Senegal in Africa. 

And it is an honor for us to be the guests 
of the President of the United States of 
America, because this country, which is as 



vast as a continent and is the most powerful 
in the world, has <is its leader Lyndon B. 
Johnson, a man of action but also a man of 

If I speak of the greatness of the United 
States of America, it is of a greatness in the 
size of its soul; of a s])iritual and cultural 
greatness. As eveiybody knows, you are the 
largest producer of food, of energy, and of 
many other things. That is to say that you 
are the biggest agricultural and industrial 

I do not need to mention your militaiy 
potentiality. In a word, you are in the field 
of material forces the most powerful state in 
the world. This has been said veiy often and 
is only too well known all around the world. 

The formidable power, as a matter of fact, 
inspires only my admiration insofar as these 
productive forces are created by the Ameri- 
can spirit. I prefer to speak of your spiritual 
forces, which do more to stimulate my ad- 
miration and our admiration in Senegal. 

This, indeed, is the spirit of your message 
on the state of the Union on January 4, 
196.5,' in which you said: 

And so tonight, now, in 1965, we begin a new 
quest for union. We seek the unity of man with the 
world that he has built — wdth the knowledge that 
can save or destroy him — with the cities which can 
stimulate or stifle him — with the wealth and ma- 
chines which can enrich or menace his spirit. 

There, indeed, lies your desire to save the 
soul and spirit which, since your independ- 
ence, since the end of the colonial regime 
201 years ago, has been the major endeavor 
of the American Nation. 

This imposes some reflection. The Ameri- 
can spirit is, therefore, a spirit of research 
in freedom, of a free investigation in order 
to understand the world. But the American 
spirit is also a spirit of innovation in order to 
transform, together with the environment, 
the conditions of man and from there man 

That is what you call, with such a sugges- 
tive word, creativity. 

Mr. President, you have often been pre- 

' For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 25, 1965, p. 94. 

sented abroad as the typical American. I 
consider it the highest praise that could be 
made of you, since the typical American is 
one who e.xj^resses the American spirit. 

Your friend, the famous journalist, Alis- 
tair Cooke, tells us that you are not a stereo- 
type. That American spirit which you em- 
body, in the dynamic sense of the word 
mixing the faith and exhaustive energy of 
the pioneers, has fii-st-rate intellectual power. 

I believe, however, that in spite of this 
fact, you rate heart with brain. In any case, 
I only want to stress this generosity which 
leads you in your steady struggle for equal 
rights for all American citizens. This you 
have felt deeply and you have proclaimed 
very strongly in your speech on March 15, 
1965, that democracy is not only liberty and 
equality. It is, above all, fraternity based on 
human dignity. 

Thus, in assuring progressively, as you 
have done, civil rights for all, you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, who have deep roots in the south, are 
reviving the old American spirit. 

At the same time, you also express our 
contemporary spirit. For justice for all 
means today — with the fantastic means at 
the disposal of the United States — prosperity 
for all, the Great Society. 

As you proclaimed in your speech of March 

The time of justice has now come. I tell you that 
I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It 
is right in the eyes of man and God that it should 
come. And when it does, I think that day will 
brighten the lives of every American. 

Yes, Mr. President, in this I do believe: 
The dawn that comes up announces the ris- 
ing sun, the great day of enlightenment and 
joy that is coming. 

Many a tear and much blood may still have 
to be shed before that day comes, a day 
which will be the glory of America. 

We are not discouraged. We never have 
lost our hope in America, because there is 
the Federal Government and because there 
are men of heart and conscience like you. 
President Lyndon B. Johnson. 

In stating again our gratitude for the 
warm welcome afforded us, I want to stress 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


the pleasure we feel in discovering, together 
with our sirt.iilar ideals, the convergence of 
our endeavors which we have undertaken in 
order to assure to every citizen, to every man, 
his human dignity. 

Your Excellencies, gentlemen, I invite you 
to toast the health of His Excellency, Lyndon 
B. Johnson, President of the United States 
of America, to the health of Mrs. Johnson, 
to whom I present the homage of my grati- 
tude for the valuable help she brought to the 
First World Festival of Negro Arts, and to 
the greatness and happiness of the Ameri- 
can people. 

tion of Indonesian problems of debt relief 
and foreign assistance. 

At the same time, the Government of the 
United States in recognition of Indonesia's 
need for immediate emergency assistance has 
in past months supplied rice and cotton, and 
is prepared to furnish additional quantities 
of these commodities as well as spare parts. 
Training of Indonesian personnel in the 
United States will also be resumed. The Indo- 
nesian Foreign Minister expressed the appre- 
ciation of the Indonesian people for help 
which was given earlier this year and for the 
willingness of the United States to provide 
additional emergency assistance. 

Indonesian Foreign IVIinister 
IVIeets With Secretary Rusk 

Joint Statement 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

Press release 226 dated September 27 

The Secretary of State of the United 
States of America, Mr. Dean Rusk, and the 
Presidium Minister for Political Affairs and 
Foreign Minister of the Republic of Indo- 
nesia, Mr. Adam Malik, met today [Septem- 
ber 27] to discuss a wide range of topics of 
mutual interest. They reviewed U.S.-Indo- 
nesian relations, the current Indonesian eco- 
nomic situation, Indonesia's position in the 
world community of nations, and the prob- 
lem of achieving political stability and eco- 
nomic growth throughout the Far East, in- 
cluding Viet-Nam. 

They discussed the improvement in rela- 
tions between their governments during re- 
cent months, and expressed the determina- 
tion of the two govenmients to expand areas 
of agreement and cooperation between Indo- 
nesia and the United States. 

In discussions of economic matters, the 
Foreign Minister and the Secretary of State 
noted Indonesia's recent moves to resume 
normal relations with agencies of the United 
Nations, other international organizations 
and Indonesia's creditors, and recognized the 
necessity of a multilateral approach to a solu- 

89th Congress, 2d Session 

The Crisis in NATO. Report of the Subcommittee 
on Europe of the House Committee on Foreign 
Affairs on hearings held March 17-June 13, 1966. 
H. Kept. 2051. September 21, 1966. 13 pp. 

International Labor Organization's Recommendation 
on Employment. Letter from Assistant Secretary 
for Congressional Relations, Department of State, 
transmitting text of ILO recommendation concern- 
ing employment policy. H. Doc. 489. September 7, 
1966. 20 pp. 

Repealing the "Cooly Trade" Laws. Report to ac- 
company H.R. 825. H. Doc. 2039. September 12, 
1966. 4 pp. 

Tariff Treatment of Articles Assembled Abroad of 
Products of the United States. Report to accom- 
pany H.R. 11216. S. Rept. 1600. September 13, 
1966. 12 pp. 

Philippine Hospitalization and Medical Care. Report 
to accompany H.R. 16330. S. Rept. 1603. Septem- 
ber 14, 1966. 9 pp. 

War Orphans' 'Training for Children of Certain 
Philippine Veterans. Report to accompany H.R. 
16367. S. Rept. 1604. September 14, 1966. 6 pp. 

Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appro- 
priation Bill, 1967. Report to accompany H.R. 
17788. H. Rept. 2045, September 16, 1966. 38 pp. 

Baltic States. Report to accompany H. Con. Res. 416. 
S. Rept. 1606. September 19, 1966. 1 p. 

Foreign Service Buildings Act Amendments. Report 
to accompany H.R. 14019. S. Rept. 1607. Septem- 
ber 19, 1966. 12 pp. 

Establishing a Contiguous Fisheries Zone Beyond 
the Territorial Sea of the United States. Report to 
accompany H.R. 9531. H. Sept. 2086. September 26, 
1966. 16 pp. 

Access Highway to the Northwest Angle of Minne- 
sota. Report to accompany S. 2138. S. Rept. 1655. 
September 26, 1966. 8 pp. 




U.S. Signs Convention 
on Racial Discrimination 

Statement by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations • 

I am pleased to sign, on behalf of the 
United States Government, the International 
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms 
of Racial Discrimination. For this historic 
instrument reflects the aspirations of the 
vast majority of my fellow citizens. In recent 
years the United States has taken steps in 
landmark legislation and judicial decisions 
to insure the enjoyment of civil and political 
rights for all our people. We have combated 
and we shall continue to combat the economic 
and social ills resulting from long years of 
racial discrimination. With this effort, we 
associate ourselves with all who are strug- 
gling to eliminate discrimination. And in our 
aim we find ourselves united with nearly all 
members of the United Nations. 

In signing this convention today, I would 
like to point out that under the constitutional 
processes of my Government treaties such as 
this convention can enter into force in the 
United States only after they are ratified by 
the President with the advice and consent of 
the Senate. I would also like to observe that 
the convention accords with the objectives of 
the United States as they are expressed in 
our Constitution and law. To make this clear, 
I have requested the United Nations to cir- 
culate the following statement with the noti- 
fication of signature by the United States: 

The Constitution of the United States contains 
provisions for the protection of individual rights, 
such as the right of free speech, and nothing in the 
Convention shall be deemed to require or to au- 
thorize legislation or other action by the United 
States of America incompatible with the provisions 
of the Constitution of the United States of America. 

The United States participated actively in 
the drafting of the convention and I am 
signing it today because it accords with our 
domestic and international objectives. 

Bold and courageous action is indeed re- 
quired if mankind is to eradicate the ancient 
evil of discrimination. Only thus will the 
United Nations truly succeed in building an 
international community based on respect for 
law and justice, a community that recognizes 
human rights at the core of all its endeavors. 

When that recognition is universal not only 
in principle but in practice — when each na- 
tion combats discrimination not only in its 
words at the United Nations but with its 
deeds at home — then the search for a new 
and harmonious world order will have taken 
an immense stride toward fulfillment. 


' Made at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 28 (U.S./U.N. 
press release 4920). 

Current Actions 


Automotive Traffic 

Customs convention on the temporary importation of 

private road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 

1954. Entered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 


Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 
Convention concerning customs facilities for touring. 

Done at New York June 4, 1954. Entered into force 

September 11, 1957. TIAS 3879. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 


Universal copyright convention. Done at Geneva 
September 6, 1952. Entered into force September 
16, 1955. TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Venezuela, June 30, 1966. 

Protocol 1 to the universal copyright convention con- 
cerning the application of that convention to the 
works of stateless persons and refugees. Done at 
Geneva September 6, 1952. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 16, 1955. TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Venezuela, June 30, 1966. 

Protocol 2 to the universal copyright convention con- 
cerning the application of that convention to the 
works of certain international organizations. Done 
at Geneva September 6, 1952. Entered into force 
September 16, 1955. TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Venezuela, June 30, 1966. 

OCTOBER 24, 1966 


Protocol 3 to the universal copyright convention con- 
cerning the effective date of instruments of ratifi- 
cation or acceptance of or accession to that con- 
vention. Done at Geneva September 6, 1952. En- 
tered into force August 19, 1954; as to the United 
States December 6, 1954. TIAS 3324. 
Accession deposited: Venezuela, June 30, 1966. 

Cultural Relations 

Agreement on the importation of educational, sci- 
entific and cultural materials, and protocol. Done 
at Lake Success November 22, 1950. Entered into 
force May 21, 1952.' 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 


Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done 
at Washington March 18, 1965. Entered into force 
October 14, 1966. 

Signatures: Afghanistan, September 30, 1966; 
Senegal, September 26, 1966; Trinidad and To- 
bago, October 5, 1966. 
Proclaimed by the President: September 30, 1966. 

Narcotic Drugs 

Convention for limiting the manufacture and regu- 
lating the distribution of narcotic drugs, as 
amended. Done at Geneva July 13, 1931. 48 Stat. 
1543; TIAS 1671, 1859. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 

Oil Pollution 

Amendments to the international convention for the 
prevention of pollution of the sea by oil, 1954 
(TIAS 4900). Done at London April 11, 1962. 
Enters into force May 18, 1967, except for the 
amendment to article XIV which enters into force 
June 28, 1967. 
Proclaimed by the President: October 7, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the repression of the circula- 
tion of obscene publications, signed at Paris May 
4, 1910, as amended by the protocol signed at Lake 
Success May 4, 1949. Entered into force September 
11, 1911, and May 4, 1949. 37 Stat. 1511; TIAS 

' Not in force for the United States. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 


Convention to suppress the slave trade and slavery, 
as amended (TIAS 3532). Signed at Geneva Sep- 
tember 25, 1926. Entered into force March 9, 1927; 
for the United States March 21, 1929. 46 Stat. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 


Long-term arrangements regarding international 
trade in cotton textiles. Done at Geneva February 
9, 1962. Entered into force October 1, 1962. TIAS 
Acceptance deposited: Greece, August 18, 1966. 

White Slave Traffic 

Agreement for the repression of the trade in white 
W'omen, as amended by the protocol of May 4, 1949 
(TIAS 2332). Signed at Paris May 18, 1904. En- 
tered into force July 18, 1905; for the United 
States June 6, 1908. 35 Stat. 1979. 
Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 



Agreement relating to the phase out of certain radar 
stations established under the agreement of Au- 
gust 1, 1951 rTIAS 3049) relating to the conti- 
nental radar defense system in Canada. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Washington September 
30, 1966. Entered into force September 30, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the reciprocal granting of au- 
thorizations to permit licensed amateur radio op- 
erators of either country to operate their stations 
in the other country. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Managua September 3 and 20, 1966. Entered 
into force September 20, 1966. 


Agreement relating to radio communications between 
radio amateurs on behalf of third parties. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Montevideo September 12, 
Entered into force : September 26, 1966. 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Services. Bureau of Public Affaire, 
provides the public and interested agencies 
of the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin Includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other officers of 

the Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin Is for sale by the Super- 

intendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office. Washington. D.C., 20402. 
Price: 62 issues, domestic $10, foreign $16 : 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publi- 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

NOTE: Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 



INDEX October 2U, 1966 Vol. LV, No. U26 

American Republics. Panorama of Challenge 
and Response in Latin America (Gordon) . 644 

Asia. Free Asia (U. Alexis Johnson) .... 638 

China. Free Asia (U. Alexis Johnson) .... 638 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to 
Foreign Policy 652 

Economic Affairs 

Making Europe Whole: An Unfinished Task 
(Johnson) 622 

Panorama of Challenge and Response in Latin 
America (Gordon) 644 

Toward a More Rational World Economic 
Order (Ball, Fowler) 626 

Europe. Making Europe Whole: An Unfinished 
Task (Johnson) 622 

Foreign Aid. Toward a More Rational World 
Economic Order (Ball, Fowler) 626 

Human Rights. U.S. Signs Convention on 
Racial Discrimination (Goldberg) .... 653 


Free Asia (U. Alexis Johnson) 638 

Indonesian Foreign Minister Meets With Sec- 
retary Rusk 652 

Japan. Free Asia (U. Alexis Johnson) . . . 638 

North -Atlantic Treaty Organization. Making 
Europe Whole: An Unfinished Task (John- 
son) 622 

Presidential Documents 

Making Europe Whole: An Unfinished Task . 622 
President Senghor of Senegal Visits the United 
States 649 

Senegal. President Senghor of Senegal Visits 
the United States (Johnson, Senghor) . . . 649 

Treaty Information 

Cun-ent Actions 653 

U.S. Signs Convention on Racial Discrimina- 
tion (Goldberg) 653 

United Nations. U.S. Signs Convention on 
Racial Discrimination (Goldberg) .... 653 


Free Asia (U. Alexis Johnson) 638 

Toward a More Rational World Economic Order 

(Ball, Fowler) 626 

Name hidex 

Ball, George W 626 

Fowler, Henry H 626 

Goldberg, Arthur J 653 

Gordon, Lincoln 644 

Johnson, President 622, 649 

Johnson, U. Alexis 638 

Senghor, Leopold S 649 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 3-9 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Washing- 
ton, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to October 3 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
223 and 225 of September 27 and 226 of Sep- 
tember 29. 

No. Date Subject 

t230 10/3 Regional Foreign Policy Confer- 
ence, New Orleans, La., Nov. 12 
231 10/4 U. Alexis Johnson: "Free Asia." 

*232 10/4 Ferguson sworn in as Ambassa- 
dor to Kenya (biographic de- 

t233 10/3 U.S.-U.S.S.R. technical talks on 
Civil Air Transport Agreement. 

*234 10/4 Bundy: Chamber of Commerce, 
Harrisburg, Pa. (excerpts). 

*235 10/5 Mcllvaine sworn in as Ambassa- 
dor to Guinea (biographic de- 

*236 10/7 Batson designated Deputy Assist- 
ant Secretary for Educational 
and Cultural Afi'airs (bio- 
graphic details). 

1237 10/7 U.S.-Japan Committee on Scien- 
tific Cooperation. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

{rU.S. Government Printing Office: 1966—251-930/16 





How Foreign Policy Is IVIade 

This handsomely designed and illustrated pamphlet describes a typical 14-hour working day 
in the life of the Secretary of State and reviews the roles that the President, the Secretary of State 
and other Presidential advisers, the Congress, and the American people play in the vital policymak- 
ing process. 

The central figure in American foreign policy is the President. In George Washington's day he 
had only three departments to administer; today the President must depend upon a world- 
vdde apparatus for making and executing policy. The principal director of this apparatus is the 
Secretary of State, whose duties range from the direction and coordination of all foreign activities 
of U.S. Government agencies to rescuing some individual American from serious trouble in a far 
continent while working to assure man's welfare in outer space. The Congress, which through 
its debates and legislation vigorously participates in shaping international policy, is an integral 
part of the policymaking process. But no foreign policy can be maintained for long without the 
understanding and endorsement of the American public, which influences its direction by ex- 
pressing its views at the ballot box. 



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VoL LV, No. U27 

October 31, 1966 

Address by Secretary Rusk 658 

by W. Michael Blumenthal 671 

Statement by Ambassador Goldberg in the Security Council 690 

Excerpts From President Johnson's Predeparture Neivs Conferences 66U 

For index see inside back cover 

Requirements for Organizing tlie Peace 

Address by Secretary Rusk 

This great dinner revives many personal 
memories of a connection with the Army 
which began when I was 12 years old — with 
ROTC training in Boys High School in 

It is a signal privilege to speak on this 
historic occasion honoring two men whose 
joint achievements deserve the everlasting 
gratitude of all who cherish freedom. One 
was a great soldier who was also a great 
civilian. The other is a great civilian who 
was also a sturdy soldier and a great Com- 
mander in Chief. Both exemplified the sim- 
ple, basic virtues of duty, courage, and love 
of country. 

Both made available, to those who worked 
for them much practical wisdom. I beg 
leave to recall again some of General Mar- 
shall's advice to members of his staff: 

"Don't ask me a question without bring- 
ing me your proposed answer." 

"Don't wait for me to tell you what you 
ought to be doing — you tell me what I ought 
to be doing." 

"Gentlemen, let's not talk about this 
matter too much in military terms; to do 
so might make it a military problem." 

It was also my good fortune to see Presi- 
dent Truman at work. I remember the 
little sign on his desk: "The buck stops 
here." No statement could have been more 

' Made before the George C. Marshall Memorial 
Dinner of the A.s.sociation of the United States 
Army at Washingrton, D.C., on Oct. 12 (press release 

accurate. He made the decisions and none 
of us ever had the slightest doubt abo'ut 
their meaning. 

Both President Truman and General 
Marshall were builders of peace. Both knew 
that the United States could no longer find 
security apart from the rest of the world 
or through defenses and policies confined 
to the Western Hemisphere or to the North 
Atlantic basin. 

President Truman made the organization 
of the United Nations his first order of 
business — side by side with finishing the 
wars in Europe and the Pacific. Within an 
hour of taking his oath of office, he an- 
nounced his decision to go ahead with the 
charter conference at San Francisco. 

A few months later, General Marshall, in 
a final biennial report as Chief of Staff of 
the Army, noted an epochal change in the 
problem of our national security due to new 
weapons developed near the end of the great 
war just concluded. He wrote: 

. . . The technique of war has brought the United 
States, its homes and factories, into the front line 
of world conflict. They escaped desti-uctive bombard- 
ment in the Second World War. They would not in 
a third. 

. . . We are now concerned with the peace of the 
entire world. 

That was after intercontinental planes 
and the atomic bomb. Since then the validity 
of his conclusion has been underwritten by 
intercontinental and submarine-borne mis- 
siles and thermonuclear warheads. 

Both President Truman and General 



Marshall knew that peace cannot be had 
merely by wishing for it or making lofty 
pronouncements or adopting hortatory 
resolutions. Both knew that peace, an endur- 
ing peace in which free societies can 
survive and flourish, requires infinite 
patience and perseverance — and that there 
can be no peace unless it is defended against 
those who are ready to use force to im- 
pose their will. 

The guidelines to peace laid down by 
President Truman and General Marshall 
have served us — and the world — well. They 
are still sound. Tonight I shall review 
briefly where we, and others of like purpose, 
stand in the efi'ort to organize peace. 

Our goal is high — and it should be. Gen- 
eral [Omar N.] Bradley said some years 
ago that we should set our course by the 
distant stai's and not by the lights of each 
passing ship. Our goal is a peaceful world 
in which all men live under governments 
and institutions of their o^v^l choice and 
work together to further their common 

No Shortcut to Peaceful World 

But we know that that goal cannot be 
achieved overnight. In the Department of 
State we receive some beautifully tooled 
designs for a perfect world — designs that 
have not the slightest chance of enough ac- 
ceptance to become realities in the measur- 
able future. 

There is no shortcut to peace. 

Look at the political boundaries on this 
shrunken globe: the human family divided 
into more than 100 sovereignties which 
vary enonnously in size, power, and tech- 
nical advancement, in internal institutions, 
in degree of awareness of the rest of the 
world, in national or ideological purposes, 
and in attitudes toward the use of force 
to achieve their aims. 

And, if you will, imagine all the different 
kinds of relations among nations spread 
along a line with total cooperation at one 
end and total conflict at the other. Near 
the end marked "cooperation" we find such 

technical matters as standards of weights 
and measures and delivering the mail across 
international frontiers. 

Near the halfway point along the line are 
multitudes of problems in which national 
interests clash but which usually are 
negotiable. Most of these are economic and 
many are extremely complex. 

As we approach the other end of the line 
we begin to find issues in which nations 
feel threats to their deepest interests — 
issues of territory, of violations of sover- 
eignty of the claims of ethnic or religious 
minorities. In our lifetime such issues have 
been made even more dangerous to the peace 
of the world by the ambitions of new 
imperialists under one ideological banner or 
another. Hitler used such issues as the 
German minority in Czechoslovakia and the 
status of Danzig as entering wedges for 
conquest. During the postwar i^eriod Com- 
munist aggressors have often sought to 
inflame and capitalize on local disputes. 

Since the Second World War there have 
been, by one count, 379 instances of armed 
conflict, external or internal. And there 
have been at least 150 disputes or situations 
which so disturbed world order as to engage 
the concern of the international community. 

Organizing the peace has meant contain- 
ing these situations so that they would not 
explode into big wars. This has been done 
in vai'ious ways. 

Many disputes were settled or contained 
through quiet diplomatic intercourse be- 
tween the parties, sometimes with the help 
of third parties. 

Some have been handled by regional 
organizations. The peace machineiy of the 
Western Hemisphere has been brought into 
play in 28 cases, ranging from border dis- 
putes, through threats of aggression and 
subversion, to charges of violations of hu- 
man rights. In the Dominican Republic we 
supported the Organization of American 
States in assuring the Dominican people 
the right to choose their own government, 
thus averting a takeover by either the 
extreme right or the exti-eme left, both of 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


which had been condemned by the Republics 
of the Western Hemisphere. 

In the last few years the fledgling Orga- 
nization of African Unity has been effective 
in four or five disputes, notably in bringing 
about a cease-fire on the Algerian-Moroccan 
border in 1964. 

Since the International Court of Justice 
was set up under the U.N. Charter, it has de- 
cided 35 contentious cases and rendered 13 
advisory opinions. Not many in either cate- 
gory involved high temperature problems, 
but a few, such as the Corfu channel, did 
and others had a feverish potential. 

In some 70 cases, the United Nations has 
become involved, either as principal peace- 
maker or in a complementary role. U.N. 
action has taken many forms: airing an 
issue, spotlighting unacceptable activity, pro- 
viding good oflRces and mediation, and, in 11 
instances, introducing a peacekeeping force 
to supervise a cease-fire, restore order, and 
hold the line for the processes of peaceful 

Peacemaking Involves Variety of Machinery 

Thus, making and keeping the peace has 
involved a wide variety of machinery. Much 
of it has meant reducing the heat from a 
boil to a simmer. We have learned to live 
with uneasy truces on the theory that the 
first step to a solution is to stop shooting. 
Yet we are aware that not all disputes fade 
with time and that, both realistically and as 
a matter of justice, peacekeeping needs to be 
complemented with attention to underlying 

Some people think the United Nations 
should handle all international disputes. But 
the authors of the charter thought otherwise. 
Article 33 of chapter VI on Pacific Settle- 
ment of Disputes says that the parties 
"shall, first of all, seek a solution by negotia- 
tion, enquiiy, mediation, conciliation, arbi- 
tration, judicial settlement, resort to regional 
agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful 
means of their own choice." 

Some think the United States has become 
involved in too many disputes. We have an 

interest in the peaceful settlement of quar- 
rels which waste resources and energies that 
are needed for economic development and 
which may flare into wars. But we don't go 
around looking for business as peacemakers 
and peacekeepers. We have no aspiration to 
be the gendarmes of the universe. We are 
veiy pleased when other agencies or nations 
succeed in averting war or winning a cease- 
fire or settling a quarrel. For example, we 
were pleased and encouraged by the Soviet 
initiative in bringing India and Pakistan to- 
gether at Tashkent. 

Out of the scores of disputes in the last 
two decades, we have become directly in- 
volved in only a dozen or so. 

Aggression Must Be Deterred or Repelled 

In organizing a reliable peace, the first 
essential is to eliminate aggression — pref- 
erably by deterring it but, if it occurs, by re- 
pelling it. That was the lesson seared in the 
minds of those who drafted the Charter of 
the United Nations while the fires of the 
most destructive war in histoi-y still raged. 

The paramount obligation of all members 
of the United Nations is to take eflTective col- 
lective action to prevent and remove threats 
to the peace and to suppress acts of aggres- 
sion or other breaches of the peace. Unhap- 
pily, some members have refused to live up 
to that pledge. 

President Truman and General Marshall — 
and his successor as Secretary of State, Dean 
Acheson — knew that if peace was to be se- 
cured, aggression had to be deterred or re- 
pelled. And when they saw that the ma- 
chinery of the United Nations was not 
adequate, they reinforced it with other 
measures: aid to Greece and Turkey, the Rio 
pact, the North Atlantic alliance, the defense 
of the Republic of Korea, defensive alliances 
in the Pacific, military aid to many nations 
whose independence was threatened. 

When the aggression against the Republic 
of Korea was unleashed, a Soviet boycott of 
the Security Council enabled the United Na- 
tions to act. President Truman saw instantly 
what had to be done and did it. As Assistant 



Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs 
at that time, I wjis never in doubt about his 

Under President Truman we sipmed de- 
fensive alliances with 37 nations — 20 under 
the Rio pact, 13 under the North Atlantic 
pact, and t in the Western Pacific: Australia 
and New Zealand through the ANZUS pact 
and the Philippines and Japan through bi- 
lateral treaties. 

Also, we had close associates who became 
treaty allies early in the Eisenhower admin- 
istration: the Federal Republic of Germany, 
the Republic of Korea, and the Republic of 
China on Taiwan. 

Security of Southeast Asia 

And early in 1950, after extended consul- 
tations with his principal foreign policy and 
military advisers, President Truman deter- 
mined that we had an impoi-tant national 
security interest in keeping Southeast Asia, 
including Viet-Nam, within the free world. 
That finding was repeatedly reviewed — by 
him, and then by Presidents Eisenhower, 
Kennedy, and Johnson — always with the 
same conclusion. 

I have heard it said or implied that Presi- 
dent Kennedy did not regard the security of 
Southeast Asia generally, and of South Viet- 
Nam in particular, as important to the free 
world and the United States. If he ever had 
such views — or even any doubts about the 
importance of our stake in that area — he 
never revealed them to his Secretary of 

In his news conference of September 12, 
1963, President Kennedy summed up our ob- 
jective in Viet-Nam in these words: 

... we want the war to be won, the Communists 
to be contained, and the Americans to go home. . . . 
But we are not there to see a war lost, and we will 
follow the policy which I have indicated today of 
advancing those causes and issues which help win 
the war. 

The gieat decisions of President Truman 
in both Europe and Asia remind us that the 
community of nations must have the courage 
to resist aggression no matter what form it 

Once again we are hearing, from dis- 
senters at home and abroad, arguments and 
slogans with which President Truman and 
all who served him came to be familiar: 

"Don't be alarmed by the other fellow's 
bellicose talk — he's just suffering from an 
inferiority complex; treat him kindly, and 
he'll be good." 

"It's a long way off; nothing to worry 

"You're unreasonable: you're asking for 
unconditional surrender" — when you're not 
asking the aggressor to give up anything ex- 
cept his aggression. 

"You must compromise" — that is, give the 
aggressor at least half of what he demands. 
Is there any surer way to encourage further 
aggression ? 

"It's not an aggression; it's just a civil 

And now again we are told that an aggres- 
sion is just a "civil war." 

There is an indigenous element in the war 
in South Viet-Nam, but relatively it is even 
smaller than was the indigenous element in 
the case of Greece. We consider it well 
within the capacity of the South Vietnamese 
to handle. We and others are there because 
of aggression from the North — an aggres- 
sion which the other side has repeatedly 
escalated and now includes many regiments 
of the regular army of North Viet-Nam. 
And we shall leave when these invaders and 
aiTOs from the North go home. 

Of course there are differences between 
Greece and Viet-Nam — and differences be- 
tween Hitler and the militant Communist 
imperialists. But superficial diflferences 
should not be allowed to obscure the heart of 
the matter, which is aggression. 

And, let me emphasize, we had better not 
forget the ghastly mistakes which led to the 
Second World War. For, there won't be any 
opportunity to apply any lessons after a third 
world war. We had better remember what 
we know and see to it that a third world war 
does not occur. 

At the same time, we must take care not to 
use more force than is necessary. Now, as in 
previous conflicts and crises during the last 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


two decades, there are those who want to go 
all out — apply maximum power and get it 
over with. That would be a perilous course, 
which conceivably could escalate into the 
thermonuclear exchange which no rational 
man could want. Prudence dictates that we 
use enough force to achieve the essential pur- 
pose of deterring or repelling aggression. 
That has been the practice of all four of our 
postwar Presidents. That is the road which 
offers the best hope of reaching a reliable 

For we can never forget that our objective 
is a secure peace. We want nothing else from 
anybody, anywhere in the world. 

Peaceful Settlement in Viet-Nam 

President Johnson has made clear, again 
and again, our desire for a peaceful settle- 
ment in Viet-Nam. To that end we have 
made every conceivable suggestion com- 
patible with the right of the South Vietnam- 
ese to live under governments and institu- 
tions of their own choice. 

We do not regard as final public and nega- 
tive reactions from the other side to our 
latest proposals. We hope for a more con- 
sidered reply, whether through public or 
private channels. If there is uncertainty 
about the meaning of our proposals, the way 
to clear it up is through discussion — and we 
are quite ready to engage in such discussion. 
We are animated by the conviction that a 
common interest exists on which peace can 
be built in Southeast Asia and that sincere 
discussion will reveal where that common 
interest lies. This being so, it seems all the 
more tragic that the suffering and destruc- 
tion of war should be further prolonged. 

We will not turn our backs on the fate of 
Southeast Asia. But neither can we — nor 
would we wish to — impose our will on this 

It follows that peace in Southeast Asia 
must be an orcianized peace — one which en- 
lists the cooperation of many nations. 

The organization of peace requires that, 
even while helping to repel aggression, we 
search incessantly for points of common 
interest and agreement with our adversaries. 

Above all, we have sought, and seek, agree- 
ments and arrangements that reduce the 
danger of a great war. And high among 
these are agreements and arrangements to 
control and reduce armaments. 

Here again, President Truman set the 
pace. Among many illustrations, I cite only 
one: the comprehensive plan to assure that 
the atom would be used only for peaceful 
purposes by making all production of atomic 
energy throughout the world the exclusive 
monopoly of an international agency under 
the United Nations. When the United States 
proposed that, we alone had the atomic bomb. 
After long study and discussion, most of the 
nations of the world approved the essentials 
of our proposal. The Communist states 
blocked it. Had that plan been adopted, the 
race in supervveapons would have been 
averted and Homo sapiens would have been 
spared the threat of atomic obliteration. 

All of President Truman's successors have 
continued the quest for agreements and 
understandings with our adversaries. And 
last Friday President Johnson set forth a 
comprehensive program for working toward 
a "far-reaching improvement in relations 
between the East and the West." ^ 

The organization of peace required that 
we help to restore the strength of the eco- 
nomically advanced nations of Europe, that 
we encourage them toward integration, and 
that we tiy to work in close cooperation with 
them. Those efforts began under President 

The organization of peace required that 
we try to make friends of our former ene- 
mies, that we encourage them to find a place 
in the free world as democratic, self- 
respecting, independent nations. It was 
under President Truman that the United 
States embarked on the reconciliations which 
have so vastly strengthened the cause of 
freedom and peace. We are proud to have as 
partners the flourishing democracies which 
have risen from the ashes of that great 

' For President Johnson'.s address at New York, 
N.Y., on Oct. 7, see Bulletin of Oct. 24, 1966, p. 



The organization of i>eace requires that 
the economically advanced nations assist the 
less advanced to modernize themselves. Over 
the long range there can be no security in a 
world in which a few nations are rich and 
many are poor. 

That wjis the profound truth set forth in 
the justly famous Point 4 of President Tru- 
man's inaugural. 

Progress in the Developing Countries 

Progress in the developing countries has 
been uneven. And we cannot afford to shut 
our eyes to the fact that the world is on the 
threshold of a food-population crisis. 

But many of the developing countries in 
Asia and Africa have made encouraging 
progress. In the Western Hemisphere, the 
great cooperative enterprise, the Alliance for 
Progress, is meeting its overall goals and is 
gaining momentum. And most of the free 
nations of the Western Pacific are making 
remarkable progress: not only Japan and 
Australia but Thailand, Malaysia, and the 
Republic of China on Taiwan. The Republic 
of the Philippines has new, dynamic leader- 
ship. And, after many discouragements, the 
Republic of Korea is surging ahead. It is a 
powerful factor in the security of the West- 
em Pacific not only on the northern ram- 
part but on the southern rampart as well. 
It has not forgotten that when it was the 
victim of aggression others came to its aid. 
The Republic of Korea's contribution of 
fighting men in Viet-Nam — and first-class 
soldiers they are — is comparable to ours in 
ratio to population. 

Indonesia has turned a critical comer. 

The free nations of the Western Pacific 
have been taking new initiatives in regional 
cooperation of many sorts. They are infused 
with a new confidence. And, as the leaders of 
many of the countries of that area have said 
publicly, that confidence springs from the 
knowledge that aggression will not be al- 
lowed to succeed. Those who say that our 
firm stand in Viet-Nam is not appreciated by 

governments and peoples in that part of the 
world are, to say the least, badly informed. 

The organization of peace requires us to 
get on with the workaday affairs of men that 
need international cooperation. Those unsung 
activities comprise 80 percent or more of 
the business of the Department of State. We 
are active in more than 50 international 
agencies and take part annually in more than 
600 multilateral international conferences. 
Most of that work goes unnoticed in the gen- 
eral press, but it is concerned with problems 
and arrangements that run from the control 
of disease to civil aviation, telecommunica- 
tions, and the peaceful uses of the atom. 

We are parties to more than 4,000 
treaties and international agreements. 
Gradually there is growing what has aptly 
been called the "common law of mankind." 

So we continue to move ahead with orga- 
nizing the peace. And I have no doubt that 
the people of this great Republic — as Presi- 
dent Truman used to say, "the greatest Re- 
public on which the sun ever shone" — will 
continue to do whatever may be necessary 
to defend and organize peace. 

Beneath the crises, the strength of the free 
world is growing, both absolutely and in re- 
lation to the Communist states. In the com- 
petition in production, the Communist states 
are falling further and further behind. Even 
more important, communism is losing the 
competition in ideas. For it is in the nature 
of man to want a part in deciding his own 
affairs and to enjoy certain rights as an 
individual — those "Blessings of Liberty" 
which we have long cherished and are deter- 
mined to "secure to ourselves and our Pos- 

As President Truman said: * 

". . . the basic proposition of the worth 
and dignity of man is not a sentimental 
aspiration or a vain hope or a piece of 
rhetoric. It is the strongest, most creative 
force now present in this world." 

3 For text, see ibid., Aug. 12, 1945, p. 208. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 



President Johnson Discusses Fortlicoming Asian Trip 

Following are portions of opening state- 
ments made by President Johnson at his 
news conferences at the White House on Oc- 
tober 6 and 13 dealing with his trip to Asia. 


White House press release dated October 6 

As you know, the United States has agreed 
to attend the conference in Manila October 
24-25. This will bring together the countries 
that are most directly helping the South 
Vietnamese to resist aggression and to build 
their nation. 

The Philippines, Korea, and Thailand ex- 
tended the invitation, which has been ac- 
cepted by South Viet-Nam, Australia, New 
Zealand, and the United States. 

The details of the meeting — including the 
agenda — are now being worked out in con- 
sultation among all participants. President 
[Ferdinand E.] Marcos of the Philippines 
has already indicated the scope of the con- 
ference, and we expect: 

— to review the military progress being 
made in the field; 

— to hear the South Vietnamese plans for 
further evolution toward representative gov- 
ernment, accelerated security of the country- 
side; and a strengthened economy while curb- 
ing inflation; 

— to examine how the other nations pres- 
ent can best support those efforts; and 

— to explore the prospects for peaceful set- 
tlement of the Vietnamese conflict, in the 
light of all proposals. 

Much of this effort is consistent with the 
work at Honolulu in February which I con- 
sidered highly successful.! At that meeting 
the Government of Viet-Nam reinforced its 

— to move toward a democratic constitu- 
tion and an elected government; 

— to take concrete steps to combat infla- 

—to invite Viet Cong to join them through 
the Open Arms program; 

— and to multiply efforts in health, educa- 
tion, and agriculture, especially in the coun- 

Each of these steps has produced results 
since February, and we are hopeful they will 
receive increased support in Manila. Once 
aggression has been defeated, a common 
dedication will also be necessary for the re- 
habilitation and development of Viet-Nam. 


The mission to the Manila Conference and 
the trip to the six Asian countries is now 
shaping up. While there will be, as you know, 
some changes and additions to our itinerary, 
as there always are in schedules of this kind, 
much of it is available now. The Press Secre- 
tary will make the itinerary available to you 
at the door if you so desire it. 

We think this is going to be a very excit- 
ing, challenging, and demanding trip. Mrs. 
Johnson and I are looking forward with a 
great deal of pleasure to returning the visits 

> For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 28, 1966, 
p. 302. 



to these seven countries of their leaders who 
have visited us in the last several months. 

We realize that we shall be seeing an 
emerging Asia. The trip has many facets. 
Primarily, as you know, it is a mission to the 
Manila Conference. This is timely for many 
reasons, which I will not elaborate now, but 
will discuss later. 

We shall visit six nations. I am anxious to 
see firsthand the proud achievements of those 
countries, which their leaders have told me 
about as they visited the White House in 
recent months. 

For me, the trip to Australia, especially, 
and New Zealand, has an added dimension. It 
is somewhat a sentimental journey to places 
that are vivid in my memories from World 
War II days. Twenty-four years ago I was 
there as a very low-ranking set of eyes and 
ears for another President, Franklin D. 
Roosevelt. During the period that I spent 
there, brief as it was, I came to know and 
to love those people and to appreciate their 
courage and their pioneer spirit. So I look 
forward very much to seeing them again. 

During the trip, I shall be meeting with 
government leaders and other officials. But 
I am very eager to see as many of the people 
of those countries as possible, and as much 
of their countryside and their cities as pos- 

In Asia, over the last year, I have felt that 
there is an encouraging mood of new confi- 
dence in that part of the world. And I think 
also in this country there is a new interest 
in that part of the world, because our people 
are awakening to the fact that a veiy large 
majority of the people of the world live in 
that area of the world. 

There we find the life expectancy is short. 
The per capita income is low. There is great 
opportunity to really work with our fellow 
human beings to give them better living and 
a better way of life and better opportunities 
that we have had here. 

Regional enterprise is developing there. 
They take great pride in the new Asian De- 
velopment Bank that I first suggested at Bal- 
timore a few months ago.^ The people of 

I'rosidrnt JohiiKon left WaBhinRton on Octo- 
ber 17 to attend the Manila Conference and to 
visit New Zealand, Australia, Thailand, Malay- 
sia, and Korea, as well as the Philippines. His 
speeches and statements during the trip will 
be published in sub.sequent issues of the Bul- 

» For text, see ibid., Apr. 26, 1965, p. 606. 

Asia are thinking and, I think, working not 
only to hasten their own national develop- 
ment, but to find ways to work with other 
nations. I want to see for myself as much of 
their achievement as is possible for me to see 
in the limited time that we have allotted. 

Too, I think this is a good time for the 
Manila Conference. You will recall that when 
we were in Honolulu last February, we 
agi-eed to meet again in 6 months or so to 
take stock and to look at the results that 
flowed from that meeting. 

Much has happened in those 6 months. I 
will not ti-y to take your time to relate it all 
today, but I think it is significant to point out 
that the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong 
monsoon oflfensive, that gave us concern, 

The Government of Viet-Nam made good 
its commitment to take action on the infla- 
tionary front, to devalue, to make arrange- 
ments where we could improve the efficiency 
of the port, the supplies we were sending 
there and, very important, made good its 
commitment to hold a free election for mem- 
bers of the Constituent Assembly. 

There was great doubt in this country and 
other places in the world of the extent of the 
participation that would take place in that 
election by the peoples themselves. The ter- 
rorists did everything they could to keep the 
election from being held and to inculcate 
fear in the people so they would not go and 

Although we have an election coming up, a 
congressional election where we normally, 
off-years, vote less than 40 percent of our 
eligible people, only 50 percent in a person- 
ality presidential election, nevertheless these 
people, under fire, in the face of hand gre- 
nades and threats and terrorism, voted more 
than 80 percent. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


That was a blow that caused the aggressor 
to suffer great loss of face throughout the 
world, because 80 percent of the people eli- 
gible to vote went to the polling places not- 
withstanding this terror, and demonstrated 
to the entire world their desire to have the 
privilege of self-determination. 

The foundations have been laid and prog- 
ress begun in the field for the Vietnamese 
"revolutionary development." And, as you 
know, the Secretary of Health, Education, 
and Welfare, and the Secretary of Agricul- 
ture have done a great deal of work before 
Honolulu and following it, in the field of edu- 
cation, health, agriculture, and the bringing 
of security to the countryside. 

The defections from the enemy forces so 
far this year far exceed the defections last 
year. That was a matter that we gave special 
attention to at Honolulu. 

Meanwhile, on the world scene, our posi- 
tion on a peaceful settlement is now, I think, 
much better understood than in the past. 

In recent weeks I have talked to most of 
the leaders from that part of the world. And 
I find from them that they realize that it is 
not the United States of America who re- 
fuses to come to the conference table. 

That, in fact, there are only two govern- 
ments in the world that now appear opposed 
to ending the war and achieving the peace. 
I would hope that those who make very spe- 
cial pleas for peace would direct their efforts 
to those two governments because they have 
no problem so far as the United States Gov- 
ernment is concerned. 

Therefore, I was very happy to respond to 
the pleas that had been made by President 
Marcos and earlier by President Park 
[Chung Hee Park, President of the Republic 
of Korea] and by the representatives of 
Thailand to agree to come and meet with 

I am not unaware that some of you have 
found fault with my acceptance of that en- 
gagement at this time of the year. I would 
much prefer to have gone after my Congress 
had gone home — November 15, and so sug- 

But they have an election also in Australia 
on November 26, and one in New Zealand 
late in November. And it happens in those 
countries the Prime Minister is a candidate 
this year and running himself. They felt that 
I could more appropriately be away, I am 
sure, at least the leadership did, when I 
wasn't a candidate when we were having an 
election than they could when they were both 

So we didn't feel we should wait until next 
year. We couldn't have it in November be- 
cause of these elections. I have been criticized 
some for accepting. I only wonder what 
would have been said about me if I had said 
no, I refuse to come and talk to our allies 
about our problems or our program. 

On our travel plans, we will have arrival 
and departure times for each city available 
to you soon. Mrs. Johnson and I are looking 
forward eagerly to the trip. We shall be leav- 
ing Washington from Dulles Airport at 9 
a.m. Monday morning. We will fly nonstop to 
Honolulu, Hawaii. We are going to have a 
very busy schedule there. That is one of my 
favorite States in the Union and I contrib- 
uted something to bringing it into the Union. 

We shall participate in a ceremony and 
have a stay there overnight. We are going to 
be up at sunrise Tuesday. We will stop for 
an afternoon visit in the Fiji Islands where I 
spent several miserable days in a hospital in 
World War II, in a New Zealand military 
hospital, incidentally.^ 

Then we will go to New Zealand that after- 
noon. That will be a long day's journey. We 
will be crossing a lot of the Pacific and the 
international date line and the time change 
will mean that we will virtually lose Wednes- 
day. I am very glad it is not Sunday so some 
of you won't have to miss church. 

We will be in New Zealand on Wednesday 
and Thursday, next week, and then we will 
go on to Australia and very happily enjoy 
our visit there, I hope, from Thursday after- 
noon through Sunday. 

' The White House press office later explained that 
the President was actually referring to American 



We shall provide times and places for you 
when you leave this afternoon. To show you, 
we will visit Canberra, Melbourne, Sydney, 
Brisbane, and Townsville before leaving 
Sunday, October 23, for Manila. 

I will be at the Manila Conference, as you 
know. It is planned for Monday and Tuesday. 

1 will be there until Wednesday. We shall 
leave the Philippines on early Thursday 
morning en route to Thailand. We will have 

2 days in Thailand, 2 in Malaysia, plus 2 in 

Korea. We will return to Washington via 
Alaska — another favorite State of mine I 
have not had a chance to visit since it came 
into the Union. I was there during the war 
period for a brief time. 

We want and we hope now to be back 
home at 9 p.m. on Wednesday, November 
2nd. I would not want to be held definitely 
to those hours, but that is our hope, and our 
plan, for your information and your plan- 

President Johnson Confers With the Prime IVIinister of Laos 

Following are statements made by Prime 
Minister Souvanna Phouma of Laos and 
President Johnson at a news conference held 
during their informal disciissions at New 
York, N.Y., on October 13. 


I am deeply honored to have been received 
today by President Johnson. This is our first 
meeting since President Johnson became 
President. I had had the honor to meet with 
him when he was here on the occasion of the 
state visit of His Majesty the King of Laos 
to the United States. 

Reviewing our conversation, we have ex- 
changed a number of viewijoints on the situa- 
tion in Southeast Asia. Our conversation has 
been extremely cordial and I am very happy 
to note that President Johnson is very fully 
informed about what goes on in Indochina 
and what goes on in my own country. 

Together we have tried to find possibili- 
ties to bring peace back to that part of the 
world. I believe personally that the settle- 
ment of the present problem cannot be 

brought about by force of arms and that we 
must come as soon as possible to a con- 
ference, international in character, along the 
lines of the Geneva conference of 1954, per- 
haps with a much broader membership. 

We have also discussed the recent tragedy 
we have sustained in Laos with the floods of 
the Mekong River and the great devastation 
it has brought to the countiy. 

I am happy to hear that the Government of 
the United States is ready to assist us in re- 
covering from the damage of the destruction. 

I should now like to leave it to the Presi- 
dent to give you any additional first-hand 


My part of the discussion consisted of ex- 
pressing regret that I did not get to see the 
Premier last year when we had a tentative 
arrangement to meet, because of my illness. 
I had to forgo that pleasure. 

Second, I asked him for a rather full re- 
port on the flood damage as a result of the 
Mekong disasters. He went into some detail 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


of the loss of life — something in excess of 
100 — and the loss of values of the crops — 
something in excess of $5 million. It was the 
worst flood disaster in 40 years in that 
country. I asked for his views on how he 
thought we could achieve peace in Southeast 
Asia and he is in the process of giving me his 
views at some length in the light of what is 
taking place there. 

He has discussed the general picture in 
Indochina — that whole part of the world. I 
emphasized to the Premier the desire for the 
people of the United States to have a positive, 
affinnative policy. We do not seek to conquer 
anyone. We are not bent on conquest. We do 
not want to dominate any people. We have no 
desire for any American presence in that 
area any longer than is necessary to resist 
aggression. We have no desire to maintain 
any bases. We have stated and restated and 
restated our desire to transfer the activity 
from the battlefield to the conference table. 

I reviewed generally our objectives and 
our hopes for the Manila Conference and 
asked for his views on any suggestion he 
might have that he would wish me to con- 
sider. I ix)inted out to him that it must be 
obvious to the aggressors that they cannot 
succeed. And it must be equally obvious that 
we have no desire and no intention to impose 
our will upon their people or to change their 
form of government or even their way of 
life; but that Ho Chi Minh and the people of 
Hanoi have absolute, complete, and full re- 
sponsibility for carrying on the war every 
day that it is carried on; that we were will- 
ing to stop yesterday and go to the peace 

I further pointed out that we hope that all 
the nations of the world will realize this and 
all of this country realize it. 

I told him that those who desire peace in 
the world do not need to exercise any influ- 
ence on us to get us to have unconditional 
discussion. So if they can divert their talents 
and energies to the aggressors and Mr. Ho 
Chi Minh — if they have any influence with 
him, maybe they can contribute to advanc- 
ing the cause to which all of the American 

people have so fully dedicated themselves. 

The fact that we love peace and hate war 
doesn't mean for a moment that we are going 
to break our commitments or retreat in the 
face of aggression. We think the world must 
know that aggression will not succeed in 
Indochina, in that area of the world, and 
that it is not our desire or our intent to im- 
pose our political views on any people. 

It is in the interest of every American 
family that aggression not succeed, that the 
United States' word be kept, that our com- 
mitments be fulfilled, and that the people of 
the world not misinterpret the raucous and 
rasping voices in various quarters as indicat- 
ing (a) either we want to dominate the area 
or (b) that we will get tired. 

As in the Dominican Republic, we are not 
going to let might make right and let the 
aggressor impose his will on liberty-loving 
people. But as soon as the people have a right 
to self-determination and they make that de- 
termination under a supervised election or 
honest, proper procedures, we will act 
promptly in accordance with our statements. 
I have assured the Premier we have no de- 
sire to expand the conflict in Viet-Nam. We 
hope to work positively with all nations to- 
ward stability in Southeast Asia. 

I summarized briefly my hopes in the 
seven-nation conference coming up. I pointed 
out to the Premier that I welcomed his visit 
and this opportunity to talk with him. In the 
last several weeks I have been busily engaged 
with reviewing with all of the leaders in that 
area: President [Chung Hee] Park of Korea, 
representatives of Malaysia, representatives 
of Burma, Ne Win [Chairman of the Revo- 
lutionary Council of the Union of Burma], 
President Marcos [Ferdinand E. Marcos, 
President of the Philippines], Prime Minis- 
ter Holt [Harold E. Holt, Prime Minister of 
Australia], Prime Minister Holyoake [Keith 
Holyoake, Prime Minister of New Zealand]. 
I discussed these problems at some length 
with the Prime Minister of India and with 
the President of Pakistan. Most of these peo- 
ple have come to Washington, and most of 
them have come in the very recent days. I 



have a general view of their attitude and 
Uieir hopes and there is no substantial dis- 
agreement among us. 

So far as the desire for peace is concerned, 
we believe that the peoples involved should be 
allowed to determine for themselves the type 
of government they should have. 

I think we discussed some other technical, 
detailed problems about aid from other coun- 
tries and about other matters affecting the 
internal affairs of this government. But that 
is about the complete summary. 

under the Southeast Asia Treaty of 1954, 
ratified by the Senate, and reaffinned that 
this treaty represented an individual obliga- 
tion of the United States in accordance with 
its terms and as stated in the communique 
between Foreign Minister Thanat and Secre- 
tiuy Rusk in 1962.' The President made clear 
that these commitments had the full support 
of the American people, who recognized the 
firm Thai resolve to defend their own inde- 
pendence and freedom, and the major con- 
tribution Thailand was making to the se- 
curity of the area. 

President Johnson Meets 
With Thai Cabinet IVIinisters 

White House Announcement 

White House press release dated October 7 

The President met today [October 7] with 
two distinguished statesmen from Thailand, 
Minister of National Development Pote 
Sarasin and Foreign Minister Thanat Kho- 
man. The discussion centered on the eco- 
nomic devalopment programs of Thailand. 

Minister Pote Sarasin reviewed Thailand's 
rapid economic progress. Some 60 percent of 
the Thai budget is devoted to economic de- 

The President made clear that the United 
States would continue to join with other in- 
terested countries in assisting the economic 
development of Thailand and noted that the 
soundness and effectiveness of Thai programs 
had resulted during the last 5 years in sub- 
stantial participation by the World Bank and 
other nations. The President further indi- 
cated that the United States would continue 
to supply equipment and training to assist 
actions already undertaken by Thailand to 
stamp out insurgency instigated by outside 

The President repeated to the Thai Minis- 
ters that the United States continued to ad- 
here fullv to its commitments to Thailand 

' For text of a communique dated Mar. 4, 1962, 
see Bulletin of Mar. 26, 1962, p. 498. 

Eugene Black on 10-Nation Trip 
To Discuss Asian Development 

White Hou^e Announcement 

White House press release dated October 18 

At the request of President Johnson, Mr. 
Eugene R. Black is leaving October 26 on a 
visit to Asia, during which he will attend the 
inaugural meeting of the Asian Development 
Bank in Tokyo. He returns to Asia in his 
capacity as the President's special adviser on 
regional economic development. 

The trip is part of the continuing consulta- 
tion between Asians and ourselves. It was 
planned in advance of the invitation by Phil- 
ippine President [Ferdinand E.] Marcos for 
the Chiefs of State conference in Manila, but 
it relates closely to those aspects of the 
Manila conference which focus on broad 
questions of long-range development and bet- 
terment throughout Asia. Mr. Black repre- 
sents the President's keen interest in con- 
crete proposals which can advance Asian 
living standards. 

During his visit to more than 10 nations 
Mr. Black will discuss with Asian leaders 
and heads of international and regional or- 
ganizations those policies and programs they 
consider most promising for rapid economic 
development and regional cooperation. 

As the President's eyes and ears he will 
seek new and more effective ways for the 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


United States to support Asian initiatives 
and efforts to promote their common welfare. 

Dr. Henry T. Heald, former President of 
the Ford Foundation, and Mr. Austin J. 
Tobin, Executive Director, the Port of New 
York Authority, will accompany Mr. Black 
and advise him on questions of education and 
transportation. Experts on Asian regional 
economic development from U.S. Government 
agencies will also accompany Mr. Black. 

On his return he will report his findings to 
the President and to congressional leaders. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Argentine Republic, Alvaro Carlos Alsoga- 
ray, presented his credentials to President 
Johnson on October 3. For text of the Am- 
bassador's remarks and the President's 
reply, see Department of State press release 
dated October 3. 

Dominican Republic 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Dominican Republic, Hector Garcia Godoy, 
presented his credentials to President John- 
son on October 3. For text of the Ambassa- 
dor's remarks and the President's reply, see 
Department of State press release dated 
October 3. 

Upper Volta 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Republic of Upper Volta, Paul Rouamba, pre- 
sented his credentials to President Johnson 
on October 3. For text of the Ambassador's 
remarks and the President's reply, see De- 
partment of State press release dated 
October 3. 

U.S., U.K., Germany Begin Talks 
on Central Europe Defense 

Statement by President Johnson 

White House press release dated October 11 

I have appointed Mr. John J. McCloy as 
the United States Representative to the tri- 
lateral conversations to be held by the 
United States, the Federal German Republic, 
and the United Kingdom which were envis- 
aged in the joint communique made by the 
President and Chancellor [Ludwig] Erhard 
on September 27. ' It is understood that the 
other Representatives will be Dr. Karl Car- 
stens for the German Federal Republic and 
Mr. George Thomson for the United King- 

The three governments have invited Mr. 
Manlio Brosio, the Secretary General, to dis- 
cuss with the group at its first meeting the 
ways in which its work could reinforce and 
assist NATO force planning already under- 

The purpose of these conversations is to 
undertake a searching reappraisal of the 
threat to security and — taking into account 
changes in military technology and mobility 
— of the forces required to maintain adequate 
deterrence and defense in Central Europe. 
The reappraisal will also deal with: 

— equitable sharing of defense and other 
comparable burdens; 

— the impact of troop deployments and 
force levels on the balance of payments of 
the United States and United Kingdom; 

— the effect on the German economic and 
budgetary situation of measures designed to 
ameliorate balance of payments problems. 

The first trilateral meeting will be held in 
Bonn, Germany, on October 20, 1966. 

» For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1966, p. 583. 



The Kennedy Round: The Final Phase 

by W. Michael Blumenthal 

Deputy Special Representative for Trade Negotiations i 

Since May 1963, when the ministers of 
participating countries first established the 
principles and procedures for the Kennedy 
Round, these negotiations have played a cen- 
tral role in the commercial policy field. Again 
and again, the governments of the principal 
world trading nations have underlined the 
dominant place which they accord to these 
GATT [General Agreement on TariflFs and 
Trade] talks. The Dutch Government, in- 
deed, has been one of those which has most 
consistently stressed this point. Queen Juli- 
ana, in her recent speech, stated that the 
government will "continue to strive for the 
success of the negotiations in the Kennedy 
Round. The EEC [European Economic Com- 
munity] can make an important contribution 
to the expansion of world trade, which will 
in turn benefit the developing countries." 

Other countries of the EEC have given 
equally firm support, and no meeting of the 
EFTA [European Free Trade Association] 
ministers has passed without urgent empha- 
sis being given to these negotiations. In my 
own country, President Johnson has com- 
mitted the full support of the U.S. Govern- 
ment to a successful conclusion of the Ken- 
nedy Round. Only last week in a message to 
Congress he reiterated the determination of 
the United States "to exert every effort" to 
lower trade barriers in the current round of 
negotiations in Geneva.^ 

' Address made before the annual meeting of the 
American Chamber of Commerce at Rotterdam, 
Netherlands, on Sept. 28. 

• See p. 675. 

This preoccupation with the Kennedy 
Round is not surprising. In the first place, it 
is a vastly more ambitious undertaking than 
any previous negotiation. Secondly, it comes 
at a time when there is much flux in com- 
mercial policy matters. For example, the final 
implementation of the Community's com- 
mercial policy and the present eff'orts of in- 
dustrial countries to meet the demands of 
the developing countries for expanded export 
opportunity will certainly be closely related 
to the outcome of these negotiations. Third, 
there is a realization that success — or failure 
— in the Kennedy Round may have repercus- 
sions far beyond purely commercial or trade 
issues: on intra-European cooperation, At- 
lantic solidarity, relations between the de- 
veloped and the developing countries, and 
perhaps even on the future of the EEC itself. 

We have now reached the decisive point in 
the Kennedy Round — the point of no return. 
The big decisions will be taken in the next 
few months. And the stakes — for progress if 
we succeed or for retrogression if we fail — 
are high. 

It is appropriate that we should be discuss- 
ing the Kennedy Round here in Rotterdam, 
the world's largest port. The invigorating 
spirit of international trade is a tradition to 
the people of Rotterdam, as it is for the 
Netherlands as a whole. It is fitting that the 
motto of the city of Rotterdam should be 
"Stronger through struggle." The Nether- 
lands also provides a good example of what 
the Kennedy Round can off"er in the way of 
new export opportunity. Exports account for 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


roughly 30 percent of the gross national 
product. Last year, EFTA countries bought 
$1.2 billion of Dutch products; the United 
States $244 million. The EFTA countries 
and the United States together bought $270 
million of machinery, $150 million of chemi- 
cals, $75 million of textile yam and fabrics, 
$70 million of iron and steel products, and 
$75 million of canned meats alone. 

I dwell on the exports at stake in this 
negotiation because I suspect that here in 
the Netherlands, as in most other countries, 
including the United States, export interests 
are at times obscured by exaggerated fears 
about new import competition. There is a 
tendency for businessmen to be notoriously 
pessimistic when it comes to trade matters. 
It is not uncommon to hear producers on one 
side of the ocean forecasting imminent doom 
if tariffs are cut to import competition, 
while exporters of the same product on the 
other side of the ocean express no particular 
interest in seeing tariffs reduced. Exporters 
often hesitate to stand up and be counted 
when issues reach the critical phase, while 
protectionist groups do not, in most coun- 
tries, seem to have the same inhibitions. 

The point is that if only domestic pro- 
ducers concerned about imports are heard as 
to what can not be given, the interest of the 
exporter, dependent on reciprocity of trade 
benefits, is lost by default. Is it not in the 
interest of Dutch producers to see substantial 
tariff reductions abroad for such products as 
steel sheets, radios, or electric generators? 
What action on the part of the Community 
is needed to obtain these benefits? These are 
the kind of questions before us at Geneva in 
coming months. The answers need to be 
heard and require careful watching by busi- 
nessmen in all countries. 

Importance of Agricultural Discussions 

The most important issue now being dis- 
cussed in Geneva is agriculture. For certain 
participants, agricultural exports are a vital 
part of the total trade structure. Roughly a 
quarter of U.S. exports consist of agricul- 
tural products. The Netherlands, too, has 
substantial farm exports to the markets of 

other major Kennedy Round participants: 
meat and dairy products, vegetables, cocoa, 
and indirectly such commodities as beer and 
cigars. To take account of these basic export 
sectors, it was agreed that the Kennedy 
Round would include agriculture as a neces- 
sary and integral part of the negotiations. 

Nevertheless, agricultural discussions 
have lagged far behind the other areas of 
negotiation in the Kennedy Round. Partly 
this was because of the complexity of 
analyzing agricultural trade and the relevant 
factors of trade restriction by various coun- 
tries. Partly this was because the EEC de- 
layed making its Kennedy Round offers until 
its internal policy was substantially agreed 
upon. Partly it was because decisions per- 
taining to agricultural products are difficult 
and there is a tendency to postpone difficult 

It was only 2 months ago that agricultural 
offers were tabled by the Community — at 
which time other major participants com- 
pleted their existing offers. We are now en- 
gaged in the first stage of intensive multi- 
lateral and bilateral talks about these offers. 
It is not, therefore, appropriate for me to 
discuss here the details or substance of these 
talks. But one thing is certain: They are of 
vital importance; and the willingness and 
ability of all the major participants, includ- 
ing the EEC, to marshal the political will 
and the economic foresightedness to work 
out viable agreements may well detennine 
whether the Kennedy Round can succeed. 

How does the United States approach 
these negotiations in agriculture? We can 
only look at each offer from the viewpoint of 
our exporter back home — or with the same 
yardstick some of you, as exporters, un- 
doubtedly use. How much duty and levies 
were paid before the Kennedy Round when 
exporting to the Community or some other 
export market? How much less will have 
to be paid after the Kennedy Round? If an 
exporter previously paid 20 percent duty at 
the border, and after the Kennedy Round he 
pays only 10 percent, this is something of 
value, and the United States is willing to re- 
ciprocate with offers of equal value. But if, 



on the other hand, one levy at the border is 
reduced from 20 i>ercent to 10 percent while 
a new form of tariff levy of 15 percent is 
added, the net result is that an exporter, in- 
stead of payinp 20 percent as before, now 
would be paying 25 percent. This kind of 
"offer," obviously, is of no help to the ex- 
porter — he is worse off than when he started. 
Needless to say, such an "offer" would be 
unacceptable when drawing up the balance 
sheet in Geneva. 

We recognize that in certain cases it may 
not be sufficient to deal only with protection 
at the border. We are attempting, for exam- 
ple, to negotiate a more comprehensive ar- 
rangement for trade in cereals. Whatever the 
scope of such arrangements, however, for an 
exporting country like the United States the 
yardstick of increased export opportunity 
must still remain the basic criterion in 
judging the value of proposed offers. 

Concrete Reductions in Trade Barriers 

This pragmatism of evaluating offers 
strictly from the viewpoint of the potential 
trade benefits should not seem strange to 
you. For businessmen, whether here in the 
Netherlands or in the United States or else- 
where, tend to look at their problems in this 
way. They measure what they gain and 
judge from that the value they can afford to 
give in return. 

It is important to emphasize this point be- 
cause Kennedy Round agricultural talks have 
for some time been encumbered by con- 
troversy over approach, theoiy, philosophy 
of agricultural protection, and other matters 
which are not directly related to an ex- 
porter's trading opportunities. This is not to 
deny that there are a number of fundamental 
issues I'elating to countries' policies of agri- 
cultural support and protection which should 
be dealt with. Some of these have been with 
us for a long time — but they are simply not 
the kind of issue that can be effectively 
handled within the scope and timing of the 
Kennedy Round. We must be more modest 
and attempt only what is practical and pos- 

This is not to say, however, that offers 

must remain modest. The United States has 
made a substantial offer and is i)repared to 
indicate clearly for each agricultural com- 
modity what i)articular benefits will be de- 
rived from it. We will likewise make calcula- 
tions on the value of specific and definite 
offers by othei-s. Where an internal i)olicy 
or practice threatens to nullify a concession 
offered on border protection or where it im- 
perils our trade with third markets, we will, 
of course, seek a commitment limiting the 
effects of that policy. Where our trading 
partners, on the other hand, wish to see our 
offers changed or improved for similar 
reasons and if there is a real trade interest 
for which these partners are willing to pro- 
vide us with compensatoiy benefits, we will 
also be prepared to consider these requests. 
This is the way we hope to negotiate the 
agricultural part of the Kennedy Round. Our 
results will not be judged by the lofty words 
in the preamble to an agreement but by the 
specific and concrete reductions in trade bar- 
riers that give new opportunity in export 

Tariff Cuts and Trade Benefits 

While agriculture is the single most im- 
portant issue on which we must concentrate 
at present, it is by no means the only one. 
In the industrial sector, there is the funda- 
mental objective of an across-the-board tariff 
cut. Offers now on the table are in fact based 
on a 50 percent reduction in all tariffs with 
only a strictly "bare minimum" of exceptions 
for reasons of overriding national interest. 
The terms "bare minimum" and "overriding 
national interest" are of course elusive and 
it is futile even to try and define them. In 
the words of the distinguished Dutch philoso- 
pher Erasmus, "All definitions are danger- 
ous." But the principle involved is neverthe- 
less evident. Exceptions to the linear cut by 
each participant must be kept to those few 
cases where the inability to make the normal 
tariff reduction can be clearly justified. 

The present status of offers, however, 
does not provide a comparable overall bal- 
ance of trade benefits. The EFTA countries, 
for example, who enter the negotiations with 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


a significant trade deficit vis-a-vis their ma- 
jor trading partners, have put forward gen- 
erally more attractive Kennedy Round offers 
than they are presently being offered in re- 
turn. It will be a major task this fall for 
each participant to make those necessary im- 
provements in its offers so as to achieve an 
overall balance at the highest possible level 
of tariff cuts. The alternative could be an un- 
fortunate reduction of existing offers — a 
process which might easily accelerate in 
chain reaction fashion down to a least-com- 
mon-denominator of trade benefits. I hope 
the less than satisfactory results of some 
past negotiations have taught us the danger 
of such a course. 

Once again, I would urge that exporters 
keep a sharp eye on their particular interests 
in the Kennedy Round. Dutch exports to the 
United States, from organic chemicals to 
transistors and tulip bulbs, are all included 
in the Kennedy Round. But the outcome for 
each individual product depends on the 
ability to achieve an equitable balance for the 
negotiation as a whole. The particular 
interest at this point is identical with the 
general interest. 

Nontariff Barriers 

Another important aspect of the industrial 
negotiations I would like to mention is the 
field of nontariff barriers. It was agreed at 
the outset that a serious attempt would be 
made in the Kennedy Round to deal with 
some of these trade problems. We have 
begun work exploring ways to improve the 
regulations against international dumping. 
Some exporting countries have put special 
emphasis on the inconveniences of the 
American selling price system of customs 
valuation for certain chemical products. The 
United States has pointed to barriers against 
its exports of coal, the discriminatory impact 
of road taxes in several countries on Ameri- 
can-built cars, and to other nontariff restric- 
tions on its export sales. 

The outcome of our talks in this difficult 
area will depend on the willingness of each 
participant to make contributions of real 
significance. No country is in a position to 

act alone if an equal effort is not forthcom- 
ing on the part of others. An understanding 
of this basic fact is fundamental to any 
progress we hope to achieve in the nontariff- 
barrier field. 

The Will To Lower Tariff Walls 

We have now reached the final phase of the 
Kennedy Round. We are in fact already far 
behind schedule. The growing tariff discrim- 
ination between the EEC and EFTA, which 
it was hoped the Kennedy Round would 
mitigate, looms larger with each succeeding 
step of internal reductions. 

The impatient challenge of the developing 
countries remains unanswered, and the sec- 
ond UNCTAD [United Nations Conference 
on Trade and Development] conference, 
scheduled to take place in the summer of next 
year, will pass critical judgment on the 
ability of the industrial countries to act to- 
gether in the Kennedy Round to stimulate 
and encourage exports of developing coun- 
tries. Finally, the 5-year authority granted 
by the U.S. Congress to the President in the 
path-breaking Trade Expansion Act expires 
next June 30.^ It would prove discouraging 
testimony of the will to carry out the objec- 
tives unanimously agreed to over 3 years ago 
if we retui-ned emptyhanded. Worse, it could 
set in motion a backlash of protectionist 
sentiment, wath perhaps a new wave of 
trade-restricting demands. 

Decisions taken between now and early 
next spring will spell the measure of our 
achievement in the Kennedy Round. At this 
point we are hopeful that the necessary de- 
cisions will be taken to make this joint 
undertaking a genuine success. The United 
States, certainly, will not be found lacking. 
And the determination of other participants 
should in their own self-interest be equally 

When I consider what is at stake in these 
coming months, I am reminded of the words 
of the American poet Robert Frost: 

' For a summary of the Trade Expansion Act, see 
ibid., Oct. 29, 1962, p. 656. 



Before I built a wall I'd ask to know 
What I was walling in or walling out, 
And to whom I was like to give offense. 

Unfortunately, tariff walls were often 
erected without sufficient regard as to what 
was being walled in or walled out. But this 
remains the question today when we make 
our major effort to lower these walls which 
separate national economies and inhibit com- 
merce between them. And it is our respon- 
sibility in coming months to find the means, 
the will, and the political courage to bring 
these negotiations to a successful conclusion. 

President Reports to Congress 
on Trade Agreements Program 

Letter of Transmittal 

To the Congress of the United States: 

This is the tenth annual report on the 
Trade Agreements Program, as required by 
section 402(a) of the Trade Expansion Act 
of 1962. It covers calendar year 1965. 

World trade in 1965 surpassed all previous 
levels, enriching the lives of peoples around 
the globe. Record levels of United States 
foreign trade contributed greatly to this ad- 
vance, and the American people shared fully 
in its benefits. 

However, the successes of 1965 also served 
to dramatize the vast unrealized potential of 
the world market and the importance of mov- 
ing forward with the Kennedy Round of 
tariff negotiations, the great multilateral en- 
deavor to generate more rapid growi;h in 
trade. Recently, the pace of these talks has 
intensified. The major participants have 
shown renewed determination to conclude an 
agreement. The United States will continue 
to exert every effort to assure that these ne- 
gotiations yield extensive reductions in re- 
straints on trade in all classes of goods, 
including agricultural products. 

The steady grovrth and freer flow of world 
trade are essential to full prosperity at home, 
economic growth and stability in the indus- 
trialized countries, and progress in the de- 

veloping world. We shall do everything in 
our power to build in future years on the sub- 
stantial progress in these directions achieved 
in 1965. 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

The White House, September 20, 1966. 

President Hails OECD Progress 

Follotving is the text of a message from 
President Johnson to Thorkil Kristensen, 
Secretary General, Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development, Paris, 
marking the fifth anniversary of the OECD, 
September 30. 

September 28, 1966 
Dear Mr. Secretary -General : The fifth 
anniversary of the Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development is a 
proud day for all mankind. It reminds us of 
the great strides all member nations have 
made in building their own economies and 
strengthening the bonds of international 
cooperation which are so vital to lasting 

But this day should also remind us of the 
challenge of the future. Most of the world's 
peoples still live in the shadow of hunger 
and disease. Many still face a future dark 
with deprivation and shorn of hope. The 
spectre of violence born of want is still to 
be banished from the earth. Until we have 
eliminated these ancient adversaries, none 
of our accomplishments will be secure. 

We have learned much in the past five 
years. Most important, perhaps, we have 
learned the power of unity, of a common 
approach to common problems. This will be 
our strength in the future as it has been in 
the past. I know that the OECD will play its 
part in shaping the cooperative efforts 
necessary to meet our responsibilities to the 
hundreds of millions whose destinies hang in 
the balance. You may be assured of our 
strong and continuing support. 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


East-West Trade Policy in a Balanced Strategy for Peace 

by Joseph A. Greenwald 

In his European policy speech last Friday, 
President Johnson described our task of rec- 
onciliation with the East as "a shift from 
the narrow concept of coexistence to the 
broader vision of peaceful engagement." ^ 
The subject I will be speaking about today — 
expanded East-West trade — is one of the 
main tools we can use in working toward the 
objective set by the President. 

Our East-West trade policy is part of our 
balanced strategy for peace. On the one hand, 
we will continue to defend freedom in South- 
east Asia and to demonstrate that Commu- 
nist aggression does not pay. 

But at the same time we must be prepared 
to take advantage of all opportunities to 
widen the areas of peaceful association with 
Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. 

The underlying concept of flexibility and 
difi'erentiation in our policy toward the Com- 
munist world calls for a special effort to 
achieve public understanding and support. 
It requires a greater degree of sophistication 
than some other aspects of United States 
foreign policy. This applies particularly to 
the field of trade. Since decisions to buy and 
sell are in the hands of individuals under our 
private enterprise system, a policy of ex- 
panding East-West trade can be effective 

' Made at Syracuse, N.Y., on Oct. 11 before a 
tricity world trade meeting sponsored by the Foreign 
Trade Club of Syracuse (press release 240). Mr. 
Greenwald is Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter- 
national Trade Policy and Economic Defense. 

* For text of President Johnson's address at New 
York, N.Y., on Oct. 7, see Bulletin of Oct. 24, 1966, 
p. 622. 

only if businessmen, as well as consumers, 
understand and accept it. 

The obvious question is: Why should we 
trade with any of the Communist nations 
when they are supporting the forces shooting 
at Americans, South Vietnamese, Austra- 
lians, and others? President Johnson an- 
swered on Friday. Speaking of the need to 
work with the East to build a lasting peace, 
he said: "We do not intend to let our differ- 
ences on Viet-Nam or elsewhere prevent us 
from exploring all opportunities." 

Another answer to this question lies in the 
nature of the Communist world as we see it 
today. What we once knew as the Sino-Soviet 
bloc is no longer the monolith of Stalin's 
time. We know that today there are deep and 
hitter differences among these countries. It 
is no longer axiomatic that Moscow's word 
will be followed blindly by all of the faithful 
followers throughout the world. On the con- 
trary, we find daily evidence that each of the 
Communist countries increasingly pursues its 
own national interests. It is to our advantage 
in this situation to deal with these countries 
in accordance with our own national interest 
— and not in accordance with an outdated 
concept of a Sino-Soviet bloc of a decade ago. 

Finally, we do not ignore the commercial 
benefits from expanding trade. 

Thus, as a part of our continuous search 
for areas of agreement with the East, as a 
part of the effort to balance resistance to ag- 
gression in South Viet-Nam with a peace- 
serving move in another part of the world, 
and as part of our general program of trade 
expansion, Secretary of State Rusk, acting 



on the President's instructions, submitted the 
East-West Trade Relations Act to the Con- 
gress on May 11 of this year.' He asked the 
Congrress to provide the President with the 
authority necessary to negotiate commercial 
agreements with the Soviet Union and other 
nations of Eastern Euroi)e to widen our 
trade in peaceful g:oods, when such agrree- 
ments will serve the interests of the United 
States. The President last Friday affirmed 
that the administration intends to press for 
passage of the proposed legislation. 

Both Republican and Democratic adminis- 
trations have favored expanding trade with 
Eastern Europe. In 1958, for example, Presi- 
dent Eisenhower made it clear that "the 
United States favors the expansion of peace- 
ful trade with the Soviet Union" and spoke 
of the importance of trade as a means of 
strengthening the possibilities for independ- 
ent actions by the countries of Eastern Eu- 

The United States is not alone in seeking 
to improve relations with the Soviet Union 
and other countries of Eastern Europe. Last 
June, after the meeting of the foreign minis- 
ters of the North Atlantic alliance in Brus- 
sels, Secretary Rusk repoi-ted that all the 
members of NATO have observed signs of 
evolution in Eastern Europe and the Soviet 
Union — evolution toward national autonomy, 
less hai-sh internal discipline, and the res- 
toration of more normal relations between 
the peoples of Eastern Europe and those of 
the West. 

Most of the responsible statesmen of the 
North Atlantic community recognized, the 
Secretary said, that the facts of the world 
situation require that NATO remain strong 
and alert. At the same time, he said, "they 
agree that every effort must be made to im- 
prove East-West relations and to solve or 
blunt East-West disputes . . ." ^ 

Before President Johnson decided to seek 
East- West trade legislation, he had the mat- 
ter studied intensively by a group of Ameri- 
can business, labor, and academic leaders. 
The committee was chaired by J. Irwin Mil- 
ler, chairman of the board of the Cummins 

Engine Company. In its report in 1965, the 
Miller committee concluded that the United 
States, having protected itself by a secure 
and adequate defense, can prudently seek 
practical means of reducing areas of conflict 
with the Soviet Union.* The committee ad- 
vocated the use of trade in peaceful and non- 
strategic items as a policy instrument. 
The committee said: 

Trade cannot settle the major outstanding issues 
between ourselves and the Communists, nor can it, 
by itself, accomplish a basic change in the Commu- 
nist system. Over time, however, trade negotiations 
and trade relations can provide us with useful op- 
portunities to influence attitudes in these countries 
in directions favorable to our national interest. 

Provisions of the Proposed Legislation 

The proposed East-West Trade Relations 
Act is based on the recommendations of the 
Miller committee. It would give the President 
positive tools to accompany existing laws 
which use the negative power of trade denial 
— the Export Control Act, the Battle Act, the 
restrictive provisions of other laws — to pre- 
vent trade from strengthening the Commu- 
nist regimes militarily. These existing laws 
deny to the Communist regimes items of 
strategic and military value and they will 
continue in effect. What we propose in the 
East-West Trade Relations Act is to reduce 
the barriers to trade in nonstrategic goods. 

The main provisions of the proposed legis- 
lation would authorize the President to ex- 
tend most-favored-nation (MFN) tariff 
treatment to certain individual Communist 
countries instead of the very high rates of 
the 1930 Smoot-Hawley tariff. In other 
words, the President could apply the same 
tariff duties to individual Communist 
countries that are now applicable to all other 

' For background and text of the proposed leg^isla- 
tion, see ibid., May 30, 1966, p. 838. 

■* For text of President Eisenhower's letter of July 
14, 1958, to Premier Khrushchev, see ibid., Aug. 4, 
1958, p. 200. 

' For Secretary Rusk's address at Denver, Colo., 
on June 14, see ibid., July 11, 1966, p. 44. 

' For text of the committee's report, see ibid., May 
30, 1966, p. 845. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


countries. The authority could be exercised 
only in a commercial agreement with a par- 
ticular country in which such MFN treat- 
ment would be granted in return for equiva- 
lent benefits to the United States. 

We would seek through these commercial 
agreements to find ways to make it easier to 
carry on East-West business transactions. 

Problems of interest to American busi- 
nessmen could be dealt with under the con- 
sultation procedures or in the periodic nego- 
tiations to be provided for in agreements 
under the proposed act. 

Any agreement would be limited to 3 years 
but could be renewed for periods not to ex- 
ceed 3 years each. Any agreement could be 
suspended or terminated at any time on rea- 
sonable notice. MFN treatment would apply 
only while an agreement was in efi'ect. The 
President would be directed to suspend or 
terminate MFN treatment whenever he de- 
termined that the other party was no longer 
fulfilling its obligations under the agreement 
or that the suspension or termination was in 
the national interest. 

The act would apply only with regard to 
European Communist countries. It would not 
apply to Cuba, Communist China, North 
Korea, and North Viet-Nam, and the Soviet 
Zone of Germany. Existing laws and regula- 
tions will assure that no benefits of the act 
will be made available to these areas. Poland 
and Yugoslavia now receive most-favored- 
nation treatment under the Trade Expansion 
Act, and they could continue to do so. 

Prospects for Trade With Eastern Europe 

But even with passage of the requested 
legislation and conclusion of commercial 
agreements with a number of countries, what 
are the actual prospects for more trade be- 
tween the United States and Eastern Eu- 

In recent years. United States trade with 
those countries has grown relatively little 
compared with the growth of total U.S. trade 
and compared with the growth of trade be- 
tween other industrial countries and Eastern 
Europe. Last year U.S. exports to Eastern 

Europe and the Soviet Union totaled $139 
million, and U.S. imports from those coun- 
tries were valued at $137 million. In 1964 
U.S. exports to those countries totaled $340 
million, but that was a year of unusually 
large shipments of wheat and other grains. 
In contrast, total free world exports to these 
Communist countries (excluding Yugo- 
slavia) in 1965 reached $6 billion, and free- 
world imports from them totaled approxi- 
mately the same amount. The Netherlands 
and Sweden each did more business with the 
Communist countries of Eastern Europe last 
year than the United States did. 

For a number of reasons, we would not 
expect a sudden huge expansion of United 
States trade with Eastern Europe to result 
from East-West trade legislation and con- 
clusion of commercial agi-eements. This trade 
historically has not been large. The availa- 
bility of Eastern European goods that will 
find a market in the United States is a real 
constraint on a sizable growth in trade. Al- 
though there need not be a strict bilateral 
balance in their trade with the United States, 
the Eastern European countries will have to 
sell in the United States to earn some of the 
foreign exchange with which to pay for 
American products. 

Another constraint, despite the Soviet 
theme that trade should not be afl!"ected by 
"differences in economic and social systems," 
is the fact that we do have diflf'erent trading 
systems and it will take time before market- 
ing techniques both ways are understood and 
mastered. One difficulty is the limited contact 
between U.S. businessmen and plant man- 
agers in Communist countries. Another is the 
lack of clear-cut protection for U.S. indus- 
trial property rights. There is also difficulty 
in identifying and providing information on 
products and technology which might be of 
interest to U.S. firms. 

But we should not consider that this is a 
permanent state of aflfairs. In almost all the 
countries of Eastern Europe an active search 
is under way for means to overcome the in- 
efficiencies and lack of incentives in the econ- 
omy which are depressing growth rates and 
retarding improvement in standards of liv- 



\ng. Plans for overcoming these obstacles are 
being advanced in almost every country of 
the area. The plans usually call for rational- 
ization of investments, introduction of new 
incentive systems based on profits, an in- 
crease in the autonomy of enterprises, and 
an increase in trade with the \\'est. The tre- 
mendous economic success of the United 
States and Western Europe since World War 
II is exerting an in-esistible pull on the econ- 
omists and planners of the East, just as 
Western standards of living sharpen the dis- 
satisfaction of Eastern European consumers 
with the results of their own systems. 

The experience of Yugoslavia has been 
closely studied by the other Eastern Euro- 
pean countries. Immediately after the break 
with the Cominform in 1948 Yugoslavia dis- 
mantled its central apparatus for planning 
and controlling the economy, giving its indi- 
vidual enterprises substantial autonomy in 
their own management. The remaining 
structure of central governmental controls 
over investment, foreign currency transac- 
tions, etc., was intended to be temporary and, 
with some hesitations, has been steadily re- 
duced. An economic reform introduced in 
July of 1965 was intended, over a period of 
adjustment, to open the Yugoslav economy to 
competition from outside producers, to force 
Yugoslav entei'prises to prove their viability 
in competition on the world market, and to 
integrate Yugoslavia more closely with the 
free world economic system. The transforma- 
tion of the Yugoslav economy is well sym- 
bolized by their acceptance last August as a 
full contracting party to the GATT [Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] — an 
international trade instrument designed 
primarily to govern trade relations among 
countries with market economies. 

It is reasonable to expect a moderate and 
gradual growth in U.S.-Eastem European 
trade. It is increasingly evident that the 
Eastern Europeans, including the Soviets, 
are intent on acquiring more advanced equip- 
ment and technology. Moreover, as their na- 
tional economies turn more and more to con- 
sumer needs and desires, they will become 
more attractive markets. One impressive ex- 

ample is the recent agreement of the Fiat 
Comi)any of Italy to build an $800 million 
factory in the Soviet Union to make compact 
cars for the Russians. In connection with 
this, inquiries have been made of U.S. com- 
panies which may lead to substantial sales of 
U.S. automotive equipment and services to 
Fiat for the Soviet plant. President Johnson 
in his October 7 speech announced that the 
Export-Import Bank is prepared to finance 
American exports for this plant. Other West- 
ern European countries are building or ex- 
pect to build factories in Eastern Europe to 
produce a wide range of goods. 

Two additional steps to facilitate expan- 
sion of U.S.-Eastem European trade were 
announced by the President on October 7. 
One was his signing of a determination that 
will allow the Export-Import Bank to guar- 
an;;ee commercial credits to Poland, Hungary, 
Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia. This already 
was possible for Yugoslavia and Romania. 
The other was a decision, details of which the 
Commerce Department will shortly announce, 
to reduce export controls on East- West trade 
with respect to approximately 400 nonstra- 
tegic items. 

These recent actions by the President and 
passage of the proposed East-West trade leg- 
islation should result in a higher level of 
trade. While the total still would be a very 
small percentage of U.S. world trade, it 
would be important to individual industries 
and businesses, to farmers, and to many 
firms providing the services to facilitate ex- 
ports and imports. 

Trade Can Convey Ideas 

But would increased two-way peaceful 
trade between the United States and Eastern 
European countries really have significant 
effect on the general policies and attitudes of 
these countries? 

We should not expect miracles from trade, 
but greater exchanges of goods and increased 
contacts of persons involved in trade could 
help to bridge the gaps between us and the 
nations of Eastern Europe. Trade can con- 
vey ideas. Through trade and the contacts 
which it requires, we can communicate to 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


others some additional elements of our na- 
tional personality and philosophy and our 
hopes for peace. The articles of trade can 
transmit specifically and perhaps more con- 
vincingly than the most powerful radio sta- 
tion some idea of our marvelous productivity 
— the rich variety and efl^ciency and con- 
sumer orientation of our output. Perhaps we 
can also transmit, through trade, the idea of 
our own system's basic reliance on a frame- 
work of economic incentives and rewards. 

As with all trade relations, it must be a 
two-way street. If we believe that expanded 
East-West trade is an essential part of our 
balanced strategy for dealing with Commu- 
nist countries, if we want to sell more of our 
farm and factory output to the Eastern Eu- 
ropeans, if we want them to invest some of 
their scarce economic resources in producing 
peaceful specialties for our consumers, then 
we will have to buy from them. In the case 
of Communist countries, we all have a spe- 
cial problem of consumer education. 

There is a small but active minority which 
apparently believes it is unpatriotic to buy 
from or sell to any Communist country. Some 
individuals and small groups, such as self- 
appointed "Committees to Warn of the Ar- 
rival of Communist Merchandise on the Local 
Scene," have tried through boycotts, threats 
of economic reprisals, and other methods to 
block legal trade in goods from Communist 
countries. The targets of their intimidation 
have ranged from small shops to supermar- 
ket chains and multimillion-dollar corpora- 
tions. The goods that aroused their wrath 
have varied from Christmas tree ornaments 
and hams from Poland, and vases and ash- 
trays from Czechoslovakia, to baskets and 
tobacco from Yugoslavia. Similarly, pressure 
has occasionally been brought on companies 
not to sell to Communist countries. 

Are these Americans advancing the in- 
terests of the United States? The Govern- 
ment of the United States does not believe 
so. We think they are harming the United 
States national interest by obstructing a 
foreign policy that has been developed by 
four administrations since World War II. We 
think they are still living in the late 1940's 
and the early 1950's — not the middle of the 
1960's. We think they are out of step. 

In the past, we have been able to act with 
sufficient flexibility to meet changing situa- 
tions and exploit new opportunities. Now the 
situation has changed and opportunities are 
arising, but in our view we do not have 
enough authority to act flexibly in our own 

As we see it, it now makes good sense for 
this nation with its enormous economic 
strength and its economic involvement in 
every part of the non-Communist world, to 
use trade as an eflFective tool to advance 
our relations with the countries of Eastern 

Senator Magnuson has said of the pro- 
posed East-West Trade Relations Act that 
"few bills can ever hope to rival this one in 
its potential for contributing to the peace 
and stability of the world in what is left of 
the 20th centuiy." He urged that we look at 
the Communist world as it exists in actu- 
ality today, not as it took shape in our fears 
of 10 or 20 or 30 years ago. 

Today there is no longer a monolithic So- 
viet bloc — nor is there a Sino-Soviet bloc. 
Growing appreciation of the significance of 
this fact should increase popular acceptance 
of the general proposition that an expansion 
of peaceful trade with the nations of Eastern 
Europe would serve the purposes of peace 
and, thus, the national interest of the United 



U.S.-Japan Scientific Committee Holds Sixth Annual Meeting 

The U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific 
Cooperation held its sixth aimual meeting at 
Washington, D.C., October 10-13. Folloiving 
are a Department of State annouyicement of 
the meeting, messages from President John- 
son and Prime Minister Eisaku Sato, and 
opening remarks by Secretary Rusk, together 
ivith the text of the joint communique issued 
at the close of the meeting. 


Press release 237 dated October 7 

The sixth meeting of the U.S.-Japan Com- 
mittee on Scientific Cooperation will be held 
at the Department of State on October 10-13, 
1966. Disting-uished scientists of the two 
countries are members of this Committee, 
which was established in 1961 as one of three 
high-level U.S.-Japan consultative bodies. 

In the course of its annual meetings, held 
alternately in Washington and Tokyo, the 
Science Committee has recommended coop- 
erative activities to promote exchanges of 
scholars, scientific information and materials, 
and education in the sciences, and to en- 
courage joint research projects in earth sci- 
ences of the Pacific area, biological and medi- 
cal sciences, hurricanes and typhoons, and 

At the coming meeting, the Committee will 
review the progress in these fields during the 
past year, hear special presentations by 
American and Japanese scientists on aspects 
of their work, and consider possible addi- 

' For text of joint communique issued at the close 
of the fourth annual meeting, see Bulletin of July 
13, 1964, p. 61. 

tional fields for cooperative research. It will 
also consider a report on the overall coop- 
erative science program that has been car- 
ried out with the support of the two Govern- 
ments since the Committee was established 
5 years ago. 

The United States delegation, headed by 
Dr. Hany C. Kelly, dean of the faculty, 
North Carolina State University, includes: 
Dr. H. Stanley Bennett, director. The 
Laboratories for Cell Biology, University of 
Chicago; Dr. Detlev W. Bronk, president, 
The Rockefeller Institute; Dr. Caryl P. Ras- 
kins, president, Carnegie Institution; Dr. 
Gordon J. F. MacDonald, member, Presi- 
dent's Science Advisory Committee; Gerard 
Piel, publisher, Scientific American; Dr. Ed- 
ward M. Purcell, professor of physics, Har- 
vard University; Dr. Jerome B. Wiesner, 
dean of science, Massachusetts Institute of 

Dr. Kankuro Kaneshige, professor emeri- 
tus, Tokyo University, is chairman of the 
Japanese delegation. Other members are: Dr. 
Shiro Akabori, president, Osaka University; 
Dr. Seiji Kaya, professor emeritus, Tokyo 
University; Dr. Masao Kotani, professor, 
Osaka University; Dr. Toshio Kurokawa, 
director, Cancer Institute Hospital, Japanese 
Foundation for Cancer Research; Dr. 
Takashi Mukaibo, professor, Tokyo Univer- 
sity; Kiyoshi Okano, councilor, Higher Edu- 
cation and Science Bureau, Ministry of Edu- 
cation; Masao Sawaki, counselor. Embassy of 
Japan; Dr. Yusuke Sumiki, professor emeri- 
tus, Tokyo University; Hiroshi Yashiki, di- 
rector. Promotion Bureau, Science and Tech- 
nology Agency. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 



President Johnson 

On the occasion of this sixth meeting, and 
after a half-decade of close working rela- 
tionships, it is clear that the United States 
and Japan have established, through their 
Committee on Scientific Cooperation, a new 
path for cooperation between nations. This 
has been a truly joint program — in effort, in 
funds, and in scientific dedication. The re- 
search under the Committee has been pro- 
posed and carried out by individuals acting 
on behalf of their professional interest and 
public conscience. 

Science and technology are vital ingredi- 
ents in the continued growth of all nations, 
developed and developing, and in the search 
for a better life for all men. This Committee 
has advanced that cause. I believe that there 
is no practical limit to what free men, act- 
ing together with initiative, resolution, and 
responsibility, can accomplish. I ask the 
Joint Committee to accept my congratula- 
tions for a successful program, and I join 
with you in your high hopes for the future. 

Prime Minister Sato 

I send my greetings and best wishes to all 
the participants in the sixth meeting of the 
U.S.-Japan Committee on Scientific Coopera- 

As you all know, this Committee was set 
up 5 years ago by the late President Kennedy 
and Prime Minister [Hayato] Ikeda, and to- 
gether with the Committees on Trade and 
Economic Affairs and Culture and Educa- 
tion, is one of the main focal points for U.S.- 
Japan collaboration and cooperation. 

It is highly gratifying to note the progress 
that has been made by the dedicated scien- 
tists of both countries in this area of joint 
effort during the past 5 years. 

On behalf of the Government and the peo- 
ple of Japan, I wish to extend our whole- 
hearted support and encouragement to the 
work of this most important Committee, and 

to express the hope that this work will con- 
tinue to promote the cause of peace and wel- 
fare for all mankind. 


It is a very special pleasure for me to greet 
the sixth meeting of the United States- 
Japan Committee on Scientific Cooperation 
and to welcome our friends from Japan. I 
am also pleased that today is the day on 
which — indeed just 30 minutes ago — we in- 
ducted into office our new Ambassador to 
Japan, Mr. Alexis Johnson. As many of you 
know, my close associations with the scien- 
tific community in Japan as well as in the 
United States go back many years, and they 
have intensified my interest as Secretary of 
State in the work of this joint Committee. 
Your Committee has done its full share to 
justify the confidence in the value of closer 
working relationships between our two coun- 
tries, expressed by the late Prime Minister 
Ikeda and the late President Kennedy in 
June 1961, reaffirmed by Prime Minister 
Ikeda and President Johnson in November 
1963, and reiterated by Prime Minister Sato 
and President Johnson last year.' 

It has been my privilege to serve as Chair- 
man of the American delegation to all five 
meetings of the U.S.-Japan Committee on 
Trade and Economic Affairs. These have 
helped both Governments to understand bet- 
ter and to deal effectively with many mutual 
problems both between our two countries 
and in relations with others. The most recent 
meeting of that Committee was in July of 
this year in the historic city of Kyoto.* I 
came away from it and from my talks in 
Tokyo with Prime Minister Sato with a feel- 
ing that we had achieved the genuine part- 
nership on the basis of equality that has been 
our goal. The rise of the new Japan as a 
great democratic nation has been very 
gratifying to the American people. We have 
admired your remarkable economic vitality 

' Read to the opening session of the Committee. 

' For background, see Bulletin of July 10, 1961, 
p. 57, and Feb. 1, 1965, p. 133. 
* For background, see ibid., Aug. 1, 1966, p. 177. 



and we have been pleased to see Japan 
undertake a widening range of constructive 
activities in the affairs of free Asia and of 
the free world as a whole. 

During- the last few years I have witnessed 
with keen satisfaction the growi;h of cul- 
tural contacts and scientific cooperation be- 
tvveen Japan and the United States. Under 
the aegis of your Committee scientific coop- 
eration has developed from an idea through 
experimental arrangements to maturity. 
The importance of the U.S.-Japan program 
for scientific cooperation is today beyond 
question in both nations. The many joint 
projects, under eight panels, attest to the vi- 
tality of your undertaking; and they extend 
beyond scientific curiosity, important as that 
is, to concern for the general welfare, as is 
indicated by your consideration of joint 
studies of means of predicting earthquakes 
and tropical storms. 

I understand that during this meeting you 
will review a report on your Committee's ac- 
tivities over the past 5 years. I do not wish 
to preempt your own evaluation of your 
progress, but I am confident that your record 
will stand as a guide to effective bilateral 
scientific cooperation. 

This time of review and evaluation is also 
an appropriate time to look ahead to further 
challenges and opportunities. Science and 
technology are an essential part of man's 
restless search of himself and his world. As 
this search continues to gather momentum 
— and it will — we must look to the inclusion 
of the next generation of scientists as con- 
tributors to expanding investigative en- 
deavors and we must continue to be on the 
alert for additional promising areas for joint 
scientific efforts. And we must, above all, ap- 
proach the future with a confidence which is 
justified by 5 years of growing achievement. 
In science and technology, as in other 
fields, we are proud to have such a strong 
and talented partner as Japan. And we be- 
lieve that our partnership can be increasingly 
useful not only to both of our countries but 
in building a peaceful world and furthering 
the well-being of all mankind. Indeed, one of 
the special responsibilities which the United 

States and Japan bear, and perhaps bear to- 
gether, is to assist a good many nations and 
a good many people to enter the scientific 
world in a sense in which they have not yet 
been able to enter it. 

For the truth is that in the field of science 
we are dealing with a genuine international 
community. There is no such thing as Ameri- 
can science or Japanese science. The building 
blocks of knowledge are put in place by 
thoughtful and inquiring men whose minds 
reach out beyond their own national borders, 
both to take and to receive. There is no 
branch of knowledge which does not reflect 
this comradeship of mind and spirit. 

And so, Mr. Chairman, Dr. Kelly, Dr. 
Kaneshige, in your labors together in this 
Committee you are spinning a few more of 
the infinity of threads which bind peace to- 
gether. Thank you, sir. 


The Sixth Meeting of the United States-Japan 
Committee on Scientific Cooperation was held at the 
Department of State, Washington, D.C., October 10- 
13, 1966. Dr. Harry C. Kelly, Head of the United 
States Delegation, and Dr. Kankuro Kaneshige, 
Head of the Japanese Delegation, served as Co- 

At the outset of this meeting, marking the fifth 
anniversary of the establishment of the cooperative 
program, the Committee was welcomed by Secretary 
Rusk and Ambassador [Ryuji] Takeuchi and received 
messages of commendation and encouragement from 
President Johnson and Prime Minister Sato. 

The Committee reviewed and approved a report, 
which is to be published later this year in English 
and in Japanese, detailing its overall activities in the 
past five years. The Committee noted that these co- 
operative efforts have produced significant and valu- 
able scientific results, that the number of participat- 
ing scientists from Japan and the United States has 
increased steadily, and that scientists from other 
countries also have participated in some of the pro- 
gram activities. All of these cooperative endeavors 
also exemplify the meaningful contribution which 
scientific cooperation can make to the promotion of 
international friendship and understanding. 

The Committee expressed satisfaction upon re- 
ceiving reports of progress from panels in each of 
the following eight areas of cooperation: 

(1) Exchange of Scholars 

(2) Exchange of Scientific Information and Mate- 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


(3) Earth Sciences of the Pacific Area 

(4) Biological Sciences 

(5) Medical Sciences 

(6) Education in the Sciences 

(7) Hurricane and Typhoon Research 

(8) Research on Pesticides 

Some of the important findings of work accom- 
plished under the program were presented by par- 
ticipating scientists at a symposium held on October 
12 at the National Academy of Sciences. 

In addition to the joint research projects already 
underway, the Committee agreed to explore, by 
means of joint survey seminars or coordinated in- 
quiries by specialists of both countries, the possibili- 
ties of designating the following as new fields of 
cooperation: (1) solid state physics, (2) mathemati- 
cal economics, (3) urban engineering, (4) cell 
biology, and (5) studies of ancient contacts between 
Japan and Peru. The Co-Chairmen were asked to 
determine at a later date which of the above subjects 
should be recommended to their respective govern- 
ments as new fields for cooperation. 

The next meeting of the Committee will be held 
in Tokyo in June or July, 1967. 

Philippine Veterans Benefits 
Signed Into Law 

Following is a statement by President 
Johnson upon signing H.R. 16330 and H.R. 
1637 on September 30, together with hi^ 
statement at a ceremony on October 11 mark- 
ing the signing of H.R. 1 6557. 


I have today signed H.R. 16330 and H.R. 
16367, two bills dealing with Philippine 
veterans benefits. 

When President Marcos of the Philippines 
visited Washington several weeks ago, I had 
the honor and pleasure of a frank and 
friendly exchange of views with him on na- 
tional and international developments. ^ 

Out of these talks came a greater under- 
standing of several issues, including the mat- 
ter of benefits to Philippine veterans of 
World War H. I stated my strong hope that 

' For background, see Buli£TIN of Oct. 10, 1966, 
p. 526. 

legislation dealing with this subject would 
be enacted quickly by Congress. 

Congress responded promptly and gener- 
ously and the two bills I sign today are an- 
other milestone in the continuing saga of 
U.S.-Philippine cooperation and friendship. 

H.R. 16367 will extend the benefits of the 
War Orphans Educational Assistance pro- 
gram to the children of those Commonwealth 
Army and "New" Philippine Scouts veterans 
who died or were permanently and totally 
disabled while serving with the Armed 
Forces of the United States. These Philippine 
children will be entitled to receive payments 
to pursue their education for up to 36 

The future of a nation is determined by the 
capabilities of its youth. I believe this bill 
will assist the Philippines in building a 
bright and promising future. 

H.R. 16330 extends and enlarges the pres- 
ent U.S. program of hospital and medical 
care for Philippine veterans. The present 
program will be extended to June 1973. Out- 
patient care will be provided for "New" 
Philippine Scouts as well as Commonwealth 
Army veterans who have service-connected 
disabilities. Veterans with non-service-con- 
nected disabilities will now be able to get 
hospital care if they are unable to pay for 

This bill also provides funds for one of the 
finest medical facilities in the Far East, the 
Veterans Memorial Hospital near Manila. 
That Hospital, operated by the Government 
of the Philippines, was built and equipped by 
the United States for the benefit of Philippine 

I am especially pleased with the provision 
of this bill which provides funds for the edu- 
cation and training of medical personnel and 
for medical research at the Memorial Hospi- 
tal. This is in keeping with America's com- 
mitment to join with the Philippines in an 
alliance to fight disease and to improve the 
health standards of the people. 

These two bills are the direct result of the 
deliberations of the Joint United States-Re- 
public of the Philippines Commission for the 
Study of Philippine Veterans Problems. I 



would like to express my gratitude to all the 
members of that Commission, especially Gen- 
eral George Decker, the Chairman of the 
U.S. participants, and Congressman Olin E. 
Teague, the Vice-Chairman, who presided so 
ably over the proceedings during the illness 
of General Decker. 


Wblte House pr«ss release dated October 11 

Chairman Teague, Administrator Driver 
[William J. Driver, Administrator, Veterans 
Administration], Members of Congress, 
ladies and gentlemen: 

When President Marcos of the Philippines 
visited us a short time ago, he talked to me 
about a number of inequities and injustices 
which the passage of time had brought to 
our Filipino allies. I urged the Congress to 
correct these unintentional inequities as 
promptly as they could. 

The Congress responded wholeheartedly. 
So today we have come here to sign the last 
of three measures enacted by the Congress 
since President Marcos' visit to deal with 
these inequities. 

The first act expands educational benefits 
for children of diseased and disabled war 
veterans; the second provides greater hos- 
pital and medical benefits for Filipino 

But this act, I think, is by far the most 

This measure deals specifically with two 
matters of importance to Filipino veterans. 
It will enable us to refund to them wartime 
insurance premiums, which they need not 
have paid but which were collected in error 
during those hectic and confusing days of 
the Second World War. It will also restore 
to them the full amount of benefits that were 
originally intended in 1946. 

Due to changes over the years in the rela- 
tive value of the Philippine peso and the U.S. 
dollar, their actual benefits have been greatly 
reduced. This measure allows us to restore 
the cash value of their benefits to what was 
intended by the original legislation. 

This bill, like the two which came before 
it, is the direct result of the very fine work 
done by the Joint United States-Republic of 
the Philippines Commission on the Study of 
Philippine Veterans Problems. 

I would like to publicly express my per- 
sonal appreciation to all the fine members of 
that Commission, especially to General 
George Decker, the Chairman of the U.S. 
participants, and my old friend Congress- 
man Olin E. Teague, Vice Chairman, for 
their leadership and dedicated efl!'orts. 

I also want to mention three distinguished 
lawmakers who were instrumental in making 
this legislation a reality: Senator Mike Mans- 
field, Senator Jennings Randolph, and our 
own beloved House Majority Leader Carl 
Albert, who cannot be with us this morning 
because he is indisposed at the Bethesda Hos- 

The relationship between the United 
States and our friends in the Philippines is 
both warm and historic. Twenty-five years 
ago we shared together the shock of violent 
aggression. Together, we persevered through 
the long night of war until we emerged — 
together — into the hard-won sunlight of vic- 
tory and peace. We are very pleased to find 
ourselves united again today in our deter- 
mination to secure a true and a lasting peace 
among all of our fellow nations of the Pacific. 

Our mutual search for peace among our 
neighbors must always rest to a very large 
degree upon the trust and confidence we have 
in one another. I am especially pleased to 
sign this measure today because, in addition 
to its tangible benefits to many thousands of 
deserving and patriotic Filipino veterans, I 
believe that it forges still another link in the 
strong chain of friendship which unites our 
two Republics: 

I am looking forward, along w^th Mrs. 
Johnson, with a great deal of pleasure to vis- 
iting in the Philippines in the next few days. 
We will apply all of the talent, energy, and 
eflForts that we have in an attempt to bring 
together the united spirit that is necessary 
if we are to have peace in the world. 

To all of you Members of Congress, from 
both parties, who have participated in pass- 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


ing this very just and long overdue legisla- 
tion, I say the American people not only 
thank you but the Filipino people thank you. 
We are grateful for another job well done. 

U.S., Mexico To Join in Solving 
Rio Grande Salinity Problem 

Following is a statement made by Presi- 
dent Johnson on September 19 upon signing 
the act {Public Law 89-58A) authorizing con- 
clusion of an agreement with Mexico for 
joint measures for solution of the lower Rio 
Grande salinity problem, together with the 
text of a telegram he sent on that day to 
President Gtistavo Diaz Ordaz of Mexico. 


White House press release dated September 19 

I proudly sign legislation authorizing a 
joint project with our sister Republic of 
Mexico for the solution of the salinity prob- 
lem in the lower Rio Grande. 

This is another example of how good neigh- 
bors solve common problems. Within the past 
few years, our two countries have already 
resolved the Chamizal border dispute at El 
Paso and have taken measures to resolve the 
salinity problem on the Colorado River. 

Now we will undertake a new joint effort 
on the salinity problem of the lower Rio 

Today the saline waters of the lower Rio 
Grande prevent attaining the potential abun- 
dance of over 1 million acres of fertile land 
on both sides of the border. We cannot afford 
this needless waste. We need not. 

The peoples of the United States and Mex- 
ico have united in a joint venture to develop 
the border together. The International 
Boundary and Water Commission, made up of 
representatives from the two countries, was 
created to resolve common problems and to 
help develop fully the bountiful resources on 
both sides of the border. This organization 
has proposed a canal to convey practically all 

the saline waters from a Mexican irrigation 
district — now reaching the lower Rio Grande 
— directly to the Gulf of Mexico. That pro- 
posal is embodied in the legislation I am 
about to sign. 

Once this project is completed, the brack- 
ish waters will no longer damage seedlings, 
citrus fruits, and vegetables. That water will 
be conveyed directly to the sea. The Rio 
Grande will again become free from harmful 
concentration of salts so damaging to agri- 
culture on both sides of the border. 

In this spirit of cooperative endeavor both 
countries will share equally in the cost of the 
international project. Each will contribute 
$690,000. Also, local people in the United 
States benefiting most directly from this 
project will share equally with their Govern- 
ment in paying for it. They have already 
raised and deposited in the Treasury nearly 
90 percent of their share. I commend these 
fine people for their initiative, cooperation, 
and confidence. 

I also commend the many Members of 
Congress who have made this project a 
reality. I especially commend my friends 
from Texas, Senator [Ralph W.] Yarborough 
and Congressman [Eligio] de la Garza, who 
so effectively sponsored it. 

I am informing my veiy good friend Presi- 
dent Diaz Ordaz of Mexico of the favorable 
action by the Congress. We jointly announced 
last December the recommendation of the 
International Boundary and Water Commis- 
sion for the solution of this problem. ' Today 
we can both rejoice that the solution will 
soon become a reaUty. 


White House press release dated September 19 

His Excellency 

Gustavo Diaz Ordaz 

President of the United Mexican States 

Once again I have the pleasure to inform 
you of the enactment and ai)proval of legisla- 
tion of great interest to both our countries. 

• Bulletin of Jan. 24, 1966, p. 118. 



You ^\^ll recall you joined with me last 
December in announcing the recommenda- 
tions of the International Boundaiy and 
Water Commission for a solution of the 
salinity problem on the lower Rio Grande. 
The United States Congress has quickly ap- 
proved these recommendations by passing 
legislation to authorize the proposed interna- 
tional project. 

I believe that the Commission is to be con- 
gratulated on having arrived at so equitable 
and satisfactory a solution. This project, now 
to be undertaken jointly by our two Govern- 
ments, is still another notable achievement in 
our cooperative efforts to resolve common 
border problems. 

Mrs. Johnson and I send our wannest re- 
gards to you and Mrs. Diaz Ordaz. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

Ambassador Bunker To Review 
Israel Desalination Proposals 

Following is a portion of the opening state- 
ment made by President Johnson at his netvs 
conference at the White House on October 13. 

I have asked, now on another subject, Am- 
bassador Ellsworth Bunker, as one of his 
assignments in the new post as Ambassador 
at Large, to begin to review proposals which 
have been made for a desalting electric power 
project in Israel. 

In making this review. Ambassador 
Bunker will give careful study to the pro- 
posals in relation to all aspects of Israel's 
water problem. 

Ambassador Bunker, as you know, has had 
a very long and distinguished record in the 
service of our country. He has most recently 
done some outstanding work in the Domin- 
ican Republic as our representative to the 
Council of the Organization of American 

States. And except for his work there I 

shudder to think of the situation that would 
confront us now. 

I am especially pleased that Ambassador 
Bunker has agree<l as one of his new duties 
to work on this complex subject of desalting, 
which holds so much hope for the future of 
mankind, and which I am determined to have 
a substantial breakthrough on during my 
term of office if that is at all possible. 

From the beginning, the United States and 
Israel have viewed these explorations of 
world-wide cooperation with great pleasure. 
We want to do what we can to solve the prob- 
lem of scarcity of water. Some of you may 
recall that I said in my speech to the friends 
of the Weizmann Institute in New York that 
the knowledge and experience obtained from 
all of our programs in this field will, of 
course, be made available to all other coun- 

I have repeatedly said that the United 
States is equally ready to cooperate with 
other countries in solving water problems. 

The International Atomic Energy Agency 
has participated in the U.S.-Isi-aeli studies. 

U.S. Marks Anniversary 
of Arms Control Act 

Statement by President Johnson 2 

Five years ago Monday [September 26], 
the Congress passed and the President ai)- 
proved the United States Arms Control Act, 
because the people of this Nation felt that 
the most urgent goal of national policy was 
to build a peaceful world environment. 

When the United States was the only na- 
tion possessing atomic weapons, we urged 
others to join us in placing all atomic facili- 
ties under international control. Now five na- 
tions possess nuclear weapons. 

We are still seeking and urging the efFec- 

' For text, see BULLETIN of Feb. 24, 1964, p. 286. 
' Made public Sept. 24. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


tive international control of atomic facilities 
and weapons. 

The highest priority goal of national policy 
continues to be: to lift from mankind the 
threat of nuclear war. 

This means we must continue to seek and 
gain agreements that would bring the nu- 
clear arms race under control and prevent 
the further spread of nuclear weapons. 

In observing this fifth anniversary of the 
Arms Control and Disarmament Act, I, as 
President of the United States, pledge this 
Government to continue the search for peace, 
on every front, whatever the obstacles we 
may confront — however long the road 
may be. 

U.S. and Canada Request IJC 
Study on Air Pollution 

Press release 220 dated September 23 

The Department of State announced on 
September 23 that it had that day trans- 
mitted the folloiving letter to the Inter- 
national Joint Commission, United States 
and Canada, requesting a report on air pol- 
lution in the Detroit-Windsor and Port 
Huron-Sarnia areas. An identical letter was 
transmitted to the International Joint Com- 
mission by the Government of Canada. 

September 23, 1966 
The International Joint Commission, 

United States and Canada, 
Washington, D.C., U.S.A., 

and Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. 

Sirs: As a result of expanding industrial 
and other activities along the international 
boundary of the United States and Canada, 
the Governments of both countries have been 
increasingly aware of the problem of air pol- 
lution affecting citizens and property inter- 
ests on either side of the boundary. In 
particular. Governments have received rep- 
resentations that citizens and property in the 
vicinities of Detroit-Windsor and Port 

Huron-Samia are being subjected to detri- 
mental quantities of air pollutants crossing 
the boundary. 

The problem of air pollution in the vicinity 
of the cities of Windsor and Detroit was the 
subject of a Joint Reference to the Commis- 
sion dated January 12, 1949. The Commis- 
sion was requested to report whether the 
air over, or in the vicinity of, Detroit and 
Windsor was being polluted by smoke, soot, 
fly ash or other impurities in quantities detri- 
mental to the public health, safety or general 
welfare of citizens or property on either side 
of the boundary. In the event of an affirma- 
tive answer, the Commission was asked to 
indicate the extent to which vessels plying 
the waters of the Detroit River were con- 
tributing to this pollution and what other 
major factors were responsible and to what 

The Commission, in its final report to Gov- 
ernments of May 1960, replied in the affirma- 
tive to the first question and listed various 
industrial, domestic and transportation ac- 
tivities on land as being largely responsible. 
In accordance with the terms of the said 
Reference, however, the Commission did not 
formulate any recommendations with regard 
to these major factors, its recommendations 
being limited to vessels plying the Detroit 

In view of the seriousness of the problem 
of air pollution in the vicinity of Port Huron- 
Samia and Detroit-Windsor, both Govern- 
ments have agreed to refer this matter to the 
International Joint Commission, pursuant to 
Article IX of the Boundary Waters Treaty 
of 1909. The Commission is therefore re- 
quested to inquire into and report to the two 
Governments upon the following questions: 

(1) Is the air over and in the vicinity of 
Port Huron-Samia and Detroit-Windsor 
being polluted on either side of the inter- 
national boundary by quantities of air con- 
taminants that are detrimental to the public 
health, safety or general welfare of citizens 
or property on the other side of the inter- 
national boundary? 


department of state bulletin 

(2) If the foregoing question or any part 
thereof is answered in the affirmative, what 
sources are contributing to this imllution 
and to what extent ? 

(3) (a) If the Commission should find 
that any sources on either side of tlie bound- 
ary in the vicinity of Port Huron-Samia 
and Detroit-Windsor contribute to air pollu- 
tion on the other side of the boundary to an 
extent detrimental to the public health, safety 
or general welfare of citizens or property, 
what preventive or remedial measures would 
be most practical from economic, sanitary 
and other points of view? 

(3) (b) The Commission should give an 
indication of the probable total cost of im- 
plementing the measures recommended. 

In the light of the findings contained in 
the Commission's report of May 1960, the 
Commission, in conducting its investigations 
under this Reference is requested to give 
initial attention to the Detroit-Windsor area 
and, to submit its report and recommenda- 
tions on this problem to the two governments 
as soon as possible. 

The Commission is also requested to take 
note of air pollution problems in boundary 
areas other than those referred to in Ques- 
tion 1 which may come to its attention from 
any source. If at any time the Commission 
considers it appropriate to do so, the Com- 
mission is invited to draw such problems to 
the attention of both Governments. 

For the purpose of assisting the Commis- 
sion in making the investigations and recom- 
mendations provided for in this Reference, 
the two Governments, upon request, will 
make available to the Commission the serv- 
ices of engineei^s and other specially qualified 
personnel of their respective Governments, 
and such information and technical data as 
may have been acquired by such Goveni- 
ments or as may be acquired by them during 
the course of investigation. 

For the Secretary of State: 
John M. Leddy 

U.S.-U.S.S.R. Talks Resuming 

on Moscow-New York Air Services 

Department Announcement 

Pr«H release 288 cUtod October I 

The Soviet Union and the United States 
have agreed that technical talks between the 
designated carriers should be resumed look- 
ing toward signature of the Civil Air Trans- 
ix)rt Agreement between the two Govern- 
ments which was initialed in 1961. Assum- 
ing that these and other technical questions 
are resolved, it is contemplated that air serv- 
ices between Moscow and New York might 
begin as soon as the late spring of 1967. 

Foreign Policy Conference 
To Be Held at New Orleans 

The Department of State announced on 
October 3 (press release 230) that a foreign 
policy conference will be held at New Or- 
leans, La., on November 12, sponsored by the 
Foreign Relations Association of New Or- 
leans, International House, and Tulane Uni- 
versity and supported by a broad cross sec- 
tion of community organizations. 

Invitations will be extended to business 
and community leaders, repi'esentatives of 
national nongovernmental organizations and 
members of the press, radio, and television 
from Mississippi, Louisiana, and eastern 
Texas. The purpose of the meeting is to bring 
together citizen leaders and media represent- 
atives with government officials responsible 
for formulating and cairying out foreign 

Officials now scheduled to participate in 
the conference include Joseph J. Sisco, As- 
sistant Secretary for International Organi- 
zation Affairs; Richard Renter, Special As- 
sistant to the Secretary of State (Food-for- 
Peace Program); Zbigniew K. Brzezinski, 
Member, Policy Planning Council; and Har- 
old Kaplan, Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
Public Affairs. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 



United States Urges Concrete U.N. Action on South West Africa 

Statement by Arthur J. Goldberg 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

We of the United States delegation have 
listened with close attention to this debate on 
the future of South West Africa. The ex- 
traordinary importance attached to this issue 
was dramatically demonstrated by the Gen- 
eral Assembly when it decided to begin the 
debate without delay and to hold it in plenary 
session. We share the general view of the 
importance of the issue, and we believe this 
may prove to have been one of the truly 
decisive debates of the United Nations if, as 
we earnestly hope, it results in effective ac- 

I should like to pay tribute to you, Mr. 
President, and to the participants in this 
debate, for the seriousness with which this 
very difficult question has been treated. My 
delegation has great respect for the views 
expressed, both in the statements made and 
in the 54-power draft resolution. 

We are encouraged to find that, as regards 
the status of South West Africa, virtually 
all of the membership, with very few excep- 
tions, is in agreement. This near-unanimity 
finds strong support in the legal framework 
clearly defined by the three advisory opin- 
ions of the International Court of Justice, 
which remain an authoritative statement of 
the law on this matter. 

It may be useful at this stage of our debate 

' Made in plenary session of the U.N. General 
Assembly on Oct. 12 (U.S. delegation press release 

to sum up at this point the essential elements 
of this broad agreement, which we believe 
exists in this Assembly. 

First, the people of South West Africa, 
like all peoples, have the right to determine 
their own future. 

Second, South West Africa is a territory 
having an international status and will re- 
main so until its people exercise this right 
of self-determination. 

Third, South Africa's right to administer 
the territory arose solely from the mandate. 

Fourth, as the mandatory power, South 
Africa incurred certain obligations toward 
the people of the territory — including the 
promotion of their material and moral well- 
being and their social progress. It has not 
fulfilled these obligations. Indeed, it has even 
gone so far as to impose on the territory the 
abhorrent system of racial segregation 
known as apartheid. 

Fifth, as the mandatory power. South 
Africa incurred certain obligations to the 
international community, for which the Gen- 
eral Assembly has supervisory responsibili- 
ties. Among these are obligations to report 
annually on its administration of the terri- 
tory and to transmit petitions from the in- 
habitants. South Africa has repeatedly re- 
fused to carry out these obligations. We are 
thus confronted with a continuing material 
breach of obligations incumbent upon the 
mandatory power. 

Sixth, South Africa itself has disavowed 



the mandate, asserting that it ceased to exist 
upon the dissolution of the League of Na- 

Seventh, by virtue of the breach of its 
obligations and its disavowal of the mandate, 
South Africa forfeits all right to continue 
to administer the Territory of South West 
Africa. Indeed, it is because of South Afri- 
ca's own actions that it can no longer assert 
its right under the mandate; and apart from 
the mandate. South Africa has no right to 
administer the territory. 

Eighth, in these circumstances the United 
Nations must be prepared to discharge its 
responsibilities with respect to South West 

On these eight points, Mr. President, we 
believe all but a very few members are in 
essential agreement. We agree on the nature 
of the problem. We agree on the objective. 
It is highly important that our near-una- 
nimity on these fundamentals should be made 

This is all the more true when we come to 
decide on the best means of implementing 
our common aim. To be effective in this most 
important issue, we need more than world 
opinion voiced by words in a resolution. We 
need world cooperation manifested by con- 
crete action. 

And with this in mind, the United States 
is prepared to work with all delegations com- 
mitted to our common goal. 

In our view, the General Assembly should 
begin by expressing explicitly the decision 
with respect to the status of South West 
Africa in a form acceptable to virtually all 
the membership. Having done this, it should 
create a practical instrumentality to give 
effect to its decision. 

In considering what form this instrumen- 
tality should take, we are very much helped 
by the eminently sensible suggestion made by 
a number of representatives during this de- 
bate; namely, the establishment of a United 
Nations commission for South West Africa. 
The United States would be glad to serve on 
an appropriately representative body if that 
is the desire of the General Assembly. 

This commission, it seems to us, should 
have very explicit and strong terms of ref- 
erence. It should be asked to recommend 
means by which, in accordance with a pre- 
scribed timetable, an administration for 
South West Africa can be set up which will 
enable the people of the territoiy to exercise 
their right of self-determination. The com- 
mission should report as soon as practicable 
and in any event not later than a specific 
and early date to be agreed upon, a date con- 
sistent both with the urgency of the matter 
and with the need for effective discharge of 
its important responsibility. All principal 
organs of the United Nations should be asked 
to take appropriate action with respect to 
the commission's repoi-t, and the cooperation 
of all members in its work should be re- 

This, let me emphasize, Mr. President, is 
an action proposal. It contemplates steps 
which can be immediately and practically 
implemented and which lie within the capac- 
ity of this organization. It is designed to 
provide the community of nations promptly 
with a considered blueprint for united and 
peaceful action for the benefit of the people 
of South West Africa. 

It is extremely important, Mr. President, 
that the action which the General Assembly 
takes on this transcendantly important issue 
should be both intrinsically sound and widely 
supported. This is necessary in the first place 
for the sake of the people of South West 
Africa, who have a right to expect from us 
not only words but also concrete, helpful, and 
meaningful actions. And it is equally neces- 
sary for the sake of the United Nations itself 
— for the authority and prestige of this 
world body. 

These are the views of the United States 
on this important subject. We do not suggest 
that we have spoken the last word on this 
matter. We are flexible in our approach. But 
we are also firm in our determination that 
the United Nations, with all the unanimity 
and effectiveness we can muster, shall pro- 
ceed to bring practical relief to the people of 
South West Africa in their time of need. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 



Department Supports Commercial 
Treaty With Togo 

Statement by William C. Trimble ^ 

I am appearing before the committee in 
support of the treaty of amity and economic 
relations with the Togolese' Republic (S. 
Ex. E).2 It belongs in the series of com- 
mercial treaties that the Department of State 
has been negotiating since 1946, and consti- 
tutes the 23d unit in that series. The United 
States commercial treaty network, including 
those treaties negotiated under the current 
program, together with the older treaties of 
the type, extends to the Far East, the Middle 
East, Africa, and South America and in- 
cludes nearly every country in Western 
Europe. We continue to pursue a policy of ex- 
tending the body of commercial treaties to 
the fullest extent possible. 

The treaty with Togo is another agree- 
ment coming within the terms of congres- 
sional policy as expressed in section 413 of 
the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as amended, 
which provides that the President "shall ac- 
celerate a program of negotiating treaties for 
commerce and trade . . . which shall include 
provisions to facilitate the flow of private 
investment to nations participating in pro- 
grams under this act." The treaty does en- 
courage private investment from one country 
to the other, which in this instance would 
probably mean U.S. investment in Togo, with 
Togo enjoying the inflow of foreign capital. 

This is the first formal treaty to be con- 
cluded beween Togo and the United States, 

' Made before the Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations on Sept. 22. Mr. Trimble is Deputy Assist- 
ant Secretary for African Affairs. For text of the 
committee's report, see S. Ex. 8, 89th Congress, 
2d session. 

• For an announcement of the signing of the treaty 
on Feb. 18, see BULLETIN of Mar. 7, 1966, p. 367. 

although several less formal agreements are 
already in effect, covering the Peace Corps, 
economic assistance, and the investment 
guaranty program. We already have excel- 
lent official relations with Togo, which shares 
U.S. views on a number of imix)rtant issues. 
The 60-odd Peace Corps volunteers now in 
Togo, as well as their predecessors, have de- 
veloped close personal associations with the 
Togolese people. The Togolese Government 
has worked with our AID ofl!icials in estab- 
lishing a center for training heavy road 
equipment operators and mechanics that 
serves nine French-speaking African states. 
Encouraged in part by Togo's "open door" 
trade policy, one of our important corpora- 
tions has a major interest in a mining enter- 
prise that, after just a few years of operation, 
contributes about one-third of Togo's export 

Now we are giving formal expression to 
our initial fruitful contacts and making pos- 
sible a legal framework that will encourage 
still greater contacts with this friendly Afri- 
can state, a former trust territory that at- 
tained full independence in April 1960. 

The treaty has a double importance for re- 
lations between our two countries. From our 
viewpoint, it serves as a charter of rights 
for Americans in Togo and as a code of fair 
treatment for American businessmen. For 
Togo, it evidences a friendly desire to engage 
in legal and commercial activities on an equal 
footing with the United States without prej- 
udicing the close relationships inherited from 
past associations with the former adminis- 
tering power. 

I wish to point to another aspect of the 
treaty. It is the first treaty within the com- 
mercial ti'eaty structure of the United States 
to be entered into with a recently independ- 
ent African state. As such, it represents not 
only an important milestone in our friendly 
relations with Togo but in addition a hopeful 
precedent for extension of our commercial 
treaty system to other African countries 
which have only recently achieved inde- 
pendence and are now developing their na- 
tional commercial relations with the rest of 
the world. 



The new treaty contains 15 articles. It is 
the short, simplified version of the standard 
treaties of friendship, commerce, and navi- 
gation, such as are now in force with the 
Federal Republic of Gennany and Jai)an. The 
simplified version is in force with Ethiopia, 
Iran, and Viet-Nam and has, of course, been 
before the committee each time. The more 
significant features are summarized in the re- 
port of the Secretaiy of State that accom- 
panies it.' Its provisions are based upon 
existing precedents and introduce no new 
commitments that raise problems as to their 
effects upon domestic law. 

The treaty was approved by the National 
Assembly of Togo on July 2 of this year, and 
the instrument of ratification was signed by 
President [Nicolas] Grunitzky on August 25. 

That completes my prepared statement, 
Mr. Chairman. Thank you.* 



The Senate on October 12 confirmed the following 
nominations : 

Ellsworth Bunker to be Ambassador at Large. 
(For biographic details, see White House press 
release dated October 6.) 

Francis J. Galbraith to be Ambassador to the 
Republic of Singapore. (For biographic details, see 
White House press release dated September 19.) 

Foy D. Kohler to be a Deputy Under Secretary 
of State. (For biographic details, see White House 
press release dated September 21.) 

Sol M. Linowitz to be the representative of the 
United States on the Council of the Organization 
of American States, with the rank of Ambassador. 
(For biographic details, see White House press 
release dated October 6.) 

William R. Rivkin to be Ambassador to the 
Republic of Senegal, and to serve concurrently as 
Ambassador to The Gambia. 

Eugene Victor Rostow to be Under Secretary of 

State for Political Affairs. (For biographic details, 
see Department of State press release 244 dated 
October 14.) 

Llewellyn E. Thompson to be Ambassador to the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. (For biographic 
details, see White House press release dated Sep- 
tember 21.) 

' For text, see S. Ex. E, 89th Congress, 2d session. 
* The Senate on Sept. 28 adopted a resolution pro- 
viding for ratification of the treaty. 

Current Actions 



Articles of agreement establishing the Asian Devel- 
opment Bank, with annexes. Done at Manila 
December 4, 1965. Entered into force August 22, 

Ratifications deposited: Afghanistan, August 22, 
1966; Belgium, August 16, 1966; Canada, 
August 22, 1966; ' Denmark, August 16, 1966; ' 
Finland, August 22, 1966; Germany, Federal 
Republic of, Augfust 30, 1966; Japan, August 
16, 1966;' Korea, August 16, 1966;' Laos, 
August 30, 1966; Malaysia, August 16, 1966;' 
Netherlands, August 29, 1966; Thailand, 
August 16, 1966. 


Amendment to Article 7 of the Constitution of the 
World Health Organization of July 22, 1946, as 
amended (TIAS 1808, 4643). Adopted at Geneva 
May 20, 1965.' 

Acceptance deposited: Ethiopia, September 19, 

Law of the Sea 

Convention on the territorial sea and the contiguous 
zone. Done at Geneva April 29, 1958. Entered 
into force September 10, 1964. TIAS 5639. 

Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 
29, 1958. Entered into force September 30, 1962. 
TIAS 5200. 

Convention on fishing and conservation of the living 
resources of the high seas. Done at Geneva April 
29, 1958. Entered into force March 20, 1966. 
TIAS 5969. 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 

Load Line 

International convention on load lines, 1966. Done 
at London April 5, 1966. Open for signature 
April 5 until July 5, 1966.' 

Senate advice and consent to ratification: October 
13, 1966. 

Satellite Communications System 

Supplementary agreement on arbitration. Done at 
Washington June 4, 1965.' 

' With a declaration. 
' With a statement. 
' Not in force. 

OCTOBER 31, 1966 


Signature: Ministry of Communications of Vene- 
zuela, October 11, 1966. 


Supplementary convention on the abolition of 
slavery, the slave trade and institutions and 
practices similar to slavery. Done at Geneva 
September 7, 1956. Entered into force April 30, 

Notification that it considers itself bound: Trini- 
dad and Tobago, April 11, 1966. 


International telecommunication convention with an- 
nexes. Done at Montreux November 12, 1965.' 
Ratifications deposited: Canada, August 31, 1966; 
Central African Republic, August 15, 1966. 


Geneva convention relative to treatment of prisoners 

of war; ^ 
Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 

wounded and sick in armed forces in the field; 
Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 
wounded, sick and shipwrecked members of 
armed forces at sea ; 
Geneva convention relative to protection of civilian 
persons in time of war.' 

Dated at Geneva August 12, 1949. Entered into 

force October 21, 1950; for the United States 

February 2, 1956. TIAS 3362, 3363, and 3365, 


Notification that it considers itself bound: Central 

African Republic, July 23, 1966. 
Adherence deposited: Korea, August 16, 1966. 


Amendment to paragraphs 6 (4), 7 (a), and 8 (a) 
to the schedule to the international whaling con- 
vention of December 2, 1946 (TIAS 1849). 
Adopted at London July 1, 1966 at the Eighteenth 
Meeting of the International Whaling Commission. 
Entered into force: October 5, 1966. 



Agreement for the exchange of official publications. 

' Not in force. 

■* Not in force for the United States. 

' Republic of Korea adhered with reservations. 

Effected by exchange of notes at Seoul April 18 
and September 24, 1966. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 24, 1966. 


Agreement relating to the establishment and opera- 
tion of a Mediterranean Marine Sorting Center. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Tunis September 
26, 1966. Entered into force September 26, 1966. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 10-17 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to October 10 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
220 of September 23, 230 and 233 of October 3, 
and 237 of October 7. 

No. Date Subject 

*238 10/10 U. Alexis Johnson sworn in as 
Ambassador to Japan (bio- 
graphic details). 

1239 10/11 Ratification of Gut Dam Agree- 
ment with Canada. 

240 10/11 Greenwald : Foreign Trade Club, 

Syracuse, N. Y. 

241 10/12 Rusk: Association of the United 

States Army, Washington, 

t242 10/14 U.S.-Chile air service consulta- 

1243 10/14 15th anniversary of Organiza- 
tion of Central American 

*244 10/14 Rostow sworn in as Under Sec- 
retary for Political Affairs 
(biographic details). 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the BULLETIN. 


The Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication issued by the Office of 
Media Services, Bureau of Public Affairs, 
provides the public and interested asrencies 
of the Government with information on 
developmente in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the worlt of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin Includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy, issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other officers of 

the Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which tha 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin la for sal* by the Super- 

intendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington, D.C, 20402. 
Price: 62 issues, domestic $10, foreign $1S ; 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publi- 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

NOTE: Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literstur*. 



INDEX October 31, 1966 Vol. LV. No. H27 

American Republics. Linowitz confirmed as U.S. 
representative on the OAS Council .... 693 

Argentina. Letters of Credence (Alsogaray) 670 


Eugene Black on 10-Nation Trip To Discuss 
.\sian Development 669 

President Johnson Confers With the Prime 
Minister of Laos (Johnson, Souvanna 
Phouma) 6G7 

President Johnson Discusses Forthcoming Asian 
Ti-ip 661 

Requirements for Organizing the Peace (Rusk) 658 

Aviation. U.S.-U.S.S.R. Talks Resuming on 
Moscow-New York Air Services 689 

Canada. U.S. and Canada Request IJC Study on 
Air Pollution (U.S. letter) 688 


Department Supports Commercial Treaty With 
Togo (Trimble) 692 

President Reports to Congress on Trade Agree- 
ments Program (letter of transmittal) . . . 675 

Department and Foreign Service. Confirmations 
( Bunker, Galbraith, Kohler, Linowitz, Riv- 
kin, Rostow, Thompson) 693 

Di.sarmament. U.S. Marks Anniversary of Arms 
Control .A.ct (John.son) 687 

Dominican Republic. Letters of Credence 
(Garcia Godoy) 670 

Economic Affairs 

Ambassador Bunker To Review Israel Desali- 
nation Proposals (Johnson) 687 

Department Supports Commercial Treaty With 
Togo (Trimble) 692 

East-West Trade Policy in a Balanced Strategy 
for Peace (Greenwald) 676 

Eugene Black on 10-Nation Trip To Discuss 
.A.sian Development 669 

The Kermedv Round: The Final Phase (Blumen- 
thal) 671 

President Hails OECD Progress 675 

President Reports to Congress on Trade Agree- 
ments Program (letter of transmittal) . . . 675 

U.S., Mexico To Join in Solving Rio Grande 
Salinity Problem (Johnson) 686 


East-West Trade Policy in a Balanced Strategy 
for Peace (Greenwald) 676 

The Kenned V Round: The Final Phase (Blumen- 
thal) 671 

President Hails OECD Progress 675 

Gambia, The. Rivkin confirmed as Ambassador 693 

Germany. U.S., U.K., Germany Begin Talks on 
Central Europe Defense (Johnson) .... 670 

Health. U.S. and Canada Request IJC Study on 
Air Pollution (U.S. letter) ". . 688 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
U.S. -Japan Scientific Committee Holds Sixth 
Annual Meeting (Johnson, Rusk, Sato, com- 
munique) 681 

Israel. Ambassador Bunker To Review Israel 
Desalination Proposals (Johnson) .... 687 

Japan. U.S. -Japan Scientific Committee Holds 
Sixth Annual Meeting (Johnson, Rusk, Sato, 
communique) 681 

Laos. President Johnson Confers With the 
Prime Minister of Laos (Johnson, Souvanna 
Phouma) 667 

Mexico. U.S., Mexico To Join in Solving Rio 
Grande Salinity Problem (Johnson) . . . 686 

Philippines. Philippine Veterans Benefits Signed 
Into Law (Johnson) 684 

Presidential Documents 

Ambassador Bunker To Review Israel Desalina- 
tion Proposals 687 

Philippine Veterans Benefits Signed Into Law 684 

President Hails OECD Progress 675 

President Johnson Confers With the Prime 
Minister of Laos 667 

President Johnson Discusses Forthcoming Asian 
Trip 664 

President Johnson Meets With Thai Cabinet 
Ministers 669 

President Reports to Congress on Trade Agree- 
ments Prog^ram 675 

U.S.-Japan Scientific Committee Holds Sixth 
Annual Meeting 681 

U.S. Marks Anniversary of Arms Control Act 687 

U.S., Mexico To Join in Solving Rio Grande 
Salinity Problem 686 

U.S., U.K., Germany Begin Talks on Central 
Europe Defense 670 

Public Affairs. Foreign Policy Conference To 
Be Held at New Orleans 689 

Science. U.S.-Japan Scientific Committee Holds 
Sixth Annual Meeting (Johnson, Rusk, Sato, 
communique) 681 

Senegal. Rivkin confii-med as Ambassador . . 693 

Singapore. Galbraith confirmed as Ambassador 693 

South Africa. United States Urges Concrete 
U.N. Action on South West Africa 
(Goldberg) 690 

South West Africa. United States Urges Con- 
crete U.N. Action on South West Africa 
(Goldberg) 690 

Thailand. President Johnson Meets With Thai 
Cabinet Ministers 669 

Togo. Department Supports Commercial Treaty 
With Togo (Trimble) 692 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 693 

Department Supports Commercial Treaty With 
Togo (Trimble) 692 


Thompson confirmed as Ambassador .... 693 

U.S.-U.S.S.R. Talks Resuming on Moscow- 
New York Air Services 689 

United Kingdom. U.S., U.K., Germany Begin 
Talks on Central Europe Defense (Johnson) 670 

United Nations. United States Urges Concrete 
U.N. Action on South West Africa (Gold- 
berg) 690 

Upper Volta. Letters of Credence (Rouamba) 670 


President Johnson Confers With the Prime 
Minister of Laos (Johnson, Souvanna 
Phouma) 667 

President Johnson Discusses Forthcoming Asian 
Trip 664 

Requirements for Organizing the Peace (Rusk) 658 

Name Index 

Alsogaray, Alvaro Carlos 670 

Black, Eugene R 669 

Blumenthal, W. Michael 671 

Bunker, Ellsworth 687, 693 

Galbraith, Francis J 693 

Garcia Godoy, Hector 670 

Goldberg, Arthur J 690 

Greenwald, Joseph A 676 

Johnson, President . . 664, 667, 669, 670, 675, 

681, 684, 686, 687 

Kohler, Foy D 693 

Linowitz, Sol M 693 

McCloy, John J 670 

Rivkin, William R 693 

Rostow, Eugene Victor 693 

Rouamba, Paul 670 

Rusk, Secretary 658, 681 

Sato, Eisaku 681 

Souvanna Phouma 661 

Thompson, Llewellyn E 693 

Trimble, William C ! 692 

■(t U.S. Government Printing Office: 196&— 251-930/17 

Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

washington, d.c . 20402 





The United States and Western Europe" 



This 29-minute, 16mm, black-and-white motion picture is the first of a series of Foreign Folic; 
Briefing Films on U.S. relations with the major geographic areas of the world. It is based on infer 
mal conversations with four policy-level officers of the Department who help shape our relation; 
with the nations of Western Europe. Most of their remarks are illustrated by documentary footage 
there are narrated historical and animated sequences as well. 

The subjects discussed include the status of NATO, the diffei'ing perspectives of France am 
her allies, European unity, economic cooperation within Europe and across the Atlantic, and th' 
overall trends of U.S. policy toward Europe since World War II. A discussion guide is provide 
with each print. 

The film is available for loan (the only charge is return postage) to schools and colleges 
television stations, public service organizations, and any other interested groups. Prints can also H" 
purchased for $39.61. 









-Please send a preview print of "The United States aiM 

Western Europe" for screening on . 

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Western Europe" on temporary loan for showing on_ 


Street address 

City, State, and ZIP code 

irlri UrrHJiAJj wrJEiiVLii Kiiii^unu ur vrnLEjU oi/\irjO r wrvr^ivji>( r»-»i-ii\-.x 






Vol. LV, No. U28 

November 7, 1966 


Address by President Johnson 712 

by Ambassador Angier Biddle Duke 717 


Statements and Remarks Made by the President 

in Hawaii, New Zealand, and Australia 698 

For index see inside back cover 


President Johnson Begins His Tour of Asia 

The President left Washington on October 
17 to visit six countries in the Pacific and 
Asian area and to attend the conference held 
at Manila October 2^-25. En route to Manila, 
President Johnson stopped overnight at 
Honolulu, Hawaii, and then visited New Zea- 
land and Australia. Following is a statement 
made by the President upon his departure 
from Washington, together ivith texts of 
statements and remarks he made on various 
occasions during this portion of his 17 -day 


Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents dated October 24 

I leave you this morning to undertake a 
hopeful mission. 

I go to visit six nations which, working 
with others, are beginning to shape a new 
regional life in Asia and the Pacific. I have 
followed with admiration the energetic prog- 
ress made in Asia by Asians. I have been 
happy to receive at the White House recently 
the leaders of those countries. Now I am 
availing myself of this opportunity to repay 
their visits and to see their people and to 
visit in their great countries. 

I go to learn of their progress and prob- 
lems, their hopes and their concerns for their 
children and for their future. 

At Manila we shall consider the problem 
of Viet-Nam. 

A small Asian nation is under attack, de- 
fending itself with extraordinary courage 

and endurance. I go to confer with its leaders 
and with the leaders of those other nations 
that have committed their young men to de- 
feat aggression and to help those 15 million 
people shape their own destiny. 

We shall review the state of military op- 
erations; but we shall mainly devote our at- 
tention to the civil, constructive side of the 
problem of Viet-Nam. 

We shall together seek ways of bringing 
about an honorable peace at the earliest pos- 
sible moment. 

I know that I can wave no wand. I do not 
expect anything magical to happen or any 
miracles to develop. 

But as I undertake this mission on behalf 
of our entire nation at a most critical time in 
our history, I am inspired and strengthened 
by the presence of the leaders of the Con- 
gress here this morning, the members of the 
Cabinet, and by the unity of the American 
people. I ask for your prayers. I shall do my 
best to advance the cause of peace and of 
human progress. 

Thank all of you very much. 


White House press release (Honolulu, Hawaii) dated October 17 

It is always a very great pleasure for me 
to come to Hawaii for any puiix)se. It is 
especially good to come here on the first part 
of a trip whose purpose is peace and whose 
destination is a conference of seven free na- 
tions of Asia and the Pacific. 



Six months ago we met here in Honolulu 
with the leaders of South Viet-Nam.' 

You have every reason to be very jiroud 
of your contribution to the constructive steps 
that brought about that conference and that 
have come out of that conference. 

We resolved here then to hasten the com- 
ing of representative government in South 

Since the Honolulu conference, more than 
80 percent of the registered voters of South 
Viet-Nam have elected an assembly to draft 
a constitution. 

We resolved here in Honolulu to combat 
the ruinous inflation that was eating the 
heart out of South Viet-Nam's economy. 
Since then, the Government of Viet-Nam has 
taken very brave measures to control run- 
away prices. 

Working with them, we have increased the 
flow of essential goods coming through the 
ports for all the people of Viet-Nam. 

We resolved here in Honolulu to cany the 
blessings of education to the remotest area 
of South Viet-Nam. 

Since then, 3,200 new teachers have al- 
ready been trained for their rural schools, 
and more than 2 million additional text- 
books have already been distributed. 

We also resolved here in Honolulu to in- 
vite those that were fighting with the Com- 
munists to leave their jungle hideouts and 
join the efforts to build a nation through 
peaceful and democratic means. 

Since then, more than 10,000 Viet Cong 
have responded to that call — a far larger 
number than for the equal period last year. 

Some of the learned commentators and dis- 
tinguished speculators who practice instant 
judgment concluded that nothing really hap- 
pened at Honolulu. They were not only pre- 
mature, but they were dead wrong. 

I believe that you will have the satisfac- 
tion of knowing that history will record the 
Honolulu conference as a vital and a pro- 
ductive stepping stone toward a free and in- 
dependent Viet-Nam. 

Texts of the other statemcntH, remarkH, and 
addresses made by President Johnson in Ha- 
waii, American Samoa, and Australia which 
have not yet been received will be included in 
future issues of the Bulletin. The Bulletin 
also will publish material resulting from the 
Manila conference, as well as items relating 
to President Johnson's visits in the Philip- 
pines, South Viet-Nam, Thailand, Malaysia, 
Korea, and Alaska after the conference. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 28, 1966, 
p. 302. 

Now we have come here today on our way 
to another conference. We do not expect to 
pull any rabbits out of any hats at Manila, 
notwithstanding any speculations you may 
hear or see. 

There are no surprises to spring on any- 
one, for we know that the most important 
weapon in Viet-Nam is patience among our 
people and unity behind our program. 

Manila will help us in our planning, it is 
true; it will give us a firm grasp of the reali- 
ties that we face in resisting aggression, the 
problems we face in seeking peace and in re- 
building Viet-Nam. 

From our talks, we do expect to enlarge 
the area of understanding which already 
exists between those nations directly assist- 
ing South Viet-Nam, and that, in itself, we 
think, will be worth the effort. 

Some have predicted that this and that 
will happen in Manila. They have said — and 
I don't want to recount the accuracy of specu- 
lation — that we may develop some new 
strategy of war or come forth with some 
spectacular form for peace. 

Neither prediction will prove out. 

Our military strategy is already quite 
clear. I have been briefed by General [Wil- 
liam C] Westmoreland just in the last few 
weeks. It is to resist aggression with the 
maximum force that is necessary and the 
minimum risk that is possible. 

As for the other prediction, let me remind 
you that the leaders who will sit down to- 
gether in Manila have already signed a peti- 
tion for peace. 

Not one of the men who will be there en- 
joys asking the sons of his people or his 
nation to risk their lives in war. But the 
question of peace is not one that we can 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


answer alone. The men who can — who can 
make peace — the Communists in Hanoi, who 
are using force against South Viet-Nam, are 
not coming to Manila. They are the ones who, 
if they would reason with us, could help 
produce a formula for peace. 

We intend to explore every possibility and 
every proposal that has been advanced for 
a solution to the Viet-Nam conflict and the 
rehabilitation of that country. 

We will be ready for the day when the 
Communists will want to join us at the table, 
from which they will be missing at Manila. 

I will also be visiting five other nations in 
the next 17 days. Since I have been Presi- 
dent, I have had visitors come to Washing- 
ton from more than 100 countries, and now 
I am going to have a chance to repay at least 
six of their visits. 

I intend to go into those countries, not to 
tell them what they should do but to tell them 
how proud our people are to be their friends. 

I intend to tell them that our foreign pol- 
icy is simply the outreach of our domestic 
policy. What we seek for the people of the 
United States — good jobs, enough to eat, a 
chance to learn, the opportunity to be all that 
they can — is what we also hope and seek for 
other people. 

Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness 
are not only our hope for America; they are 
what we hope for all the world. 

I also intend to tell the people of Asia how 
very, very proud we are of our new State of 
Hawaii. For this State is a model for what 
the world should be, a place where different 
cultures and different races, different colors 
and different religions, come together to 
make one united people. 

I am proud to have had a part in making 
Hawaii the 50th State in the Union. I am 
proud to have oflfered the bill that created 
the East-West Center, which I am now going 
to visit. 

Hawaii can be proud, too — proud of your 
Governor John Burns, who, as a delegate, 
helped to bring all of this about, and proud 
of all the other patriotic men and women 
that you have sent to serve you so ably and 
patriotically in the Congress. 

When it is all finally said, it adds up to 
this: I am so happy to be back here with 
you. I am happy to take with me to Asia 
the message of all of Hawaii, the message of 
a free and proud and a prosperous people 
that are living here and are cooperating 
with their neighbors. 

It is that kind of an Asia that we believe 
will serve the peace of the world, and that 
is so much what all of us want to do. 

Thank you very much. 


Arrival Statement, Ohakea Airport, October 19 

white House press release (Wellington, New Zealand) dated 
October 19 

This is my second visit to New Zealand, 
and they recognized both times that I was a 
rancher from a drought-stricken part of 

Six days ago I paid a running political 
visit to Staten Island, a borough of New 
York City. That is almost 10,000 miles from 
where we are today — which is almost as far 
from any place as anyone can get. 

And yet our closeness is greater than our 

Staten Island in New York City was 
named by Dutch colonizers at a time when 
New York City was still known as Nieuw 
Amsterdam. And New Zealand, 324 years 
ago, was also called Staten Land by the ex- 
plorer Tasman, who first sighted the peaks of 
your green land. 

Apparently Captain Tasman's sponsor, the 
Netherlands East Indies Company, felt that 
Staten Land wasn't quite grand enough a 
name. So it came to be that your nation, with 
223 mountains thrusting 7,500 feet or higher, 
was then called Nieuw Zealand, named after 
a Dutch province that is flatter than a fried 

The Dutch experience in both New Zea- 
land and in New York gave way to English 
settlei's. Ever since we have been cultural, if 
not terrestrial, neighbors. We have shared a 
common human philosophy that men can 
grow to their own limits. We have noted that 
those human limits are quite vast. 

When I first came to New Zealand, it was 



about a quai-ter of a century ago, and my 
country and your countiy were then allied in 
a major war at a grim moment in histoi-y. 

As I came across Auckland Bay in a sput- 
tering PB2Y2, I saw your beautiful land and 
I wished to myself that 1 might be able to 
return at a more tranquil moment. 

Tranquillity, as I have since learned, is not 
an easy commodity to come by. Our times 
today cannot be called tranquil times. Yet, 
should we compare our common condition 
this afternoon with our common condition in 
1942, I can only conclude that we — and the 
world — have seen great progress. 

We are allied in a grim, if smaller, con- 
flict now. At the deepest roots of that con- 
flict is the threat — the threat to what we 
hold dearest in the United States and New 
Zealand: the ability of people to grow in 

New Zealanders have done that. Your ac- 
complishments are great. Yours is one nation 
to which less developed Asian-Pacific peoples 
look for inspiration and guidance. 

My nation is anxious to work with you in 
providing that help. 

Our task for the future in New Zealand, 
in the United States — yes, all over the world 
— is a difficult but inspiring one. That is to 
allow people, and allow nations, to grow to 
their own vast limits in freedom. 

I want to thank you for coming here in 
this rainy weather, exposing yourselves to 
the weather, to give us this neighborly wel- 

I have told Mrs. Johnson many, many 
times of the delightful experience that I had 
here and the hospitality that your people ex- 
tended to me. 

I remember the first thing I did after I 
landed in Auckland Bay was to go and buy 
myself a raincoat. 

I went back before I left the United States 
and got one that I had worn several years 
ago — it is a little short now — as I knew I 
would need it in New Zealand. 

If you will be good enough, I hope that you 
will wish me on my return to have the same 
kind of rainy reception at my home ranch 
in Texas as I am getting here today. 

Mrs. Johnson has come with me and she 
will get to see you, to know you, to see your 
boys and girls, your families. She will be 
able in the years to come to share with me 
the beauty and, most of all, the kindness and 
the integrity of the great people that make 
up New Zealand. 

We are so delighted to be in your country 

Arrival Statement, Wellingrton International 
Airport, October 19 

White House press release (WelllnKton, New Zealand) dated 
October 19 

I am deeply indebted to Her Majesty for 
her generous words on this occasion.^ 

I have enjoyed a great deal observing the 
pride of your young manhood as I reviewed 
the guard. 

After 4,650 miles of flying over water — 
with one stop on the island of Samoa — we 
feel as if we have finally found the Promised 

I suspect our impressions are very much 
like those of the men and women who came 
out here a century ago from Britain and 
discovered the green fields and the hillsides 
where cattle and sheep could be raised in 
abundance and a decent life provided for 
their children. 

That is one of the many experiences I think 
that we have in common. For many other 
men and women — among them, the brothers 
and sisters and cousins of those who came 
to New Zealand — sought the same dream 
and came to America and found it. Some 
of them this afternoon are watching their 
sheep graze on the green countryside in my 
home State. And, like those New Zealanders, 
the new Americans gave themselves totally 
to the task of molding the land to their 
needs. There was much work to be done at 
home and little time or inclination to take 
part in the world's affairs. 

But this century has changed all of that. 
It has changed it for both of us. Again 
and again we have been cast into the storm 
of international strife. 

Both of us have been drawn into world 

' Governor General Sir Bernard Ferguson greeted 
President Johnson on behalf of Queen Elizabeth. 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


wars against our desires. Both of us have 
come to acknowledge our responsibilities for 
building world peace. 

On the battlefronts of Europe, the Near 
East, Asia, and the Pacific, Americans and 
New Zealanders have fought side by side 
and have died side by side in order to pre- 
serve liberty and human freedom for other 
human beings. 

Around the conference tables of the 
United Nations, New Zealanders and Amer- 
icans have labored to devise a more rational 
system for settling the conflicts between 

So the 6,000 miles that separate us really 
shrink into insignificance. What is important 
is that your nation and ours, though young 
in the chronology of historical time, have 
come of age in much the same way — have 
drawn much the same conclusions from the 
chaotic experience of this centuiy — and now 
look to the future together with much the 
same hopes and many of the same appre- 

I thought of those common hopes on the 
way here from Samoa this afternoon. For 
that little island — the Samoan people, 22,000 
of them, have begun to build a progi-essive 
and an enlightened society. We have been 
trying to encourage them and assist them, 
as you have in the Pacific islands in which 
you have historic ties. In Wellington and in 
Washington we have united and we have 
understood that affluent nations have re- 
sponsibilities toward those whose develop- 
ment is only beginning. I hope that we can 
share our experiences on these islands. I 
want to assure you that we are ready to 
adopt as our own any programs that you 
have put into successful eff"ect in these is- 
lands. We are very eager to make available 
to you a full account of the Samoan experi- 
ence of ours. 

I should not like to close without a 
personal recollection — one that makes the tie 
between our nations all the more real for 
me. As I said at the airport I first came 
to, when I came to New Zealand one foggy 
day back in 1942, almost a quarter of a 

century ago, I was riding a flying boat. It 
came down onto Auckland Bay. We couldn't 
see the bay, and we didn't know whether we 
were going to land on the water or on the 
land in our flying boat. 

I thus became one of thousands of Amer- 
icans who received your hospitality and re- 
ceived your care during a very young part 
of my life and a very dangerous period. You 
people of New Zealand took our American 
boys into your homes and you cared for the 
sick and the wounded among us, you gave 
us — when we needed it most — a home away 
from home. 

I must say, frankly, I have been wanting 
to come back here ever since, and here I am. 

Not long afterward, I fell quite ill with 
a fever I had contracted in New Guinea. I 
was hospitalized at Suva, in the Fiji Islands. 
I take it that I must have been in a bad 
way — though being delirious with a fever of 
105 and not remembering what happened, I 
was not really a good judge of my condition. 

But New Zealand doctors and nurses cared 
for me with great skill, with the help of an 
American doctor who later came in. They 
pulled me through what was a very rough 
and very lonely time — and since then I have 
thought of New Zealand always with the 
warmest gratitude. 

You may, in the history books, have to 
assume your share of responsibility for 
what later happened in Washington, because 
it was your care and compassion that made 
it really possible for me to ever get back to 

Competent, strong, and compassionate 
New Zealanders symbolized for me the char- 
acteristics of this nation. My opinion has only 
been deepened and confirmed by the years 
that have followed. 

I am so glad to be back here on your 
soil again. Mrs. Johnson and I look forward 
to seeing something of your beautiful country 
and to meeting as many of your great people 
as our time permits. I would so much like 
to see some of your countryside, particularly 
some of your great sheep. 

I want to tell you in closing that we bring 



with us, to all the people of New Zealand 
from all of the i)eople of the United States, 
the proud affection and the great respect of 
our people for your people. 

To those of you who have stood here on 
this breezy afternoon in tlie chill and the 
rain a little earlier, I- say: Thank you so 
very, very much for your cordiality. 

Remarks at a State Dinner at the Governor 
General's Residence, Wellington, October 19 

Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents dated October 24 

I have been thinking this evening of my 
country's history and how the protocol of 
this occasion might have been very different 
if it had not been for a rather strong-minded 
generation of my countrymen — back almost 
200 years ago. We would have our own 
Governor General today. I have not worked 
out all the might-have-beens — all that might 
have happened in the past two centuries, if 
a Governor General had been sitting in 
Washington alongside the American Presi- 
dent or Prime Minister, as it might have 
been. Certainly, a great deal more tea might 
have been consumed in America, and a great 
deal less ice. The \\'orld Series might have 
been a cricket match, and we would cer- 
tainly have had to leara to drive — inten- 
tionally — on the left side of the road. But 
a great deal would be the same. The Beatles 
would dominate all our teenagers no less 
than they do today. Coca-Cola and Hollywood 
would be as omnipresent as ever. We could 
call consumer credit by the name you give 
it here, hire-purchase, but I suspect people 
would find it equally attractive and equally 

So you see, Your Excellency, history has 
a way of coming out the same, no matter 
what the political arrangements. And for 
that I think we political men may be grate- 
ful. I know that I am grateful tonight to be 
in a land whei-e men choose to be free and 
try to be just. That is the real kinship we 
have with you, and it will endure long after 
the Beatles are gi-andparents and Holly- 
wood has passed from the scene. And at the 
end of a long journey over the Pacific, it 
is good to be among kinsmen and friends. 

Address at the Parliamentary Luncheon, 
Wellington, October 20 

Whit* Hou«e press rcleiuie (Wellington, New ZraUnd) dated 
October 20 

First of all, I apologize for being late. I at- 
tribute that to the graciousness of the good 
people of Wellington. 

Mrs. Johnson and I are quite honored to be 
in New Zealand. We have had a delicious 
luncheon, very well served, for which I feel 
further in the debt of the ladies and the man- 

Physically, we have not entirely adjusted 
to the Southern Hemisphere after our long 
flight, but you may be sure that our heai-ts 
are already in residence. 

We came by jet from Hawaii and Samoa, 
riding the smooth jet stream at more than 
500 miles an hour for almost 10 hours. It 
was quite a change from my last arrival in 
New Zealand — in the spring of 1942, when 
both nations faced very grim problems to- 
gether and when your men joined our men 
shoulder to shoulder to try to protect the lib- 
erty and the freedom of not only New Zea- 
land but the people of America as well. 

That was back in 1942. I came here in a 
PB2Y2 flying boat. We sputtered through 
the fog and finally, with the help of the good 
Lord, landed in Auckland Bay. We weren't 
sure that we weren't on a sheep ranch some- 
where because the weather was zero zero. 
But it has improved, Mr. Prime Minister and 
the Leader of the Opposition. I assume that 
the election has nothing to do with it. 

Since the Prime Minister brought up the 
ugly subject about what a noise people made 
when you talk in terms of millions of dollars, 
I guess they do make some noise in a nation 
of 2 or 3 million. But if you are talking in 
terms of taxes, in terms of billions of dollars, 
before 200 million Americans, you don't 
know what noise is. 

I thought it was rather significant that 
both of our distinguished, eloquent speakers 
spent a good portion of their time on our dis- 
agreements — I don't know whether they were 
anticii^ating or just wanted to kind of clear 
the atmosphere for their constituents. But as 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


far as I am concerned, I am unaware of any 
disagreements, although I think they are a 
good thing. I think they provide strong 
people. I think they develop enduring friend- 
ships. I wonder what the Leader of the Oppo- 
sition and the Prime Minister would think 
if we all saw everything alike — if we would 
all want the same wife. So differences are 
good for us. 

Back to that old flying boat that I arrived 
here in. It was, by today's standards, very 
primitive. Dangerous as those days were 
back in 1942 for New Zealanders and Amer- 
icans, your welcome was as warm then as it 
was today — although not as numerous. But 
it was outgoing, and it was generous to the 
men who wore the American uniform. 

To me it was perhaps more needed for a 
lonely lieutenant commander in 1942 than it 
is for a President in 1966. But ever since that 
date 25 years ago, I promised myself that I 
would come and bring my lady to New Zea- 
land. I assure you that neither of us were 
disappointed from the time we landed on 
your soil yesterday. 

Our two nations are separated by 6,000 
miles of blue Pacific Ocean. But we are united 
by historical interests and commitments that 
we think are far more important in the 
shaping of our national destinies than the 
miles that divide us. 

First among them is a tradition of repre- 
sentative democracy. It is right that I should 
be speaking today before Parliamentarians 
whose heritage derives, as does ours in the 
American Congress, from the British House 
of Commons. As a parliamentarian or legis- 
lator for more than 24 years, 12 in the House 
and 12 in the Senate — 3 as majority leader — 
I know that I feel at home in your presence. 

It is not only the democratic tradition that 
unites us. Both of us, Americans and New 
Zealanders, believe that we have much work 
to do beyond our shores. It may once have 
been possible for democracy to flourish in 
one country, isolated from the misery and 
oppression that befell other men. But neither 
reason nor conscience permits such a nar- 
row view of our responsibilities today. 

This basic truth came home to both of our 
nations — and to you, I think, sooner than to 
us — in the course of two World Wars. 

I never go to bed at night but that I thank 
the dear Lord for Winston Churchill, whose 
eloquence finally awakened the sleeping giant 
in America — almost too late, but in time. 

New Zealanders twice left these beautiful 
islands to fight, not just for themselves but 
to fight for the freedom and liberty of all 
men. Brave beyond measure, they fell at Gal- 
lipoli, in the skies over Britain, in Greece, at 
El Alamein, at Mount Cassino, and in the 
jungles of the Pacific. I was in a ward hos- 
pital with many of them stretched out on the 
beds on the side of me in 1942. Beneath the 
"lemon squeezer" and berets that were their 
hallmarks, their strong, confident, and brave 
faces gave heart to their allies — to all of us — 
and finally brought victory for freedom on 
many battlefields. I knew many of them in 
those years. I revered them for all their 
character, their integrity, and their courage. 

Today, on behalf of a people with whom 
shoulder to shoulder they fought, suflfered, 
and died, I have come here to salute their 
towering memory. 

And again, in 1950, when an invading 
army crossed into the Republic of Korea, 
both our nations answered the aggressors' 
challenge promptly. Ours was a unity of 
nations who longed to live in peace but who 
understood — from the bitter lessons of two 
wars — what the consequences of appease- 
ment would be. 

Every man wants peace. That is something 
that all of you should take cognizance of now. 
You can't separate men by those who want 
peace and those who don't want peace. Every 
man wants peace. Every man hates to kill. 
Every man wants to live. No man wants to 

We were determined, then, in the words 
of the United Nations Charter, "to save suc- 
ceeding generations from the scourge of 
war." Together, with the Anny of the Re- 
public of Korea and other brave allies, we 
finally turned back the invaders, and we 



made it possible for the people of the Repub- 
lic of Korea to work out their destiny in 
freedom. Today 44,600 of them from that 
little nation are proud allies in another 
struggle to permit men to be free in another 
little nation, South Viet-Nam. 

You Avere a valiant part of that war effort, 
and yours has been a clear and decent voice 
always in the councils of peace. New Zealand 
has contributed to the United Nations — both 
in diplomatic eflfoits and in programs of as- 
sistance to humanity — to a degree, I think, 
that has excited the admiration of all of her 
associates. As you were ready to stand 
against military aggression, so you were pre- 
pared to help build a world society in which 
free nations would be able to provide secu- 
rity and hoi>e for their people. 

From long exi)erience you knew that fight- 
ing an invading soldier in uniform or fighting 
an armed terrorist is only one part of the 
war in Asia — and only one part of your re- 
sponsibility. For hundreds of millions of 
Asians, the most common terrorism is not 
that of guns or grenades. It is that of hunger, 
disease, of poverty, and of illiteracy. These 
are as capable of crushing the hopes of man 
as any ruthless enemy with his mortar or 
his bombs or his guns. Much of this war in 
Asia still remains to be fought. And we are 
calling now for volunteers for it, too. 

You have played an honorable part in help- 
ing your neighbors, esi^ecially in the Pacific 
islands, fight the w^ar against want. And we 
in the United States have joined you — as the 
distinguished Prime Minister has made, I 
hope, appropriate reference — as allies in this 
struggle against the ancient enemies of man- 
kind: ignorance, illiteracy, disease, and pov- 
erty. We have worked to help the people of 
Asia delay, yes, and, I think, finally halt, the 
march of hunger and disease. 

But if we in the developed nations were 
to try to accomplish this alone, with only our 
resources, we — and Asia — would surely fail. 

Fortunately we are not alone. Asia is 
blessed with men and women whose determi- 
nation is as strong as their countries' needs. 
Throughout this vast area of the globe, the 

I)lanners and the builders are today at work. 
The key to Asian peace in coming genera- 
tions is in Asians' hands. 

For it is Asia's initiative that will found 
the institutions of progi-ess. 

It is Asia's example that will inspire its 
people to build on the bedrock of social jus- 

It is Asia's dream that will determine the 
future for three of every five human beings 
on earth. 

I know that your nation and my nation 
will respond to that dream willingly and 

Yet all of our effoils — all the planning, 
all the devotion, all the resources free nations 
are able to commit to Asia — can be demor- 
alized and destroyed if the terrorist and the 
aggressor ever succeed in dominating the 

It is difficult to grow crops, to irrigate 
fields, to operate schools, to care for the old, 
to educate the young, to levy taxes, and pro- 
vide for the people's needs when you are op- 
erating in an atmosphere and a climate of 

I looked at some figures yesterday. In one 
small area we had built 65 schools, only to 
have 55 of those 65 destroyed by the ter- 
rorists. The terrorist knows that if he can 
break down this fabric of community life, 
then he is well on his way to conquest. Where 
that conquest stops no one knows. "On what 
meat does this Caesar feed and when will 
he halt?" 

He tried in Malaya. After great sacrifices 
by the Malayan people, after great commit- 
ments of lives and resources by Britain, 
Australia, New Zealand, other members of 
the Commonwealth, and their allies, the ter- 
rorist outlaw has been defeated and ambi- 
tious invaders have been deterred. 

He is trying it again today in Viet-Nam. 

It is tragic that this war, the war of ter- 
ror and bloodshed, must be fought before 
Asia can be fully free to wage the other war 
— against hunger and disease and the ancient 
enemies of man. It is tragic that every foot 
of ground on which rice might be planted, 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


every village in which a school might be 
built, and every hillside on which a hospital 
might rise to help the people of Viet-Nam 
must be secured and protected against terror. 

Yet it must. For free men, for responsible 
men, for men of conscience, there just is no 
acceptable alternative but to resist aggres- 

As the struggle continues, we are working 
with our allies to try to build the foundation 
of a new Viet-Nam. We are seeking to bring 
an end to this vicious war by asking men to 
come to the conference table. 

We had a wonderful welcome. We had a 
lot of friendly signs and banners. We had 
some pickets carrying some signs saying, 
"We Want Peace." I did not consider them 
unfriendly. We want peace, too. I was some- 
what startled that they should spend their 
talents, their time, their pickets, and their 
cardboard on the President of the United 
States, because he has gone to more than 100 
capitals with a very simple, plain statement 
that any picket can understand that said, 
"We will meet you any place you designate in 
24 hours, with whomever you choose, to re- 
move this disturbance from the battlefields 
to the conference room." 

I saw many appeals made to the man to 
whom no appeal is necessary. But I didn't 
see Mr. Ho Chi Minh's name on one placard, 
and I wonder why. 

So with those men who join me genuinely 
and earnestly in wanting to stop the killing, 
stop the bloodshed, and bring peace to all 
humanity, if they can deliver the adversaiy, 
I will volunteer to present myself without 
due notice. 

As the struggle continues, we are working 
with our allies today, every week, to build 
foundations, to bring to an end this vicious 

Our goal is not to destroy North Viet- 
Nam. Our objective is not the objective of 
Roosevelt and Churchill and the other lead- 
ers — "unconditional surrender." Our goal is 
not to compel North Viet-Nam to surrender 
anything which is hers, not even to bring 

her government down or to change her sys- 

Our goal is simply to halt the shooting, 
to stop the war that she is waging and sup- 
porting against her little neighbor. When we 
succeed — and we shall succeed — I pledge you 
that we shall begin a nobler war against 
man's ancient enemies of hunger, ignorance, 
and disease — everywhere in Southeast Asia, 
including North Viet-Nam if its government 
so desires. 

We say today to the leaders of North Viet- 
Nam: A new Asia is emerging. Your people 
should be part of it — proud, independent, 
peaceful — the beneficiaries of a social and 
scientific revolution that is regenerating the 
life of man. 

What can be gained by continuing a war, 
we say to North Viet-Nam, that you cannot 
win? What can be lost by joining with your 
brothers in Southeast Asia in a different kind 
of war — a war for human dignity, a war for 
health, a war for enlightenment of the mind, 
a war for your children and generations of 
children to come? America pledges today, 
from this historic platform, that she will 
serve in that war against these ancient 
enemies in Southeast Asia for its duration. 

This, we believe, is an inescapable respon- 
sibility of a Pacific neighbor, as we know 
ourselves to be, as you in New Zealand have 
already shown on many fronts that you are. 

Our New Zealand friends, there is much 
that we two nations can prove to the world. 

We can prove to the world that it is possi- 
ble to maintain close ties of affection with 
Europe without being cut off from Asia, 
blind to Asia's needs, or ignorant to her 
great culture. 

We can prove that geographic separation 
does not require spiritual isolation — either 
from the opportunities or the problems of 
other men. 

We can prove that wealth and prosperity 
need not build a wall around their fortunate 
possessors — but can build avenues of service 
to mankind. 

Lastly, New Zealand and America can 



prove to the world that nations which have 
never felt the invader's heel on their soil can 
and will respond to those brothers who fight 
to make their own destiny. 

These ai-e the true and worthy lessons 
for mankind. I rejoice that we have you as 
a partner in our efforts to give them life. 

I came here — 10,000 miles — a quainter of a 
century ago to join with your men to pro- 
tect the liberty of this area of the world. 
I am coming back this week to join with 
your Prime Minister and your leaders to try 
to search, to find a course and chart a way 
so that we can again protect liberty and 
freedom — not by driving the dictator from 
our soil, because he has not reached there 

Men often wonder how the course of his- 
tory might have changed if we had met Hit- 
ler before he started through Poland. All 
men want peace. Some have diff"erent ways. 
Some have different methods. Some think 
that you can do it one way, and some the 

I am willing to accept any reasonable 
proposition, and consider it, that any ally 
or adversary may make. All I want to do is 
not only be the possessor of freedom and 
liberty, but I want to be the protector of it 
not just for myself but for mankind. 

We are firmly committed to a partnership 
that has been tested in war. It has been 
deepened and expanded in peace and it has 
been strengthened, I hope, by SEATO and 
the ANZUS agreements. We in the United 
States are here to pledge you that we shall 
meet our responsibilities even though the 
immediate danger is 10,000 miles from our 
boundaries. We will meet our responsibilities 
today, and in the decades ahead, with all the 
more confidence because the proud citizens 
of New Zealand happen to be America's 

Mr. Prime Minister, on behalf of 200 mil- 
lion who have come to ask nothing and to 
give nothing except our friendship and our 
loyalty, we tell you we are very proud that 
New Zealand is our friend — and we are 
prouder still that we are hers. 


Arrival Statement, RAAF Fairbairn Airport, 
Canberra, October 20 

White House pre«« release (Canborra, Australia) dated October 20 

The Vice President told me about how the 
good people of this land took him into their 
hearts when he recently visited you. My 
mouth has been wavering ever since because 
I wanted to be where he was. Now, tonight, 
I feel that I have returned to my second home. 
When I first came here a quarter of a century 
ago, I thought that I had not left home at 
all, so much did your plains, your hills, and 
your bush country, your cattlemen, your 
cattle, and your sheep remind me of my 
native land of Texas. 

I soon learned that the real similarities be- 
tween us were far deeper and far more mean- 
ingful than those landscapes and livestock. 
The real equation was human. Here in Aus- 
tralia was the same openness, the same viril- 
ity, the same self-confidence, the same gen- 
erosity of spirit that I had treasured in my 
own country. 

I am honored beyond measure tonight, 
upon my arrival, to see the cream and flower 
of your young manhood who have rendered 
such gallant and distinguished service in 
Viet-Nam come here to meet me. Because as I 
look upon that uniform with that hat turned 
to the side, it represents to me the highest 
degree of patriotism, the greatest amount of 
courage, and the kind of a neighbor that 
America always wants to have. 

Mr. Prime Minister, I don't know what 
you are claiming credit for these days, but 
if you and the Leader of the Opposition will 
join, I want to thank both of you for that 
beautiful Texas sunset and for that won- 
derful American rainbow that I saw as I 
came in. 

When I came here a quarter of a century 
ago, the people of Australia were engaged 
in a struggle to preserve freedom, a struggle 
to protect their homes, a struggle to advance 
the cause of peace for all men. 

The Japanese were just 35 miles across 
the Owen-Stanley Range, and they were com- 
ing in your direction. Then, as tonight, Aus- 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


tralian sons were fighting side by side with 
ours. Their gallantry then in Egypt, in Italy, 
in the South Pacific, inspired us to believe 
that our cause of right would one day pre- 
vail. Their gallantry tonight in Viet-Nam is 
one reason for the faith that we all have that 
aggression there will not succeed. 

I came to Australia in 1942 on a mission 
of war. Now, more than 24 years later, I re- 
turn tonight on a mission of hope. I cannot 
say that miracles will occur at Manila. I 
carry no magic wand. The hard work of 
securing the peace is never done by miracles. 

I cannot say that the hunger and injustice 
of the past vdll be ended by a declaration of 
seven nations in Manila. Years must pass, 
years of dedication and patient effort, before 
men can make the kind of just society of 
which they dream. 

Yet there is new hope, a new vision, in 
this vast area of the world. Nations are join- 
ing together not only to resist aggression 
and to prove that might does not make right 
but to make a decent life possible for all of 
their i>eople. Their visions of freedom — free- 
dom from foreign domination, freedom from 
tyranny, from the despair that rides with 
hunger, disease, and ignorance. It is the only 
vision that is really worthy of man's destiny. 

We shall be guided by that vision as we 
meet and chart our course at Manila. 

I am very grateful that once again the 
Australian and American people have put 
their hands and their shoulders side by side 
to the same task. I am grateful for the un- 
derstanding that your distinguished Prime 
Minister and other Australian leaders have 
shown for America's role in the Pacific. I 
feel tonight — as I did in 1942 — ^the confi- 
dence that comes from the steadfast support 
of a united people in Australia. You must 
know that we reciprocate that support in 
the fullest possible measure. 

Together, as we have always been, I know 
that we shall succeed. Now I look forward 
to meeting with your great people once 

I am particularly glad that Mrs. Johnson 
is with me. In 1942 she remained in Wash- 
ington — when I put on the uniform — to run 

my congressional office in the House of Rep- 
resentatives. I have been told on very high 
authority that it never ran with greater effi- 
ciency before or since. Several people have 
even suggested that we might try the same 
arrangement now — that it might prove 
equally beneficial to my constituents in 
America and to our allies in the world. 

But Mrs. Johnson insisted on finding out 
for herself whether all that I have been talk- 
ing about for 24 years is really true in Aus- 
tralia. So, Mr. Prime Minister, and to those 
loyal guests who came here in this chilly at- 
mosphere, we are happy and excited to be 
with you. I have never looked forward to 
any two days in my life with more pleas- 
urable anticipation. As I come to this new 
area of the world, this Pacific area that is 
now in a goldfish bowl, in the spotlight, where 
people who look to the future are looking 
across the Pacific, I know that my faith and 
my confidence in the leadership that Austra- 
lia is going to give to the world of tomorrow 
is going to be rewarded. 

Thank you and good night. 

Remarks at a Reception at Government House, 
Melbourne, October 21 

White House press release (Canberra, Australia) dated October 21 

I have so much in my heart that I would 
like to tell you that I don't trust myself. I 
need not convey to you the admiration and 
aff'ection that I have for the Australian 
people, born in the grim days of World War 
II and increased and strengthened each pass- 
ing year for a quarter of a century. 

Our two countries have so much in com- 
mon. Our two peoples are so much alike that 
I feel — except for your reception here in 
Melbourne today — as though I have never 
left home. But you gave me something in 
the reception here that they could never give 
me at home. Texans have the biggest of 
nearly everything — except receptions. 

I appreciate very much the Prime Min- 
ister's generous reference and kind atten- 
tions to my wife. I am heartily in agree- 
ment with everything he said about her. I 
would like to add one thing that he didn't 




say, and I know that all of you who are here 
on the ground agree with me — we both out- 
married ourselves. 

Our nations are, geographically, a world 
apart. But our roots and our goals, our faith 
in the future, are one and the same. 

Australia, like America, is a nation of 
newcomers. We have both throwTi open our 
borders to new talent, to enterprise, to am- 
bition. We have applied the dynamics of a 
free economy and a progressive social policy 
to the building of a better life for human 

The results in Australia are quite plain. 
Your living standards are among the highest 
to be found anyAvhere in the world. Your 
riches are widely shared and divided among 
your people. 

In America we still fight a war against 
poverty. Here, poverty and slums are almost 

In America we call ourselves, with great 
pride, a nation of homeowners. But the per- 
centage of Australians who own their own 
homes is much higher than ours and makes 
the blush of shame come to my cheeks. 

In America we congratulate ourselves on 
approaching full employment. But Australia 
has had full employment since 3 years be- 
fore I came here in 1942 — at least 28 years. 

My country still has much to learn from 
Australia, and about Australians, but we 
have learned this much: 

— We know your agricultural technology 
deserves its wide acclaim. By progressive soil 
enrichment and pest control you are achiev- 
ing remarkable productivity, and you really 
sei^ve as a model for the rest of the world. 

— We know that your achievements on the 
land have been matched in your thriving 
factories. While your exports are still pri- 
marily agricultural, more Australians work 
in industry than in agriculture. 

— We know that the futui'e of your indus- 
trial development is bright beyond compare. 
You are looking forward to doubling your 
mineral exports in 5 years. 

I think if I don't get Ed Clark [Edward 
Clark, U.S. Ambassador to Australia] out of 

here, you may double them in 3 years. Every 
time I tiy to increase our own production 
and I send for the head man, I'm told he is 
visiting Ambassador Clark in Australia. 

So you are looking forward to doubling 
your mineral exports in 5 years, and you 
will triple them in 10 years. 

— We know that what you are doing to ful- 
fill Australia's promise requires a great deal 
of private initiative, wise public policy, a 
rapid growth of domestic saving, and con- 
tinued attraction of capital from abroad. 

I am proud that more and more Americans 
are joining Australians in a creative eco- 
nomic partnership that is building the even 
better Australia of tomorrow. 

You are in a goldfish bowl. You are the 
envy of many nations of the world. You have 
just begun to move. You have just begun to 

This common task challenges us both. The 
future of your nation offers unlimited op- 
portunity. Vast Australia is still largely 
untapped, its enormous wealth waiting to 
be converted to enrich the lives of its people 
— the only just use that can ever be made of 
the resources of the area. 

This is the challenge that my country 
knows well, a challenge that we, like you, 
are still trying to meet. It is a challenge that 
we today are ready and eager to join you 
in meeting. 

Let us dedicate ourselves tonight not only 
to building a better Australia but in building 
with you a better world. 

As we meet here in such a spirit of happi- 
ness, there are so many things to be thank- 
ful for. 

We love peace. We hate war. No one wants 
to die. Everybody wants to live. We are 
doing everything that we know to have peace 
in the world. But it is not a one-way street. 
You can't make a contract by yourself. 

You can't go to a conference and sign a 
treaty that is unilateral if you are the only 
one present. Unless and until those ambitious, 
selfish men recognize and realize this, we 
must constantly bear this in mind: that 
aggression doesn't pay, that might doesn't 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


make right, that power cannot go unchecked 
in the 20th century. 

Until they realize that they cannot win, 
all this talk about peace will be unilateral. 
When they do recognize that they can't win, 
that there is nothing to be gained by destroy- 
ing their own sons and their own land — and 
a good many of ours — when they do recognize 
that, then they may be willing, in terms of 
the prophet Isaiah, to "come and let us 
reason together." 

America knows its responsibility. It goes 
where it has responsibility. We have an- 
swered many roll calls across many oceans. 

I am reminded of the time when I went 
to a neighbor's house to ask a lady if her 
little boy could go home and si>end the week- 
end with me. He had a brother who was a 
rather fat little boy. He weighed about 200 
and he was about 14 years old. We called 
him "Bones." He was very properly nick- 
named "Bones." 

When I insisted to the mother that she 
let my friend go home with me, he talked 
about his little brother. Finally the mother 
said no, he couldn't. He thought that was 
unjust. He looked up to his mother and 
said, "Mama, why can't I go home and spend 
the night with Lyndon?" He said, "Bones has 
done been two wheres, and I haven't been 

Well, we have been "two wheres" several 
times. In the places we have been the 
Australians have been by our side. So I 
have spent 2 very delightful days, a part 
of yesterday, last evening, and today, with 
your honored and distinguished Prime Min- 
ister. I have been President 3 years. During 
that 3 years' time I have received Prime 
Minister Menzies in the Capital in Washing- 
ton. I have received Prime Minister Holt in 
the Capital three times. We have exchanged 
viewpoints and we continue to give each our 
very best judgments. 

But we need the counsel of each other 
in these critical times. We need each of you 
to think about your future and what kind 
of a world you want to live in. You can't 
have that kind of a world just by wishing 
for it. America didn't come into existence 

just because somebody wished it would. It 
came into existence because men, good and 
true, faithful, loyal, and fearless, were will- 
ing to stand up and fight for freedom and 
fight for liberty and put that at the highest 

As the aggressor marched in the Low 
Countries in the late 1930's, and ultimately 
wound up in World War II, there are ag- 
gressors prowling tonight, on the march 

Their aggression shall not succeed. But I 
would remind you it is much closer to Mel- 
bourne than it is to San Francisco. It is 
time for you to stop, look, and listen and 
decide how much your libei'ty and your 
freedom mean to you and what you are will- 
ing to pay for it. 

If you want to sit back in a rocking chair 
with a fan and say, "Let the rest of the 
world go by," you won't have that liberty 
and that freedom long. Because when a dic- 
tator or an aggressor recognizes that you 
don't cherish it, that you are not willing to 
fight and die for it, that you are a pushover, 
then you are the number-one objective. 

So tonight the American boys, almost half 
a million of them, have left their families 
and their homes. They have taken our 
treasure to the extent of about $2 billion a 
month to go to the rice paddies of Viet-Nam. 
They help that little nation of 13 or 14 
million try to have the right of self-deter- 
mination without having a form of govern- 
ment they do not want imposed upon them. 

Tonight those brave Aussie lads are there 
by their side, not halfway, not a third of the 
way, but all the way, to the last drop of 
their blood, because they are never going 
to tuck their tails and run — they are never 
going to surrender. 

They are going to stay there until this 
aggression is checked before it blooms into 
world war III. 

We wish it were not so, but wishing it 
were not so doesn't make it so. We wish 
we could transfer it from the battlefield this 
moment to the conference table, but we can't 
do it by ourselves. And until we can con- 
vince these people that we have the resolu- 



tion and we have the determination, we 
have the will, and we have the support of 
our own people, they are not going to come 
to their senses. 

But so far as my country is concerned, 
don't be misled, as the Kaiser was or as 
Hitler was, by a few irrelevant speeches. 
We don't fight with bayonets or swords. We 
don't even throw Molotov cocktails at each 
other in America. They may chew off an 
ear and they may knock out a tooth, they 
may take your necktie or your pocketbooks, 
but when they call the roll on the Defense 
appropriations bill to support our men at 
the front, it will be carried 87 to nothing in 
the Senate. 

So don't misjudge our speeches in the 
Senate. And I would warn all would-be op- 
pressors who think they can march and get 
away with it, they must not misjudge them, 

Finally, I would say this: In 3 years in 
office I have seen your previous Prime 
Minister and your present Prime Minister 
three times. And I have just asked your 
indulgence once. 

But I have wanted to come back to Aus- 
tralia since I left here 25 years ago, and 
here I am. And I am happy, and I am enjoy- 
ing it. I liked it then, and I like it better now. 
I must admit I am traveling in a little dif- 
ferent manner and in a little different com- 
pany. That does make it nice. 

But your Prime Minister said on the steps 
of the White House — as if he were speaking 
to the American boys, with more than 100 
of them dying every week — ^that while Aus- 
tralia did not equal our population or our 
resources, there is no nation in the world 
that exceeded the Australians in cour- 

age, patriotism, and loyalty. When they 
took their stance by your side, you didn't 
get a crick in your neck looking around to 
see if they were coming. I found that out 
25 years ago in New Guinea. 

They may be ahead of you, but they will 
never be behind you, and they will always 
be by the side of you. 

So the Prime Minister made the observar 
tion that they would be with us all the way. 
He didn't need to say that. I knew that. 
The boys that had served with them knew 
that. But some of the newcomers that were 
fresh may not have known it. 

But he said, "L.B.J. , our men are in Viet- 
Nam and we are there and we are with you 
all the way to check this aggression before 
it lops over and moves on down." 

We are going to Manila to try to find the 
formula for peace, to try to review our 
military operation, to try to bring that 
countiy closer to representative government, 
to try to exchange views with the leaders 
of seven countries who love liberty and who 
love freedom. 

We don't expect any magic wonders; we 
don't expect any miracles. But we do think 
that each nation who has men committed 
to die — their leaders ought to get around the 
table and get the best thinking of the best 
men those nations can send. 

So I want to thank you for your great 
welcome, for your delightful 2 days. I have 
benefited tremendously from meeting with 
your Cabinet and with your leaders. I would 
be too sentimental if I told you just exactly 
how I feel about the Australian people, but 
I think most of you had rather just judge 
that for yourselves and let me quit talking. 

Thank you. 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


The United States and Poland: Strengthening Traditional Bonds 

Address by President Johnson ' 

Mrs. Johnson and my daug'hter Lynda and 
I are delighted that we could have this op- 
portunity on the last day that we are in this 
country to come here and visit with you good 
people in the State of Pennsylvania. 

This is a proud day for all Americans of 
Polish descent. 

For what we are dedicating this afternoon 
is more than a beautiful structure of stone 
and glass. 

It is a symbol of 1,000 years of Polish 
civilization and Polish Christianity. And to 
me it is also a symbol of millions of men and 
women who have come to our shores as im- 
migrants in search of a better way of life 
in America. 

They were poor, most of them, and had 
to take what they could get. Life was hard at 
its best. 

Many of them were illiterate, and the 
language barriers seemed almost impossible 
for most of them to surmount. 

They were no strangers, of course, to dis- 
crimination. Their names were hard to pro- 
nounce, they spoke with a strange accent, 
and they did not come from the "right" part 
of Europe. 

But they did have faith, and having that, 
they overcame every barrier that confronted 
them. And looking back now we, all of us, 
realize how very much they contributed to 
the richness and to the diversity of the 
United States of America. 

' Made at the dedication of the National Shrine 
of Our Lady of Czestochowa at Doylestown, Pa., 
Oct. 16 (White House press release). 

They brought their culture — and that has 
enriched us. But they brought more. They 
brought brawn to our industrial might. They 
brought scholarship to our universities. They 
brought music to our concert halls. And they 
brought art to decorate our walls. 

And most of all, they brought a love of 
freedom and a respect for human dignity 
that is unsurpassed by any in America. 

I expect that it is a little known fact of 
history, but it was a group of Polish-Amer- 
icans who conducted America's first recorded 
labor strike. And they did it for the right to 

The first Polish immigrants landed at 
Jamestown, Virginia, in 1608. They followed 
the usual practice of paying for their pas- 
sage by working for the company after their 
arrival. But in the process they discovered 
that the company authorities had disenfran- 
chised them because they were "foreigners." 
And so, in 1619, they simply stopped work- 
ing. And in a very short time thereafter they 
won their rights as free citizens. 

This is the spirit of Polish-Americans. 

You just really don't know how glad I 
am that you won that first strike. 

This is not an isolated example. The free- 
dom that we have enjoyed for nearly 200 
years was bought not only with American 
blood, but it was bought — our freedom — 
with Polish blood as well. Casimir Pulaski 
once pledged himself before the high altar 
of a church to defend faith and freedom to 
the last drop of his blood. And he redeemed 
that pledge at Savannah so that a young 
nation could choose its own destiny. 



tThis is the spirit of Polish-Americans. 
Another great man was Thaddeus Kos- 
usko. Like Pulaski, he came here to help 
5 wn our freedom. When the war ended, a 
grateful Congress gave him American citi- 
zenship, a pension with landed estates in 
Ohio, and the rank of brigadier general. 

But he was much more than a professional 
soldier. He was a great and outstanding 

[humanitarian. And before he returned to 
Europe in 1798, he drew up his will that 
placed him at the forefront of the move- 
ment to abolish slavery and discrimination. 
This was almost 60-odd years before the 
Emancipation Proclamation. 

Here is what he wrote in his will: 

I, Thaddeus Kosciusko, hereby authorize my friend 
Thomas Jefferson to employ the whole of my prop- 
erty in the United States in purchasing Negroes 
from among his own or any other and giving them 
liberty in my name. . . . 

This, too, is the spirit of Polish-Amer- 

We need that spirit in America today — 
perhaps more than we have ever needed it 
before. We need the spirit that says that 
another man's dignity is more precious than 
life itself. 

We need the spirit that says a man's skin 
shall not be a bar to his opportunities — any 
more than a man's name or a man's religion 
or a man's nationality. 

And finally, we need the spirit that says, 
as Pulaski said nearly two centuries ago, 
"Wherever on the globe men are fighting for 
freedom, it is as if it were our own affair." 

For today, when we pray here on this 
peaceful Sabbath day, this Sunday after- 
noon, in this beautiful green valley, there 
are millions of our fellow citizens who are 
fighting for freedom — millions in this coun- 
try and hundreds of thousands across the 

Millions of our fellow citizens here are 
fighting for freedom: 

Freedom from want. 
Freedom from ignorance. 
Freedom from fear. 

And most of all, freedom from discrimina- 

And I hope that each of you will under- 
stand that their struggle is your affair, too. 
So let us make it our cause as well. 

As we dedicate this magnificent shrine 
here this afternoon, let us not be ashamed 
to say that we are generous or that we care 
about human beings. When we reach out to 
help those who are less fortunate than our- 
selves, let us remember the words of Christ: 
"Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the 
least of these my brethren, ye have done it 
unto me." 

The Battle for Freedom in Asia 

Now as we are striving to expand the 
horizons of 20 million Americans, we have 
not forgotten the urgent pleas of millions of 
others throughout the world. They, too, are 
our brothers — all of them, in all directions. 
"Love thy neighbor as thyself." 

In the morning, we will leave to visit six 
countries in Asia. We will go to an area of 
the world where more than half of the 
people live. We. will go to an area of the 
world where in some parts of it the life ex- 
pectancy is only 35 years of age, where the 
per capita income per year is $65. 

They are fighting their battle for freedom: 

Freedom to determine who shall govern 

Freedom from want. 
Freedom from hunger. 
Freedom from disease. 
Freedom from ignorance. 

They are now carrying on their battle 
against all the ancient enemies of mankind. 
They need your blessings, they need your 
prayers, and they need your help. 

And I am going to carry all of them with 
me on your behalf. 

We must not forget your friends and your 
relatives in Poland. We have not forgotten 
the traditional bonds that have united our 
peoples since our earliest days as a nation. 

We intend to strengthen those bonds. As I 
said at the Virginia Military Institute in an 
address in 1964,2 ^e intend to build bridges 

• For text, see Bulletin of June 15, 1964, p. 922. 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


to Poland— bridges of friendship, bridges of 
trade, and bridges of aid. And following 
through, last year it was my privilege to ap- 
point one of the outstanding living Polish- 
Americans as our Ambassador to Poland to 
help start building those bridges: John A. 
Gronouski. He is writing a great record for 
himself and for his nation. 

Widening Our Ties Witli Poland 

We have not been idle here at home. 
Our postwar contribution to the United 
Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Adminis- 
tration in Poland has now exceeded $360 

Many Poles have had a better diet, thanks 
to what you in America have done for them 
through America's Food for Peace program. 
We have donated $37 million in food 
through CARE and other private organiza- 
tions. Through these organizations, we have 
been able to provide hot meals to hundreds 
of thousands of children in schools and sum- 
mer camps and to the sick and aged in hos- 
pitals and institutions. 

Last December a great children's hospital, 
a gift from the American people, was dedi- 
cated in Krakow. 

Last week in New York I announced fur- 
ther steps that the American Gk)vemment 
plans to take.^ 

We will press for legislative authority to 
negotiate trade agreements which could ex- 
tend most-favored-nation tariff treatment to 
Eastern European states, including Poland.'* 
We are instituting a program to strive for 
closer cultural relations with Poland. 

We have reduced export controls on East- 
West trade in the last few days with respect 
to hundreds of nonstrategic items that they 
would like to have from America. 

On behalf of your Government, we have 
extended to Poland an invitation to cooperate 
with America in our satellite program. 

We have taken steps to allow the Export- 
Import Bank to guarantee commercial cred- 

'For text, see ibid., Oct. 24, 1966, p. 622. 

* For background, see ibid., May 30, 1966, p. 838. 

its to four additional Eastern European coun- 
tries — including Poland. 

We are now carefully looking at ways in 
which we may use some portion of our Polish 
currency balance for the benefit of both 
countries — ways which will symbolize Amer- 
ica's continuing friendship for Poland. 

We are trying to determine ways and 
means to liberalize our rules on travel in our 
two countries in order to promote much bet- 
ter understanding and increased exchanges 
between our people. 

And, finally, I am quite hopeful that I will 
be able to arrange to send to Poland a mis- 
sion of leading American businessmen and 
others to explore ways to widen and to en- 
rich the ties between Poland and the United 
States of America. 

New Era of Friendship 

My fellow Americans, we are living in 
times of ferment and unrest — both at home 
and abroad. But I genuinely believe — I truly 
know — that there is more in America that 
unites us than there is to divide us. I believe 
that our generation now has the opportunity 
to establish a new era of friendship and co- 
operation with the peoples of the world. I 
believe we have the power to eradicate an- 
cient injustices and to ease traditional ten- 

When I leave tomorrow, I shall say that 
my purpose will be not to accomplish any 
miracles but to tell the people of the coun- 
tries that I visit that the best way to judge 
America's foreign policy is to look at our 
domestic policy. 

Our domestic policy here at home is to 
find jobs for our men at good wages, educa- 
tion for our children, a roof over their heads, 
and a church where they can worship ac- 
cording to the dictates of their ovm con- 
science, adequate food for their bodies, and 
health for their families. Because with food, 
income, education, health, and with a strong 
defense that will protect our liberty, if we 
can do that here at home, we can set an ex- 
ample that all the people of the world will 
want to emulate. 




We would like to see all of the 3 billion 
people have the blessings, advantages, free- 
dom, and prosperity that we have here in 
America in Pennsylvania this afternoon. 

And while we cannot wave any wand and 
we do not expect to achieve any miracles, we 
do expect to tell them what interests our 
people, what we want, and what we would 
also want for them. We want to assure them 
that we do not look at self alone. We "love 
thy neighbor as thyself." 

Yes, our ultimate task is reconciliation — 
to bring us all to perceive, at home and 
abroad, regardless of our faith or where we 
worship, regardless of our sex or our reli- 
gion, regardless of our color, whether it is 
white or brown or black or green, to bring 
to all of us at home and abroad, that men are 
children of God and brothers. 

Yes, we are living in an exciting age. 
Much is at stake. The fabric of our whole 
society is at stake. The future of all civiliza- 
tion is at stake. But remembering the words 
"Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," I 
have great hopes for the future. And I be- 
lieve you do, too. 

The Most Urgent Work 
of Our Times 

On October 3 President Johnson was pre- 
sented with the first copy of "This America," 
a collection of excerpts from his speeches and 
messages published by Random House. Fol- 
lowing is the text of the epilog which was 
contributed by the President for the book 
and was released by the White House on that 

I have spoken and written of her problems 
and her promise. I believe that our destiny 
as a nation depends upon how well we fulfill 
the pledges to ourselves: the pledge of free- 
dom, of equality, of a more decent life for 

What we accomplish around the world will 
be shaped in large part by what we are and 
what we become at home. Neither high ideals 
nor great wealth nor military might will 

profit us much if we are powerless to solve 
the problems of our own land. 

But we would be shortsighted to confine 
our vision to this nation's shorelines. The 
blessings we count at home cannot be culti- 
vated in isolation from the worldwide yearn- 
ings of men. An America rich and strong 
beyond description, yet living in a hostile and 
despairing world, would be neither safe nor 

Today the citizens of many nations walk in 
the shadow of misery. Half the world's adults 
have never been to school. More than half the 
world's people are hungry or malnourished. 
In the developing nations, thousands die daily 
of cholera, smallpox, malaria and yellow 
fever — diseases that can be controlled or pre- 
vented. Across the world, millions of ques- 
tioning eyes are turned upon us. What 
answers can we give ? 

We mean to show that our dream of a great 
society does not stop at the water's edge, that 
it is not just an American dream. All are wel- 
come to share in it and all are invited to con- 
tribute to it. The most urgent work of our 
times — the most urgent work of all time — is 
to give that dream reality. 

The course we follow today traces directly 
over the two decades since the Second World 
War. We emerged from that conflict with the 
sure knowledge that our fate was bound up 
with the fate of all. Men could no longer con- 
tent themselves in pursuing narrowly na- 
tional goals. Men must join in the common 
pursuit of freedom and fulfillment. 

In that pursuit, we have helped Western 
Europe rebuild, aided Greece and Turkey, 
come to the defense of Berlin, resisted ag- 
gression in Korea and South Viet-Nam. In 
that pursuit, we have helped new nations to- 
ward indei^endence, extended the brotherly 
hand of the Peace Corps, and carried forward 
the largest program of economic assistance 
in the history of mankind. 

Today, we follow five continuing principles 
in our policy: 

The first principle is to employ our power 
purposefully, although always with great re- 
straint. In a world where violence remains 
the prime policy of some, we as surely shape 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


the future when we withdraw as when 
we stand firm before the aggressor. We can 
best measure the success of this principle by 
a simple proposition: Not a single country 
where we have helped mount a major effort 
to resist aggression today has a government 
servile to outside interests. 

The second principle is to control, to re- 
duce, and ultimately to eliminate the modern 
engines of destruction. We must not despair 
or grow cynical at man's efforts to become 
master of his own fearsome devices. We must 
push on to harness atomic power as a force 
for creation rather than destruction. 

The third principle is to support those as- 
sociations of nations which reflect the oppor- 
tunities and necessities of the modem world. 
By strengthening the common defense, by 
stimulating commerce, by confirming old ties 
and setting new hopes, these associations 
serve the cause of orderly progress. 

A fourth important principle is to en- 
courage the right of each people to govern 
themselves and shape their own institutions. 
Today the urge toward independence is per- 
haps the strongest force in our world. A 
peaceful world order will be possible only 
when each country walks the way it has 
chosen for itself. 

A final, enduring strand of our policy as a 
nation is to help improve the life of man. 
From the Marshall Plan to now that policy 
has rested upon the claims of compassion 
and common sense — and on the certain 
knowledge that only people with rising faith 
in the future will build secure and peaceful 
lands. Not only compassion, but our vital 
self-interest compels us to play a leading role 
in a worldwide campaign against hunger, 
disease, and ignorance. 

Half a century ago, William James de- 
clared that mankind must seek a "moral 
equivalent of war." Today the search con- 
tinues, more urgent than ever before in his- 
tory. Ours is the great opportunity to chal- 
lenge all nations, friend and foe alike, to join 
this battle. We can generate growing light 
in our universe, or we can allow the darkness 
to gather. To spread the light, to enlarge 
man's inner and outer liberty, to promote the 

peace and well-being of our people and all 
people — these are the ambitions of my years 
in office. 

They are the enduring purpose, I believe, 
of this America. 

Progress of Central American 
Regional integration Hailed 

Following is a statement by Lincoln Gor- 
don, Assistant Sec7-etary for Inter-American 
Affairs, marking the 15th anniversary of the 
Organization of Central American States on 
October H. 

Press release 243 dated October 14 

Today is the fifteenth anniversary of the 
formation of the Organization of Central 
American States (ODECA). This anni- 
versary should serve as an occasion to note 
the consistent and remarkable progress 
which the five Central American nations 
have made as partners in their effort to 
achieve regional integration. 

We salute our Central American neighbors 
for their foresight and determination which, 
15 years ago, prompted the formation of 
ODECA and which, more recently, has 
brought forth many other examples of eco- 
nomic, social, and cultural cooperation. The 
rapid pace of progress over the last 5 years, 
during which the Central American Common 
Market has emerged as a major factor in re- 
gional development, has been particularly 

In 1965 ODECA was accorded greatly ex- 
panded responsibilities for regional develop- 
ment activities in the areas of health, labor, 
education, and population studies. This re- 
organization of ODECA gives evidence of 
Central America's intention to press the 
integration movement into social as well as 
economic fields. 

It has been Central American initiative 
that has led to these successes. A striking 
example has thus been provided of the merg- 
ing of separate national interests to the end 
of facilitating joint regional development. 



Columbus as a Spaniard 

by Angier Biddle Duke 
Ambassador to Spain * 

It is right, when St. Louis adds to its 
many attractions a permanent Spanish 
pavilion, to say a word about Spanish threads 
woven brightly through our American and 
Atlantic heritage. 

In just a few days we celebrate the 474th 
anniversary of the landing on our shores of 
Christopher Columbus. Last year Columbus 
Day was no simple, perfunctory, routine 
reprise of oft-repeated ceremonies. The Yale 
University library had just unveiled a 
Vinland map, ascribed circa 1440 A.D. This 
map showed an island whose location and 
coast strongly suggested Newfoundland's 
northern tip. It reminded the news-reading 
world of Viking voyages centuries earlier 
than the great wave of Spanish explorations. 
The implication — against which there were 
furious Spanish and Italian reactions — was 
that the depedestalization of Columbus had 
been long overdue. 

The reaction in Spain was instantaneous, 
strong, and sustained. Virtually all the 
Madrid press gave the Vinland story front 
page and headline treatment and bitter 
editorial coverage. One leading morning 
paper described Yale's publication of the 
map as a "methodical and incredibly bel- 
ligerent effort, long and carefully prepared, 
aimed at destroying as far as possible the 
Spanish glory of the discovery of the New 
World by a seafarer by the name of Chris- 
topher Columbus." In an October 12 headline 

• Address made at Washington University, St. 
Louis, Mo., on Oct. 6. 

the same newspaper also used the expression 
"cultural neci'ophagia" to describe the Yale 
library action, thus reviving an extremely 
unpleasant word which means the "feeding 
on dead bodies." The Washington correspond- 
ent of the same paper described the Yale 
University publication as an example of the 
lack of sympathy that "the great occasions 
in our history inspire in the Anglo-Saxon 
world," and said that Yale was "trying in 
the face of documented and uncontestable 
historical facts to affirm the superiority of 
northern Europe over the Mediterranean 
south." If you regard this reaction as ex- 
treme, you may be unconsciously retreating 
to a stereotype which maligns the whole 
Latin heritage. The Vinland map should be 
welcomed but put in the proper perspective. 

As the current United States Chief of 
Mission in Spain, in a line begun by John 
Jay, I am of course most interested in his- 
torical matters, particularly with an issue 
so basic and important. Therefore, in spare 
moments and with the help of scholarly 
friends, I have looked into what is and what 
is not mythical about Columbus and have 
given some thought as to his true place in 

One result of my research is a total con- 
fidence that Christopher Columbus needs no 
help from me, nor from anybody else, to 
defend the greatness of his achievements. 
You and I, here today only a few hours' 
flight from his points of departures and 
arrivals, are his beneficiaries. It may be use- 
ful, in a modest way, to tell you a bit about 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


what I have been learning about him and 
his enormous influence. Columbus had a 
central role, to be sure, in authentically 
Spanish contributions that transformed the 
future of mankind. 

Any notion that new information is re- 
quired to justify his preeminence as the 
discoverer of the New World is downright 
silly But let us be hospitable. Why should we 
not take into our ken not only the Vmland 
map but all traces of courageous explorers? 

Possible Pre-Columbian Travelers 

To perpetuate his status as the discoverer, 
it is entirely unnecessary to claim that m 
1492 Columbus was the only nonnative who 
ever set foot in the Americas. There is 
copious evidence and argument that there 
could have been a long series of pre-Colum- 
bian travelers to this hemisphere. C. M. 
Boland, in 1961, mentions at least nine: 

Stone-age nomads crossing the Bering 
Strait from Asia to Alaska, whose descend- 
ants became American Indians and Eskimos; 
Phoenicians, who might have reached New 
Hampshire— and/or Venezuela— after suc- 
cessive Punic Wars, a few hundred years 

Romans, or Roman subjects, who could 
have fashioned iron, bronze objects, and 
stone inscriptions in various parts of North 
America around 64 A.D.; 

A Chinese, who may have toured Mayan 
lands in Central America around the year 


St. Brendan the Bold, reportedly wander- 
ing from Ireland to Newfoundland, Bermuda, 
and Florida about 50 years later; 

Other Irish monks, settling in what is now, 
ironically. New England back in the 10th 


An entire cascade of Viking excursions; 

Welshmen, who Boland thinks went up 
the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers to the Louis- 
ville region around 1171; 

Two Venetians and a Scotch prince, to 
Nova Scotia around 1395. 


Also cited are Dr. Gordon Erholm's pres- 
entations of striking parallels of Asian with 

Middle American art forms. This anthropol- 
ogist feels that similar fishhooks, war clubs, 
blowguns, musical pipes, nose flutes, looms, 
barkcloth, parasols, toys, and design pat- 
terns must have come from contacts across 
the Pacific between the second and seventh 
centuries. During my own Central American 
tour of duty in El Salvador in 1952, I was 
repeatedly impressed by the striking simi- 
larity of Mayan and Asian artifacts. You 
may have heard, too, how certain Chinese 
and Japanese glazed ceramics may somehow 
have been transmitted to the ancient Incas 

of Peru. 

The Vinland map is one of many shards. 
Libraries are full of them, and of course 
they are interesting curiosities. More than 
a few early maps were "guesstimated" crea- 
tive works. Others had what amounted to 
the best "facts" that could be approximated. 

Columbus in the Cast of Titans 

Let us welcome all these profuse sugges- 
tions. They show how widely diverse free 
inquiry can yield intriguing ideas without 
weakening the central and the supreme 
truth. It was Columbus who revealed the 
New World to the Old. 

It is not necessary to belabor the Vinland 
map business. We need not go as far as does 
G R. Crone, map curator of the Royal Geo- 
graphic Society in London, who deduces that 
the Vinland map is a version of an existing 
world map of the Venetian Bianco, that it 
is "probably post-Columbian" in origin, and 
that "the man who produced it was a copyist, 
not a cartographer." 

Montaigne, who had been hearing many 
tall stories of exotic lands, said dryly: "We 
had great need of topographers to make us 

particular narrations of the places they 

have been in." 

Columbus filled that need. He certainly 
anticipated the hardheaded dictum of Alfred 
Korzybski, the well-known author of "Science 
and Sanity," who kept saying that the map 
is not the territory. 

Samuel Eliot Morison credits Christopher 
Columbus with "the most spectacular and 
most far-reaching geographical discovery 



in recorded human history," If one were to 
put Columbus in a category, it should be with 
those whose work — in whatever realm — is 
at the highest transcendent rung of their 
occupational ladders, those whose work was 
inspiring in the magnitude of their revela- 
tions. Ralph Waldo Emerson felt this in his 
lines about wisdom in the volume titled 
Society and Solitude. I quote: 

Raphael paints wisdom; Handel sings it; Phidias 
carves it; Shakespeare \vrites it; Wren builds it; 
Columbus sails it; Washing^ton arms it; Watt mecha- 
nizes it. 

While you might prefer in 1966 to select a 
cast of titans different from those Emerson 
chose in 1870, Columbus belongs with those 
who have left the deepest creases upon the 
collective memory of man. 

Columbus Felt at Home in Spain 

Essayists have tried to show that Colum- 
bus was Castilian, Catalan, Corsican, 
Majorcan, Portuguese, French, German, 
English, Greek, Jewish, and Aiinenian. 
Thomas Click, a Harvard scholar recently in 
Spain, points out that Columbus' contempo- 
raries usually referred to him as Genoese — 
sometimes as Ligurian, referring to that 
northern region of what is now Italy. That 
country, as a unit, did not then exist, even 
though her cities were centers of Renais- 
sance learning, art, and trade. 

There is not much doubt but that Colum- 
bus' family had been established in the Genoa 
area for three generations, and this heritage 
today is a source of great pride to Italians 
everysvhere. That his family had been orig- 
inally Spanish Jews who subsequently be- 
came converts is a reasonable assumption, 
difficult to prove conclusively but one 
cogently maintained by many sound scholars. 
It is a certainty, however, that this Medi- 
terranean man felt very much at home in 
w^hat came to be his mother country — Spain. 
There he has ever been regarded as Hispani- 
cized as that other Mediterranean giant of 
Spanish culture. El Greco. 

Today, as then, the accident of birth is not 
necessarily a bar to leadership in the country 
of one's choice. The fact that Eamon de 

Valera was born in Brooklyn of Spanish her- 
itage proved no impediment to his being 
elected twice as President of Ireland. In a 
similar sense, the Scottish Andrew Carnegie 
has been historically accepted as American 
as readily as the American-born T. S. Eliot 
is today thought of as an Englishman, and 
American history from the Revolutionary 
War on is full of examples of outstanding 
achievements of persons bom elsewhere who 
climbed to fame and made their mark in 
our country. 

Columbus told what he saw in Castilian 
language, as a man who had been Genoese by 
birth but was Spanish by choice, by resi- 
dence, diction, culture, and possibly by 
ancestry. The flowers and trees he saw in 
Haiti, the mountains, plains, and valleys, the 
fish, the songbirds, and the climate all re- 
called to him what had become his homeland. 
His Haitian observations on December 7, 
1492, made no less than seven specific com- 
parisons with Spain. "The air was like April 
in Castile," he wrote in his journal for 
December 13, "the nightingales and other 
little birds were singing as in that month in 
Spain, so that it was the greatest delight in 
the world." 

Spain, where Columbus settled after his 
years in Portugal, was becoming the most 
powerful nation on the Continent. 

In 1479, when Ferdinand became King of 
Aragon, he ruled Catalonia, Valencia, and 
the Balearics; Isabella's Castile had ab- 
sorbed Andalucia and Leon. Militant and ex- 
pansive, with their conquest of Granada in 
1492 they ruled more of the peninsula than 
had been united for centuries. With an 
Iberian population guessed at 6 million, 
Spain was then an expanding frontier so- 
ciety. At the edge of the strange and un- 
known — Africa and the ocean — its condition 
pressed them to explore, to keep moving 
ahead, and conquer. The 700-year struggle 
with the Arabs had built up a pressure that 
was not released merely by the capture of 
Granada. A society in a perpetual state of 
mobilization and onward movement could not 
relax, stopping limp in its tracks. 

It might well appear providential that in 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


the very year that the united armies of Spain 
had pushed the last of its ancient overlords 
back into Africa, the fully aroused energies 
of this conquering people found leadership 
at the water's edge in the person of him who 
was to become the Admiral of the Ocean Sea. 

That is why we have 200 million Spanish- 
speaking people in our hemisphere today, 
why most of our Western States have Span- 
ish names, and why Spanish is even today a 
spoken language of the Philippines. 

J. H. Plumb of Cambridge University de- 
clared that in 1492 the American dream was 
born. He reflects how, despite Columbus' idea 
that he had been probing near Cipangu — 
Japan, no less — the imagination of human- 
ists and intellectuals was fired by the ad- 
miral's accounts of what they wanted to be- 
lieve was an entirely new world. His readers 
across Europe dreamed of natural man, deni- 
zens of a green, golden world that had es- 
caped the fall of Adam from the garden, a 
world that had never known original sin. 

On more practical levels, the Spanish Gov- 
ernment moved with considerable foresight. 
It kept a very firm hold on what became a 
fast proliferating New Spain. From experi- 
ence colonizing the Canary Islands in the 
early 1490's, it soon developed what for the 
16th century was a complex and sophisti- 
cated set of governing institutions which in- 
deed were to last for centuries. 

Civilization Builders Followed Columbus 

The point to be made here is that institu- 
tion building in the new lands began im- 
mediately in the wake of the voyages and 

Although distances from Spain to its em- 
pire caused delays even on minor matters, 
once a decision was taken it was usually 
obeyed with only minimal misinterpretation 
and evasions. The crown had continuing, 
absolute authority. The Irish, Viking, and 
Welsh wanderers had no such imperial re- 
sources behind them. Their travels were iso- 
lated adventures, their settlements perish- 
able, their effect on history marginal. They 
did not break paths for a whole tide of new 
explorers, evangelists, soldiers, and colonizers 

coming after them, as did Christopher 
Columbus and the Renaissance Spain he 

Needless to say, Columbus' voyages did 
not yield instant results. On four voyages he 
found most of the Caribbean islands, among 
them Haiti, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Trinidad, 
and what is now the Venezuelan mainland. 
As ensuing explorations continued, the At- 
lantic carried greater riches of its Indies 
trade than Asia had ever sold the smaller 
Mediterranean world. And there arose a 
maritime rivalry — spurred with all the 
urgency of the much later Oklahoma land 
rush — among Spain, Portugal, France, Eng- 
land, and the Dutch as others sailed in 
Columbus' wake. 

The cry "Westward Ho" resounded across 
Europe. Missionaries, conquistadors, admin- 
istrators, and new waves of civilization 
builders followed after Columbus to the New 
World, as they did not do in the paths of his 
random, if no less courageous, precursors. 
Just as he was the pragmatist who actually 
did what others theorized might be possible, 
the discoverer stirred minds which in time 
discovered other, no less revolutionary, 

Columbus' conviction that the world was 
round was not exceptional. Isaac Asimov, the 
science history writer, says that the earth's 
rotundity was well accepted by scholars of 
that day but there was dispute about the 
distance west from Europe to Asia. The real 
mark of the Renaissance scientist, that 
which set Columbus apart from his medieval 
sources, was that he relied not on books but 
insisted on empirical proofs. "Although men 
have talked or have written about these 
lands," he wrote after his discovei-y, "all was 
conjecture, without getting a look at it." 

It was not merely coeval accident that 
Copernicus was 19 in 1492, a Polish student 
at Bologna. His later astronomical observa- 
tions at Frauenburg would remap our solar 

From all evidence, Columbus was as de- 
vout in theology as his Catholic monarchs. 
But his works inspired Rabelais, Machiavelli, 
Montaigne, Lope de Vega, El Greco, and 



others whose insights changed men's views 
of the world, as did his Renaissance con- 
temporaries Michelangelo and Leonardo. 

The greatest literature abounds with fan- 
ciful images of the world he opened up. In 
the Elizabethan pageant of Tamburlaine the 
Great, Christopher Marlowe has Callapine — 
son of the Turkish Emperor Bajazeth, and a 
prisoner in Egj-pt — try to bribe his keeper: 

Choose what thou wilt, all are at thy command : 
A thousand galleys, manned with Christian slaves, 
I freely give thee, which shall cut the Straits, 
And bring armadas from the coast of Spain, 
Fraughted with gold of rich America. . . . 

That was in 1588, not quite a century 
after the discoveiy. Salvador de Madariaga, 
who makes out a diligent case for Columbus' 
having been an assimilated convert from a 
Jewish family of Spanish origins, places him 
in history this way: 

The new world that was to be discovered was not 
merely the American continent, but that world that 
the discovery of the American continent was to bring 
forth in the minds of men. Someone was needed to 
open the way, to lead . . . that lost world had to be 
found and someone had to find it: but this was to 
be the greatest day in human history. . . . 

In that Columbian tradition others pur- 
sued and discovered yet other new worlds. 
Miguel Serveto and Harvey discovered the 
circulating blood systems, Newton the laws 
of motion, Galileo saw with his eyes that the 
moon has mountains, the sun spots, Jupiter 
moons, and the Milky Way clouds of stars. 

In that same tradition it is not at all 
strange that Spain is playing an important 
role in the exploration of outer space today. 
In fact, last month the first photographs of 
the earth taken from the moon were received 
at Robledo de Chavela — our joint facilities 
near Madrid. 

Morison, who resailed the classic four 
voyages in a chartered yawl and with the 
1939 Harvard Columbus expedition, has 
documented how skilled a navigator Colum- 
bus really was. He also explains the tale — 
that may well be apocryphal — how at a tri- 
umphant dinner on his first return to Spain 
one guest said someone else would have done 
the same thing soon. Schoolchildren around 
the world are told that Columbus asked all 

present to make a hard-boiled egg stand on 
end. Nobody could, but when it came to 
Columbus he beat one end flat and it stood. 
Columbus, the man of action, showed the 
way. After something is done it looks easy. 
Centuries later, John F. Kennedy was to 
make a somewhat similar point. At the start 
of the Cuban missile crisis, when only a few 
people in the White House knew of the 
imminent drastic confrontation with the 
Kremlin, J.F.K. was scheduled to give a short 
routine talk on foreign affairs to a group of 
newsmen and broadcasting people. Richard 
Rovere, looking back on Kennedy's speech 
after the crisis was peacefully settled, wrote 
in the New Yorker that the President ex- 
pressed "an uncharacteristic sentiment in a 
characteristic way." He had cited a poem by 
Domingo Ortega, the bullfighter, which he 
had read in a Robert Graves translation: 

Bullfight critics ranked in rows 
Crowd the enormous plaza full, 
But there is only one who knows 
And he's the man who fights the bull. 

We, the heirs of the Spanish Renaissance 
and its preeminent discoverer, the Admiral 
of the Ocean Sea, are today at the edge of 
new oceans in space. We are at new gulfs in 
the relations between nations, finding new 
voyages between them. At no time has there 
been better prospect for new attempts to 
brave the perilous unknowTi, nor with as 
great returns for the benefit of mankind. 

Department Announces Plans 
for Advisory Panels 

Department Announcement 

Press release 246 dated October 18 

The Department of State announced on 
October 18 plans for the creation of several 
panels of civilian specialists from outside 
government to serve as advisers to the De- 
partment on a broad range of foreign policy 

Panels ranging in size from 10 to ap- 
proximately 20 members each will be consti- 
tuted to work with and offer advice to the 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 


Bureaus of Far Eastern Affairs, African 
Affairs, European Affairs, Near East and 
South Asian Affairs, International Organiza- 
tion Affairs, and the Department's Pohcy 
Planning Council. Each of these panels will 
be considered open ended, and from time to 
time new members will be added. The Bureau 
of Inter-American Affairs already has well- 
established panels of outside advisers with 
whom it consults. 

Members of the new panels will be drawn 
in large measure from the academic com- 
munity, with representatives to be invited 
also from private foundations and research 
institutions, together with individuals repre- 
senting a number of professions. The panel 
of advisers for the Bureau of International 
Organization Affairs has been completed. 
When the necessary administrative work has 
been completed the composition of the other 
panels will be announced. 

President Johnson and Secretary Rusk 
appreciate and value the advice and sugges- 
tions which have come from private Amer- 
ican citizens interested in the conduct of 
our foreign relations. The President and 
the Secretary welcome the opportunity which 
the creation of these teams will present for 
the organization and application of new ideas 
designed to enhance the formulation and 
conduct of U.S. foreign policies. 

The members of the advisory panel to the 
Bureau of International Organization Affairs 

Harding F. Bancroft, executive vice president, The 
New York Times, New York, N.Y.; Andrew W. 
Cordier, dean, School of International Affairs, Co- 
lumbia University, New York, N.Y.; Richard N. 
Gardner, professor of law, Columbia University, 
New York, N.Y. (formerly Deputy Assistant Secre- 
tary of State for International Organization Af- 
fairs) ; Ernest A. Gross, partner, Curtis, Mallet- 
Prevost, Colt and Mosle, New York, N.Y.; Arthur 
Larson, director. World Rule of Law Center, Duke 
University, Durham, N.C.; Marshall D. Shulman, 
professor of international politics, Fletcher School 
of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts Univ^sity, Medford, 
Mass.; Francis 0. Wilcox, dean. The Johns Hopkins 
University School of Advanced International Studies, 
Washing^ton, D.C. (formerly Assistant Secretary of 
State for International Organization Affairs) ; Jo- 
seph E. Johnson, president, Carnegie Endowment for 

International Peace, New York, N.Y.; Vernon Mc- 
Kay, professor of African studies, The Johns Hop- 
kins University School of Advanced International 
Studies, Washington, D.C; Francis T. P. Plimpton, 
partner, Debevoise, Plimpton, Lyons and Gates, New 
York, N.Y. (formerly Deputy U.S. Representative 
to the United Nations) ; Kenneth W. Thompson, 
vice president. The Rockefeller Foundation, New 
York, N.Y. ; Charles W. Yost, senior fellow, Council 
on Foreign Relations, New York, N.Y. (formerly 
Deputy U.S. Representative to the United Nations). 

U.S. and Chile Conclude 
Air Service Consultations 

Department Announcement 

Press release 242 dated October 14 

Delegations representing the Government 
of the United States of America and the Gov- 
ernment of Chile met in Santiago, Chile, be- 
tween June 26 and August 12, 1966, to con- 
sider matters of mutual interest with respect 
to international air services between the two 
countries. The consultation was conducted 
pursuant to the Air Transport Services 
Agreement which has governed such services 
since entering into force on December 30, 

In accordance with the procedure agreed 
at the conclusion of consultations, the United 
States Embassy at Santiago and the Ministry 
for Foreign Relations of Chile on October 14 
exchanged diplomatic notes ^ confirming each 
Government's acceptance of the results of 
the talks. These include an understanding 
that, under the terms of the existing agree- 
ment, either Government may require air- 
lines designated by the other Government to 
submit schedules for information purposes 
only, but neither Government will delay or 
deny their entry into effect. Procedures for 
a posteriori bilateral reviews of services 
were clarified. 

During the consultation, the delegations 
also undertook a review of services being 
provided by the designated airlines, Panagra 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 

' Not printed here. 



and LAN. As a basis for possible future re- 
views, the aeronautical authorities of both 
countries are arranging for a periodic ex- 
change of statistics which will facilitate a 
continuous study of traffic development over 
the agreed routes. 

Both Governments consider that the con- 
sultative provision embodied in the Air 
Transport Sers'ices Agreement provides a 
ready and useful mechanism for bilateral 
discussion of any questions which arise with 
respect to services provided by designated 
airlines of either party under the agreement. 

Department Announces Revised 
Passport Regulations 

Press relcsse 248 dat«d October 20 

The Depailment of State on October 20 
published revised regulations dealing with 
nationality, passports, and travel controls. 

The new regulations, which became effec- 
tive that day on publication in the Federal 
Register, 1 also define the procedures of the 
Depai-tment in revoking and denying pass- 
ports, in designating areas of restricted 
travel, in specially validating passports for 
restricted areas, and in witnessing and cer- 
tifying marriages of Americans abroad. 

This first general revision of passport reg- 
ulations in 28 years does not bring about ma- 
jor changes or innovations. The revision con- 
stitutes rather a modernization and simpli- 
fication of prescribed procedures to make 
them better suit the needs of the increased 
volume and speed of travel today. 

When the main body of the former regu- 
lations was promulgated, air travel was in its 
infancy and the volume of passport issu- 
ance was approximately one-tenth of today's 
level of 1.5 million passports annually. 

The new regulations were issued under 
authority delegated to the Secretary of State 
by Executive Order 11295 of August 5, 1966.2 

U.S. Chess Team Excepted 
From Ban on Travel to Cuba 

Department Announcement ' 

The Department of State today [October 
20] validated the passports of eight mem- 
bers of the U.S. Chess Federation and eight 
members of the Puerto Rican Chess Federa- 
tion for travel to Cuba to participate in the 
International Chess Federation's Olympiad, 
central committee, and general assembly 
meetings beginning in Cuba on October 22 
and lasting until November 20. 

The International Chess Federation has 
more than 3 million playing members, and 
nearly 70 national chess federations are affili- 
ated with it. 

This exception to the general ban on travel 
to Cuba was granted in order to permit U.S. 
representation in the International Chess 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

89th Congress, 2d Session 

Beirut Agreement Implementation Legislation. Re- 
port to accompany H.J. Res. 688. S. Rept. 1626. 
September 20, 1966. 10 pp. 

U.S. Observance of International Human Rights 
Year, 1968. Report to accompany H.R. 17083. H. 
Rept. 2050. September 21, 1966. 7 pp. 

The Foreign Gifts and Decorations Act of 1966. Re- 
port to accompany S. 2463. H. Rept. 2052. Septem- 
ber 21, 1966. 5 pp. 

Three German Paintings. Report to accompany S. 
3353. S. Rept. 1635. September 22, 1966. 13 pp. 

Three Vested German Paintings. Report to accom- 
pany H.R. 12543. H. Rept. 2066. September 22, 
1966. 7 pp. 

Chamizal Boundary Highway. Report to accompany 
S. 2630. S. Rept. 1657. September 27, 1966. 8 pp. 

National Service Life Insurance-Philippine Peso 
Payments. Report to accompany H.R. 16557. S. 
Rept. 1658. September 27, 1966. 11 pp. 

Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appro- 
priation Bill, 1967. Report to accompany H.R. 
17788. S. Rept. 1663. September 28, 1966. 23 pp. 

Amending Section 301(a)(7) of the Immigration 
and Nationality Act. Report to accompany S. 
2892. H. Rept. 2150. September 28, 1966. 5 pp. 

Fur Seal Act of 1966. Report to accompany S. 2102. 
H. Rept. 2154. September 29, 1966. 33 pp. 

» 31 Fed. Reg. 13537. 
» 31 Fed. Reg. 10603. 

' Read to news correspondents on Oct. 20 by the 
Department spokesman. 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 



U.S. and Canada Ratify 
Gut Dam Agreement 

Department Announcement 

Press release 239 dated October 11 

Secretary of State Dean Rusk and His 
Excellency A. E. Ritchie, Canadian Ambas- 
sador to the United States of America, on 
October 11 in Washington exchanged instru- 
ments of ratification, thereby bringing into 
force the agreement of March 25, 1965, be- 
tween the Government of the United States 
of America and the Government of Canada 
concerning the establishment of an interna- 
tional arbitral tribunal to dispose of United 
States claims relating to Gut Dam.i 

In line with the provisions contained in 
the agreement, the Governments of the 
United States and Canada have today jointly 
appointed Dr. Lambertus Erades, vice presi- 
dent of the Rotterdam District Court, the 
Netherlands, to preside over the three-mem- 
ber tribunal as chairman. Professor Alwyn 
Freeman of Johns Hopkins University has 
been appointed by the United States Govern- 
ment as its national member, and the Govern- 
ment of Canada has appointed the Honorable 
Daniel Roach, a recently retired judge of the 
Court of Appeals of Ontario, as the Cana- 
dian national member. 

The tribunal will consider claims against 
the Government of Canada for damage to 
property on the southern shore of Lake On- 
tario and the St. Lawrence River. The United 
States maintains that property damage re- 
sulted from the construction and mainte- 
nance by the Government of Canada of a 
dam in the international section of the St. 
Lawrence River known as "Gut Dam." 

The Government of Canada constructed 

' For Department statement of Mar. 25, 1965, and 
text of the agreement, see Bulletin of Apr. 26, 
1965, p. 643. 

Gut Dam as a navigational aid at the begin- 
ning of the century pursuant to arrange- 
ments entered into with the United States 
Government. Gut Dam itself was removed in 
1953 as part of the St. Lawrence Seaway con- 
struction program. 

Over the years, the Governments of the 
United States and Canada have held nego- 
tiations with a view toward a fair resolution 
of these claims. The bringing into force of 
this agreement today represents the success- 
ful result of these negotiations. Under the 
terms of this agreement the claims will be 
heard and disposed of on their merits and 
any award made by the tribunal will be final 
and binding on both governments. 

The headquarters of the tribunal is being 
established in Ottawa, but it is anticipated 
that the tribunal will also hold meetings in 
Washington, D.C. The first meeting of the 
tribunal will take place early in the new 

The tribunal staff will be headed by two 
joint secretaries appointed by the Govern- 
ments of the United States and Canada. Mr. 
Arnold E. Ogren has been appointed United 
States joint secretary and Mr. Charles V. 
Cole has been appointed Canadian joint sec- 
retary. The representative of the Govern- 
ment of the United States before the tribunal 
is Mr. Ernest L. Kerley, Assistant Legal Ad- 
viser, Department of State, Washington, 
D.C, and the representative of the Govern- 
ment of Canada before the tribunal is Mr. H, 
Courtney Kingstone, Deputy Head of Legal 
Division, Department of External Affairs, 

Current Actions 


Atomic Energy 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to the bi- 
lateral agreement between the United States and 
Australia of June 22, 1956, as amended (TIAS 
3830, 4687), for cooperation concerning civil uses 
of atomic energy. Signed at Vienna September 26, 
1966. Entered into force September 26, 1966. 
Signatures: Australia, International Atomic En- 
ergy Agency, United States. 



Cultural Relations 

Agrreement for facilitating the international circula- 
tion of visual and auditory materials of an educa- 
tional, scientific and cultural character, and proto- 
col. Done at Lake Success July 15, 1949. Entered 
into foni" Aujrust 12, iy.')4; enters into force for 
the United States January 12, 1967. 
Ratified by the President: September 30, 1966. 
Acceptance deposited: United States, October 14, 

Proclaimed by the President: October 14, 1966. 

Agreement on the importation of educational, scien- 
tific and cultural materials, and protocol. Done at 
Lake Success November 22, 1950. Entered into 
force May 21, 1952.' 
Rati/ied by the President: October 14, 1966. 

Racial Discrimination 

Convention on the elimination of all forms of racial 
discrimination. Adopted by the United Nations 
General Assembly December 21, 1965." 
Signature: Chile, October 3, 1966. 
Ratification deposited: Pakistan, September 21, 

Aeceaaitm deposited: Ecuador, September 22, 1966. 



Agreement extending the technical cooperation pro- 
gram agreement of June 30, 1953, as extended 
(TIAS 2856, 4670, 4979, 5243, 5477, 5714, 5807, 
5901, 5993). Effected by exchange of notes at Ka- 
bul Julv 16. October 5 and 8, iyo6. Entered into 
force October 8, 1966, effective from June 30, 1966. 


Agreement concerning the establishment of an inter- 
national arbitral tribunal to dispose of United 
States claims relating to Gut Dam. Sig^ned at 
Ottawa March 25, 1965. 
Ratified by Canada: September 13, 1966. 
Ratifications exchanged: October 11, 1966. 
Entered into force: October 11, 1966. 
Proclaimed by the President: October 12, 1966. 

Agreement relating to the establishment of a co- 
operative meteorological rocket project. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Ottawa September 29 and 
October 6, 1966. Entered into force October 6, 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of September 30, 1964, as amended 
(TIAS 5669, 5729, 5793, 5846, 5875, 5895, 5913, 
5965, 6032). Effected by exchange of notes at 
Washington October 14, 1966. Entered into force 
October 14, 1966. 


Amendment to the agreement of July 27, 1955, as 
amended (TIAS 3316, 4515, 5677), for coopera- 
tion concerning civil uses of atomic energy. Signed 
at Washington June 27, 1966. 
Entered into force: October 21, 1966. 

Somali Republic 

Agrreement extending the agn:'eement of January 28 
and February 4, 1961, as extended (TIAS 4915, 

' Not in force for the United States. 
* Not in force. 

5332, 5508, 5738, 5814), concerning the succession 
of Somali Republic to the technical cooperation 
agreement of June 28, 1954, as amended (TIAS 
3150, 4392, 4919), between the United States and 
Italy. Effected by exchange of notes at Mogadiscio 
September 27 and 29, 1966. Entered into force 
September 29, 1966. 


Department Transfers Office 

of Refugee and Migration Affairs 

Press release 217 dated September 22 

Effective September 19 the Department trans- 
ferred the Office of Refugee and Migration Affairs 
to the direct control of the Special Assistant to the 
Secretary of State for Refugee and Migration Af- 
fairs. Previously it was part of the Bureau of 
Security and Consular Affairs. 

The transfer follows the appointment of Ambas- 
sador James Wine on September 6 to the newly 
created post of Special Assistant to the Secretary 
for Refugee and Migration Affairs. 

Both moves represent further steps to strengthen 
and unify Government-wide programs in coordina- 
tion with privately backed efforts in this field. 

The Special Assistant, with rank equivalent to 
that of an Assistant Secretary, acts on behalf of 
the Secretary of State in all refugee and migra- 
tion matters within the Department of State, on 
the interagency level, and with the private sector. 

The Office of Refugee and Migration Affairs is 
responsible for developing, coordinating, and, in 
consultation with the concerned bureaus and offices 
of the Department, determining Departmental pol- 
icies in matters of refugees, displaced persons, and 
migrants. Its director is Elmer M. Falk, and the 
deputy director is Clement J. Sobotka. The Office 
of Refugee and Migration Affairs was originally 
placed in the Bureau of Security and Consular 
Affairs on April 1, 1956, by administrative action 
of the Secretary of State. 

George L. Warren, a leading authority in the field 
who for many years has served as Adviser on 
Refugee and Migration Affairs in the Bureau of Se- 
curity and Consular Affairs, will join the staff of 
Ambassador Wine. 


Douglas N. Batson as Deputy Assistant Secretary 
for Educational and Cultural Affairs, effective Octo- 
ber 9. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 236 dated October 7.) 

NOVEMBER 7, 1966 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 
20A02. Address requests direct to the Superintendent 
of Documents, except in the case of free publications, 
which may be obtained from the Office of Media 
Services, Department of State, Washington, D.C., 

The UN . . . action agency for peace and progress 
(Revised). Leaflet describing the purpose, structure, 
and objectives of the United Nations. Pub. 7733. 
International Organization and Conference Series 
55. 12 pp. 10^ 

Department of State Public Information Materials. 

Brief bibliography, topically arranged, of pamphlets 
and periodicals now available. The Department's 
Film and Audio-Tape libraries are listed separately; 
also Background Notes. Pub. 8088. General Foreign 
Policy Series 213. 17 pp. Limited distribution. 

Private Boycotts VS the National Interest. Ex- 
plains how the "bridge of trade" with Eastern 
European countries can be a positive program 
against communism — by expanding our contacts in 
that area — and ultimately aids our foreign policy. 
Pub. 8117. Commercial Policy Series 203. 20 pp. 15<J. 

"The United States and Western Europe" — Discus- 
sion Guide. Discussion questions for classroom use 
prior to viewing this film, which analyzes postwar 
U.S. policy toward Western Europe. Includes a list 
of suggested readings. Pub. 8123. 7 pp. Limited 

"In Search of Peace" — Discussion Guide. Gives dis- 
cussion questions, definitions, and suggested read- 
ings to accompany the film, which sets forth the 
long-range goals of U.S. foreign policy. Pub. 8124. 
8 pp. Limited distribution. 

Treaties — Continued Application to Tanzania of 
Certain Treaties Concluded Between the United 
States and the United Kingdom. Agreement with 
Tanzania. Exchange of notes — Dated at Dar es 
Salaam November 30 and December 6, 1965. Entered 
into force December 6, 1965. Effective December 9, 
1963. TIAS 5946. 3 pp. 5(f. 

Alien Amateur Radio Operators. Agreement with 
France. Exchange of notes — Dated at Paris May 5, 
1966. Entered into force July 1, 1966. With related 
notes — Signed at Paris June 29 and July 6, 1966. 
TIAS 6022. 8 pp. 10(>. 

Air Transport Services. Agreement with Norway, 
amending the agrreement of October 6, 1945, as 
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washing- 
ton June 7, 1966. Entered into force June 7, 1966. 
With related notes. TIAS 6025. 7 pp. 10^. 

Air Transport Services. Agreement with Sweden, 
amending the agreement of December 16, 1944, as 
amended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington 
June 7, 1966. Entered into force June 7, 1966. With 
related notes. TIAS 6026. 7 pp. lOi?. 

Atomic Energy. Application of Safeguards by the 
IAEA to the United States-Israel Cooperation 
Agreement. Agreement with Israel, and the Inter- 
national Atomic Energy Agency — Signed at Vienna 
June 18, 1965. Entered into force June 15, 1966. 
TIAS 6027. 10 pp. 10(f. 

Alien Amateur Radio Operators. Agreement with 
Israel. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washingfton 
June 15, 1966. Entered into force June 15, 1966. 
TIAS 6028. 3 pp. 5((. 

Trade in Cotton Textiles. Agreement with Colom- 
bia, amending the agreement of June 9, 1965. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Washington June 24, 
1966. Entered into force June 24, 1966. With re- 
lated notes. TIAS 6029. 5 pp. 5«). 

Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with the Ivory Coast, amending the 
agreement of April 5, 1965. Exchange of notes — 
Signed at Abidjan June 1, 1966. Entered into force 
June 1, 1966. TIAS 6030. 3 pp. 6^. 


Th* Department of State Bulletin, a 
weekly publication Issued by the Office of 
Media Services, Bureau of Public Affairs, 
provides the public and interested agencies 
of the Government vrith information on 
developments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Department 
of State and the Foreign Service. The 
Bulletin includes selected press releases on 
foreign policy. Issued by the White House 
and the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other officers of 

the Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. In- 
formation is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which the 
United States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international inter- 

Publications of the Department, United 
Nations documents, and legislative material 
in the field of international relations are 
listed currently. 

The Bulletin is for sal* by the Super- 

intendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402. 
Price: 62 issues, domestic $10, foreign |15 ; 
single copy 30 cents. 

Use of funds for printing of this publi- 
cation approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

NOTE : Contents of this publication are 
not copyrighted and items contained herein 
may be reprinted. Citation of the Depart- 
ment of State Bulletin as the source will 
be appreciated. The Bulletin is indexed in 
the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 




November 7, 1966 Vol. LV, No. H28 

American Principles. The Most Urgent Work of 
Our Times (Johnson) 715 

American Republics. Progress of Central 
American Regional Integration Hailed (Gor- 
don) 716 


President Johnson Begins His Tour of Asia . . 698 

The United States and Poland: Strengthening 
Traditional Bonds (Johnson) 712 

Australia. President Johnson Begins His Tour 
of Asia 698 

Aviation. U.S. and Chile Conclude Air Service 
Consultations 722 

Canada. U.S. and Canada Ratify Gut Dam 
Agreement 724 

Chile. U.S. and Chile Conclude Air Service 
Consultations 722 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to 
Foreign Policy 723 

Cuba. U.S. Chess Team Excepted From Ban on 
Travel to Cuba 723 

Department and Foreign Service 

Department Announces Plans for Advisory 
Panels 721 

Department Transfers Office of Refugee and 
Migrration Affairs 725 

Designations (Batson) 725 

Ek:onomic Affairs 

President Johnson Begins His Tour of Asia . . 698 

Progress of Central American Regional Inte- 
gration Hailed (Gordon) 716 

U.S. and Canada Ratify Gut Dam Agreement . 724 

The United States and Poland: Strengthening 
Traditional Bonds (Johnson) 712 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Batson desig- 
nated Deputy Assistant Secretary .... 725 

Human Rights. The United States and Poland: 
Strengthening Traditional Bonds (Johnson) . 712 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
Department Announces Plans for Advisory 
Panels 721 

Italy. Columbus as a Spaniard (Duke) . . . 717 

New Zealand. President Johnson Begins His 
Tour of Asia 698 


Department Announces Revised Passport Regu- 
lations 723 

U.S. Chess Team Excepted From Ban on 

Travel to Cuba 723 

Poland. The United SUtes and Poland: 

Strengthening Traditional Bonds (Johnson) . 712 
Presidential Documents 

The Most Urgent Work of Our Times . . . 715 
President Johnson Begins His Tour of Asia . 698 
The United States and Poland: Strengthening 
Traditional Bonds 712 

Publications. Recent Releases 726 

Refugees. Department Transfers Office of Refu- 
gee and Migration Affairs 725 

Spain. Columbus as a Spaniard (Duke) . . . 717 
Treaty Information 

Current Actions 724 

U.S. and Canada Ratify Gut Dam Agreement 724 
Viet -Nam. President Johnson Begins His Tour 

of Asia 698 

Name Index 

Batson, Douglas N 725 

Duke, Angier Biddle 717 

Gordon, Lincoln 716 

Johnson, President 698, 712, 715 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 17-23 

Press releases may be obtained from the Of- 
fice of News, Department of State, Washing- 
ton, D.C., 20520. 

Releases issued prior to October 17 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 
217 of September 22, 239 of October 11, and 
242 and 243 of October 14. 

No. Date Subject 

*245 10/18 Miss Laise sworn in as Ambas- 
sador to Nepal (biographic de- 
246 10/18 Advisory panel plans announced. 

t247 10/18 MacArthur: American and Com- 
mon Market Club of Brussels. 
248 10/20 New regulations on nationality, 
passports, and travel controls. 

•249 10/20 Gordon: Pan American Society 
of California, San Francisco 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

itU.S. Government Printing Office: 1966—251-930/18 




How Foreign Policy Is IVIade 

This handsomely designed and illustrated pamphlet describes a typical 14-hour working day 
in the life of the Secretary of State and reviews the roles that the President, the Secretary of State 
and other Presidential advisers, the Congress, and the American people play in the vital policymak- 
ing process. 

The central figure in American foreign policy is the President. In George Washington's day he 
had only three departments to administer; today the President must depend upon a world- 
wide apparatus for making and executing policy. The principal director of this apparatus is the 
Secretary of State, whose duties range from the direction and coordination of all foreign activities 
of U.S. Government agencies to rescuing some individual American from serious trouble in a far 
continent while working to assure man's welfare in outer space. The Congress, which through 
its debates and legislation vigorously participates in shaping international policy, is an integral 
part of the policymaking process. But no foreign policy can be maintained for long without the 
understanding and endorsement of the American public, which influences its direction by ex- 
pressing its views at the ballot box. 



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Vol. LV, No. U29 

November H, 1966 

by Assistant Secretary MacArthur 7^5 


by Ambassador Arthur J. Goldberg 739 

by James Wine 751 

Manila Conference Documents; President Johnson's Remarks 
at Cam Ranh Bay, Viet-Nam, and Report to the Nation 730 

For index see inside back cover 


Seven Nations Declare Unity at IVIanila Conference; 
President Johnson Visits American Troops at Cam Ranh Bay 

President Johnson arrived in the Philip- 
pines on October 23 to attend the seven- 
nation conference held at Manila October 
24-25. On October 26 the President made a 
surprise visit to the port installation at Cam 
Ranh Bay in the Republic of Viet-Nam to 
talk with U.S. service personnel. After his re- 
turn to Manila, the President recorded a re- 
port to the Nation on his trip to Viet-Nam 
and the Manila conference. Folloiving are 
texts of the three documents issued at the 
close of the Manila conference, President 
Johnson's remarks at Cam Ranh Bay, and his 
report to the Nation. 


Goals of Freedom 

We, the seven nations gathered in Manila, 
declare our unity, our resolve, and our pur- 
pose in seeking together the goals of freedom 
in Vietnam and in the Asian and Pacific 
areas. They are: 

1. To be free from aggression. 

2. To conquer hunger, illiteracy, and 

3. To bu'ld a region of security, order, and 

' Issued at Manila at the close of the conference 
on Oct. 25. Texts of the documents also were made 
available at Washin^n by the White House and by 
the Department of State (press release 252 dated 
Oct. 25). 

4. To seek reconciliation and peace 
throughout Asia and the Pacific. 

Manila Summit Conference — Joint Communique 


1. In response to an invitation from the 
President of the Republic of the Philippines, 
after consultations with the President of the 
Republic of Korea and the Prime Ministers 
of Thailand and the Republic of Vietnam, 
the leaders of seven nations in the Asian and 
Pacific region held a summit conference in 
Manila on October 24 and 25, 1966 to con- 
sider the conflict in South Vietnam and to 
review their wider purposes in Asia and the 
Pacific. The participants were Prime Minis- 
ter Harold Holt of Australia, President Park 
Chung Hee of the Republic of Korea, Prime 
Minister Keith Holyoake of New Zealand, 
President Ferdinand E. Marcos of the 
Philippines, Prime Minister Thanom Kitti- 
kachorn of Thailand, President Ljmdon B. 
Johnson of the United States of America, and 
Chairman Nguyen Van Thieu and Prime 
Minister Nguyen Cao Ky of the Republic of 

Basic Policy 

2. The nations represented at this con- 
ference are united in their deteiTnination that 
the freedom of South Vietnam be secured, 
in their resolve for peace, and in their deep 
concern for the future of Asia and the Pacific. 



Some of us are now close to the actual danger, 
while others have leamed to know its sijrnifi- 
cance through bitter past experience. This 
conference sjTnbolizes our common purposes 
and high hopes. 

3. We are united in our determination that 
the South Vietnamese people shall not be 
conquered by aggressive force and shall enjoy 
the inherent right to choose their ov\ti way of 
life and their own foiin of government. We 
shall continue our militaiy and all other 
efforts, as firmly and as long as may be neces- 
sary, in close consultation among ourselves 
until the aggression is ended. 

4. At the same time our united purpose is 
peace — peace in South Vietnam and in the 
rest of Asia and the Pacific. Our common 
commitment is to the defense of the South 
Vietnamese people. Our sole demand on the 
leaders of North Vietnam is that they aban- 
don their aggression. We are prepared to 
pursue any avenue which could lead to a se- 
cure and just peace, whether through discus- 
sion and negotiation or through reciprocal 
actions by both sides to reduce the violence. 

5. We are united in looking to a peaceful 
and prosperous future for all of Asia and 
the Pacific. We have therefore set forth in 
a separate declaration a statement of the 
principles that guide our common actions in 
this wider sphere. 

6. Actions taken in pursuance of the poli- 
cies herein stated shall be in accordance with 
our respective constitutional processes. 

Progress and Programs in South Vietnam 


7. The Government of Vietnam described 
the significant military progress being made 
against aggression. It noted with particular 
gratitude the substantial contribution being 
made by free world forces. 

8. Nonetheless, the leaders noted that the 
movement of forces from North Vietnam 
continues at a high rate and that fimi mili- 
tary action and free world support continue 
to be required to meet the threat. The neces- 
sity for such military action and support 
must depend for its size and duration on the 

Texts of other items relating to President 
Johnson's visit in the Philippines, as well as 
to his subsequent visits in Thailand, Malaysia, 
and Korea, will be published in future issues 
of the Bulletin as they become available. 

intensity and duration of the Communist ag- 
gression itself. 

9. In their discussion, the leaders reviewed 
the problem of prisoners of war. The par- 
ticipants observed that Hanoi has con- 
sistently refused to cooperate with the Inter- 
national Committee of the Red Cross in the 
application of the Geneva Conventions, and 
called on Hanoi to do so. They reaffirmed 
their determination to comply fully with the 
Geneva Conventions of 1949 for the Protec- 
tion of War Victims, and welcomed the reso- 
lution adopted by the Executive Committee 
of the League of Red Cross Societies on Octo- 
ber 8, 1966, calling for compliance with the 
Geneva Conventions in the Vietnam con- 
flict, full support for the International Com- 
mittee of the Red Cross, and immediate ac- 
tion to repatriate seriously sick and wounded 
prisoners of war. They agreed to work to- 
ward the fulfillment of this resolution, in 
cooperation with the International Commit- 
tee of the Red Cross, and indicated their 
willingness to meet under the auspices of the 
ICRC or in any appropriate forum to discuss 
the immediate exchange of prisoners. 


10. The participating governments con- 
centrated particular attention on the acceler- 
ating eflforts of the Government of Vietnam 
to forge a social revolution of hope and 
progress. Even as the conflict continues, the 
effort goes forward to overcome the tyranny 
of poverty, disease, illiteracy and social in- 

11. The Vietnamese leaders stated their 
intent to train and assign a substantial share 
of the armed forces to clear-and-hold actions 
in order to provide a shield behind which a 
new society can be built. 

12. In the field of Revolutionary Develop- 

NOVEMBER 14, 1966 


ment, measures along the lines developed in 
the past year and a half will be expanded 
and intensified. The training of Revolution- 
ary Development cadres will be improved. 
More electricity and good water will be pro- 
vided. More and better schools will be built 
and staffed. Refugees will be taught new 
skills. Health and medical facilities will be 

13. The Vietnamese Government declared 
that it is working out a series of measures to 
modernize agriculture and to assure the culti- 
vator the fruits of his labor. Land reform 
and tenure provisions will be granted top pri- 
ority. Agricultural credit will be expanded. 
Crops will be improved and diversified. 

14. The Vietnamese leaders emphasized 
that underlying these measures to build con- 
fidence and cooperation among the people 
there must be popular conviction that hon- 
esty, efficiency and social justice form solid 
cornerstones of the Vietnamese Govern- 
ment's programs. 

15. This is a program each of the confer- 
ring governments has reason to applaud 
recognizing that it opens a brighter hope for 
the people of Vietnam. Each pledged its 
continuing assistance according to its means, 
whether in funds or skilled technicians or 
equipment. They noted also the help in non- 
military fields being given by other countries 
and expressed the hope that this help will be 
substantially increased. 


16. The Conference was told of the suc- 
cess of the Government of Vietnam in con- 
trolling the inflation which, if unchecked, 
could undercut all eflforts to bring a more ful- 
filling life to the Vietnamese people. How- 
ever, the Vietnamese leaders reaffinned that 
only by constant effort could inflation be kept 
under control. They described their intention 
to enforce a vigorous stabilization program, 
to control spending, increase revenues, and 
seek to promote savings in order to hold the 
1967 inflationary gap to the minimum prac- 
ticable level. They also plan to take further 
measures to insure maximum utilization of 
the Port of Saigon, so that imports urgently 

needed to fuel the military effort and but- 
tress the civil economy can flow rapidly into 

17. Looking to the long-term future of 
their richly endowed country, the Vietnamese 
representatives described their views and 
plans for the building of an expanded post- 
war economy. 

18. Military installations where appropri- 
ate will be converted to this purpose, and 
plans for this will be included. 

19. The conferring nations reaflSrmed their 
continuing support for Vietnamese efforts to 
achieve economic stability and progress. 
Thailand specifically noted its readiness to 
extend substantial new credit assistance for 
the purchase of rice and the other nations 
present reported a number of plans for the 
supply of food or other actions related to the 
economic situation. At the same time the 
participants agreed to appeal to other nations 
and to international organizations committed 
to the full and free development of every na- 
tion, for further assistance to the Republic 
of Vietnam. 


20. The representative of Vietnam noted 
that, even as the Conference met, steps were 
being taken to establish a new constitutional 
system for the Republic of Vietnam through 
the work of the Constituent Assembly, chosen 
by so large a proportion of the electorate last 

21. The Vietnamese representatives stated 
their expectation that work on the Constitu- 
tion would go forward rapidly and could be 
completed before the deadline of March 
1967. The Constitution will then be promul- 
gated and elections will be held within six 
months to select a representative govern- 

22. The Vietnamese Government believes 
that the democratic process must be strength- 
ened at the local as well as the national level. 
The Government of Vietnam announced that 
to this end it will begin holding village and 
hamlet elections at the beginning of 1967. 

23. The Government of Vietnam an- 
nounced that it is preparing a program of 



national reconciliation. It declared its deter- 
mination to open all doors to those Vietnam- 
ese who have been misled or coerced into 
casting their lot with the Viet Cong. The 
Government seeks to bring them back to par- 
ticipate as free men in national life under 
amnesty and other measures. Foi-mer ene- 
mies are asked only to lay down their weap- 
ons and bring- their skills to the service of 
the South Vietnamese people. 

24. The other participating nations wel- 
comed the stated expectation of the Viet- 
namese representatives that work on the 
Constitution will proceed on schedule, and 
concurred in the conviction of the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of Vietnam that build- 
ing representative, constitutional government 
and opening the way for national reconcilia- 
tion are indispensable to the future of a free 

The Search for Peace 

25. The participants devoted a major share 
of their deliberations to peace objectives and 
the search for a peaceful settlement in South 
Vietnam. They reviewed in detail the many 
efforts for peace that have been undertaken, 
by themselves and other nations, and the ac- 
tions of the United Nations and of His Holi- 
ness the Pope. It was clearly understood that 
the settlement of the war in Vietnam de- 
pends on the readiness and willingness of the 
parties concerned to explore and work out 
together a just and reasonable solution. They 
noted that Hanoi still showed no sign of tak- 
ing any step toward peace, either by action 
or by entering into discussions or negotia- 
tions. Nevertheless, the participants agreed 
that the search for peace must continue. 

26. The Government of the Republic of 
Vietnam declared that the Vietnamese peo- 
ple, having suffered the ravages of war for 
more than two decades, were second to none 
in their desire for peace. It welcomes any 
initiative that will lead to an end to hostili- 
ties, preserves the independence of South 
Vietnam and protects the right to choose 
their owti way of life. 

27. So that their aspirations and position 
would be clear to their allies at Manila and 

friends everywhere, the Government of the 
Republic of Vietnam solemnly stated its 
views :us to the essential elements of i)eace in 
Vietnam as follows: 

( 1 ) Cessation of Aggression. At issue in 
Vietnam is a struggle for the preservation of 
values which people everywhere have cher- 
ished since the dawn of history: the inde- 
pendence of peoples and the freedom of indi- 
viduals. The people of South Vietnam ask 
only that the aggression that threatens their 
independence and the externally supported 
terror that threatens their freedom be 
halted. No self-respecting people can ask for 
less. No peace-loving nation should ask for 

(2) Preservation of the Territorial In^ 
tegrity of South Vietnam. The people of 
South Vietnam are defending their own ter- 
ritory against those seeking to obtain by 
force and terror what they have been unable 
to accomplish by peaceful means. While sym- 
pathizing with the plight of their brothers 
in the North and while disdaining the regime 
in the North, the South Vietnamese people 
have no desire to threaten or harm the people 
of the North or invade their country. 

(3) Reunification of Vietnam. The Gov- 
ernment and people of South Vietnam de- 
plore the partition of Vietnam into North 
and South. But this partition brought about 
by the Geneva Agreements of 1954, however 
unfortunate and regrettable, will be re- 
spected until, by the free choice of all Viet- 
namese, reunification is achieved. 

(4) Resolution of Internal Problems. The 
people of South Vietnam seek to resolve 
their own internal differences and to this end 
are prepared to engage in a program of na- 
tional reconciliation. When the aggression 
has stopped, the people of South Vietnam 
will move more rapidly toward reconciliation 
of all elements in the society and will move 
forward, through the democratic process, to- 
ward human dignity, prosperity and lasting 

(5) Removal of Allied Military Forces. 
The people of South Vietnam will ask their 
allies to remove their forces and evacuate 

NOVEMBER 14, 1966 


their installations as the military and sub- 
versive forces of North Vietnam are with- 
drawn, infiltration ceases, and the level of 
violence thus subsides. 

(6) Effective Guarantees. The people of 
South Vietnam, mindful of their experience 
since 1954, insist that any negotiations lead- 
ing to the end of hostilities incorporate effec- 
tive international guarantees. They are open- 
minded as to how such guarantees can be 
applied and made effective. 

28. The other participating governments 
reviewed and endorsed these as essential 
elements of peace and agreed they would act 
on this basis in close consultation among 
themselves in regard to settlement of the con- 

29 In particular, they declared that Allied 
forces are in the Republic of Vietnam be- 
cause that country is the object of aggres- 
sion and its government requested support 
in the resistance of its people to aggression. 
They shall be withdrawn, after close consul- 
tation, as the other side withdraws its forces 
to the North, ceases infiltration, and the level 
of violence thus subsides. Those forces will 
be withdrawn as soon as possible and not 
later than six months after the above condi- 
tions have been fulfilled. 


30. All the participants agreed that the 
value of a meeting among the seven nations 
had been abundantly demonstrated by the 
candid and thorough discussions held. It was 
further agreed that, in addition to the close 
consultation already maintained through 
diplomatic channels, there should be regular 
meetings among their Ambassadors m Sai- 
gon in association with the Government ot 
the Republic of Vietnam. Meetings of their 
Foreign Ministers and Heads of Government 
will also be held as required. 

31. At the close of the meeting, all the 
visiting participants expressed their deep 
gratitude to President Marcos and to the 
Government of the Republic of the Philip- 

pines for offering Manila as the conference 
site, and expressed their appreciation for the 
highly efficient arrangements. 

Declaration of Peace and Progress 
in Asia and the Pacific 

We, the leaders of the seven nations gath- 
ered in Manila: 

Desiring peace and progress in the Asian- 
Pacific region; . . 

Having faith in the purposes and princi- 
ples of the United Nations which call for the 
suppression of acts of aggression and respect 
for the principle of equal rights and self- 
determination of peoples; 

Determined that aggression should not be 


Respecting the right of all peoples to 
choose and maintain their own forms of gov- 

Seeking a peaceful settlement of the war 

in Vietnam; and 

Being greatly encouraged by the growing 
regional understanding and regional coop- 
eration among the free nations of Asia and 
the Pacific 

Hereby proclaim this declaration of prin- 
ciples on which we base our hopes for future 
peace and progress in the Asian and Pacific 
I. Aggression must not succeed. 

The peace and security of Asia and the 
Pacific and, indeed, of the entire world, are 
indivisible. The nations of the Asian and 
Pacific region shall enjoy their independence 
and sovereignty free from aggression, out- 
side interference, or the domination of any 
nation. Accepting the hard-won lessons of 
history that successful aggression anywhere 
endangers the peace, we are determined to 
fulfill our several commitments under the 
United Nations Charter and various mutual 
security treaties so that aggression m the 
region of Asia and the Pacific shall not suc- 

II. We must break the bonds of poverty, 
illiteracy and disease. 



In the regfion of Asia and the Pacific, where 
there is a rich heritage of the intrinsic woilh 
and dignity of eveiy man, we recognize the 
responsibility of every nation to join in an 
expanding offensive against ix)verty, illiter- 
acy and disease. For these bind men to lives 
of hopelessness and despair; these are the 
roots of violence and war. It is when men 
know that jirogress is possible and is being 
achieved, when they are convinced that their 
children will lead better, fuller, richer lives, 
that men lift u]i their heads in hope and 
pride. Only thus can there be lasting national 
stability and international order. 

III. We must strengthen economic, social 
and cultural cooperation within the Asian 
and Pacific region. 

Together with our other partners of Asia 
and the Pacific, we will develop the institu- 
tions and practice of regional cooperation. 
Through sustained effort we aim to build in 
this vast area, where almost two-thirds of 
humanity live, a region of security and order 
and progress, realizing its common destiny 
in the light of its o\vn traditions and aspira- 
tions. The peoples of this region have the 
right as well as the primaiy responsibility 
to deal with their own problems and to shape 
their own future in tenns of their own wis- 
dom and experience. Economic and cultural 
cooperation for regional development should 
be open to all countries in the region, ir- 
respective of creed or ideology, which 
genuinely follow a policy of peace and har- 
mony among all nations. Nations outside the 
region will be welcomed as partners working 
for the common benefit and their cooperation 
will be sought in forms consonant with the 
independence and dignity of the Asian and 
Pacific nations. 

A peaceful and progressive Asia, in which 
nations are able to work together for the 
common good, %vill be a major factor in es- 
tablishing peace and prosperity throughout 
the world and improving the prospects of 
international cooperation and a better life for 
all mankind. 

IV. We must seek reconciliation and peace 
throughout Asia. 

We do not threaten the sovereignty or ter- 
ritorial integrity of our neighbors, whatever 
their ideological alignment. We ask only that 
this be reciprocated. The quarrels and ambi- 
tions of ideology and the painful frictions 
arising from national fears and grievances 
should belong to the past. Aggression rooted 
in them must not succeed. We shall play our 
full part in creating an environment in which 
reconciliation becomes possible, for in the 
modern world men and nations have no choice 
but to learn to live together as brothers. 


White House press release (Manila, the Philippines) dated 
October 26 

I came here today for one good reason: 
simply because I could not come to this part 
of the world and not come to see you. 

I came here today for one good purpose: 
to tell you, and through you, tell every sol- 
dier, sailor, airman, and marine in Viet-Nam 
how proud we are of what you are doing and 
how proud we are of the way you are 
doing it. 

I came here today with only one regret: 
that I would not be able to personally thank 
every man in Viet-Nam for what he is doing. 
I wish — I wish very much — that I could visit 
every battalion, every squadron, every ship. 

You know what you are fighting against: 
a vicious and illegal aggression across this 
little nation's frontier. 

You know what you are fighting for: to 
give the Vietnamese people a chance to build 
the kind of nation that they want, free from 
terror, free from intimidation, free from 

I do not have to tell you that this is a tough 
battle. But from the first day you have shown 
that you were up to the job. 

General [William C] Westmoreland told 
me as we were reviewing the troops that no 
armed forces anywhere, at any time, com- 

NOVEMBER 14, 1966 


manded by any commander in chief, were up 
to the group that we have in Viet-Nam now. 

I cannot decorate each of you, but I cannot 
visualize a better decoration for any of you 
to have than to know that this great soldier 
thinks that you are the best prepared, that 
you are the most skilled, that you know what 
you are doing, and you know why you are 
doing it — and you are doing it. 

No American army in all of our long his- 
tory has ever been so compassionate. 

Make no mistake about it: The American 
people that you represent are proud of you. 

There are some who may disagree with 
what we are doing here, but that is not the 
way most of us feel and act when freedom 
and the Nation's security are in danger. 

We in America depend on you, on the 
young and on the brave, to stop aggression 
before it sweeps forward. For then it must 
be stopped by larger sacrifice and by heavier 

We depend upon you. We know that a na- 
tion that stops producing brave men soon 
ceases to be a nation. 

I give you my pledge: We shall never let 
you down, nor your fighting comrades, nor 
the 15 million people of South Viet-Nam, nor 
the hundreds of millions of Asians who are 
counting on us to show here — here in Viet- 
Nam — that aggression doesn't pay and that 
aggression can't succeed. 

You stand today in a long line of brave 
men — the kind of men that our nation has 
produced when they were needed — ^the kind 
of men who fought at Valley Forge and 
Vicksburg, in the Argonne and at Iwo Jima, 
on the Pusan perimeter and at the 38th 

Such men today are in Viet-Nam. You are 
in Viet-Nam, and at your side are the men of 
five other allied nations. They also know 
what is at stake and are willing to fight and 
die for it. 

That is what the conference we have just 
completed at Manila demonstrated. 

Above all, there are our Vietnamese 
friends. These are people who have been 
fighting, suff'ering, and dying, some of them 
for more years than most of you have lived. 

With our help and with the help of the other 
allies, they will succeed in giving their people 
the right to shape their own destiny. 

One day when they know peace, the whole 
world will acknowledge that what you have 
done here was worth the price. 

Then this wonderful harbor, built here by 
you, will become a source of strength to the 
economic life of Viet-Nam, Asia, and this 
part of the world. 

We are working, each of us in our own 
way, to bring that day even closer. 

One of your number has been working 
longer than most, and harder than most, to 
speed that day along. In recognizing him to- 
day, we honor all the men, in all the services, 
in all this great command. 

It gives me a great pleasure to award to 
your gallant commander. General Westmore- 
land, the Distinguished Service Medal for his 
courage, for his leadership, for his deter- 
mination, and for his great ability as a soldier 
and as a patriot. 

American fighting men, I salute you. You 
have the respect, you have the support, you 
have the prayers of a grateful President and 
of a grateful nation. 

I hope, through each of you, to take this 
message to all of you: We believe in you. We 
know you are going to get the job done. And 
soon, when peace can come to the world, we 
will receive you back in your homeland with 
open arms, with great pride, and with great 


My fellow Americans: I am speaking to 
you this morning from Manila only a few 
hours after my trip to Viet-Nam. 

I went there to visit our men at our base 
on Cam Ranh Bay. Many of them only re- 
cently had come from the battlefield. Some 
were in field dress, carrying their packs and 

• Telephoned from Manila to Washington, where 
it was taped and made available to radio and TV 
networks by the Office of the White House Press 
Secretary on Oct. 27 (White House press release). 



All of them were inspiring. You knew that 
courage was no stranger to these men. And 
as I decorated five of them for extraordinaiy 
bravery in Ixittle, I realized over again how 
very much we owe these men. How many 
times we have called on young men like these 
to serve their country, and not once — not 
once — have they failed us. 

Those men have pledged their lives. 

I pledged — in return, and on your behalf, 
for I was there as your representative — I 
pledged that we will not fail them. 

The struggle in Viet-Nam becomes very 
real when you stand among men who have 
tasted its agony and experienced its horror. 
No Commander in Chief could meet face to 
face wth these soldiers without asking him- 
self: What is it they are doing here? What 
does it mean — ^the sacrifice and valor of the 
very young and the veiy best? 

As I passed among their ranks, I thought 
of all the battlefields in this century where 
Americans that we love have fought: BelJeau 
Wood and the Argonne, the Solomons and 
Bastogne, the Pusan perimeter and the 38th 
parallel in Korea. 

They fought — and tens of thousands of 
them died — for the same cause that brought 
the men I saw at Cam Ranh Bay to a place 
called South Viet-Nam. 

They are there to keep aggression from 

They are there to stop one nation from tak- 
ing over another nation by force. 

They are there to help people who do not 
want to have an ideology pushed down their 
throats and imposed upon them. 

They are there because somewhere, and at 
some place, the free nations of the world 
must say again to the militant disciples of 
Asian communism: This far and no further. 

The time is now, and the place is Viet- 

And the men I saw this week at Cam 
Ranh Bay know — as their buddies through- 
out Viet-Nam know — that they are in the 
front line of a contest that is as far-reaching 
and as vital as any we have ever waged. 

We are not alone there. Five other nations 
of the Pacific and Asian regions have joined 

with the United States to help the Republic 
of South Viet-Nam tum back the terrorist 
and defeat the aggressor. Other nations are 
helping us to provide food and medicine and 
other resources for a people who have al- 
ready suffered too long and too much. 

Seven of the allied nations met here in 
Manila this week to take stock of where we 
are and where we want to go. As I talked 
with the leaders of South Viet-Nam and the 
Republic of Korea, of the Philippines, Thai- 
land, Australia, and New Zealand, I was 
struck by how the fortunes of freedom have 
brought together these nations of such di- 
verse backgrounds. 

We have different histories. Our economies 
have reached different stages of development. 
We speak diflferent languages. We worship at 
diflFerent altars. The color of our skin is not 
the same. 

But what emerged from Manila was not 
a testament to those differences. It was a wit- 
ness of our unity. What brought us to 
Manila is this fact: We all have a stake in 
peace and freedom and order in Asia and 
the Pacific. 

We know that we can have peace, that or- 
der is posvsible, and that freedom can be as- 
sured only if we unite and work together. 
We know that in division is weakness — and 
in weakness, danger. 

And so we came here to Manila to meet. 
That was to me the most encouraging devel- 
opment of all — that we could meet, as 
friends, as partners, as equals. 

We declared here in Manila these goals of 
freedom for Viet-Nam and for all of Asia 
and the Pacific: 

First, to be free from aggression. 

Second, to conquer hunger, illiteracy, and 

Third, to build a region of security, order, 
and progress. 

Fourth, to seek reconciliation and peace 
throughout the area. 

Seven nations at Manila committed them- 
selves to these goals. For us, they are not 
mere rhetoric to be stored in the dustbins of 
diplomatic history. We will seek all of them, 
and we hope we will achieve all of them. We 

NOVEMBER 14, 1966 


made no new treaties; we entered into no 
new agreements. 

No, this was not rhetoric at all. These goals 
are what led us to send our men to Viet-Nam 
to begin with. And when I looked into their 
faces at Cam Ranh Bay yesterday, I knew 
that what we had done in Manila was for 
real. What we did — if we keep faith with 
ourselves — will make it impossible for those 
men and their allies to sacrifice in vain. For 
there can be no sense in fighting and suffer- 
ing if our purpose is unclear and if we are 
unsure of what we hope to achieve. 

At Manila, we spelled it out for all the 
world to see. Let me repeat it — again and 

We seek: 

— To be free of aggression. 

— To conquer hunger, illiteracy, and 

— To build a region of security, order, and 

— To seek reconciliation and peace 
throughout the area. 

To those goals we have committed the 
lives of our men and the wealth of our na- 

But we did more at Manila. 

We saw much progress toward attaining 
these goals in Viet-Nam. 

We received an eloquent and encouraging 
report from General [WiUiam C] West- 

We saw that our military shield is now 
strong enough to prevent the aggressor from 

We saw that the South Viet-Nam Govern- 
ment, assisted by our nation and others, is 
improving the lives of its people. There is a 
long way yet to go, but we are determined to 
get on with it. 

We saw that democracy is gaining in 
Viet-Nam. The constitution should be adopted 
before its deadline of next March. Elections 
are then scheduled to follow within 6 months 
to form a representative government. 

We saw that the South Vietnamese will try 
to include in their national life various views 
and various groups. The Government will of- 

fer them amnesty if they will lay down their 
weapons. It will allow them to move to the 
North, if they desire it, or to give their skills 
and energies to building the South. 

So we committed ourselves once again to 
the Geneva Convention. We urged that the 
seriously sick and wounded prisoners of war 
be returned to their homes. We offered to 
discuss the immediate exchange of prisoners. 

Most urgently, we asked ourselves: What 
are the real chances for peace? 

The people of Viet-Nam — ^many of whom 
have known a lifetime of strife and terror, of 
hunger and injustice