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Volume LX, Nos. 1541-1566 

Jan. 6-June 30, 1969 




of Issue 



Date of Issue 



, an. 

6, 1969 

1- 20 


Apr. 7, 1969 




13, 1969 

21- 44 


Apr. 14, 1969 




20, 1969 

45- 72 


Apr. 21, 1969 



" an. 

27, 1969 

73- 88 


Apr. 28, 1969 




3, 1969 



May 5, 1969 




10, 1969 



May 12, 1969 




17, 1969 



May 19, 1969 




24, 1969 



May 26, 1969 




3, 1969 



June 2, 1969 




10, 1969 



June 9, 1969 




17, 1969 



June 16, 1969 




24, 1969 



June 23, 1969 




31, 1969 



June 30, 1969 



Corrections for Volume LX 

The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call attention to the following errors 
in Volume LX : 

March 24, p. 266, first column: President Nixon's remarks on departure 
from Ciampino Airport, Rome, on February 28 should begin: "Mr. Prime 
Minister and Your Excellencies: As we leave Rome I want you to know how 
deeply grateful I am for the hospitality that has been extended to us on our 
visit and how reassured I am by our conversations with the President, with you, 
and with members of your Government with regard to the future relations 
between the United States and Italy. . . ." 

March 24, p. 266, second column: These remarks, incorrectly attributed to 
President Saragat, were made by Italian Prime Minister Mariano Rumor. 

April 14, p. 305, second column: The third sentence in the third full para- 
graph should read : "Clearly, withdrawal should take place to established 
boundaries which define the areas where Israel and its neighbors may live in 
peace and sovereign independence." 


Publication 8483 

Released October 1969 

For sale by the Superintendent of DocumentB, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 
Price .SO cents (single copy). Subscription Price $16 per year ; $7 additional for foreign mailing 


Volume LX, Numbers 1541-1566, January 6-June 30, 1969 

ABM (Anti-ballistic missile system). 

See Defense, national 
Abrams, Creighton W. (Nixon), 277, 

Acheson, Dean, 397 
AEC (Atomic Energy Commission), 


Treaties, agreements, etc., 188, 348, 

Visit of Secretary Rogers: 434; Rog- 
ers, 433 
Africa {see also Organization of Afri- 
can Unity and names of individual 
countries) : 
Economic and social development: 
106; Nielsen, 292; Nixon, 211; 
Rogers, 310 
Regional development: Nielsen, 

293 ; VV. W. Rostow, 5 
Southern : 

Problems: Finger, 453; Peal, 538; 
Rogers, 3 ! 1 ; W. W. Rostow, 
6; Yost, 326 
U.N. educational and other pro- 
grams (Yost), 328, 329 
Spanish bases: Nixon, 246, 518; 

Rogers, 359 
U.S. appropriations request FY 
1970: 97, 98; Nixon, 518; 
Richardson, 571, 573 
U.S. relations and role: Nielsen, 
292 ; Nixon, 160, 294 (quoted) ; 
Peal, 537; Rogers, 310 
Unity (OAU): Ni.xon, 539 
Africa Fund (Yost), 329 
African Development Bank (Richard- 
son), 571 
African Liberation Day (Peal), 537 
Agency for International Development 
{see also Foreign aid programs, 
U.S.): Rogers, i26 
Administrator (Hannah), confirma- 
tion, 348 
Appropriations request FY 1970: 96, 

97; Nixon, 518 
Auditor-General, position of: Nixon, 

518; Richardson, 573 
Family planning program assistance 
(Johnson), 117 
Aggression {see also China, Commu- 
nist ; Communism ; and Soviet 
Union) : 
Definition of, 147, 155 
U.S. role against: Johnson, 96; 
Ni.xon, 381 
Agnew, Spiro, 271 

Agricultural surpluses, U.S. use in 
overseas programs : 
Agreements with : Afghanistan, 376; 
Bolivia, 304; Ceylon, 332; 
Chile, 88, 456; Congo (Kins- 
hasa), 524; Dominican Repub- 
lic, 396, 432; Ghana, 20; 
Guinea, 172; Iceland, 548; In- 
dia, 88, 456, 576; Indonesia, 
524; Israel, 120; Jordan, 432; 
Korea, 272, 396; Morocco, 
288; Sierra Leone, 416; Tu- 
nisia, 88; Turkey, 216; Viet- 
Nam, 88, 172, 216; Yugoslavia, 
Debt rescheduling agreements, In- 
donesia, 172 
Agriculture {see also Agricultural sur- 
pluses. Food and Agricultural Or- 
ganization, and name of 
product) : 
Cattle disease, U.S. -Mexican efforts 

to eradicate (Johnson), 24 
Latin America (Johnson), 73 
Less developed countries, importance 
to: Johnson, 117; Nixon, 517; 
Richardson, 570; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 6 
Narcotic drug crops, U.N. efforts to 

control: 65n; Squire, 64 
Nuclear power applications (Sea- 

borg), 182 
Technical problems (Dubos), 135 
Trade barriers: 105; Johnson, 102 
U.S. aid: 96, 98; Richardson, 572 
U.S. exports, 103 

World Weather Watch, value to, 369 
AID. See Agency for International De- 
Albania, treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 

Aleman, Roberto Ramon, 222 
Algeria, radio regulations (Geneva, 
1959, as amended), partial revi- 
sion re maritime mobile service, 
Alianza para el Progreso. See Alliance 

for Progress 
Alliance for Progress {see also Inter- 
American Development Bank) : 
Meyer, 441; Nixon, 159; Rock- 
efeller, 47 1 ; W. W. Rostow, 5 
Accomplishments and role: John- 
son, 73 ; Meyer, 473 ; Nixon, 
385; Rogers, 310 
U.S. financial support: Johnson, 73; 

Rogers, 310 
Appropiations request FY 1970: 97, 
93; Nixon, 518; Richardson, 

American Falls. See Niagara Falls 
American Foreign Policy: Current 

Documents, 1966, released, 348 
American ideals: Nielsen, 294; Nixon, 

121, 245, 526, 539; Rogers, 478 
Amistad Dam (Diaz Ordaz), 23 
Andean Development Corporation 

(Johnson), 74 
Anders, William G. : 77; Johnson, 76 
Anderson, George W., 295 
Anderson, James, 534 
Angola (Finger), 453 
Annenberg, Walter H., 304 
Antarctic Treaty (1959: Rogers, 307; 
Smith, 335; Yost, 327 
Measures re furtherance of princi- 
ples and objectives (1966): 
Argentina, France, 415 
Measures re fiu-therance of princi- 
ples or purposes (1968): 
Argentina, France, 415; South 
Africa, 455; U.K., 548; U.S., 
Anti-ballistic missile system. See 

Defense, national 
ANZUS (Australia, New Zealand, 
United States): Gorton, 439; 
Nixon, 438 
Apartheid: 151; Finger, 453; Gold- 
schmidt, 9; Loy, 395; Sisco, 29; 
Wiggins, 9; Yost, 302, 566 
APOLLO 8: Anders, Borman, Lovell, 
77; Johnson, 76, 89; Nixon, 123; 
Seaborg, 183 
Arab-Israeli conflict: de Gaulle, 78; 
Ni.xon, 364; Richardson, 560; W. 
W. Rostow, 6 
Arms limitation agreement, need 
for: Sisco, 29, 392, 444; Wig- 
gins, 54 
Cease-fire violations: Rusk, 51; 
Sisco, 392 
Security Council resolution: text, 
342; Yost, 340, 341 
Civil airlines attacks: Rusk, 45; 

Sisco, 392; Yost, 197 
Four-power talks: Nixon, 142, 161, 
218, 240, 244, 280; Rogers, 
305, 306, 360, 501; Rusk, 46; 
Sisco, 392, 393, 445, 446; Wig- 
gins, 83; Yost, 341, 565 
Conference, joint communique, 
Himaan rights in occupied territo- 
ries, 153 
Iraqi trials and executions: 282: 

Yost, 145 
Peace, basis for: King Hussein I, 
364; Rogers, 363; Sisco, 391, 



Arab-Israeli conflict — Continued 

Refugees: 41, 148, 151; Rogers, 

306;Sisco, 393, 445 
Soviet role: Nixon, 244, 315; Rusk, 
49; Sisco, 391, 444 
U.S.-Soviet talks, question of: 
Nixon, 142, 240; Rogers, 362, 
501, 532; Sisco, 392 
U.N. Role: 147, 151; Johnson, 90; 
Nixon, 142; Rogers, 305, 387; 
Rusk, 45, 51; Sisco, 391, 443; 
Wiggins, 54, 82; Yost, 565 
U.S. policy and position: Nixon, 
159; Rogers, 305, 362, 396c, 
387, 506; Sisco, 391, 444 
Arbitral awards, foreign, convention 

(1958), Italy, 331 
Arenales Catalan, Emilio (Kennedy), 

Argentina : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 331, 

348, 415, 548 
U.S. Ambassador (Lodge), confir- 
mation, 500 
Armaments {see also Defense, Disarm- 
ament, Military assistance and 
Nuclear weapons) : 
Arms race: Johnson, 90; Nixon, 123, 
247, 315 
Nuclear. See Nuclear arms race 
and Nuclear nonproliferation 
Conventional arms transfers, infor- 
mational system proposed (Fos- 
ter), 61 
Middle East, demilitarization, pro- 
posed (Rogers), 306 
Seabed, need for arms control. See 

Marine resources: Seabed 
Soviet supplies to: 

Middle East: (Nixon), 244; Sisco, 

392, 444 
Pakistan (Rogers), 505 
Viet-Nam (Nixon), 243, 244 
Strategic arms talks: 150;DePalma, 
496; Johnson, 90; Nixon, 142, 
159, 246, 276, 279, 289, 353; 
Richardson, 418, 561; Rogers, 
308, 359, 361, 363, 397, 501, 
53!, 534; Rusk, 48; Rostow, 6; 
Smith, 334 
U.S. position on supply of arms to: 
Middle East (Sisco), 392 
Nigeria (Rogers), 311 
South Africa (Loy), 395 
Armed conflict, human rights, 152 
Armed forces: 

Geneva conventions (1949) re treat- 
ment in time of war: Barbados, 
Malta, 43 ; Uruguay, 576 

Balance of payments, efTect on: 
114; Bamett, 448; Johnson, 
101; Nixon, 404; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 5 
Customs regulations re cargo 
consigned to U.S. military au- 
thorities or armed forces per- 
sonnel, agreement with Philip- 
pines, 456 
Tribute (NLxon), 259, 525 
Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency, U.S. (Rogers), 126 
Appropriations request FY 1970, 97 


Arms Control, etc. — Continued 

Director (Smith) : Nixon, 289; con- 
firmation, 211; nomination, 
ASEAN (Association of Southeast 
Asian Nations) : U. A. Johnson, 
Asia, Soutli Asia, and Southeast Asia 
{see also ANZUS, Asian and 
Pacific Council, Association of 
Southeast Asian Nations, South- 
east Asia Treaty Organization, 
and individual countries) : 
Bangkok seven-nation meeting. See 

under Viet-Nam 
Economic and social progress: 552; 
U. A. Johnson, 489; Richard- 
son, 572; Rogers, 397; SEATO, 
Japan, role of: Barnett, 449; U. A. 
Johnson, 491; Rogers, 397; W. 
W. Rostow, 5 
Peace : 

Asian role: 483; Rogers, 484, 505 
Prospects for: Johnson, 77; 
Lodge, 125 
Regional cooperation: U. A. John- 
son, 491; Richardson, 573; 
Rogers, 397, 484, 501, 504; 
W. W. Rostow, 5; SEATO, 
479; Symington, 35 
Communist participation, ques- 
tion of: 483; Lodge, 486 
U.K. withdrawal from South Asia, 

effect (Rusk), 51 
U.S. aid, appropriations request FY 
1970: 96, 97, 98; Nixon, 518; 
Richardson, 570, 573 
U.S. relations and interests: U. A. 
Johnson, 491; Nixon, 160; 
Rogers, 433, 461, 477, 504 
Viet-Nam, importance to: Johnson, 
90; Nixon, 458; Rogers, 400; 
SEATO, 479 
Visit of Secretary Rogers: 434; 
Nixon, 460 
Purpose (Rogers), 357, 433, 461, 

462, 463, 503, 505 
Results (Rogers), 463 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC): 

U.A.Johnson, 491 
Asian Development Bank: U. A. John- 
son, 491 ; Kennedy, 427 ; Richard- 
son, 571 
Japanese financial contributions 

(Barnett), 449 
U.S. appropriations request FY 
1970: 99; Johnson, 103; Nixon, 
U.S. Governor (Kennedy), confir- 
mation, 282 
Asian Parliamentarians Union (U. A. 

Johnson), 491 
ASPAC (Asian and Pacific Council) : 

U. A. Johnson, 491 
Association of Southeast Asian Na- 
tions (U. A. Johnson), 491 
Astrom, Sverker C. ( Yost) , 329 
Astronauts. See Outer space 
Atlantic Alliance. See North Atlantic 

Treaty Organization 
Atomic energy, peaceful uses of: Du- 
bos, 132; Seaborg, 173, 199, 209 
Bilateral agreements for cooperation 
(Seaborg), 175 
Iran, 304; U.K., 348 

Atomic energy, etc. — Continued 

Centre European pour la Recherche 

Nucleaire (Dubos), 135 
Natural uranium transfers, agree- 
ment with Canada re applica- 
tion of safeguards, 216, 456c 
Nuclear explosions: 150; Nixon, 
162; Seaborg, 183 
Gasbuggy and Long Shot experi- 
ments (Foster), 59 
Seismic investigation, proposed: 

Fisher, 412; Foster, 58, 60 
U.S.-Australia feasibility study, 

U.S.-Soviet technical talks, 356, 
U.N. resolutions, 150 
Atomic Energy Agency, International 
(Seaborg), 174, 201 
Nuclear explosive services, role in, 

Safeguards: Fisher, 410; Nixon, 162; 
Seaborg, 203, 207 
Application to existing bilateral 
agreements (Seaborg), 181, 
Current actions, Iran, 303 
Nuclear nonpi-oliferation treaty. 
See Nuclear nonproliferation 
Statute (1956) with annex, current 
actions: Liechtenstein, 20; Ma- 
laysia, 139; Niger, 331 ; Zambia, 

. 2^ 
Atomic Energy Commission, U.S.: 

371; Seaborg, 173 
Atoms for Peace: Nixon, 162; Seaborg, 

174, 199 
"Atoms in Action" nuclear science 
demonstration centers (Seaborg), 

Asia, role in: Nixon, 438; Rogers, 

Military and other aid to Viet-Nam 

(U. A. Johnson), 492 
Singapore and Malaysia, peace- 
keeping forces in: 480; Rogers, 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 156, 187, 

216, 303, 499 
U.S. nuclear excavations study, 186 
U.S. visit of Prime Minister Gorton, 
198, 436 
Austria, treaties, agreements, etc., 119, 

Aviation : 


Civilian, safeguards for (Yost), 

South Africa, question of agree- 
ment with (Loy), 394 
Aircraft : 

Biafran relief, 3o, 31 

Nigerian attacks on relief flights 
and civilians, 281, 556 
Hijacking, problems of and pro- 
posals for international action 
(Loy), 212 
Civil aviation. Middle East attacks 
{see also Arab-Israeli conflict: 
Cease-fire violations): Rusk, 
45; Wiggins, 53; Yost, 340, 341 
ICAO Council, U.S. representative 

(Butler), appointment, 499 
International airspace: 383; Nixon, 


Aviation — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Air transport, bilateral agree- 
ments with : Czechoslovakia, 
272, 283; France, 547; Greece, 


Aircraft, international recognition 
of rights in, convention ( 1948 ) , 
Lebanon, 475 

Basic pilot aircraft provision by 
U.S., agreement virith Indo- 
nesia, 416 

Civil aviation convention (1944), 
international protocol on au- 
thentic trilingual text: Aus- 
tralia, 187; Chad, 499 ; France, 
236; Germany, 187; Ivory 
Coast, 395; Luxembourg (with 
reservation), 415; Mali, 548; 
Malawi, 575 ; Niger, 395 ; Pana- 
ma, 375; Switzerland, 139; 
Togo, 395 

Proces-verbal of rectification, 
entry into force, 499 

F-4EJ aircraft and related equip- 
ment and materials, agreement 
with Japan, 396 

Offenses and certain other acts 
committed aboard, convention 
(1963): Belgium, 187; Brazil, 
331; Colombia, 172; Mexico, 
187, 415; Niger, 475; U.K., 87; 
U.S.. 475 

Ratification urged (Loy), 212 
U.S. reconnaissance plane shot down 
by North Korea: 383; Nixon, 
377, 379; Rogers, 398; Yost, 


Bailey, Charles W., II, 159, 279 
Baker, William O., 295 
Balance of payments : 

Central America (Meyer), 422 
OECD countries: 196; Richardson, 

U.K., 108 

U.S., problems of and efforts to im- 
prove: 52, 92, 96, 114, 297; 
Barnett, 448; Johnson, 89, 101 ; 
Kennedy, 428; Nixon, 403; 
Richardson, 193; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 5 
Council of Economic Advisors re- 
port (excerpts), 103 
Ballistic early warning station at 
Fylindales Moor, agreement with 
U.K., 43 
Bank for International Settlements, 

Barall, Milton, 375 
Barbados, treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 

Barnett, Robert W., 447 
Barrientos Ortufio, Rene: Nixon, 423; 

Rogers, 424 
Bartch, Carl, 221n (quoted) , 282, 509 
Beam, Jacob D., 304 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 72, 187, 

U.S. Ambassador (Eisenhower), 

confirmation, 304 
U.S. visit of King Baudoin, proposed 
(Nixon), 253 


Belgium — Continued 

Visit of President Nixon: King 
Baudoin, 249; Nixon, 157, 158, 
250, 252 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
Berckemeyer, Fernando, 75 
Bergsten, Fred, 164 
Berlin : 

Presidential election convention: 

186; Nixon, 238 
Right of access: NATO, 355; Nixon, 
238; Richardson, 560; Rogers, 
387; Tripartite (U.S., U.K., 
France), 186 
Soviet allegations of Federal German 

military activities, 248 
U.S. responsibilities as occupying 
power: 248; Nixon, 258, 261; 
Rogers, 387 ; W. W. Rostow, 5 
Visit of President Nixon: Nixon, 
157, 158, 249, 258, 260, 262; 
Schutz, 258, 259 
Bhutan, Universal Postal Union Con- 
stitution, with final protocols, ad- 
herence, with reservation, 303 
Biafra {see also Nigeria) : 

Air raids by Nigeria, U.S. concern, 

Cease-fire, proposed (Johnson), 3 
Relief efforts: 30, 31 ; Nixon, 222 
Nigerian attacks on relief flights, 
Bianchi, Manuel, 152 
Big-power responsibility: Barnett, 447; 
Meyer, 474; Nixon, 218, 246, 259, 
266, 315, 525; Rogers, 305, 388; 
W. W. Rostow, 4; Rusk, 50; Sisco, 
27; Yost, 327 
Bills of lading, unification of certain 
rules of law, protocol to amend 
international convention (1924), 
France, 87 
Biological and chemical warfare. See 
Chemical and biological warfare 
BIS (Bank for International Settle- 
ments), 110 
Blatchford, Joseph H., 492 
Bolivar, Simon, 386 (quoted) 
Bolivia : 

President Barrientos, death of: 

Nixon, 423 ; Rogers, 424 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 215, 304, 
BOMEX (Barbados Oceanographic 
and Meteorological Experiment), 
Borman, Frank: 77; Johnson, 76 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 390 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 272, 416, 
Boyle, Robert P., 499 
Brandt, Willy: 350; Shutz, 259 
Brazil : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 222 

Soluble coffee exports agreement 

with U.S., announcement and 

text, 455 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 272, 

U.S. Ambassador (Elbrick), con- 
firmation, 432 
Bronheim, Dave (Rockefeller), 472 
Brosio, Manlio: 350; Nixon, 253 
Buffum, William B., 348 
Bulgaria, treaties, agreements, etc., 
188, 396 

Bunker, Ellsworth (Rusk), 48 
Burma, G.\TT agreements, 120 
Burundi, investment guaranties agree- 
ment, 500 
Butler, Charles F., 499 
Butler, William, 472 
Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, 
treaties, agreements, etc., 396, 416 

Caglayangil, Ihsan Sabri, 502 
Calendar of International conferences, 

17, 299 

Geneva agreement, need for imple- 
mentation: Lodge, 125, 367, 
390, 402, 436, 485; Rogers, 
307 ; SEATO, 479 
North Vietnamese forces, presence 
of: Lodge, 365, 419; Walsh, 
Treaties, agreements, etc. 287, 548 
Withdrawal of North Vietnamese 
forces as part of Viet-Nam 
peace settlement: 482, 551; 
Lodge, 389, 420, 507, 536; 
Nixon, 459; Rogers, 307; 
Walsh, 555 
Cameroon, treaties, agreement, etc., 

119, 236 

Columbia River Basin treaty 
(1961), agreement re Can- 
adian storage, 272 
Domestic communications satellite, 


International Joint Commission, 

U.S. -Canada. See International 

Joint Commission, U.S. -Canada 

Joint Cabinet Committee on Trade 

and Economic Policy, 324 
Niagara Falls (American) beautifi- 

cation agreements, 345 
Niagara River diversions agree- 
ments: 332, 476, 500; Nixon, 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 119, 139, 
188, 216, 272, 331, 332, 455, 
476, 500, 524, 548 
U.S. visit of Prime Minister 

Trudeau, 319 
Visit of President Nixon, question 
of (Nixon), 323 
Canal site agreement with Panama, 

Capital punishment, 152 
Carrillo Flores, Antonio (Rusk'), 46, 

Cassin, Rene, 152 
Castiella, Fernando Maria, 324 
Castillo, Carlos Manuel, 421 
Catholic Relief Services, 281 
Center for Educational Research and 

Innovation (Richardson), 194 
CENTO. See Central Treaty Organic 


Central African Republic, interna 
tional coffee agreement (1968) 
with annexes, 215 
Central America: 

Economic development (W. W, 

Rostow), 6 
Institute for Nutrition (Dubos), 135 
Central American Bank for Economic 
Integration (Meyer), 421 


Central American Common Market: 

Johnson, 74; Meyer, 421 
Central Treaty Organization; Council 
of Ministers, 16th session: Rogers, 
357, 501, 506; text of communi- 
que, 502 
U.S. delegate (Rogers) : 434; Rogers, 

Ceylon : 

Agricultural commodities sales 

agreement, 332 
U.S.-owned foreign currencies, 52 
Chad, treaties, agreements, etc., 120, 

Chartner, William, 171 
Chemical and biological warfare: 150; 
Foster, 60; Nixon, 289; Popper, 
343; Smith, 336 
Chief Lenchwe Molefi Kgafela II, 390 
Chile, treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 

China, Communist {see also Aggres- 
sion and Communism) : 
Cancellation of Warsaw meeting 
regretted (Rogers), 197, 312, 
Intelsat, relation to (Marks), 230 
Nuclear threat, question of: Nixon, 
160, 273, 275, 279, 316, 379; 
Rogers, 397 
U.N. membership, question of: 149; 
Nixon, 141; Wiggins, 82; Yost, 
U.S. relations and efforts to im- 
prove; Nixon, 141, 238; 
Rogers, 312, 388, 398, 533; 
Rusk, 48 
World relations and role: Richard- 
son, 558; Rogers, 361, 398; 
Sisco, 30; Wiggins, 84 
China, Republic of {see also Taiwan) : 
Economic and social development: 

Richardson, 570; Rogers, 397 
Science cooperation agreement, an- 
nouncement, 171 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 20, 72, 

U.N. membership, Communist posi- 
tion: 149; Nixon, 141; Yost, 
Church World Service, 281 
Churchill, Sir Winston: Nixon, 255; 

quoted, 132, 511 
Civil Aviation Organization, Interna- 
tional, aircraft hijacking action 
proposed (Loy), 213 
Civil rights (see aUo Human rights and 
Racial discrimination), U.S.: 
Johnson, 3 ; Nixon, 121 ; Peal, 538 
Civilian persons in time of war, Geneva 
convention (1949): Barbados, 
Malta, 43 ; Uruguay, 576 

Foreign arbitral awards, convention 

(1958), Italy, 331 
Foreign Claims Settlement Commis- 
sion, appropriations request FY 
Gut Dam, U.S.-Canada agreement, 

U.S.S. Liberty, payment of compen- 
sation by Israel, 473 
Cleveland, Harland, 356 
ClifTord, Clark (Rusk) , 48 

CODAF (U.S. -Mexico Commission for 
Border Development and Friend- 
ship): 544; Diaz Ordaz, 26; 
Johnson, 22 

International coffee agreement 
(1968), with annexes: Bolivia, 
Central African Republic, Con- 
go (Brazzaville), Congo (Kin- 
shasa) , Costa Rica, Ecuador, El 
Salvador, Finland, Ghana, 
Guinea, Honduras, India, 
Kenya, Mexico, Netherlands, 
Panama, Paraguay, Rwanda, 
Sierra Leone, 215; Spain, 499; 
Togo, Venezuela, 215 
Entry into force, 215 
U.S. participation. Executive or- 
der, 126 
Soluble coffee exports, 329 
Agreement with Brazil, 455 
Collective security (see also Mutual de- 
fense) : Barnett, 448; Richardson, 
558; Rogers, 478; Rusk, 50, 51; 
Sisco, 30 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 
question of effect on U.S. se- 
curity arrangements (Rogers), 
U.S. corrmiitments, importance of: 
Nixon, 143, 525; Richardson, 
570; Rogers, 501; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 5 
Colombia : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 92 
Economic development (W. W. Ros- 

tow ) , 6 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 172, 

U.S. Ambassador (Vaughn), confir- 
mation, 500 
Colonial countries and peoples, decla- 
ration on granting of independ- 
ence: 154; Finger, 452 
Colonial issues, U.N. consideration, 

Columbia River Basin treaty (1961), 
agreement re special operating 
program for Canadian storage, 
Commerce, Department of, 370, 374 
Communications (see also Radio and 
Telecommunications) : Dubos, 
Canada, 324 
Direct broadcast satellites: 150; 

DePalma, 494; Wiggins, 86 
Global commercial communica- 
tions satellites system: 
Agreements establishing interim 
arrangements and special 
agreement (1964): Guate- 
mala, 272; Ivory Coast, 188; 
Jamaica, 172; Luxembourg, 
224«, 236; Nicaragua, 188; 
Viet-Nam, 224n, 236 
Background: Marks, 224; Rich- 
ardson, 232 
Plenipotentiary conference 
(Wiggins), 87 
U.S. delegation, 367 

Communications — Continued 
Satellites — Continued 

INTELSAT: Loy, 229; Wiggins, 
Conference on definitive ar- 
rangements: 231; Marks, 
224, 232; Richardson, 231 
U.S. delegation, 367 
TV satellites, U.S. -India cooper- 
ative project (Wiggins), 86 
Communism (see also Aggression; 
China, Communist; and Soviet 
Union) : 
Countemieasures: Richardson, 558, 
570, 573; Rogers, 477, 484; 
SEATO, 480 
Spheres of influence, 147 
Threat of: Rogers, 501; SEATO, 
479, 480 
Compulsory settlement of disputes, op- 
tional protocol to Vienna conven- 
tion, Botswana, 431 
COMSAT (Communications Satellite 
Corporation), INTELSAT man- 
agement: 231; Loy, 229; Marks, 
227, 228, 233 
Conferences, international calendar, 

17, 299 
Conferences at Washington, 1941— 
1942, and Casablanca, 1943, The. 
released, 43 
Conger, Clement E., 140 
Congo, Democratic Republic of the 
(Kinshasa) : 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 215, 524 
U.S. Ambassador (Vance), confir- 
mation, 500 
Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 
treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 215, 
Congress, U.S. : 

ABM system, position on (Nixon), 

277, 379 
Foreign policy, documents relating 
to, lists, 79, 119, 146, 235, 519, 
Investment of U.S. private capital 
abroad, protection for (Meyer), 
Legislation, ID.A. contributions: 

Richardson, 571 ; Yost, 326 
Legislation, proposed: 

American selling price recision 

(Johnson), 102 
Asian Development Bank and 
Special Fund, appropriations 
request: 99; Johnson, 103; 
Nixon, 517 
Credit for countries desiring to 
purchase essential military 
equipment, proposed (Nixon), 
Foreign assistance program FY 
1970: Nixon, 515; Richardson, 
Interest equalization tax: 105, 
114, 404; Johnson, 101 ; Nbcon, 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962, 
amendment urged, 91, 106 
National defense, position on (Rich- 
ardson), 559 



Congress, U.S. — Continued 
Senate advice and consent: 

Broadcasting agreements with 

Mexico: 42; Nixon, 330 
Conduct of North Atlantic fishing 
conventon, ratification re- 
quested (Nixon), 425 
Crimes and certain other offenses 
committed aboard aircraft, con- 
vention, ratification: 475; Loy, 
IMF special drawing rights agree- 
ment: 108; Johnson, 102; 
Nixon, 404; Richardson, 193 
Niagara River diversions agree- 
ment with Canada (Nixon), 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty: 
Johnson, 90; Nixon, 142, 161, 
162, 279; Rogers. 189, 308; 
Rostow, 6 
Protection of industrial property, 
Paris convention, ratification 
urged, 298 
Vienna convention on consular 
relations and optional protocol, 
ratification urged (Nixon), 475 
World intellectual property con- 
vention, ratification urged (Nix- 
on), 298 
Senate confirmations, 140, 188, 211, 
282, 291, 304, 348, 416, 432, 
476, 492, 500, 576 
Conservation {see also Fish and fish- 
eries) : 148;_Dubos, 129, 134 
Nature protection and wildlife pres- 
ervation in the Western Hemi- 
sphere, convention (1940), 
Trinidad and Tobago, 475 
Consular relations: 

Soviet-U.S. leases on new chancery 

sites, 469, 500 
Vienna convention and optional 
protocol, Pakistan, 499 
Special diplomatic missions draft 

convention, 155 
U.S. ratification urged, (Nixon), 
Cooper, John Sherman, 39, 147 
Cooper, Richard, 1 64 
Cormier,_ Frank, 157, 238, 377 
Costa Rica, treaties, agreements, etc., 

172, 215, 548 
Cotton textiles, bilateral agreements 
with: Greece, 396, 430; Singa- 
pore, 72, 136 
Coyne, J. Patrick, 295 
Crimes against humanity, time limits 

for, 153 
Crimmins, John Hugh, 348 
Crowe, Philip K., 432 

Aircraft hijacking problems and 

refugee airlift (Loy), 214 
Inter-American relations, question of 

(Rockefeller), 472 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 72, 287, 
331, 332, 432, 476 
Cuban missile crisis: Nixon, 315; W. 

W. Rostow, 5 
Culbertson. Robert E., 375 
Cultural relations and programs (Loy), 
Academic and cultural exchanges 
and programs agreement with 
Belgium and Luxembourg, 72 

Cultural relations — Continued 

Soviet tour of University of Minne- 
sota Concert Band: Dobrynin, 
541; Nixon, 540, 541 
Customs : 

ATA carnet for temporary admis- 
sion of goods, customs conven- 
tion (1961), with annex: 
Gibraltar, 187; U.S. 139, 548 

Cargo assigned to U.S. military au- 
thorities or armed forces per- 
sonnel, agreement with Philip- 
pines, 456 

Commercial samples and advertising 
material, international conven- 
tion (1952) to facihtate impor- 
tation, of Romania, 43 

Containers, customs convention 
( 1 956 ) , with annex and pro- 
tocol, U.S., 139 

Customs cooperation council conven- 
tion (1950), with annex, Ro- 
mania, 215 

ECS carnets for commercial samples, 
customs convention (1956), 
with annex and protocol, U.S., 

Professional equipment, customs 
convention (1961) on temp- 
orary importation of, and an- 
nexes, U.S., 139 

Relief supplies and packages, agree- 
ment with India for duty-free 
entry and defrayment of inland 
transportation charges, 88 

TIR carnets, international transport 
of goods under cover of, cus- 
toms convention (1956) with 
annexes and protocol, U.S., 139 

Voluntary agency supplies and 
equipment, agreement for duty- 
free entry and defrajTnent of in- 
land transportation charges of, 
India, 43 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 288, 455, 

U.N. peacekeeping forces (Yost), 
565 _ 
Extension, 148 

U.S. Ambassador (Popper), con- 
firmation, 500 

Soviet intervention: 155; Brosio, 
35 1 ; W. W. Rostow, 6 
Effect: Brosio, 351; Johnson, 90; 
Nixon, 161, 162, 381; Rogers, 
189, 309, 312, 359, 361; W.W. 
Rostow, 6; Seaborg, 176, 207 
U.N. consideration: 147; Wig- 
gins, 81 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 216, 272, 

U.S. air transport agreement, 283 

U.S. Ambassador (Toon), confirma- 
tion, 476 


Dahomey, U.S. Ambassador (Loo- 
ram), confirmation, 500 

Da\-is, Shelby, 476 

de Gaulle, Charles: 78, 267, 268, 269, 
270; NLxon, 245, 268, 270 

de Jong, Petrus J. S., 561, 562, 563 

de Tocqueville, Alexis (quoted), 322 

Defense {see also Collective security 
and Mutual defense) : 
Ballistic early warning station at 
Fylingdales Moor, agreement 
with U.K., 43 

ABM safeguard system: 324; 
Ellsworth, 513; Nixon, 159, 
160, 240, 244, 316, 378; Rogers, 

Compatibility with nuclear 
nonproliferation treaty (Nix- 
on), 279 
Nonpartisan support (Nixon), 

277, 379 
Objectives (Nixon), 273, 275 
Soviet interpretation: Nixon, 
276, 278; Rogers, 308 
Armament sufficiency: Nixon, 
143, 274, 280, 315, 380; 
Richardson, 418, 560 
Congress, position of, 559 
Minuteman sites C Nixon), 277, 

Presidential responsibility (Nix- 
on), 314, 316, 527 
Shelter program (Nixon), 279 
U.S. budget: Barnett, 447; John- 
son, 89, 95; Richardson, 570 
Self-defense (Lodge), 144, 220, 389 
Submarine fleets: Popper, 343; 
Smith 336 
Defense, Department of: 371; Nixon, 

Deniau, Jean-Francois, 514 
Denmark : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 72, 87, 

120, 172,416,455 
U.S. Ambassador (Dudley), con- 
firmation, 476 
Denny, Brewster C, 11, 14 
DePalma, Samuel, 188, 493 
Desalination, U.S. joint study projects 

(Seaborg), 182 
Diaz Ordaz, Gustavo: 21, 22, 25; 

Johnson, 23 
Diplomatic recognition and relations, 
Vienna convention (1961): Bot- 
swana, 431 ; Peru, 236; Swaziland, 
Special diplomatic missions, draft 
convention, 155 
Diplomatic representatives abroad. See 

Foreign Service 
Diplomatic representatives in the U.S., 
credentials: Botswana, 390; 
Brazil, 222; Columbia, 92; Ger- 
many, 146; Guinea, 446; Kenya, 
446; Lesotho, 390; Nepal, 390; 
Panama, 222; Peru, 75; Philip- 
pines, 390; Singapore, 146; Tan- 
zania, 75: Uruguay, 146 
Dirharas, U.S.-owned, purchases by 

U.S. visitors to Morocco, 52 

Disarmament {see also Armaments, 

Arms Control and Disarmament 

Agency, and Nuclear weapons) : 

General and complete: 62, 542; De 

Palraa, 496; Foster, 62 
NATO role, 355 
Nuclear disarmament. See Nuclear 

U.N. role: 150; Yost, 327, 566 
U.S. position: Foster, 58; NLxon, 
289, 526; Rogers, 307, 309, 397; 
Smith, 333 



Dobrynin, Anatoliy F.: 541; Rogers, 

Dominican Republic (W. W. Rostow), 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 396, 416, 

U.S. Ambassador (Meloy), con- 
firmation, 500 
Double taxation, conventions for pre- 
vention of, Trinidad and Tobago, 
120, 138 _ 
Drugs, narcotic : 

Illegal narcotic drugs crops, control 

(Squire), 64 
Manufacture and distribution con- 
vention (1931), addition of bezi- 
tramide to drugs covered by, entry 
into force, 43 
Poppy plant and opium, protocol 
(1953) for limitation and reg- 
ulation of: New Zealand, in- 
cluding Cook Islands, Niue, 
and Tokelau Islands (denunci- 
ation), 215 
Single convention (1961): China, 
548; Cyprus. 288; France, 
Venezuela, 347 
Dubos, Rene Jules: 127, 128; Rusk, 

Dudley, Guilford Jr., 476 


Earth sur\'ey, agreement with Mexico 
re remote sensing cooperative re- 
search, 72 
East-West relations: 324; Nixon, 353; 
Richardson, 557; Rogers, 309 
Communist China, influence of 

(Rogers), 312 
Czechoslovakia, effect of: 354; 

Brosio, 351; Rogers, 359 
NATO role (Ellsworth), 511 
Trade (Greenwald), 545 
Eaves, John, 413 
Eban, Abba (NLxon), 244_ 
EGA (Economic Commission for Afri- 
ca) : Nielsen, 292: Nixon, 211 
ECAFE (Economic Commission for 

Asia and the Far East), 38 
ECLA (Economic Commission for 

Latin America), 375 
Economic and Social Council, U.N.: 
Documents, lists of, 345, 429, 454 
Membership enlarged, 152 
Social Commission, U.S. representa- 
tive (Picker), 223 
Status of Women and Human Rights 
Commissions. U..S. representa- 
tives, appointments, 167 
U.S. representative (Olds), confir- 
mation, 348 
Economic and social development {see 
also name of country): Johnson, 
3; Yost, 327 
Communism, as a countermeasure 
to: Richardson, 570, 573; 
Rogers, 484; SEATO, 480 
Environmental control, importance 

of, 148 
Industrialized nations, role of: 107; 
Barnctt, 449: Richardson, 570; 
Yost, 327, 566 
Less developed countries. See Less 

developed countries 
OECD countries, 196 

Economic & social development — Con. 
U.N. role: DePalma, 496; Rogers, 

311; Yost, 564, 566 
U.S.: 106; Johnson, 89, 95, 96; 
Nixon, 121; Richardson, 192; 
W. W. Rostow, 6 
U.S. aid, role. See Foreign aid pro- 
grams, U.S. 
World Weather Watch, benefits 
from, 368 
Economic Commission for Africa 

(Nielsen), 292 _ 
Economic Commission for Asia and 
the Far East, 38 
10th anniversary (Nixon), 211 
Economic Commission for Latin Amer- 
ica, U.S. delegation, 375 
Economic policy and relations, U.S.: 
Domestic policy: 

Annual Report of the Council 
of Economic Advisers (ex- 
cerpts), 103 
Budget of the U.S. Government 
FY 1970 (excerpts): John- 
son, 95 
Economic report of the President 

(excerpts) : Johnson, 101 
Inflation control: 92; Johnson, 
89, 95; Kennedy, 427; Nixon, 
403; Richardson, 192 
National problems: Johnson, 89, 

95, 96; Richardson, 194, 559 
State of the Union (excerpts) : 
Johnson, 89 
Foreign policy: 

Commercial bank loans (Nixon), 

Forms of government or con- 
duct, effect on (Loy), 394 
Economic Report of the President, 
Transmitted to the Congress Jan- 
uary 1969, Together With the An- 
nual Report of the Council of 
Economic Advisers, lOln 
Ecuador, treaties, agreements, etc., 

215, 288, 347, 475, 548 
Education {see also Cultural relations 
and programs and Educational 
exchange programs) : Dubos, 134; 
Rusk, 128 
Atomic energy science (Seaborg), 

Central America (Meyer), 421 
Latin America (Johnson), 73 
Less developed countries: McNa- 

mara (quoted), 15; Yost, 329 
OAS regional fund, U.S. pledge, 425 
OECD programs (Richardson), 194 
Southern Africa, U.N. educational 

programs (Yost), 328, 329 
UNRWA, role (Cooper), 39 
U.S. universities, problems of (Rich- 
ardson), 194, 557 
World Weather Watch programs, 
Education for the Socially Disadvan- 
taged, Conference for (Richard- 
son), 194 
Educational exchange programs, agree- 
ments with : Belgium and Luxem- 
bourg, 72; Mexico (Johnson), 
24; Philippines, 348 
Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Com- 
mittee: 150; Foster, 58, 62; 
Nixon, 289 ; Popper, 344 ; Rogers, 
308; Yost, 327 

Eighteen-Nation Disarmament — Con. 
Japan and Mongolia recommended 
for admission, 542 
Eisenhower, Dwight D. : 354 (quoted); 
Brandt, 350; Brosio, 351; CEN- 
TO, 502; Nixon, 351 ; Schiitz, 259 
Eisenhower, John S. D., 304 
Ekiund, Sigvard, 179 (quoted) 
El Salvador, treaties, agreements, etc., 

139, 215,455 
Elbrick, G. Burke, 432 
Ellsworth, Robert, 476, 511 
Energy, cross-border movement, 324 
Environmental control {see also Con- 
servation and Pollution) : Dubos, 
128; Ellsworth, 511; Sisco, 30; 
Wilson, 256; Yost, 568 
Human environment (Wiggins), 82 
International Conference on Prob- 
lems of Human Environment, 
proposed: 148; Rogers, 311; 
Wiggins, 80 
OECD programs (Richardson), 194 
Equatorial Guinea: 
ICJ membership, 88 
U.N. membership, 88, 149 
U.S. Ambassador (Sherer), confir- 
mation, 188 
Eshkol, Levi, condolences on death of: 

Nixon, 272; Richardson, 272 
Ethiopia, treaties, agreements, etc., 288, 

Europe {see also European Economic 
Community and individual coun- 
tries) : 

Czechoslovakia, effect on: Brosio, 
351; Rogers, 361; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 6 
Nationalism: Richardson, 559; 
Rogers, 309 
Unification: King Baudoin, 249; 
Johnson, 90; Nixon, 237, 246, 
265; Rogers, 309; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 6; Saragat, 262, 264 266; 
Wilson, 254, 255 
Western : 

Economic development: 106; 

Nixon, 265 
U.S. rel.itions and role: Johnson, 
90: Nixon, 157, 218, 237, 246, 
251 (quoted), 253, 354; Rog- 
ers, 309, 501 
U.S. trade policies, problems 

(Nixon), 242 
Visit of President Nixon {see also 
name of country) : Nixon, 157, 
158, 249, 254 
Purpose: Nixon, 217, 237, 249, 

251; Wilson, 253 
Results: Agnew, 271; Nixon, 
240, 271;' Rogers, 308 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
European Atomic Energy Community: 
Safeguards system, IAEA relation- 
ships (Seaborg), 203, 208 
U.S. joint projects (Seaborg), 180 
European Coal and Steel Community, 
steel imports to U.S., voluntary 
limitations (Rusk), 93 
European Center for Nuclear Research 

(Dubos), 135 
European Communities, U.S. trade 

talks, 514 
European Economic Community, agri- 
cultural imports, effect of restric- 
tions, 103 



European Migration, Intergovernmen- 
tal Committee for, Director 
(Thomas), 223 
Executive orders: 

Certain fishery commissions. Secre- 
tary of State authority for ap- 
proval of recommendations and 
actions (11467), 544 
Interest equalization tax, rates modi- 
fied (11464), 405 
International coffee agreement, U.S. 

participation (11449), 126 
President's Foreign Intelligence Ad- 
visory Board, establishment 
(11460), 295 
Service of dociuncnts convention im- 
plementation (11471), 544 
Export-Import Bank: 

Appropriations request FY 1970, 97, 

President (Kearns), confirmation, 
Exports (see also Imports; Tariffs and 
trade, general agreement on; and 
Trade) : 
Korea (Rogers), 397 
Latin America (Johnson), 73 
Less developed countries, 106 

OECD preferential treatment, 196 
Pacific Basin (U. A. Johnson), 490 
Soluble coffee, 329, 455 
Steel exports to U.S., Japanese and 
ESCS voluntary limitations 
(Rusk), 93 
U.S.: 92, 96, 103, 104; Nixon, 403 
Export Control Act extension rec- 
ommended (Greenwald), 545 
World exports growth, 1952-1967 
(table), 106 

FAO ( Food and Agriculture Organiza- 
tion) : Squire, 65 
Far East. See Asia and names of indi- 
vidual countries 
Partington, Elizabeth R., 424 
Federal Reserve program, 404 
Fedorov, Yevgeny K., 356, 401 
Ferguson, Clarence Clyde, Jr.: 281 
(quoted), 510, 556; Nixon, 223; 
Rogers, 311 
Fernandez Baca, Marco, 401, 472 
Finance Corporation, Intermtional, ar- 
ticles of agreement (1955 ) , China, 
Finger, Seymour M., 414, 452 

OECD convention, accession to, 195 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 156, 172, 

215, 499, 548 
U.S. Ambassador (Peterson), con- 
firmation, 432 
Fish and fisheries: 

Conference (Peru, Ecuador, Chile, 
U.S.), proposed: Meyer, 407; 
Rogers, 310 
North Pacific fisheries commissions, 
authority of Secretary of State 
for approval of recommenda- 
tions, 544 
Northeastern Pacific fisheries, U.S.- 
Soviet talks, 79 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Certain fisheries off coast of U.S., 
agreement vvfith Japan, 43 

Fish and fisheries — Continued 

Conduct of North Atlantic fishing, 
convention (1967), ratification 
urged (NLxon), 425 
Conservation of Atlantic tunas, 
convention (1966), interna- 
tional: Brazil, 455; Spain, 375 
Entry into force, 375 
High seas in western areas of mid- 
dle Atlantic Ocean, agreements 
with: Poland, 576; Soviet Un- 
ion, 19, 20 
King crab fishery agreements 
with : Japan, 43 ; Soviet Union, 
156, 187 
Northeastern Pacific Ocean, agree- 
ments with Soviet Union re cer- 
tain fishery problems and fish- 
ing operations, 156, 187 
North%vest Atlantic fisheries, in- 
ternational convention (1965), 
protocols re measures of con- 
trol and entry into force of com- 
mission proposals : Germany, 
524; Poland, 87 
Salmon fishing in waters contigu- 
ous to territorial sea of U.S., 
agreement with Japan, 43 
U.S. fishing boat incidents off coast 
of Peru: 184, 282, 509; Meyer, 
407; Nixon, 245; Rogers, 310 
U.S. purchase of stockfish to replen- 
ish ICRC stocks in Nigeria, 510 
World Weather Watch, value to 
industry, 369 
Fisher, Adrian S., 409, 520, 542 
Fitness of the Environment, The, cited, 

Flores, Antonio Carrillo (Rusk), 46, 

Food Aid Convention (1967), Ger- 
many, 376 
Food and Agricultural Organization 

(Squire), 65 
Food and population crisis: McNa- 

mara (quoted), 15; Nixon, 517 
Food for Freedom, appropriations re- 
quest FY 1970, 97, 100 
Food for Peace, 1968 report, transmit- 
tal (Nixon), 547 
Force, use of. See Aggression 
Foreign aid programs, U.S. (see also 
Agency for International Devel- 
opment, Alliance for Progress, and 
Peace Corps) : 
Balance of payments, effect of: 114; 

Johnson, 101 
Foreign Assistance Program: 

FY 1968, annual report, trans- 
mittal (Johnson), 117 
FY 1970: Nixon, 515; Richard- 
son, 569 
Multilateral coordination: 96; John- 
son, 103 ; Kennedy, 427 ; Nixon, 
515, 517; Richardson, 572; 
Yost, 326 
Policy review: Nixon, 518; Richard- 
son, 571 ; Sisco, 30 
Principles and objectives: Meyer, 
441; Richardson, 569; Rogers, 
Reductions in, effect: Johnson, 90; 
Richardson, 571, 573; W. W. 
Rostow, 6; Rusk, 50; Yost, 326 
Results: 107; NLxon, 237 

Foreign aid programs of other 
Australia (Nixon), 439 
China, 490 
Japan (Barnett), 449 
OECD countries, 196 
Foreign Claims Settlement Commis- 
sion, appropriations request FY 
1970, 97 
Foreign currency, U.S.-owned Moroc- 
can dirhams, purchase authorized, 
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, 

establishment: 294; Ni-xon, 295 
Foreign policy, U.S. (see also Viet- 
Nam and World peace) : 
American Foreign Policy: Current 
Documents, 1966, released, 348 
Congressional documents relating to, 
lists, 79, 119, 146,235,519,574 
Military-industrial complex, question 
of: Nixon, 525; Rogers, 360 
1939-1941 records opened to re- 
searchers, 543 
Nonpartisan nature of (Ni.Kon), 539 
Principles, objectives, and problems: 
Nixon, 123, 525; Richardson, 
557; Rogers, 387, 451 
(quoted), 478; W. W. Rostow, 
4; Sisco, 27, 28 

National Security Council: 162; 

Ni.xon, 160; Rogers, 164 
Presidential (Ni-xon), 142, 160, 

170, 243, 274, 276, 315, 316 
Secretary of State: 162, 165; 
Greenwald, 545; Nixon, 160, 
169; Rogers, 125, 164 
Review, proposed (Rogers), 305 
Science and technology, effects of 
(Rusk), 127 
Foreign Service, U.S. : 

Foreign Affairs Manual Circular: 

165; Rogers, 164 
Overseas employees, reduction in, 
Foreign Service Board, appointments, 

Foreign Service Institute, Director 

(Hart), designation, 188 
Foreign students in the U.S. (Rogers), 

Foster, John, 164 
Foster, William C., 58 
France : 

Air transport agreement with U.S. 

amended, 547 
Berlin, position on, 186, 248 
Four-power talks on Middle East. 

See Arab-Israeli conflict 
INTELSAT participation (Marks), 

NATO, position on (Nixon), 241 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 87, 188, 

236, 288, 347, 415 

U.S. relations: de Gaulle, 78; 

Rogers, 309 
U.S. visit of President de Gaulle, 

proposed (Nixon), 270 
Viet-Nam, question of French role 

in peace settlement (Nixon), 

Visit of President Nixon: de Gaulle, 

267, 268, 270; Nixon, 157, 158, 

237, 267, 268, 269, 270 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 



Freedom of navigation : Popper, 343 ; 

Smith, 336 
Freedom of press, 514 
Freeman, John, 318 
Freetli, Gordon, 481 
Funkhouser, Richard, 576 

Gabon : 

Astronauts rescue and return treaty, 

accession, 347 
U.S. Ambassador (Funkhouser), 
confirmation, 576 
Galbraith, Francis J., 500 
Gandar, Laurence (Denny), 12 
GARP (Global Atmospheric Research 

Program), 370, 373 
Gas and bacteriological methods of 
warfare, Geneva protocol (1925) ; 
Foster, 61 
Gasbuggy experiment (Foster), 59 
General Assembly, U.N. : 

Aircraft hijacking action proposed 

(Loy), 214 
Documents, lists of, 345, 429, 454 
Nuclear explosions, worldwide seis- 
mic investigation, proposed 
(Foster), 58 

General and complete disarma- 
ment, question of, 62 
Korean question, 38 
Namibia, question of, 14 
Narcotic drug crops, control, 64 
Suspension of nuclear and 
thermonuclear tests, need for, 
23rd session, summary of develop- 
ments: 147; Wiggins, 80 
U.N. bond repayments issue: 57n; 
Wiggins, 55 
Geneva accords. See Cambodia, Laos, 

and Viet-Nam 
Genocide, convention (1948) on pre- 
vention and punishment, Nepal, 
Germany, reunification (Nixon), 261 
Germany, Federal Republic of: 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 146 

Berlin, Soviet allegations of military 

activity: 248; Tripartite 

(France, U.K., U.S.), 248 

INTELSAT participation (Marks), 

Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 

position on (Nixon), 241 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 156, 187, 
272, 331, 376, 431, 499, 524, 
548, 576 
Visit of President Nixon (Nixon), 

157, 158, 257, 258, 260, 262 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
Ghana, treaties, agreements, etc. 20, 

Gibraltar, customs convention (1961) 
on ATA carnet, extension to, 187 
Gibson Barbosa, Mario, 222 
Gilbert, Carl J., 514 
Goat Island cofferdam, temporary, 

agreement with Canada, 332 
Goldschmidt, Arthur E., 8, 15 
Godley, G. McMurtrie, 576 
Goose Bay, Newfoundland, agreement 
with Canada re release of certain 
leased areas, 216 
Gorton, John G., 437, 439 
Gould, Kingdon, Jr., 500 

Gould, Samuel B., 472 
Gray, Gordon, 295 
Great Lakes : 

Pollution of connecting channels, 
I JC meetings and text of report, 
Water levels, interim report, 186 
Greece : 

Cotton textile agreement, text and 

announcement, 430 
Economic and social development, 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 72, 120, 

U.S. radio transmitting facilities, 
Green, Marshall, 432 
Greenwald, Joseph A., 171, 545 
Guatemala, treaties, agreements, etc., 

272, 548 
Guernsey, investment disputes between 
states and nationals of other states, 
convention (1965) on settlement, 
extension to, 20 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 446 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 215, 

U.S.-owned foreign currency, 52 
Gut Dam, U.S.-Canada agreement re 

settlement of U.S. claims, 139 
Guyana : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 215, 548 
U.S. Ambassador (King), confirma- 
tion, 500 


Habib, Philip C. (Nixon), 465 
Hadsel, Fred L., 476 
Haiti, GATT protocol to introduce 
part IV and amend annex I, ac- 
ceptance, 120 
Hammarskjold, Dag (quoted), 568 
Handley, William J., 432 
Hannah, John A., 348 
Hardin, Clifford M., 514 
Harriman, W. Averell: 450; Rusk, 48 
Hart, Parker T., 188 
Hauser, Rita, 167 
Hayat June jo, 481 

Health and medical research (Dubos), 
Central America (Meyer), 421 
Radioactive isotopes, uses (Sea- 

borg), 183 
U.S.-Japan medical science pro- 
gram, 2d annual report, trans- 
mittal (Johnson), 118 
Henderson, Douglas, 401 
Henderson, L. J. (quoted), 130, 133 
Hensley, Stewart, 529 
Herrera, Felipe (Kennedy), 427 
Herter, Christian (Nixon), 218 
Hickel, Walter J., 424 
High seas: 383; Nixon, 380 
Hightower, John M., 358, 529 
Hill, Robert C, 432 
Hillenbrand, Martin J., 188, 451 
Historical summaries: 

Atomic energy, peaceful uses of 

(Seaborg), 174, 199 
U.S. foreign policy (Richardson), 
Hodges, Duane D. : Johnson, 1 ; Rusk, 

Holifi"eld, Chet (Nixon), 279 
Holland, Kenneth, 472 

Holy See. See Vatican City State 

Holyoake, Keith, 481 

Honduras, treaties, agreements, etc., 

Hong Kong, visit of Secretary Stans, 

Human rights (see also Civil rights and 
Racial discrimination) : 
Czechoslovakia, 147 
Human Rights Year 1968, final re- 
port on U.S. observance: Har- 
riman, 450 ; Nbcon, 450 
International Year for Human 

Rights, U.N. activities, 152 
Iraqi mass public executions, as 

violation of (Yost), 146 
U.N. commission on, U.S. represent- 
ative (Hauser), appointment, 
U.N. role (Yost), 566 
Humphrey, Hubert H. (Johnson), 76 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 348, 524, 

U.S. Ambassador (Puhan), confir- 
mation, 432 
Husain, Zakir: Nixon, 469; Rogers, 

Hydrographic Organization, Interna- 
tional, convention (1967): Nor- 
way, 331; Spain, 575; U.A.R., 

IAEA. See Atomic Energy Agency, In- 
IBRD. See International Bank for Re- 
construction and Development 
ICAO Council, U.S. representative 

(Butler) , appointment, 499 
ICC (International Control Commis- 
sion) : Rogers, 532; Walsh, 338 
Iceland, agricultural commodities sales 

agreement with U.S. 548 
ICSU (International Council of Sci- 
entific Unions) , 370 
IDA. See International Development 

IFC (International Finance Commis- 
sion): Goldschmidt, 15 
IMCO. See Maritime Consultative Or- 
ganization, Intergovernmental 
IMF. See Monetary Fund, Interna- 
Imports {see also Customs; Exports; 
Tariffs and trade, general agree- 
ment on ; and Trade) : 
Commercial samples and advertising 
material, international conven- 
tion (1952) to facilitate impor- 
tation of: Romania, 43 
U.S. (see also Tariff policy, U.S.) : 
Effect of: 91, 103, 106; Nixon, 

Reprocessed wool fabrics, tariflf 
reduction recommended (John- 
son), 92 
Voluntary agency supplies and 
equipment, agreement for duty- 
free entry and defrayment of in- 
land transportation charges of 
(India), 43 
Inaugural address (Nixon), 121 
Income, Arab refugees, U.N. custodian 
proposed, 151 



Income tax conventions for the relief 
of double taxation. See Double 

Cooperative satellite project with 
U.S. for broadcasting TV pro- 
grams (Wiggins), 86 
Economic development: Johnson, 
117; Richardson, 570; Rogers, 
President Husain, condolences on 
death of: Nixon, 469; Rogers, 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 88, 

U.S. aid 97n 

Appropriations request FY 1970: 
98; Richardson, 570, 573 
U.S. Ambassador (Keating), con- 
firmation, 432 
U.S. military supplies, question of 
resumption of sales to (Rog- 
ers), 531 
U.S. -owned foreign currency, 52 
U.S. talks, proposed (Rogers), 504 
Visit of Secretary Rogers: 434; 
Rogers, 433, 503 

Economic and political progress: 
U. A. Johnson, 490; Richard- 
son, 573; Rogers, 397 
Japanese aid (Barnett), 449 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 172, 303, 

416, 524 
U.S. Ambassador (Galbrziith), con- 
firmation, 500 
Industrial property, convention of 
Paris (1883 as revised): 
1925 and 1958 conventions, de- 
nunciation, Laos, 416 
1967 convention: Panama (with 
reservation and declaration), 
376; Soviet Union (with res- 
ervation and declaration), 88; 
U.K., 376 
U.S. ratification urged (Nixon), 
Information activities and programs: 
Rusk, 128; Seaborg, 178, 181 
Academic and cultural exchanges 
and programs agreement with 
Belgium and Luxembourg, 72 
Appropriations request FY 1970, 
97, 100 
Insecurity of Nations (Wiggins), 80 
Institute for Nutrition for Central 
America and Panama (Dubos), 
INTELSAT. See International Tele- 
communications Satellite Con- 
Inter-American Development Bank: 
Agreement (1959) with annexes, 

Barbados, 331 
10th annual meeting: Kennedy, 

426; Nixon (quoted), 426 
U.S. financial support: Johnson, 73; 

Nixon, 517; Richardson, 571 
U.S. Governor (Kennedy), confir- 
mation, 282 
Interest equalization tax: 105, 114, 
404, 405; Johnson, 101; Nixon, 
Interior, Department of, 371 
International Bank for Reconstruction 
and Development, 150 
Annual report (Goldschmidt), 15 

International Bank — Continued 

International Development Associa- 
tion: 99, 107; Goldberg, 15; 
Johnson, 103 ; Richardson, 571 ; 
Yost, 326 
U.S. Governor (Kennedy), confir- 
mation, 282 
International Boundary and Water 
Commission, U.S.-Mexico (John- 
son), 21 
International Civil Aviation Organiza- 
tion Council, U.S. representative 
(Butler), appointment, 499 
International conferences: 

Atomic energy utilization, on (Sea- 
borg), 178, 181 
Calendar, 17, 299 
International Control Commission : 

Rogers, 532; Walsh, 338 
International cooperation: Rogers, 
502; Rusk, 127; Seaborg, 178 
Deep ocean floor exploration and 

use, 150 
IBRD and IFC role (Goldschmidt), 
International Council of Scientific 

Unions, 370 
International Court of Justice (Yost), 
Statute (1945), Equatorial Guinea, 
International Decade of Ocean Ex- 
ploration (Popper), 344 
International Development Associa- 
tion. See under International 
Bank for Reconstruction and De- 
International Finance Commission 

(Goldschmidt), 15 
International grains arrangement 
(1967), with annexes: Costa 
Rica, 172; Cuba, 72; Ecuador, 
475; Germany, Greece, 376; Iran, 
215; Peru, Portugal, 43 
International Institute for Peace and 
Conflict Research Seismic Study 
Group (Foster), 58 
International Joint Commission, U.S.- 
Great Lakes connecting channels, 
pollution, IJC meetings and 
text of report, 234 
Great Lakes water levels interim re- 
port, 186 
Lake Erie oil spills pollution risk 

study requested, 296 
Red River pollution study released, 
International monetary system: 

Gold prices and reserves: 108, 110, 

116; Johnson, 102 
IMF special drawing rights. See 
Monetary Fund, International 
Strengthening, need for: 92, 105, 
107, HI; Goldschmidt, 16; 
Johnson, 90; Nkon, 404; W. 
W. Rostow, 6 
International organizations: 

Calendar of conferences, 17, 299 
Protocol I to universal copyright 
convention (1952), Tunisia, 
U.S. appropriations request FY 
1970, 97, 98 
International Peace Research Insti- 
tute, Stockholm: Fisher, 412; 
Smith, 335 

International Petroleum Company : 
282, 400. 509; Meyer, 406; 
Nixon, 245; Rogers, 310, 357, 36:5 
International Red Cross, Nigerian and 
Biafran relief: 31, 281, 510; 
Cooper, 41; Nixon, 222 
International Telecorrununications 

Satellite Consortium (INTEL- 
SAT) : Loy, 229; Wiggins, 87 
Conference on definitive arrange- 
ments: 231; Marks, 224, 232; 
Richardson, 231 
U.S. delegation, 367 
International waterways: Rogers, 305; 

Sisco, 393, 445 
International Year for Human Rights, 

Intersputnik (Marks), 228, 229 
Investment disputes between states 
and nationals of other states, 
convention (1965), current ac- 
tions: China, 20; Finland, 156; 
Germany, Greece, 431; Guernsey, 
20; Nepal, 119 
Investment guaranties, agreements 
with: Burundi, 500; El Salvador, 
Investment of private capital abroad: 
Finger, 452 ; U. A. Johnson, 488 ; 
Nixon, 404, 515; Richardson, 
570, 571; Yost, 327 
Central and Latin America: Ken- 
nedy, 426; Meyer, 422, 441 
IBRD and IFC role (Goldschmidt), 

Mandatory controls, effect, 104, 114 
Overseas Private Investment Cor- 
poration, proposed : Nixon, 
516; Richardson, 571 
Peru: Meyer, 407; Rogers, 387 
South Africa (Loy), 395 
IPC. See International Petroleum 


Economic development : Johnson, 
117; Richardson, 570; W. W. 
Rostow, 6 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 215, 

303, 304, 432, 548 
Visit of Secretary Rogers: 434; 
Rogers, 433, 506 
Iraq : 

Racial discrimination, international 
convention (1965) on elimina- 
tion of, signature, 376 
Trials and executions, U.S. con- 
cern: 282; Yost, 145 
Ireland, U.S. Ambassador (Moore), 

confirmation, 416 
Irwin, John N., II: 282, 364, 401, 
472; Meyer, 406; Nixon 
(quoted), 282; Rogers, 310 
Isolationism: Brosio, 351; Nixon, 525; 

Richardson, 559 
Israel (iee also Arab-Israeli conflict) : 
Airliner and airport attacked: 

Wiggins, 53, 54; Yost, 197 
Compensation paid for men injured 

on U.S.S. Liberty, 473 
Dual-purpose desalting and electric 
power plant, U.S. joint study 
(Seaborg), 182 
Economic and social development: 
107; Richardson, 570 

359-833—69 2 


Israel — Continued 

Existence as state: Rogers, 363; 
Sisco, 391, 444 
21st anniversary (Nixon), 403 
Prime Minister Eshkol, deatli of: 

Nixon, 272; Richardson, 272 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 120, 499 
U.S.-owned currencies, sale of, 52 
Visit of President Nixon, question 
of (NLxon), 240 

Economic development (Nixon), 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 119, 120, 

156, 331 

Visit of President Nixon : Nixon, 

157, 158, 262, 264, 266, 396c; 
_ Saragat, 262, 263, 266, 396c 

Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
Ivory Coast, treaties, agreements, etc., 
188, 395 


Jamaica, treaties, agreements, etc., 


Asian development, role in: Bar- 
nett, 449; U. A. Johnson, 491; 
Rogers, 397; W. W. Rostow, 5 
Economic and social development: 
106; Barnets, 447; U. A. John- 
son, 490 
ENDC admission recommended, 

INTELSAT participation (Marks), 

Steel exports to U.S., voluntary 

limitations (Rusk), 93 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 156, 

396, 432, 476 
U.S. Ambassador (Meyer), con- 
firmation, 500 
U.S.-Japan cooperative medical 
science program, 2nd annual 
report, transmittal (Johnson), 
U.S. relations (Rogers), 531, 533 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
Jarring, Gunnar: 147, 153, 161, 337, 
365; Cooper, 41; Johnson, 77; 
Nixon, 159; Rogers, 305, 306, 
360; Rusk, 45, 51 ; Sisco, 29, 393, 
394, 443; Wiggins, 54, 82; Yost, 
Jefferson, Thomas: 528 (quoted); 

Rusk, 74 
Johnson, Lyndon B. : 

Addresses, correspondence, remarks, 
and statements: 
APOLLO 8, 76 
Arms races, 90 
Christmas tree lighting ceremony, 

France, exchange of New Year's 
greetings with President de 
Gaulle, 77 
James Webb, 76, 77 
Latin America, 73 
Mexican-U.S. friendship reaf- 
firmed, 21, 23 
New administration, support for, 

Nigerian truce, appeal for, 3 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 

Peace, international scientific co- 
operation (quoted), 181 

Johnson, Lyndon — Continued 
Nuclear treaty — Continued 
Pueblo crew released, 1 
Trygyve Lie, tribute, 78 
Viet-Nam, 89, 90 

Paris peace talks, prospects, 91 
Meeting with President Diaz Ordaz 

of Mexico, 21 
Messages, letters, and reports to 
Budget of the U.S. Government, 

FY 1970 (excerpts), 95 
Economic report of the President 

(excerpts), 101 
Foreign Assistance Program, an- 
nual report FY 1968, transmit- 
tal, 117 
Peace Corps, 7 th annual report, 

transmittal, 118 
State of the Union (excerpts), 89 
Tariflf reduction on reprocessed 
wool fabrics recommended, 92 
U.S.-Japan cooperative medical 
science program, 2d annual re- 
port, transmittal, 1 18 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, role 

in (Nixon), 279 
Pan American Society of the United 
States annual gold medal 
award, 73n 
Space program, role in: Borman, 
77; Paine, 77 
Johnson, U. Alexis, 188, 488 
Johnston, Edward E., 424 
Jordan, agricultural commodities sales 

agreement with U.S., 432 
Juarez, Benito: Diaz Ordaz, 22; 
quoted, 21, 74, 75 ; Rusk, 46 
Statue, dedication (Rusk), 74 
Judicial procedures, judicial and extra- 
judicial documents in civil or com- 
mercial matters, convention 
(1965) on the service abroad of, 
current actions: Denmark, 172; 
Sweden, 188; U.A.R., 20; U.S., 
U.S. implementation (Nixon), 544 


Kamentsev, V. M., 19 

Kantor, Harry, 406 

Kaplow, Herbert, 159, 246, 278 

Keams, Henry, 291 

Keating, Kenneth B.: 432; (Rogers), 

Keeny, Spurgeon, 164 
Keita, Fadiala, 446 
Kennedy, David M., 282 426 
Kennedy, John Fitzgerald. Diaz Or- 
daz, 22 ; Johnson, 21 ; Schutz, 259 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 446 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 120, 215, 
331, 548 
Khrushchev, Nikita (quoted), 553 
Kibinge, Leonard Oliver, 446 
Kiesinger, Kurt (Nixon), 245 
King Baudoin: 249, 252; Nixon, 253 
King Hussein I, 364 
King, Spencer M., 500 
Kipling, Rudyard (quoted), 256 
Kissinger, Henry A. (Nixon), 143, 157 
Knapp, Burke (Goldschmidt), 16 
Knapp, James B., 382 
Knox, Philander (Nixon), 171 
Koontz, Elizabeth Duncan, 167 

Kopytin, Viktor, 514 
Korea, U.N. objectives and role: 38, 
149; Lodge, 389; Symington, 32, 
34; Wiggins, 37 
Korea, North : 

Military action against Republic of 
Korea: 383, 483, 497; Nixon, 
377; Symington, 32; Wiggins, 
36; Yost, 497 
U.S. reconnaissance aircraft shot 
down by: 382, 383; Nixon, 377, 
379, 380; Rogers, 398; Yost, 
U.S.S. Pueblo: 383; Nixon, 380; Sy- 
mington, 33 
Release of crew: 1, 2; Johnson, 
1 ; Rusk, 2 
Korea, Republic of: 

Economic and political develop- 
ment: 107;U. A. Johnson, 490; 
Richardson, 570, 573; Rogers, 
397; W. W. Rostow, 6; Syming- 
ton, 35; Wiggins, 37 
Military and other aid to Viet-Nam : 
U. A. Johnson, 492; SEATO, 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 119, 272, 

347, 396, 499 
U.S. and other troops, presence of 

(Symington), 34 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
Kosygin, Aleksei N. (Rogers), 308 
Kraft, Joseph, 417 
Ky, Nguyen Cao (Nixon), 243 

Labor : 

Adjustment assistance: 91, 106; 

Johnson, 92; Nixon, 161 
Strikes, effect on U.S. 1968 trade 
balance, 103 
Labor Day (Lodge), 420 
Labor Organization, International, in- 
strument for amendment of con- 
stitution ( 1946) : Cambodia, 287; 
Southern Yemen, 416 
Lagdameo, Ernesto V., 390 
Laird, Melvin R.: 484; Nixon, 143, 
159, 277, 278, 315; Rogers, 360 
NAC, U.S. delegate, 356 
Visit to Viet-Nam (Nixon), 239 
Lake Erie, oil spills pollution risks, IJC 

study requested, 296 
Land, Edwin H., 295 
Land-locked states, transit trade of, 
convention (1965): Denmark, 
Turkey, 416 
Langeraar, W. (Popper), 344 

Geneva accords: 

Communist violations: Lodge, 
317, 389; Souvanna Phouma, 
(quoted),339; Walsh, 338 
Implementation, need for : Lodge, 
125, 367, 390, 402, 436, 485; 
Rogers, 307; SEATO, 479; 
Walsh, 338 
North Viet-Namese forces, presence 
of: Lodge, 365, 419; Rusk, 49 
Withdrawal of, as part of Viet- 
namese peace settlement: 482 
551 ; Lodge, 389, 420, 507, 536 
NLxon, 459; Rogers, 307 
Walsh, 555 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 119, 304, 



Laos — Continued 

U.S. aid: Nixon, 518; Richardson, 

570, 573 
U.S. Ambassador (Godley), con- 
firmation, 576 
LASA (The Montana Large Aperture 

Seismic Array) : Foster, 59 
Latin America: 

Economic development: 106; Meyer, 
440; Rogers, 310; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 6 
U.S. relations and interests: John- 
son, 73; Meyer, 406, 440, 473; 
Nixon, 180, 384; Richardson, 
572; Rogers, 310, 534 
Visit of Governor Rockefeller: 
Meyer, 473; Nixon, 198, 385, 
470; Rockefeller, 470; Rogers, 
Results: Richardson, 573; Rogers, 
530, 532 _ 
Visit of President Nixon, question 
of (Nixon), 240 
Latin American Free Trade Association 

(Johnson), 74 
Lebanon : 

International recognition of rights 
in aircraft convention ( 1 948 ) , 
adherence, 475 
Israeli attack on Beirut airport (Wig- 
gins), 53, 54 
U.N. resolution, text, 55 
Leonhart, William, 432 
Lesh, Donald R., 164 
Lesotho, Ambassador to U.S., creden- 
tials, 390 
Less developed countries: 
Agriculture. See Agriculture 
Communication satellites, impor- 
tance to (Marks), 233 
Economic and social development 
{see also Economic and social 
development: 105, 106; Rog- 
ers, 504; W. W. Rostow, 6; Sea- 
borg, 177; Yost, 327 
IMF/Worid Bank role (Gold- 

schmidt), 15 
Narcotic drug crops, problem of 
(Squire), 64 
Family planning programs (see also 
Population growth) : Johnson, 
117; Yost, 327 
Trade, tariff preferences: 107, 196; 

Meyer, 441 
U.N. bond repayments, question of 

effect (Wiggins), 56 
U.S. aid; 96, 99; Johnson, 90, 102; 

Richardson, 569 
World Weather Watch, value to, 369 
Liao, Ho-shu (Rogers), 197 
Liberia, treaties, agreements, etc. 548, 

Lie, Trygve: Johnson, 78; Rusk, 78; 

Wiggins, 78 
Liechtenstein, IAEA Statute (1957), 

acceptance, 20 
Lilienthal, David (U. A. Johnson), 

Lincoln, Abraham: Rusk, 74; Wiggins, 

Lincoln, Franklin B., Jr., 295 
Lincoln, General (Nixon), 279 
Lisagor, Peter, 158, 242, 378 
Load lines: 

International convention (1930), 
final protocol and annexes: 
Denmark (denunciation), 87 

Load lines — Continued 

International convention (1965), 
current actions: Belgium, Bul- 
garia, 188; Cuba, 287; Cyprus, 
524; Germany, 499; Nigeria, 
20; Pakistan, 87; Philippines, 
416; U.A.R., 87; Yugoslavia, 

Lodge, Henry Cabot : (Nixon), 465 
Paris peace talks, 124, 144, 145, 166, 
184, 190, 220, 221, 247, 280, 
290, 316, 365, 388, 401, 418, 
434, 465, 467, 485, 507, 535 

Lodge, John Davis, 500 

Long Shot experiment (Foster), 59 

Looram, Matthew J., Jr., 500 

Lord Ismay (Brosio), 351 

Lord Shepherd, 481 

Los Indios (Diaz Ordaz), 23 

Lovell, James A., Jr.: 77, 195 
(quoted) ; Johnson, 76 

Loy,FrankE., 212, 229,394 

Luisi, Hector, 146 

Luns, Joseph M. A. H., 561, 563 

Luthuli, Albert, 152 


Treaties, agreements, etc., 72, 119, 

236, 331, 415 
U.S. Ambassador (Gould), con- 
firmation, 500 

Lyng, John, 78 


MacLeish, Archibald (quoted), 123, 

Malagasy Republic, treaties, agree- 
ments, etc. 119, 188,331,548 
Malawi, treaties, agreements, etc., 332, 

348, 575 
Malaysia : 

Australian and New Zealand 
peacekeeping forces: 480; Ro- 
gers, 478 
Economic development: U. A. John- 
son, 490; Rogers, 398; W. W. 
Rostow, 6 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 139, 476, 
_ 499 
Maldive Islands, safety of life at sea 
convention (1960), amendments 
to chapter II, acceptance, 119 
Mali, international civil aviation con- 
vention (1944), protocol on au- 
thentic trilingual text, acceptance, 
Malta, treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 

Manoutchehrian, Mrs. Mehranguiz, 

Marine resources {see also Fish and 
fisheries) : 
Exploration and utilization: Pop- 
per, 344; Rogers, 311; Rusk, 
127; Yost, 566 
International Decade of Ocean 

Exploration, proposed, 150 
U.N. role: 149; Wiggins, 83 
Seabed : 

Arms control, need for: DePalma, 

494; Fisher, 409, 520; Nixon, 

289; Popper, 342; Rogers, 308; 

Smith, 335 

U.S. draft treaty: Fisher, 520; 

text, 523 
Boundaries, problem of definition: 
523; Fisher, 521; Popper, 344 

Maritime Consultative Organization, 
Intergovernmental, convention 
(1948), Saudi Arabia, 303 
Martime traffic. See Ships and ship- 
Marks, Leonard H., 224, 231, 232, 367 
Marriage, convention (1962) on, 

Spain, 456 
Martin, William McChesney, 404 
Mashologu, Mothusi Thamsanqa, 390 
Mateos, Adolfo L6pe2: Diaz Ordaz, 

22; Johnson, 21, 24 
Mauritius, treaties, agreements, etc., 

215, 376,396,455 
Mbindi, Gabriel (Denny), 12 
McBaine, James P., 164 
McBride, Robert H., 576 
McCloskey, Robert J., 30, 161, 162n, 

247n, 281 
McKerman, Donald L., 19, 79 
McNamara, Robert S. (quoted), 15 
Mekong River Basin (U. A. Johnson), 

Meloy, Francis E., Jr., 500 
Meteorological research: 369; Dubos, 
Application Technology Satellite 

(ATS), 374 
Balloon sampling of radioactivity of 
upper atmosphere, agreement 
with Australia, 499 
BOMEX (Barbados Oceanographic 
and Meteorological Experi- 
ment), 373 
Cloud seeding project, agreement 

with Philippines, 456 
Cooperative meteorological observa- 
tion program, agreements with: 
Canada, 524; Colombia, 88; 
Dominican Republic, 416; 
Mexico, 396 
Global Atmospheric Research Pro- 
gram, 370, 373 
Meteorological Organization, World, 
convention (1947), Southern 
Yemen, 156 
Mexico : 

Benito Juirez statue at Washing- 
ton, dedication (Rusk), 74 
Chamizal: Diaz Ordaz, 25; John- 
son, 21, 24 
Dual-purpose nuclear power plant, 
U.S.-IAEA study (Seaborg), 
Economic development: 107; W. 

W. Rostow, 6 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 72, 139, 

U.S. Ambassador (McBride), con- 
firmation, 576 
U.S.-Mexican efforts to eradicate 

cattle disease (Johnson), 24 
U.S.-Mexico Commission on Border 
Development and Friendship: 
Diaz Ordaz, 26; Johnson, 22 
U.S. chairman (Meyer), an- 
nouncement, 544 
U.S. relations (dedication of Presi- 
dent Adolfo Lopez Mateos 
Channel) : Diaz Ordaz, 22, 25; 
Johnson, 21, 23 
Meyer, Armin H., 500 
Meyer, Charies A.: 348, 406, 421, 429, 

440, 473, 544; Nixon, 385 
Michelmore, Laurence (quoted), 40 



Middendorf, J. William, II, 576 
Military assistance: 

India and Pakistan, question of re- 
sumption (Rogers), 531 
Peru, suspension of, 509 
U.S. appropriations request FY 
1970: 98; Nixon, 518; Rich- 
ardson, 569, 573 
Viet-Nam. See Viet-Nam 
Military bases (Finger), 453 
Ryukyu (Bamett),447 
Spanish North African bases : Nixon, 
246, 518; Rogers, 359 
Military expenditures. See Defense 

and Military assistance 
Military missions, agreements with: 

Iran, 88; Liberia, 576 
Minuteman bases (Nixon), 274, 277, 

Monetary Fund, International: 
Annual report (Goldschmidt), 15 
Director Schweitzer, reappointment, 

(Goldschmidt), 16 
Special drawing rights, importance 
of and need for ratification: 
107, 108; Goldschmidt, 16; 
Johnson, 102; Kennedy, 427, 
428; Nixon, 404; Richardson, 
U.S. Governor (Kennedy), confir- 
mation, 282 
Mongolia : 

ENDC admission recommended, 542 
Treaties, agreements, etc. 87, 215 
Montana Large Aperture Seismic Ar- 
ray (LASA) : Foster, 59 
Monteiro, Ernest Steven, 146 
Moor, Dean, 164 
Moore, John D. J., 416 
Moos, Malcolm, 540n 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 120, 288, 

U.S.-owned dirhams, purchases by 
U.S. citizens, 52 
Morris, Roger, 164 
Mosbacher, Emil, Jr., 140 
Mozambique (Finger), 453 
Mueller, George (Johnson), 76 
Murphy, Franklin D., 295 
Murphy, Robert D., 295 
Mutual defense agreements (Barnett), 

Agreements with: Japan, 432; 
Spain, 324; U.K., 43, 348 


NachmanofT, Arnold, 164 
Namibia : 

Background (Yost), 301 
Self-determination, right of: Denny, 

11, 14; Yost, 301 
South African administration: 153; 
Denny, 11, 14; Finger, 453; 
U.N. resolution, text, 14; Yost, 
Narcotic drugs. See Drugs, narcotic 
NAS (National Academy of Sciences), 

NASA. See National Aeronautics and 

Space Administration 
National Academy ol Sciences, 370 
National Aeronautics and Space Ad- 
ministration, 370, 374 
NASA Distinguished Service Med- 
als, (Johnson), 76 


National Maritime Day, 1969, proc- 
lamation, 297 
National Science Foundation, 370 
National Security Council (Nixon), 
Foreign policy responsibilities: 162, 

Nixon, 160; Rogers, 164, 308 
Reorganization: 163, 165; Rogers, 
National U.N. Day for 1969, 451 
Nationalism : 

Africa (Rogers), 310 

Eastern Europe: Richardson, 559; 

Rogers, 309 
Newly independent nations (U. A. 
Johnson), 489 
Nationality, acquisition of, optional 
protocol to Vienna convention 
(1961), Botswana, 431 
Nationals, administration of justice, 

right of state (Yost), 146 
Nauru, Universal Postal Union, con- 
stitution (1964), accession, with 
reservation, 431 
Nawaz, Shah, 502 

Near and Middle East (see also Arab- 
Israel conflict and country) : 
Arms limitations, proposed, need 
for: Sisco, 29, 392, 444; Wig- 
gins, 54 
Dual-purpose nuclear plant, U.S. 

proposal (Seaborg), 182 
Economic growth, need for (Rog- 
ers), 502 
Soviet role and influence: Nixon, 
142, 240, 244, 315; Rogers, 
362, 501, 532; Rusk, 49; Sisco, 
28, 391, 392, 444 
U.S. strategic interests (Sisco), 391, 
Near East Emergency Donations, Inc. 

(Cooper), 39 
Nedbailo, Petr, 152 
Nepal : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 390 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 199, 287, 
NREVA (Nuclear Engine for Rocket 
Vehicle Application): Seaborg, 
Netherlands : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 156, 188, 

U.S. Ambassador (Middendorf), 

confirmation, 576 
U.S. visit of Prime Minister dejong 
and Foreign Minister Luns, 561 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
New York Times, 130 
New Zealand: 

Asia, role in (Rogers), 398 
Military and other aid to Viet-Nam 

(U.A.Johnson), 492 
Singapore and Malaysia, peace- 
keeping forces in: 480; Rog- 
ers, 478 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 215 
Newly independent nations [see also 
Less developed countries) : 
Africa: Nielsen, 293; Nixon, 539; 

Rogers, 310 
Nationalism (U. A. Johnson), 489 
U.N. membership and role: Sisco, 
29 ; Yost, 566 
Niagara (American) Falls, agreements 
with Canada: 332, 343, 476, 500, 
548; Nixon, 408 

Nicaragua, treaties, agreements, etc., 

120, 188, 348 
Nielsen, Waldemar A., 292 
Niger, treaties, agreements, etc., 88, 

119, 331, 395, 475 
Nigeria {see also Biafra) : 

Air raids on Biafra U.S. concern, 

Civil war: 556; Johnson, 3; Niel- 
sen, 293; Rogers, 311; W. W. 
Rostow, 5 
Relief efforts, U.S. and other: 30, 
31, 281, 510; Nielsen, 295 
Special U.S. coordinator, appoint- 
ment: Nixon, 222; Rogers, 311, 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 20, 331, 
332, 548 
NIMBUS, 374 
Nixon, Richard M.: 

Addresses, remarks, and statements: 
Africa, 160, 211, 294 (quoted), 

518, 539 
Alliance for Progress, 159, 385, 

Antiballistic missile system, 159, 
160, 240, 244, 273, 275, 277, 
Arab-Israeli conflict, 159, 364 
Discussions for settlement of, 
142, 161, 218, 240, 244, 280, 
Armaments, strategic talks on, 

142, 159, 246, 276, 279, 289, 

Balance of payments, 403 
Berlin, 238, 249, 261 

Visit to, 157, 158, 249, 258, 
260, 262 
Collective security, 143, 525 
Communist China, 141, 238 
Nuclear threat, 160, 273, 275, 
316, 379 
Cuban missile crisis, 315 
Czechoslovakia, Soviet occupa- 
tion, 381 
Effect on nuclear nonprolifera- 
tion treaty, 161, 162 
De Gaulle, 245, 246, 268, 270 
Department of Peace, 160 
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 351 
Environmental problems, 251 
Europe : 

U.S. relations and role, 246 
Visit to, 157, 158, 237, 249, 
250, 251, 252, 254, 256, 257, 
258, 260, 262, 264, 266, 267, 
268, 269, 270, 271, 396c 
Foreign policy, 123, 125 (quoted), 
Presidential responsibilities, 

142, 160, 170,243,274,276, 
315, 316 
Inaugural address, 121 
Italy, visit to, 157, 158, 262, 264, 

John N. Irwin, 282 (quoted) 
Latin America, visit of Governor 

Rockefeller, 198, 385, 470 
National defense {see also Anti- 
ballistic missile system, supra), 

143, 273, 527 

NATO, 158, 217, 237, 252, 25?, 
262, 263, 265, 278, 352, 354 
French position, 241 
20th anniversary, 219, 318, 351 


Nixon, Richard M. — Continued 
Addresses, remarks — Continued 
Nigeria, relief efforts, comprehen- 
sive review and special U.S. 
coordinator, 222 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 
Germany, position on, 241 
Organization of African Unity, 

6th anniversary, 539 
Organization of American States, 

384, 386 
Peru, U.S. relations, 245 
Reconnaissance aircraft shot down 
by North Korea, 377, 379, 380 
Seabed, need for nuclear-free 

agreement on, 289 
Secretary of State, 163, 165, 168 
Soviet Union: 

Armament capability, 274, 279, 

315, 379, 380 
U.S. confrontation, question of, 

311 (quoted) 
U.S. strategic arms talks, pro- 
posed, 142, 159, 246, 276, 
279, 239, 353 
U.S. summit meeting, question 

of, 157, 240, 244, 278 
University of Minnesota Con- 
cert Band tour, 540, 541 
Spanish North African bases, 246, 

Textile imports, effect of, 161 
Trade, 160,242,404 
U.N., U.S. support (quoted), 311, 

325, 451, 568 
U.S.S. Pueblo, 380 
Vatican City, question of U.S. 

representative, 239 

Communist aggression, 239, 
247, 277 

U.S. response, question of, 
239, 241, 276, 277, 279, 
Economic and political prog- 
ress, 378, 549 
Elections, U.S. position, 460 
Midway meeting with President 

Thieu, 549, 552 
Mutual withdrawal of forces, 

143, 457, 459, 554 
Paris peace talks, 141, 157, 239, 
378, 457, 459, 465 
U.S. negotiating team mem- 
bers, 465 
Peace i 

Prospects for, 143, 243, 377 
U.S. goal, 243, 277, 313, 

457, 460, 553 
Prisoners, 460 

Private contacts, 157, 276, 314 
Self-determination, 458, 550 
Situation reports, 239, 277, 313 
South Vietnamese army, 158, 

243, 378, 552 

U.S. forces, replacement of, 

458, 549, 553 

Soviet position and role, 242, 
243, 244 

U.S. appropriations request FY 
1970, 518 

U.S. casualties, 240, 278, 378 

U.S. forces, conditions for with- 
drawal, 158, 243, 279, 313, 
378, 457 

U.S. objectives, 313 

Nixon, Richard M. — Continued 
Addresses, remarks — Continued 

Viet-Nam — Continued 

U.S. public opinion, 243, 313, 

Visits to Israel or Latin America, 
questions of, 240 

World order, 251, 352, 519, 525 

World peace, 121, 249, 250, 255, 

Yost, background and qualifica- 
tions, 159 

Youth, problems of, 245 
Administration : Meyer, 440 ; Nixon, 
378, 385; Richardson, 417; 
Rogers, 362; Sisco, 27 
Correspondence, memoranda, and 
messages : 

Economic Commission for Africa, 
10 th anniversary, 211 

Eighteen-Nation Disarmament 
Conference, U.S. position, 289 

Human Rights Year 1968, final 
report on U.S. observance, 450 

Inter-American Development 

Bank, 10th annual meeting, 426 

Israel, 21st anniversary, 403 

President Barrientos of Bolivia, 
condolences on death of, 423 

President Husain of India, con- 
dolences on death of, 469 

Prime Minister Eshkol of Israel, 
condolences on death of, 272 
Meetings with Heads of State and 
officials of, remarks and joint 
communiques: Australia, 198, 
436; Canada, 316, 319; Jordan, 
364; Netherlands, 561; Viet- 
Nam, 549 
Messages, letters, and reports to 
Congress : 

Broadcasting agreements with 
Mexico, transmittal, 330 

Food for Peace, 1968 report, 
transmittal, 547 

Foreign aid program FY 1970, 

Industrial property, revision of 
Paris convention for protection 
of, ratification urged, 298 

Niagara River diversions, agree- 
ment with Canada, approval 
asked, 408 

North Atlantic fishing, conduct 
of, convention, ratification re- 
quested, 425 

Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 
ratification urged, 162 

Vienna convention on consular 
relations and optional protocol, 
ratification urged, 475 

World Intellectual Property Or- 
ganization Convention, ratifi- 
cation urged, 298 

World Weather Program, 368 
News conferences, transcripts, 141, 

157, 237, 275, 377 _ 
Presidential responsibilities: Gorton, 
437; Nixon, 142, 160, 170, 243, 
274, 276,315,316 
Tribute to (Trudeau), 321 
Visit to Canada, question of, 323 
Visit to Europe, 157, 158, 249, 254 

Purpose: Nixon, 217, 237, 249, 
251; Wilson, 253 

Nixon, Richard M.— Continued 
Visit to Europe — Continued 

Results: Agnew, 271 ; Nixon, 240, 
271; Rogers, 308 
Nongovernmental organizations 

(Yost), 325, 328 
Non-nuclear-weapon states conference, 

NORSAR (Norwegian Seismic Ar- 
ray) : Foster, 59 
North Atlantic Council (Nixon), 250, 
Spring ministerial meeting, Wash- 
ington, 1969: 349, 355; Brandt, 
350; Brosio, 350; Nbcon, 351; 
Rogers, 349, 357, 362; text of 
final communique, 354 
U.S. delegation, 356 
U.S. permanent representative (Ells- 
worth) : 51 In; confirmation, 
North Atlantic Treaty: 

Status of personnel at International 
Military Headquarters, agree- 
ment (1969): Belgium, Can- 
ada, Germany, Netherlands, 
U.K., U.S., 272 
U.S. and U.K. armed forces and In- 
ternational Military Headquar- 
ters, agreement re accommoda- 
tion: Germany, U.K., U.S., 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization: 
Ellsworth, 511; W. W. Rostow, 
5 ; Saragat, 263 ; Wilson, 254 
Armed forces: Nixon, 278, Rusk, 50 
Consultation: 355; Ellsworth, 512; 

NLxon, 252, 353; Rogers, 531 
Contributions of members: 355; 

Rogers, 361 
Deterrent role: 354; Nixon, 251, 
354; Richardson, 559; Rogers, 
309, 349 
France, position on (Nixon), 241 
Headquarters (Ni-xon), 253 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 
question of effect on (Rogers), 
20th anniversary: Brandt, 350; Bro- 
sio, 350; Nixon. 219, 318 (proc- 
lamation ) , - .. 1 ; Rogers, 309, 
349 357 
U.S. interests: 323; Ellsworth, 512; 
Nixon, 158, 217, 237, 257, 262, 
263, 265, 352, 354; Rogers, 
Norway : 

Norwegian Seismic Array (NOR- 
SAR) : Foster, 59 
Treaties, agreements, etc. 120, 172, 

U.S. Ambassador (Crowe), confir- 
mation, 432 
Norwegian Seismic Array (NOR- 
SAR) : Foster, 59 
Nuclear arms race {see also Nuclear 
nonproliferation treaty) : Rogers, 
388; Rusk, 128; Seaborg, 210; 
Sisco, 29 
Nuclear-free areas, 150 

Seabed, proposed: DePalma, 494; 
Fisher, 520; Nixon, 289; Popper, 
342; Rogers, 308; Smith, 333 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty 
(1968): Fisher, 409; Foster, 58; 
Rogers, 189; Seaborg, 204; Smith, 
333; Yost, 327 



Nuclear nonproliferation treaty — Con. 
ABM system, compatibility with 

(Nixon), 279 
Current actions: Cameroon, Can- 
ada, 119; Denmark, 72; Ecua- 
dor, 288; Finland, 172; Hun- 
gary, 524; Italy, 156; Jamaica, 
Malta, 395; Mauritius, 376 
Mexico, 139; Norvvay, 172 
Poland, 575; Turkey, 156 
U.S., 288 
Germany, position on (Nixon), 241 
Peaceful uses of nuclear explosions, 

provisions, 150, 401 
Ratification : 

Effect of Soviet occupation of 
Czechoslovakia: Nixon, 161, 
162; Rogers, 189; Seaborg, 207 
Need for: Johnson, 90; Nixon, 
142, 279; W. W. Rostow, 6; 
Saragat, 264 
U.S. ratification (Rogers), 308 
Safeguards: Fisher, 410; Rogers, 
190; Seaborg, 208 
Nuclear testing: 

Comprehensive test ban, proposed : 
63; DePalma, 496; Foster, 58; 
NLxon, 289; Rogers, 308 
Verification: Fisher, 409, 411; 
Smith, 334 
Limited test ban treaty (1963): 
Rogers, 307, 312; Seaborg, 
206; Smith, 335; Yost, 327 
Current actions: Mauritius, 456; 
Swaziland, 548 
Soviet tests (Rogers), 397, 534 
Nuclear war: Nixon, 276; Rogers, 

363 ; Rusk, 50 
Nuclear weapons: 

Cut off on production of fissionable 
materials and transfer of to 
peaceful purposes, U.S. pro- 
posal: DePalma, 496; Fisher, 
409; Nixon, 289; Rogers, 308; 
Smith, 334 
Seabed, prohibition of weapons, 
proposed: DePalma, 494; 
Fisher, 409; Nixon, 289; Pop- 
per, 342; Rogers, 308; Smith, 
U.S. draft treaty: Fisher, 520; 
text, 523 
Technology (Seaborg), 205 
Nutter, G. Warren, 484 


Ocean bed. See Marine resources 

Exports, 106 

U.S.-Canada, 324 
Prevention of pollution of sea by oil, 
convention (1954), interna- 
tional, Syria, 172 
Okinawa (Rogers), 360, 398, 531 
Olds, Glenn A., 348 
Organization for Economic Coopera- 
tion and Development, ministerial 
council meeting, Paris: Richard- 
son, 192, 194; text of conununi- 
que, 195 
U.S. delegation, appointment, 171 
Organization of African Unity 
(Rogers), 311 
6th anniversary: Nixon, 539: Peal, 

Organization of American States 
(Nb<:on),384, 386 
Charter, protocol of amendment 
(1967) : Brazil, 88; Panama, 475 
Inter-American Economic and So- 
cial Council, U.S. representative 
(Meyer), 429 
Regional education, science and 
technology programs, U.S. aid, 
Ortez Colindres, Enrique (Meyer), 

Outer space: Johnson, 76; Nixon, 
526; Wiggins, 84 
APOLLO 8 astronauts, tribute to: 
dejong, 562 ; Johnson, 76 ; Nixon, 
NIMBUS, 374 

Nuclear power uses (Seaborg), 183 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Exploration and use of outer 
space, treaty (1967) on: 
Anders, 77; Popper, 343; 
Rogers, 307, 312; Smith, 
335; Wiggins, 85; Yost, 327 
Current actions : Argentina, 
331; Brazil, 272; Ecuador, 
288; El Salvador, 139; 
Mauritius, 396 
Liability treaty, proposed: 150; 

DePalma, 494; Wiggins, 83 
Rescue and return of astronauts 
and space vehicles, agreement 
(1968): Anders, 77; Wig- 
gins, 85 
Current actions : Argentina, 
331; Botswana, 416; Bul- 
garia, 396 ; Czechoslovakia, 
215; Denmark, 456; Ecua- 
dor, 288; Gabon, 347; 
Hungary, 576; Korea, 347; 
Malagasy, 188; Mauritius, 
396; Niger, 119; Poland, 
188; Swaziland, 576; Thai- 
land, 548 
U.N. role: 150, DePalma, 493; Wig- 
gins, 83, 84; Yost, 566 
Vienna conference on peaceful uses 
of (Wiggins), 85,86 

Pace, Frank, Jr., 295 
Pacific Basin potential (U. A. John- 
son), 488 
Pacific Islands Trust Territory: 
Japan-U.S. agreement re, 476 
Visit of Secretary Hickel, 424 
Packard, David (Nixon), 316 
Paine, Thomas O., 77 
Pakistan : 

Economic development: 107; John- 
son, 117; Rogers, 505; W. W. 
Rostow, 6 
Satocholera laboratory (Dubos), 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 87, 188, 

348 499 
U.S. aid': 97n; Richardson, 570, 573 
Appropriations request FY 1970, 
U.S. military supplies, question of 
resumption of sales (Rogers), 
U.S. -owned foreign currency, 52 
Visit of Secretary Rogers: 434; 
Rogers, 433, 505 

Pan American Day and Pan Amer- 
ican Week, 1969, proclamation 
(Nixon), 386 
Pan American Railway Congress 
Association, U.S. National Cora- 
mission member (Meyer), 429 
Pan American Society of the United 

States, 73n 
Panama : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 222 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 215, 375, 
376, 475 
Paraguay, treaties, agreements, etc., 

215, 236 
Paris peace talks. See under Viet-Nam 
Pastrana Borrero, Misael Eduardo, 92 
Patents. See Industrial property 
Pauls, Rolf Friedemann, 146 
Peace, Department of, proposed 

(Nixon), 160 
Peace Corps programs (Rogers), 126 
Appropriations request FY 1970, 97, 

Director (Blatchford), confirmation, 

Seventh annual report, 1968, trans- 
mittal (Johnson), 118 
Peal, S. Edward, 537 
Pearson, Lester (Goldschmidt), 15 
Pedersen, Richard F., 140 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 75 
Rockefeller visit and U.S. military 

missions, position on, 509 
Seizure of U.S. oil company and 
fishing boat incidents: 184, 
282; Meyer, 406; Nixon, 245; 
Rogers, 310, 357, 363, 387 
U.S. special emissary (Irwin), 

appointment, 282 
U.S. talks, 364, 400, 472 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 236, 

U.S. military sales suspended, 509 
Peterson, Val, 432 
Petroleum. See Oil 

Philippines {see also Association of 

Southeast Asian Nations) : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 390 

Economic and social development: 

Johnson, 117; Richardson, 

570; Rogers, 398; SEATO, 480 

Military and other aid to Viet-Nam 

(_U. A. Johnson), 492 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 120, 348, 

416, 455, 548 
U.S. radio transmitting facilities, 
Phillips, Christopher H., 348 
Picker, Jean, 223 
Plowshare program: Seaborg, 183; 

Smith, 335 
Poland, treaties, agreements, etc., 87, 

88, 188, 348, 575, 576 
Pollution : 

Environmental: 148; Dubos, 129, 
132, 134, 135; Nixon, 251; 
Richardson, 195 
Great Lakes connecting channels, 
IJC meetings and text of re- 
port, 234 
Lake Erie oil spills pollution risk, 

IJC study requested, 296 
Oil, prevention of pollution of sea 
by, convention (1954), inter- 
national: Syria, 172 



Pollution — Continued 

Red River, IJC study, 543 
Seabeds, prevention of, 150 
Pope Paul VI, 270 
Popper, David H., 342, 500 
Population growth (Rogers), 398 

Basic human right, 152 
Family planning programs: 38; 
Johnson, 102, 117; Nixon, 517; 
Richardson, 570, 572; W. W. 
Rostow, 6; Rusk, 128; Yost, 
Environmental problems (Dubos), 

U.N. Population Trust Fund: De- 
Palma, 498; Yost, 567 
Portugal, treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 

Portuguese overseas provinces (Fin- 
ger), 453 
Universal Postal Union, constitution 
(1964) with final protocols, ac- 
cession, 88 
Postal matters: 

Postal Union of the Americas and 
Spain, convention (1966), 
money order agreement, parcel 
post agreement, and final pro- 
tocols, Paraguay, 236 
Universal Postal Union (1964), con- 
stitution (1966) with final pro- 
tocols: Afghanistan, 456; Al- 
bania, 88 ; Bhutan, 303 ; Came- 
roon, 236; Cuba, 476; Cyprus, 
456; Jamaica, Malaysia, 476; 
Mongolia, 88; Nauru, 431; 
Portugal and overseas pro- 
vinces, 88; Qatar, 188; Yemen, 
Power and energy: 

U.S.-Canadian agreements on tem- 
porary cofferdam construction: 
346; Nixon, 408 
World Weather Watch, value to, 
President's Foreign Intelligence Advi- 
sory Board, 295 
Prince Souvana Phouma, 339 (quoted) 
Prisoners : 

Geneva convention (1949) re treat- 
ment of: 
Communist violations of: Laird, 
484; Lodge, 487; Rogers, 529 
Current actions : Barbados, Malta, 
43; Uruguay, 576 
U.S.S. Pueblo. See U.S.S. Pueblo 
Viet-Nam. See Viet-Nam 
Proclamation of Tehran, 152 
Proclamations by the President: 

National Maritime Day, 1969 

(3902), 297 
NATO, 20th anniversary (3906), 

Pan American Day and Pan Ameri- 
can Week, 1969 (3908), 386 
World Trade Week, 1969 (3901), 
Public Law 480 (Richardson), 572 
Publications : 

Congress, documents relating to for- 
eign policy, lists, 79, 119, 146, 
235, 519, 574 

Publications — Continued 

Economic Report of the President, 
Transmitted to the Congress 
January 1969, Together With 
the Annual Report of the 
Council of Economic Advisers, 
State Department: 

American Foreign Policy: Cur- 
rent Documents, 1966, released, 
Conferences at Washington, 
1941-1942, and Casablanca, 
1943, The, released, 43 
Recent releases, lists, 44, 72, 216, 

304, 332, 376, 455 
Treaties and Other International 
Agrcejnents of the United 
States of America 1776-1949, 
released, 139 
Treaties in Force: A List of 
Treaties and Other Interna- 
tional Agreements of the 
United States in Force on 
January 1, 1969, released, 332 
U.N., documents, lists, 345, 429, 454 
World Weather Program — Plan for 
Fiscal Year 1970, 368n 
Puerto Rico Nuclear Center (Sea- 

borg), 180 
Puhan, Alfred, 432 


Qatar, Universal Postal Union, con- 
stitution (1964) with final pro- 
tocols, adherence, 188 


Racial discrimination (see also Civil 
Rights and Human rights): Loy, 
394; Wiggins (quoted), 152 

Africa : Rogers, 3 1 1 ; W. W. Rostow, 
6; Yost, 326, 329 

Apartheid: 151; Finger, 453; Gold- 
schmidt, 9; Loy, 395 ; Sisco, 29 ; 
Wiggins, 9; Yost, 302, 566 

International convention (1965) for 
elimination of : Byelorussian 
Soviet Socialist Republic (with 
reservation), 396; Germany, 
576; Guyana, 215; Holy See, 
499; India (with reservation), 
88; Iraq, 376; Madagascar 
(with reservation), 331 ; Poland 
(with reservation), 88; Soviet 
Union (with reservation), 331; 
Swaziland, 396; Syria (with 
reservation), 476; Ukrainian 
Soviet Socialist Republic (with 
reservation), U.K. (with reser- 
vation), 347 
Entry into force, 303 

Southern Rhodesia: 415; Finger, 

Broadcasting in the standard band, 
agreement with Mexico; 42, 
236; Nixon, 330 

Licensed amateur radio operators, 
reciprocal authorization for op- 
eration of stations in other 
countries, Indonesia, 304 

Long-range radio paths, agreement 
wdth Australia re receiving sta- 
tion on Norfolk Island to study 
ionospheric propagation, 216 

Radio — Continued 

Partial revision of radio regulations 
(Geneva, 1959), as amended: 
Maritime mobile service, with an- 
nexes and final protocol: Al- 
geria, 119; Argentina, 348 
Austria, 119; Belgium, 499 
Canada, China, 331; Congo 
(Brazzaville), 88; Finland, 499 
Guinea, Japan, 432; Kenya, 
331; Korea, 499; Laos, Lux- 
embourg, Madagascar, 119 
Malaysia, 499; New Zealand 
Niger, 88; Senegal, Singapore, 
Spain, 432; Sweden, 119; Tan- 
zania, Uganda, 331; Upper 
Volta, Vatican City State, 348; 
Yugoslavia, 499 
Revised frequency allotment plan 
for aeronautical mobile (R) 
service and related information: 
Pakistan, 348; Senegal, 432; 
Spain, 331 
Pre-sunrise and post-sunset radio 
operation, agreement with Mex- 
ico: 42, 236; Nixon, 330 
Pre-sunrise operation of certain 
standard (AM) radio broad- 
casting stations, agreement with 
Canada, 188 
U.S. transmitting facilities in Philip- 
pines and Greece, 100 
Reconnaissance missions: 382, 383; 

Nixon, 377, 381; Rogers, 398 
Recruitment and employment of Fili- 
pino citizens by U.S. military 
forces and contracts of U.S. mili- 
tary and civilian agencies, agree- 
ment with Philippines, 1 20 
Red Cross. See International Red 


Cuban airlift (Loy), 214 
Middle East. See Arab-Israeli con- 
flict and United Nations ReUef 
and Works Agency for Pales- 
tine (UNRWA) 
Protocol I annexed to universal copy- 
right convention (1952), appli- 
cation to works of, Tunisia, 475 
Status of, protocol (1967): 156n; 
Belgium, 431; Botswana (with 
reservation ) , 272; Ecuador, 
347; Netherlands, 156; Swazi- 
land (with reservation), 331 
Regional cooperation and develop- 
ment (Johnson), 90 
Africa: Nielsen, 293; W. W. Ros- 
tow, 5 
Asia. See Asia 
CENTO programs: 502; Rogers, 

Central and Latin America: John- 
son, 74 ; Meyer, 42 1 ; Rogers, 
Scientific centers (Dubos), 135 
Reininger, Robert, 73n 
Reprocessed wool fabrics, tariiT reduc- 
tion recommended (Johnson), 92 
Reston, James, 130 
Reynolds, Clark, 472 
Richardson, Elliot L., 140, 162, 171, 
192, 194,231,272,417,451,514, 
557, 569 
Rimestad, Idar, 451 
Roberts, Chalmers M. (Rusk), 50 



Rockefeller, Nelson A.: 295, 470, 509; 
Nixon, 198, 240, 385, 470; Rich- 
ardson, 573; Rogers, 310, 530, 532 
Rodriguez, Antonio F., 544 
Rogers, William P.: 

Addresses, remarks, and statements: 
ABM safeguard system, 308, 397 
Africa, 310 

Ambassador Jarring, 306, 360 
Arab-Israeli conflict, 305, 362, 
396c, 387, 501, 506, 532 
Four-power talks, 360 
Asia, 397, 501 

Security, 400, 484, 501, 505 
U.S. interests, 357, 433, 461, 
462, 463, 477, 504 
Berlin, 387 
Cambodia, 307, 362 
CENTO, 16th session of Council 

of Ministers, 501,506 
China, RepubUc of, 397, 398 
Communist China, 312, 361, 388, 
398, 533 
Cancellation of Warsaw meet- 
ing regretted, 197, 398 
Czechoslovakia, 189, 309, 312, 

359, 361 
Disarmament and arms control, 

307, 309, 388, 397 
East- West relations, 312, 359 
Europe, U.S. relations and role, 

Foreign policy, 125, 163, 305, 

India, 433, 503,531 
International waterways, 305 
Japan, 397, 531, 533 
Latin America, 310, 534 

Visit of Governor Rockefeller, 
530, 532 
Military-industrial complex, 360 
National Security Council, reor- 
ganization and foreign policy 
responsibilities, 164, 308 
NATO, 189, 309, 361, 531 

20th anniversary, 349, 357, 362 
Nigeria, 311,388 
Nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 

189, 308 
Okinawa, 360, 398, 531 
Overseas bases, U.S. position, 359 
Pakistan, 505, 531 
Peru, U.S. fishing boats and pe- 
troleum industries incidents, 
310, 357, 363, 387 
Seabed, prohibition of nuclear 

weapons proposed, 308 
SEATO meeting, 447, 483 
Sino-Soviet dispute, 361 
Soviet Union: 
Armaments capability, 308, 363, 

Nuclear tests, 534 
Strategic arms talks, 308, 359, 
361, 363, 397, 501, 531, 534 
U.S. relations and effect of 
Czechoslovakia, 309, 312, 
359, 501 
State Department, question of re- 
organization, 360 
United Nations, 311, 363 
U.S. reconnaissance plane shot 
down by North Korea, 398 

Rogers, William P. — Continued 
Addresses, remarks — Continued 
Viet-Nam (for details, see Viet- 
Nara) : 
Civil Uberties, 361, 533 
Coalition government, question 

of, 464, 530, 532 
Communist rocket attacks on 
South Vietnamese cities con- 
demned, 247, 461, 463 
Consultation with South Viet- 
namese and allies, 306, 387, 
462, 463, 483 
Elections, 464, 505, 530, 532, 

Mutual troop withdrawals, 307, 

358, 359, 399, 463, 484 
Peace, U.S. goal, 306, 359, 362, 
387, 400, 433, 461, 462, 463, 
503, 505, 506 
Political development, 307, 400, 

Prisoners, 307, 399, 529 
Private talks, 306, 358 
U.S. forces: 

Replacement by South Viet- 
namese, 399, 400, 463, 
464, 529 
Unilateral withdrawal, 359, 
U.S. position and objectives, 
307, 387,399,433,461,478, 
501, 503, 529 
Visit to Asia, 433, 461, 462, 463, 

503, 505 
Worid order, 387 
CENTO meeting, U.S. delegate, 502 
Correspondence, memoranda, and 
messages : 
President Barrientos of Bolivia, 
condolences on death of, 424 
President Husain of India, con- 
dolences on death of, 469 
NAC, chairman of U.S. delegation, 

News conferences, transcripts, 357, 

462, 463, 529 
SEATO Council meeting, U.S. dele- 
gate, 481 
Secretary of State (Rusk), 49 

Confirmation, 140 
Visit to Asia: Nixon, 460; Rogers, 
357, 433, 461, 462, 463, 503, 
Visit to Europe (Nixon), 157 
Visit with Ambassador von Braun, 
Romania (Rogers), 309 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 215, 
376, 455 
Romnes, H. I., 451 
Romulo, Caries P., 481 
Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor, 152 
Roosevelt, Franklin D. (quoted), 121 
Roshchin, A. A., 542 
Rostow, W. W., 4 
Roth, William M. (quoted), 91 
Rumor, Mariano: 396<r; Nixon, 245 
Rusk, Dean: 

Addresses, remarks, and statements: 
Arab-Israeli conflict, 45, 46, 51 
Benito Juarez statue, dedication, 

46, 74 
China, Communist, U.S. relations 

and efl'orts to improve, 48 
Science and technology, 127 

Rusk, Dean — Continued 

Addresses, remarks — Continued 
Singapore and South Asia, ques- 
tion of effect of U.K. with- 
drawal, 51 
USS Pueblo crew released, 2 
Viet-Nam, 45, 46, 49 
Correspondence and messages: 
Japanese and ECSC steel exports 

limitations, 93 
Trygve Lie, tribute, 78 
Future plans, 49 

News conference, transcript, 45 
Rutabanzibwa, Gosbert Miarcell, 75 
Rwanda, international coffee agree- 
ment (1968), with annexes, rati- 
fication, 215 
Ryulcyu bases (Barnett), 447 

Safety of life at sea, international con- 
vention (1960), current actions: 
Honduras, Singapore, 499; Syria, 
172; Venezuela, 236 
Amendments to, current actions: 

Israel, 499; Yugoslavia, 20 
Amendments to chapter II; Italy, 
Korea, Maldive Islands, South 
Africa, 119 
Salvage at sea, convention (1910) for 
unification of certain rules, pro- 
tocol amending, Austria, 215 
Samuels, Nathaniel, 348 
Saragat, Giuseppe: 262, 263, 266, 

396c; Nixon, 245 
Satellites. See Communications: Satel- 
lites and Outer space 
Saudi Arabia, IMCO convention 

(1948), acceptance, 303 
Saunders, Harold, 164 
Scali, John, 244, 278, 380 
Schurmann, Carl W. A. (Nixon), 563 
Schutz, Klaus, 258, 259 
Schweitzer, Pierre-Paul (Goldschmidt) 

Science and technology: 

Brain drain: Dubos, 134; Seaborg, 

Cooperation, bilateral agreements 

with China, 171, 172 
Creation of new problems: 196; 

Rogers, 311 
Environment and human factors: 

Dubos, 128; Rusk, 127 
Human rights problems, 152 
OAS regional fund, U.S. pledge, 

Worid Weather Watch, 369, 374 
Scranton, William W., 367 
Seabed. See Marine resources 
Seaborg, Glenn T., 173, 179 (quoted), 

199, 209 (quoted) 
Security Council, U.N. : 

Arab-Israeli conflict, role in. See 

Arab-Israeli conflict 
Cyprus, extension of peace force, 

Documents, lists of, 345, 429 
Namibia, General Assembly recom- 
mendations for consideration, 



Security Council, U.N. — Continued 

Israeli air attacks condemned, 

Israeli attack on Beirut airport 
condemned, text of resolution, 
Namibia, responsibilities of South 
Africa, 303 
U.S. deputy representative (Phil- 
lips), confirmation, 348 
U.S. representative (Yost), confir- 
mation, 140 
Seismic research: Fisher, 412; Foster, 

58; Smith, 334 
Self-determination: 355; Finger, 452 
Africa: Denny, 11; Finger, 453; 

Nielsen, 294; Rogers, 310 
Namibia, right of: 14; Denny, 11, 

14; Yost, 301 
Southern Rhodesia (Eaves), 414 
U.N. role (Wiggins), 10 
Semple, Robert B., Jr., 279 
Senegal, radio regulations (Geneva, 
1959), partial revision, notifica- 
tion of approval, 432 
Sentinel system (Nixon), 159, 160, 

273, 275 
Seward, William H. (quoted), 75 
Shakespeare, Frank J., jr., 211 
Sharma, Kul Shekhar, 390 
Sherer, Albert W., Jr., 188 
Ships and shipping: 

National Maritime Day, 1969, proc- 
lamation, 297 
Treaties, agreements, etc.: 
Load lines: 

International convention 
(1930), final protocol and 
annexes, Denmark (denunci- 
ation), 87 
International convention 
( 1 966 ) , current actions : Bel- 
gium, Bulgaria, 188; Cuba, 
287; Cyprus, 524; Germany, 
499; Nigeria, 20; Pakistan, 
87; Philippines, 416; U.A.R., 
87 ; Yugoslavia, 20 
Maritime traffic, international, 
convention ( 1965) , with annex, 
Tunisia, 287 
Salvage at sea, convention (1910) 
for unification of certain rules, 
protocol amending, Austria, 
U.S. fishing boat incidents off coast 

of Peru, 184 
U.S. vessels, bilateral agreements re 
loans of: Argentina, 88; China, 
Shoup, David M. (Rogers), 360 
Shub, Anatole, 514 
Sierra Leone, treaties, agreements, etc., 

Sieverts, Frank A., 162 
Singapore (see also Association of 
Southeast Asian Nations) : 
Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 146 
Australian and New Zealand peace- 
keeping forces: 480; Rogers, 
Cotton textile agreement with U.S., 

announcement and text, 136 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 72, 432, 

U.K. withdrawal from, question of 
effect (Rusk), 51 

Sino-Soviet dispute: Nixon, 316; Rich- 
ardson, 558; Rogers, 361 
SIPRI (International Peace Research 

Institute, Stockholm), 335, 412 
Sisco, Joseph J.: 27, 188, 391, 443; 

Rogers, 532 
Sithole, Ndabaningi, 415 
Slavery and slave trade, convention 
(1926), and supplementary con- 
vention (1956): Ethiopia, 331; 
Mongolia, 215 
Smith, Gerard C: 159n, 211, 333; 

Fisher, 409; Popper, 343 
Smith, Merriman, 157, 276, 377 
SNAP (Systems for Nuclear Auxiliary 

Power) : Seaborg, 183 
Sneider, Richard L., 164 
Somali Republic, U.S. Ambassador 

(Hadsel), confirmation, 476 
Sonnenfeldt, Helmut, 164 
South Africa: 

Air transport agreement with U.S., 

question of (Loy), 394 
Apartheid: 151; Goldschmidt, 9; 
Loy, 395; Sisco, 29; Wiggins, 
9; Yost, 302, 566 
Economic and political problems 

(Denny), 13 
Namibia, administration of: 153; 
Denny, 11, 14; Finger, 453; 
Yost, 301 _ 
U.N. resolution, text, 14 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 119, 455 
UNCTAD, question of continued 
membership: lOn, 151; Gold- 
schmidt, 8; Sisco, 29; Wiggins, 
9, 81 
South West Africa. See Namibia 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, 
14th council meeting, Bangkok 
(Rogers), 357, 433, 477, 483 
Delegations, 480 
Text of final communique, 479 
Southern Rhodesia (Finger), 453 
U.N. resolution, U.S. position: 153; 
Eaves, 413; Finger, 414 
Southern Yemen, treaties, agreements, 

etc., 156, 416 
Soviet Union: 

Arab-Israeli conflict, question of 
role in. See Arab-Israeli con- 
Armament capability: Nixon, 274, 
279, 315, 379, 380; Richard- 
son, 418; Rogers, 308, 363, 397 
Arms supplies to: 

Middle East: Nixon, 244; Sisco, 

29, 392, 444 
Pakistan (Rogers), 505 
Viet-Nam (Nixon), 243, 244 
Arms talks with U.S., proposed. 
See Armaments: Strategic arms 
Atomic energy, cooperation with 
U.S. in use of (Seaborg), 176 
Berlin : 

Allegations of German military ac- 
tivity, 248 
Responsibility for access to: 
NLxon, 238; Tripartite (U.S., 
U.K., France), 186 
Chancery sites, U.S. -Soviet agree- 
ment on leases, 469 
Cold war (Richardson), 558 

Soviet Union — Continued 

Doctrines and policies: 147, Rich- 
ardson, 559; Rogers, 359, 501; 
Wiggins, 80, 81 

INTELSAT membership, question 
of (Marks), 227, 230 

Middle East, four-power talks on. 
See Arab-Israeli conflict 

Northeastern Paciflc fisheries talks 
with U.S., 79 

Nuclear explosions, U.S.-Soviet 
technical talks, 356, 401 

Nuclear tests (Rogers), 397, 534 

Russian as a U.N. working language, 

Search and rescue assistance for U.S. 
reconnaissance plane: 382; 
Nixon, 380 

TASS correspondent required to de- 
part U.S., 514 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 20, 88, 
156, 331, 500 

U.N. peacekeeping costs, position 
on : DePalma, 495 ; Yost, 567 

U.S. ABM decision, interpretation 
of: Nixon, 276, 278; Rogers, 

U.S. Ambassador (Beam), confirma- 
tion, 304 

U.S. confrontation, question of 
(Nixon), 311 (quoted) 

U.S. discussions, question of: 355; 
Nixon, 217, 238, 252, 263, 265, 
353; Rogers, 308, 309, 312, 
362;Saragat, 262, 266 

U.S. fisheries agreements, announce- 
ment, 187 

U.S. relations and efforts to im- 
prove: 323; Richardson, 560; 
Rogers, 501; W. W. Rostow, 5 
Czechoslovakia, effect of: John- 
son, 90; Nixon, 381; Rogers, 
309, 312, 359; Seaborg, 176 

U.S. summit meeting, question of 
(Nixon), 157,240,244,278 

University of Minnesota Concert 
Band tour: Dobrynin, 541; 
Nixon, 540, 541 

Viet-Nam, position and role: 
Nixon, 242, 243, 244; Richard- 
son, 560; Yost, 567 

Visit of Dr. Jarring, 52 
Spaak, Paul-Henri (Brosio), 351 

North African bases: Nixon, 246, 
518; Rogers, 359 

Postal Union of the Americas and 
Spain, convention (1966), 
money order agreement, parcel 
post agreement, and final pro- 
tocols, Paraguay, 236 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 331, 375, 
432, 455, 499, 575 

U.S. Ambassador (Hill), confirma- 
tion, 432 

U.S. defense agreement, extension, 
Squire, David F., 64 
Stans, Maurice H.: 367, 514; Nixon, 

State Department: 

Appointments and designations, 
140, 188, 348, 432, 451, 476. 

Appropriations request FY 1970, 97, 



State Department — Continued 

Assistant Secretaries of State (De- 

Palma, Hillenbrand, Sisco) : 

confirmations, 188; Green, 

432; Meyer, 348; Nixon, 159 

Chief of Protocol (Mosbacher), 

confirmation, 140 
Classified foreign policy records 
1939-1941 opened to re- 
searchers, 543 
Counselor (Pedersen), confirma- 
tion, 140 
Foreign policy responsibilities : 

Greenwald, 545; Rogers, 125 
Latin America, interests in (Rocke- 
feller), 470 
Publications. See Publications 
Reorganization, question of 

(Rogers), 360 
Secretary of State (Rogers), con- 
firmation, 140 
Foreign policy responsibilities: 
163, 165; Nixon, 160, 169; 
Rogers, 164 
Under Secretary of State (Richard- 
son), confirmation, 140 
WMO, role in, 370 
State of the Union (excerpts) ; John- 
son, 89 
Stateless persons and refugees, pro- 
tocol I to universal copyright 
convention (1952), Tunisia, 475 
Stevenson. Adlai (quoted), 565 
Stewart, Michael, 502 
Stikker, Dr. (Brosio), 351 
Straits of Tiran {see also Arab-Israeli 
conflict) : Rogers, 305-306; 
Sisco, 393, 445 
Strategic arms control (Greenwald), 

Sudan, law of treaties, convention 

(1969), signature, 548 
Suez Canal (see also Arab-Israeli con- 
flict) : Rogers, 306; Sisco, 393, 
Sukhoruchenko, M. N., 79 
Sullivan, William H., 432 
Surplus property agreement with 

Indonesia, 172 
Swaziland : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 331 396, 

455, 548, 576 
U.N. membership, 149 
Sweden, treaties, agreements, etc., 119, 


International civil aviation conven- 
tion (1944), protocol on au- 
thentic trilingual text, accept- 
ance, 139 
U.S. Ambassador (Davis), con- 
firmation, 476 
Visit of Secreary Stans, 367 
Symington, Stuart, 32, 149 
Syrian Arab Republic, treaties, agree- 
ments, etc., 172, 476 
Szabo, Daniel, 500 

Tagore, Rabindranath, 131 
Taiwan {see also China, Republic of) : 
Rusk, 48 
Economic development: 107; U. A. 
Johnson, 490; W. W. Rostow, 
Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 

Tanzania : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 75 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 331, 548 
Tape, Gerald F., 356,401 
Tariff Commission, U.S., appropria- 
tions request FY 1970, 97 
Tariff policy, U.S. {see also Economic 
policy and relations; Tariffs and 
trade, general agreement on; and 
Trade) : 
American selling price: 106; John- 
son, 102 
Protectionism, dangers of: Barnett, 
448; Johnson, 91, 102; Nixon, 
160, 242; Richardson, 193; 
Rusk, 50 
Reprocessed wool fabrics, tariff re- 
duction recommended (John- 
son), 92 
Tariffs and trade, general agreement 
on; 92, 105, 113 
Agreements, exchange of notes, 
proces-verbal, and protocols: 
Accessions to, current actions on: 
Tunisia, provisional: 

4th proces-verbal: Denmark, 

5th proces-verbal: Austra- 
lia, Austria, 156; Cana- 
da, Cuba, 331; Czecho- 
slovakia, 548 ; Denmark, 
120; France, 288; Ger- 
many, 548; India, Japan, 
156; Kenya, 548; Malawi, 
331; Netherlands, 188; 
Nigeria, 331; Norway, 
120; Pakistan, 188; Tan- 
zania, 548; Tunisia, 120; 
Turkey, 288; U.K., 156 
U. A.R., provisional : Austria, 
3rd proces-verbal : Austria, 

Denmark, 120 
4th proces-verbal: Australia, 
Austria, 156; Canada, 
Cuba, 331; Czechoslo- 
vakia, 548; Denmark, 120; 
France, 288 ; Germany, 
548; India, Japan, 156; 
Kenya, 548 ; Netherlands, 
188; Nigeria, 331; Nor- 
way, 120; Pakistan, 188; 
Tanzania, 548; Turkey, 
288; U.A.R., 331; U.K., 
Article VI, implementation: Ger- 
many, 156; Netherlands, 288 
French text, protocol of rectifica- 
tion: Uruguay, 288 
Entry into force re part I, 303 
Geneva (196?) protocol: Ger- 
many, Netherlands, 156 
New schedule III — Brazil — proto- 
col re negotiations for estab- 
lishment: Burma, Chile, Nica- 
ragua, 120; Uruguay, 288 
Entry into force, 304 
Part I and articles XXIX and 
XXX, protocol amending, proc- 
es-verbal of rectification: Uru- 
guay, 288 
Part IV on trade and develop- 
ment, protocol and annex I: 
Burma, Greece, Haiti, Nica- 
ragua, 120; Uruguay, 288 
Preamble and parts II and III, 
protocol: Uruguay, 288 

Tariffs and trade, agreement — Con. 
Agreements — Continued 

Rectifications and modifications 
to texts of GATT schedules: 
5th protocol: Uruguay, 288 

Entry into force, 304 
6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th protocols: 
Nicaragua, 120; Uruguay, 
Entry into force, 304 
Taxation : 

Border tax adjustments: 106; John- 
son, 102; Nixon, 242 
Tax surcharge extension (Johnson), 
Taylor, Maxwell D., 295 
Technical assistance: 97, 98; Johnson, 
117; Nixon, 515, 516; Richard- 
son, 571 
IMF facilities (Goldschmidt), 16 
U.N. (Yost), 326 
Technical cooperation agreement with 

Afghanistan, 188 
Technology. See Science and tech- 
Telecommunications {see also Radio) : 
International convention (1965), 
with annexes: Afghanistan, 
347; Albania, 548; Austria, 
347; Chad, 119; Cuba, 432; 
Germany (including Land Ber- 
lin), 331; Hungary, 347; Iran, 
432; Italy, 119; Jamaica, 499; 
Kenya, 119; Luxembourg, 331; 
Malawi, 347; Morocco, 119; 
Nicaragua, Poland, 347; Portu- 
guese overseas provinces, 88; 
Thailand, 432; Venezuela, 499 
Satellites. See Communications : Sat- 
Telles, Raymond, 544 
Thailand {see also Association of 
Southeast Asian Nations and 
Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza- 
tion) : 
Communist activity in: Rusk, 49; 

SEATO, 480 
Economic development: U. h. John- 
son, 490; Rogers, 398; W. W. 
Rostow, 6; SEATO, 480 
Military and other aid to Viet- 
Nam : 482 ; U. A. Johnson, 492 ; 
SEATO, 480 
7-nation meeting of representatives 
of Viet-Nam and nations con- 
tributing troops. See Viet- 
Nam: Bangkok meeting 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 432, 548 
U.S. military and economic assist- 
ance: Nixon, 518; Richardson, 
570, 573 
Thanat Khoman, 481 
Thanh, Tran Chanh, 481 
Theis,J. William, 279, 378 
Thieu, Nguyen Van: 550, 553; Nixon, 

457; Rogers, 307, 358, 462 
Thomas, John Frederick, 223 
Thompson, Llewellyn F. : 540n; Nixon, 

TIROS satellites, 370 
To Continue Action for Human Rights, 

Togo, treaties, agreements, etc., 215, 

Toon, Malcolm, 476 
Touring and tourism, 404 

U.S. balance of payments consider- 
ations (Johnson), 101 



Trade {see also Agricultural surpluses; 
Economic policy and relations, 
U.S.; European Economic Com- 
munity; Exports; Imports; Tariff 
policy, U.S.; and Tariffs and 
trade, general agreement on) : 
Balance of payments. See Balance of 

Expansion, need for, 324 
Japan: Harnett, 448; Rusk, 93 
Latin .'Vmerica (Meyer), 441 
Less developed countries: 106, 196; 

Meyer, 441 
Nontariflf trade barriers: 92, 105, 
514; Johnson, 102; NLxon, 242; 
Richardson, 193 
Pacific Basin (U. A. Johnson), 489 
Southern Rhodesia, effect of sanc- 
tions (Eaves), 414 
Transit trade of land-locked states, 
convention (1965): Denmark, 
Turkey, 416 
U.N. Commission on International 

Trade Law, 155 
U.N. Conference on Trade and De- 
velopment, 1968, 107 

European Communities trade 

talks, 514 
Free trade association member- 
ship, question of, 92 
Policies: 91; Johnson, 90; Loy, 

394; Nixon, 404 
South Africa (Loy), 395 
Soviet and Eastern Europe, non- 
.strategic trade (Greenwald), 
U.S.-Canada Joint Cabinet Com- 
mittee on Trade and Economic 
Policy, 324 
Visit of Secretary Stans to Europe 
and Asia, 367 
World Trade Week, 1969, proc- 
lamation, 297 
Trade Expansion Act of 1962, amend- 
ment urged, 91, 106 
Transportation, World Weather 

Watch, value to, 368 
Transportation Department, 371, 374 
Travel {see also Touring and tour- 
ism), foreign travel to U.S., en- 
couragement, 404 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Current actions, 20, 42, 72, 87, 119, 
139, 156, 172, 187, 215, 236, 
272, 287, 303, 331, 347, 375, 
395, 415, 431, 455, 475, 499, 
Law of, convention (1969): 
Afghanistan, Argentina, Bar- 
bados, Bolivia, Brazil, Cambo- 
dia, Chile, Columbia, Congo 
(Brazzaville), Costa Rica, 
Ecuador, Finland, Ghana, 
Guatemala, Guyana, Hon- 
duras, Iran, Jamaica, Kenya, 
Liberia, Madagascar, Mexico, 
Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, Peru, 
Philippines, Sudan, Trinidad 
and Tobago, Uruguay, Yugo- 
slavia, Zambia, 548 
Treaties and Other International 
Agreements of the United 
States of America 1776-1949, 
released, 139 

Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 
Treaties in Force: A List of Treaties 
and Other International Agree- 
ments of the United States in 
Force on January 1, 1969, re- 
leased, 332 
Trezise, Philip H., 171, 451 
Trinidad and Tobago: 

Income tax convention, announce- 
ment, 138 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 120, 475, 
Troxel, Oliver L., Jr., 500 
Trudeau, Pierre Elliot: 28 (quoted), 

319, 321, 323; Nixon, 320 
Trust Territory of the Pacific: 
Japan-U.S. agreement re, 476 
Visit of Secretary Hickel, 424 

Economic development (W. W. 

Rostow) , 6 
Treaties, astreements, etc., 88, 120, 
156, 188, 287, 288, 331, 475, 
U.S. -owned foreign currency, 52 
Turkey : 

Economic development: Johnson, 
117; Richardson, 570; W. W. 
Rostow, 6 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 156, 216, 

288, 416 
U.S. aid (Richardson), 570, 573 
U.S. Ambassador (Handley), con- 
firmation, 432 


Uganda, radio regulations (Geneva, 
1959), partial revision re mari- 
time mobile service, notification 
of approval, 331 
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, 
treaties, agreements, etc., 272, 347 
UNCITRAL (United Nations Com- 
mission on International Trade 
Law), 155 
UNCTAD. See United Nations Con- 
ference on Trade and Develop- 
UNCURK (United Nations Commis- 
sion for the Unification and Re- 
habilitation of Korea) : Syming- 
ton, 32 
UNDP. See United Nations Develop- 
ment Program 
UNICEF (United Nations Children's 

Fund): 281; Yost, 328 
United Arab Republic : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 20, 87, 
119, 120, 156, 188, 288, 331, 
U.S. -owned foreign currency, sales 
to U.S. tourists, 52 
United Kingdom: 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 

Balance of payments, 108 
Berlin, position on, 186, 248 
Devaluation of pound sterling, 
problems arising from, 107, 110 
Four-power talks on Middle East. 

See Arab-Israeli conflict 
INTELSAT participation (Marks), 

Singapore and South Asia, U.K. 
withdrawal from, question of 
effect (Rusk), 51 

United Kindgom — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 43, 87, 

156, 272, 347, 348, 376, 548 
U.S. Ambassador (Annenberg), 

confirmation, 304 
Visit of President Nixon: Nixon, 

157, 158, 237, 254, 256; Wil- 
son, 253 

Visit of Secretary Stans, 367 
United Nations: 

Accomplishments and role: De- 

Palma, 496; Nixon (quoted), 

564; Rogers, 311; Sisco, 29; 

Wiggins, 80; Yost, 326, 564 

Administrative system, revision 

needed (DePalma), 496 
Bonds repayment (Wiggins), 55 
Budget, 154, 1567i 
Documents, lists of, 345, 429, 454 
Headquarters expansion, 155 

Charter provisions: Goldschmidt, 

8; Wiggins, 10 
Conmiunist China, question of: 
149; Nixon, 141; Wiggins, 82; 
Yost, 567 
Equatorial Guinea, 88 
Expansion: 149; Sisco, 29; Yost, 
566, 568 
National United Nations Day for 

1969, 451 
Outer space, role in: 150; DePalma, 
493 ; Wiggins, 83, 84; Yost, 566 
Peacekeeping operations and prob- 
lems of: DePalma, 495; Nixon 
(quoted), 311; Rogers, 311, 
363; Sisco, 29; Wiggins, 84; 
Yost, 325, 564 
Netherlands support (Nixon), 
Seabed and ocean floor resources, 
role in development: DePalma, 
494; Popper, 343; Smith, 335 
Southern Rhodesia, Special Commit- 
tee resolution: Eaves, 413; 
Finger, 414; text, 415 
Specialized agencies: Nixon, 293; 

Yost, 326 
25th anniversary, observance (Yost), 

U.S. deputy representatives (Buf- 
fum, Phillips), confirmation, 348 
U.S. representative (Yost), confir- 
mation, 140 
U.S. support (Nixon, quoted), 325, 

451, 568 
Working languages, 154 
United Nations Association of the 
United States of America (Yost), 
United Nations Charter : 

Current actions : Equatorial Guinea, 

Principles: Denny, 1 2 ; Goldschmidt, 
8; Warner, 66; Wiggins, 10; 
Yost, 326 
United Nations Children's Fund 

(UNICEF): 281; Yost, 328 
United Nations Commission for the 
Unification and Rehabilitation of 
Korea: 149; Symington, 32 
United Nations Commission on In- 
ternational Trade Law, 155 



United Nations Conference on Trade 
and Development, 1968, 107 
South African membership, question 
of continuance: lOn, 151; 
Goldschmidt, 8; Sisco, 29; 
Wiggins, 9, 81 
United Nations Development Decade, 
Second: 152, 153; Goldschmidt, 
_ 15;Yost, 327, 566 
United Nations Development Pro- 
gram: 150; Goldschmidt, 15; 
Squire, 65 ; Yost, 566 
U.S. contributions: Nixon, 517; 
Richardson, 572; Yost, 326 
United Nations Disarmament Commis- 
sion: 150; Foster, 62 
United Nations Educational and 
Training Program for Southern 
Africans (Yost), 329 
United Nations Human Rights Prizes, 

United Nations Industrial Develop- 
ment Organization, 154 
United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency for Palestine (Michel- 
more, quoted), 40 
Extension of: 151; Cooper, 39 
United Nations Secretary-General's 

Population Trust Fund, 38 
United Nations Truce Supervision Or- 
ganization (Yost), 340 
United Nations Trust Fund for South 

Africa (Yost), 329 
United States citizens and nationals: 
Foreign policy records research, 543 
Moroccan dirhams, purchase of, 52 
Relief contributions: 281; Cooper, 
United States Information Agency 
(Rogers), 126 
Appropriations request FY 1970, 97, 

Director (Shakespeare), confirma- 
tion, 211 
United States-Mexico Commission 
for Border Development and 
Friendship: Diaz Ordaz, 26; 
Johnson, 22 
U.S. chairman (Meyer), announce- 
ment, 544 
United States-Mexico International 
Boundary and Water Commission 
(Johnson), 21 
U.S.S. Liberty, 473 

U.S.S. Pueblo: 383; Nixon, 380; Sym- 
ington, 33 
Release of crew: 1, 2; Johnson, 1; 
Rusk, 2 
UNTSO (United Nations Truce Su- 
pervision Organization) : Yost, 
Universal copyright convention 
Current actions: Australia, 303; 

Tunisia, 475 
Protocols 1, 2, 3: Tunisia, 475 
Universal Postal Union. See Postal 
matters Upper Volta, radio regu- 
lations (Geneva, 1959), partial 
revision re maritime mobile serv- 
ice, notification of approval, 348 
Upshur, Abel P. (Rogers), 397 
Urban renewal: Dubos, 134; Nixon, 

Uruguay : 

Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 146 
Treaties, agreements, etc., 288, 548, 

Vaky, Viron P., 164 
Van Hollen, Christopher, 476 
van Lennep, Emile, 196 
Vance, Cyrus R. (Rusk), 48 
Vance, Sheldon B., 500 
Vatican City State : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 348, 499 
U.S. pennanent representative, ques- 
tion of (Nixon) , 239 
Visit of President Ni.xon: Nixon, 
270; Pope Paul VI, 270 
Vaughn, Jack Hood, 500 
Velasco Alvarado, Juan, 364 
Venezeula, treaties, agreements, etc., 

215, 236, 347, 499 

Bangkok meeting of allied foreign 
ministers: 481, 551; Rogers, 
307, 357, 433, 483; text of com- 
munique, 481 

Civilian' (Lodge), 220, 247, 291, 

Communist (Lodge), 290, 390 
U.S.: Lodge, 435; Nixon, 240, 
278, 378 
Cease-fire, proposed: 148; Lodge, 
436; Nixon, 143; Rogers, 307, 
Civil liberties (Rogers), 361, 533 
Coalition government, question of: 
482, 551; Lodge, 508; Rogers, 
464, 530, 532 ;_ Walsh, 555 
Communism, rejection of (Lodge), 

Communist aggression and subver- 
Communist attacks continued, 
U.S. response, question of: 
Lodge, 247; Nixon, 241, 276, 
Communist responsibility for sit- 
uation: Lodge, 144, 166, 185, 
220,290,316, 317,365,388, 
402, 419, 435; Nixon, 277; 
Rusk, 47, 49; Walsh, 338 
Terror tactics: Lodge, 166, 220, 
221, 247, 280, 291,317,419, 
435, 469; Rogers, 247, 461, 
Weapons and ammunition, sources 
of: Lodge, 317 ; SEATO, 479 
Communist objectives, failure to 

achieve, 551 
Communist offensives (Lodge), 290, 

Communist propaganda (see also un- 
der Paris peace talks) : Lodge, 
290, 420 
Communist reliance on U.S. public 
opinion: Lodge, 465; Nixon, 
239, 461 
Demilitarized zone: Lodge, 222, 
365; Rusk, 46 
U.S. pioposals: Lodge, 124, 144, 
145, 167, 190, 220, 248, 291, 
367, 390, 402, 420, 436, 485; 
Rogers, 307, 399; Walsh, 339 

Viet-Nam — Continued 

Economic and social development: 
481, 552; U. A. Johnson, 490; 
Lodge, 185; Nixon, 549 
Elections (Rogers), 505 

Participation of all political ele- 
ments, question of: 552; Lodge, 
468, 486, 507, 508, 536; Nixon, 
459, 460; Richardson, 418; 
Rogers, 307, 358, 532; Walsh, 
Supervision, proposals for: 
ICC (Rogers), 532 
International: Lodge, 465, 487; 
Nixon, 460; Rogers, 530, 
551; Walsh, 555 
National Liberation Front 

(Rogers), 530, 533 
South Vietnamese (Rogers), 
464, 533 
Freedom of press (Rogers), 464, 533 
Geneva accords: 

Basis for peace, as: Lodge, 124, 
125, 185, 190, 220, 248, 
367, 485, 535; Nixon, 460; 
Rogers, 307; SEATO, 479; 
Walsh, 339 
Communist violations (Lodge), 
317, 389, 419 
International law aspects (Lodge), 

Manila formula (Rogers), 358 
Midway meeting of President Nixon 
and President Thieu: joint 
statement, 550; Ni.xon, 549, 
552; Rogers, 464, 530; Thieu, 
550,553; Walsh, 555 
Military and other aid from other 
countries: 482; U. A. Johnson, 
492; Lodge, 144, 185; Nixon, 
437, 438; SEATO, 479, 480 
Mutual troop withdrawals, U.S. po- 
sition: 482, 551; Lodge, 124, 
144, 167, 185, 191, 220, 248, 
291, 318, 366, 390, 402, 420, 
434, 435, 466, 467, 468, 486, 
487, 506, 535; Nixon, 143, 459, 
554; Richardson, 417; Rogers, 
307, 358, 359, 399, 463, 484; 
Walsh, 339, 554 
National Liberation Front: 
Status (Rusk), 47, 48 
South Vietnamese willingness for 
discussions. See South Vietnam- 
ese, infra 
National reconciliation, 551-552 
National rights (Lodge), 535 
Neutrality, question of, 486 
Open arms policy, 481 
Pacification program: 481; NLxon, 

239,549; Thieu, 550 
Paris peace talks: 148; Johnson, 91 ; 
Lodge, 124, 144, 145, 166, 184, 
190, 220, 247, 280, 290, 316, 
365, 388, 401, 418, 434, 467, 
485 507, 535; Walsh, 338, 554 
Communist military activity, 
question of effect on: Bartch, 
221, 247, 468; Nixon, 239, 460; 
221, 247", 468 ; Nixon, 239, 460; 
Rogers, 247, 463 ; SEATO, 479; 
Walsh, 556 
Communist position: Lodge, 166, 
418; Rogers, 433, 531 



Viet-Nam — Continued 

Paris peace talks — Continued 
Communist position — Continued 
Contrasted with U.S. and 
South Vietnamese : 482, 55 1 ; 
Lodge, 190, 220, 280, 366, 
507, 535; Nixon, 459; Rog- 
ers, 399; Walsh, 554 
National Liberation Front: 
Lodge, 466, 468, 485; Rog- 
ers, 463 
Communist propaganda : Lodge, 

145; Walsh, 554 
Private talks, question of: Lodge, 
467; Nixon, 157, 276, 314; 
Rogers, 306, 358 
Procedural arrangements: Rusk, 

46, 48; Walsh, 554 
Prospects: Johnson, 89; Lodge, 
25, 434, 466; Nixon, 141, 143, 
157, 243, 277, 378, 457; Rich- 
ardson, 400, 463 ; SEATO, 478 
South Vietnamese representation 
and role: 551 ; Lodge, 185, 291, 
508; Nixon, 460; Rogers, 306, 
400; Rusk, 47; Thieu, 550 
U.S. negotiating team members 

(Nixon), 143, 465 
U.S. position and proposals: 
Lodge, 166, 184, 190, 220, 
248, 280, 366, 434, 465, 467, 
468, 485, 507, 535; Nixon, 
141, 158, 460; Rogers, 307, 
387, 399, 503; SEATO, 479; 
Walsh, 554 
Review and reassessment (Nix- 
on), 158, 457 
Peace : 

France, question of role (Nixon), 

International verification and 
supervision: 482, 551; Lodge, 
436, 467, 468, 487, 507, 508, 
536; Nixon, 459, 460; Rogers, 
307, 464, 505; Walsh, 555, 556 
Prospects for: deGaulle, 78; John- 
son, 90, 91, 95; Lodge, 467; 
Nixon, 143. 243, 377; Rogers, 
362, 464 
U.S. goal: Lodge, 145, 185, 280, 
291, 390, 434; Nixon, 313, 314; 
Richardson, 417, 560; Rogers, 
306, 359, 387, 399, 433, 461, 
462, 463, 478, 501, 505, 506; 
Sisco, 28; Walsh, 339, 554, 556 
Pohtical development: 481, 552 ■; 
Lodge, 185; NLxon, 378; Rog- 
ers, 307, 400, 533; SEATO, 
Communist, testimony of (Lodge), 

Communist treatment: Laird, 
484; Lodge, 487; Rogers, 529 
Exchange or release, U.S. posi- 
tion: Laird, 484; Lodge, 125, 
221, 318, 367, 390, 402, 420, 
436, 485; Rogers, 307, 399; 
SEATO, 479 
U.S. supervisor (Under-Secretary 
Richardson), 162 
Reunification: Lodge, 124, 167, 
185, 191, 221, 248, 402, 436, 
485; Nixon, 459; Rogers, 307 

Viet-Nam — Continued 

Self-determination: 482, 551 
Lodge, 124, 144, 166, 185, 221 
248, 280, 318, 402, 419, 420! 
435, 467, 486, 507, 508, 536 
Nixon, 458, 550; Rogers, 307! 
387, 399, 433, 462, 463, 478; 
484, 501, 503, 505, 506, 532 
SEATO, 479; Walsh, 554 
Soviet Union, position and role 
Nixon, 242, 243, 244; Richard- 
son, 560; Yost, 567 
South Vietnamese: 

Army: 482; Lodge, 403; Nixon, 
158, 243, 378. 549; Rich- 
ardson, 417; Rogers, 399, 
400; SEATO, 479 
Replacement of U.S. forces and 
equipment, gradual: 551; 
Lodge, 435; Nixon, 458, 
549, 553; Richardson, 417; 
Rogers, 399, 400, 463, 464, 
529; Thieu, 550, 553; Walsh, 
Decisions, U.S. respect: 551; 
Lodge, 185, 402, 486; Rogers, 
529; Walsh, 555 
Legitimate government of South 
Viet-Nam: Lodge, 185, 221, 
280, 291, 402, 509; Rusk, 47 
People: Lodge, 166; Nixon, 552; 

Richardson, 573 ; Rogers, 463 
Self-determination. See Self-deter- 
mination, supra 
Willingness to talk to NLF: 481, 
551, 552; Lodge, 434, 468, 486; 
Nixon, 459; Richardson, 417, 
419; Rogers, 30?, 358, 400, 
531; Walsh, 555 
Treaties, agreements etc., 88, 172, 

216, 236 
U.N. role: 148; Yost, 567 
U.S. commitment: Johnson, 90, 91; 
Nixon, 458, 461; Rogers, 463; 
W. W. Rostow, 5, 6 ; Rusk, 48, 
U.S.-Communist confrontation, 

question of (Nixon), 458 
U.S. consultation with South Viet- 
namese and allies {see also 
Bangkok meeting and Midway 
meeting, supra): Nixon, 460, 
553; Rogers, 306, 387, 462, 
463 ; Thieu, 553 
U.S. MiUtary and economic aid: 
114; Johnson, 89, 95; Lodge, 
Appropriations request FY 1970: 
97, 98; Nixon, 518; Richard- 
son, 570, 573 
U.S. Military escalation, question 

of: Nixon, 277; Rogers, 307 
U.S. Military forces: 

Manpower levels and deployment 

(Lodge), 291 
Morale: Johnson, 90 ; Nixon, 259, 

459 ; Rogers, 463 
Unilateral withdrawals : Lodge, 
402, 419, 435, 465, 486, 507. 
535; Nixon, 378, 458, 549; 
Richardson, 417; Rogers, 
359, 360, 462; Walsh, 555 
Timing: Nixon, 549; Rogers, 
529, 533 
Withdrawal, conditions f or : 
Nixon, 158, 243, 279, 313,457; 
Rogers, 399 

Viet-Nam — Continued 

U.S. military intelligence (Lodge), 

290, 435 
U.S. military operations, escalation. 
Communist allegations o f : 
Lodge, 145, 222, 291; Rogers, 
U.S. objectives {see also Paris peace 
talks: U.S. position and propo- 
sals, supra): Lodge, 124, 144, 
191,248, 318, 435, 4671; Nixon, 
313; Rogers, 462; Sisco, 28; 
Walsh, 554 
U.S. public opinion: Nixon, 243, 
313; Richardson, 418; W. W. 
Rostow, 4; Rusk 50 
Communist reliance on: Lodge, 
465; Nixon, 239,461 
Visit of Secretary Rogers: 434; 
Nixon, 460; Rogers, 357, 433, 
461, 462, 463 
Visas, reduction or abolition of certain 
fees, agreement with Romania, 
Volcker, Paul, 171 
Voluntary assistance program, 372 
von Braun, Sigismund, 248 


Wald, George (Richardson), 557 
Walsh, Lawrence: 338, 554; Nixon, 
465 ' . > 

War crimes, time limits, 153 
Wanier, Marvin L., 66 
Washburn, Abbott, 367 
Water (see also Pollution) : 

Desalination, U.S. joint study proj- 
ects (Seaborg), 182 
El Morrillo salinity problem (Diaz 
Ordaz), 23 
Watson, Arthur K.: 472; Rockefeller, 

Webb, James (Johnson), 76, 77 
Welsh, Ed (Johnson), 76 
Welsh, Matthew E., 234 

International Grains Arrangement. 

Wheat trade convention, current 
actions: Costa Rica, 172; 
Cuba, 72; Ecuador, 475; Ger- 
many, Greece, 376; Iran, 215; 
Peru, Portugal, 43 
Whitman, Walter G. (quoted), 179 
Wiggins, James Russell, 9, 36, 53. 54, 

55,78,80,84,152 (quoted) 
Williamsburg, Va. (de Jong), 562 
Wilson, Harold: 253, 255; Nixon, 245 
Wilson, Richard L., 241 
Wilson, Woodrow (quoted), 250, 255, 

Women : 

Political rights, convention (1953): 
Austria (with reservation), 
456; Ethiopia, 288; Laos, 304 
U.N. Commission on the Status of 
Women, U.S. representative 
(Koontz), appointment, 167 
Woods, George D. : 472, Gold- 

schmidt, 16; Rockefeller, 471 
Woodward, Gilbert H. : 1 ; Johnson, 

2; Rusk, 2 
World Bank. See International Bank 
for Reconstruction and Develop- 



World Food Program: 281; Cooper, 

World grains arrangement (1967), 
memorandum of agreement on 
basic elements for negotiations: 
Netherlands, 303 
World Health Organization: Dubos, 
135; Squire, 64 
Constitution (1946): Mauritius, 
World Intellectual Property Organiza- 
tion, convention (1967) : 
Current actions: Byelorussian Soviet 
Socialist Republic, 416; Ro- 
mania, 376; Soviet Union, 88; 
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Re- 
public, 272; U.K., 376 
U.S. ratification urged (Nixon), 
World Meteorological Organization: 

370; Dubos, 135 
World order: 

Interdependence of modem world: 

Nixon, 251; Pope Paul VI, 

270; Rogers, 387; W. W. 

Rostow, 6;Sisco, 27, 391 

Principles: 355; Nixon, 352, 519; 

Rusk, 50 
U.S. role: 559; Nixon, 525; Rusk, 

World peace: Johnson, 3, 21; Nixon, 
461; Pope Paul VI, 270; Rostow, 
Southeast Asia, importance to: 
Nixon, 458; Rogers, 484; Rusk, 
49; SEATO, 479 
U.S. goal: 96; Johnson, 89, 96; 
Nixon, 121, 249, 250, 255, 256, 
289, 316; Rogers, 388 
World Trade Week, 1969, proclama- 
tion, 297 
World Weather Watch (Dubos), 135 
U.S. plan for participation: 368; 
Nixon, 368 

Year 2000, The (Barnett), 449 
Yemen Arab Republic, Universal Pos- 
tal Union, constitution (1964), 
with final protocols, 236 
Yost, Charles: 

Addresses, correspondence, remarks, 
and statements: 
Civilian aviation, safeguards for, 

Disarmament, 327 
Foreign aid, 326 

Iraq, mass public executions de- 
plored, 145 
Israel, Security Council resolution 
and U.S. position, 340, 341 

Yost, Charles — Continued 

Addresses, correspondence — Con. 
Korea, Communist: i 

U.S. reconnaissance aircraft , 

shot down by, 383 re 
Violations of Armistice Agree- I 
ment during 1968, 497 I 

Namibia, U.S. support for Secu- | 

rity Council resolution, 301 
Southern Africa, private aid for ! 

U.N. programs, 328, 329 
U.N., 325, 564 | 

Qualifications (Nixon), 159 
U.S. representative to U.N. : con- , 
firmation, 140; Wiggins, 80 | 

Youth, problems of (Nixon), 245 ' 

Yugoslavia (Rogers), 309 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 20, 88, ! 

499, 548 j 

U.S. Ambassador (Leonhart), con- i 

firmation, 432 I 

Zahedi, Ardeshir, 502 

Zambia : 

Treaties, agreements, etc., 87, 548 
U.S. Ambassador (Troxel), confir- 
mation, 500 

Ziegler, Ron, 217 










Vol LX, No. ISJtl 

January 6, 1969 



U.S. Sfiitiiiicnfx 8 


htj W. W. RosfouK fipcc'uil AxuUtiint to the Pie'Vdent 4 

JAN 29 

For index see inside back cocer 



Vol. LX, No. 1541 
January 6, 1969 

For sale by tUe Supetinlendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 


52 Issues, domestic $16. foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11, l<ie6). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OF 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is indexed in 

the Readers' Oukle to Periodical Literature. 

'/7ie Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by tlve 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
in terested agencies of the Government 
with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and tlie Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various piloses of interna- 
tioTuil affairs and tlie functions of tlie 
Department. Information is included 
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States is or may become a party 
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national relations are listed currently. 

Crew of U.S.S. Pueblo Released at Panmunjom; 
U.S. Position on Facts Unchanged 


Department press release 280 dated December 22 

The crew of the U.S.S. Pueblo was freed to- 
day at Panmunjom. They will immediately be 
given medical examinations and returned to the 
United States. Their families will meet them in 
San Diego. 

The agreement to free the men involved the 
acceptance by both sides of the following pro- 
cedure. General Woodward, our negotiator, 
signed a document prepared by the North 
Koreans. He made a formal statement for the 
record just before signing. The text of his state- 
ment had earlier been transmitted to the North 
Koreans and they had accepted our require- 
ment that this statement be coupled with the 
signature of their document. Our statement 

The position of the United States Government with 
regard to the Puehlo, as consistently expressed in the 
negotiations at Panmunjom and in public, has been 
that the ship was not engaged In illegal activity, that 
there is no convincing evidence that the ship at any 
time intruded into the territorial waters claimed by 
North Korea, and that we could not apologize for ac- 
tions which we did not believe took place. The document 
which I am going to sign was prepared by the North 
Koreans and is at variance with the above position, but 
my signature will not and cannot alter the facts. I will 
sign the document to free the crew and only to free the 

General Woodward then signed the North 
Korean document and received the custody of 
the crew. 

As he said. General Woodward placed his 
name on the false North Korean dociunent for 
one reason only : to obtain the freedom of the 
crew who were illegally seized and have been 
illegally held as hostages by the North Koreans 

for almost exactly 11 months. He made clear 
that his signature did not imply the acceptance 
by the United States of the numerous false 
statements in that document. Indeed, the prior 
acceptance by the North Koreans of the state- 
ment which General Woodward read into the 
record just before signing shows clearly their 
recognition of our position that the facts of the 
case call for neither an admission of guilt nor 
for an apology. 


I am deeply gratified that after a long 11 
months of totally unjustified detention by the 
North Koreans, the crew of the U.S.S. Pueblo 
have been freed. They should be reunited with 
their families in time for Christmas, and I am 
happy for them that their time of ordeal ends 
on a note of joy. 

I want to pay tribute also to the patience and 
courage of these relatives while their husbands, 
fathers, and sons were held by the North 

The negotiations at Panmunjom were cruelly 
drawn out, and I am grateful for the under- 
standing which the Pueblo families showed 
through the long and painful period during 
which their Government has sought to free the 

I must express my deep sorrow over the death 
of one crew member, Seaman Duane D. Hodges, 
who was killed while endeavoring to carry out 
his duties during the seizure of the ship. 

I also want to thank our negotiator at Pan- 

* Read to news correspondents by Tom Johnson, Act- 
ing Press Secretary to the President, on Dec. 22 (White 
House press release). 

JANUARY 6, 1969 

munjom, Major General Gilbert H. Woodward. 
He carried out his difficult and successful assign- 
ment with distinction and has preserved the 
integrity of the United States while obtaining 
the release of the men of the Puehlo, 


Department press release 281 dated December 22 

President Johnson and I are pleased to report 
that the United States representative at Pan- 
munjom has just obtained the release of the 
82 officers and men of the U.S.S. Pueblo who last 
January were illegally seized with their sliip on 
the high seas. 

The men will stop first at an American Army 
hospital near Seoul and will fly from there to 
San Diego after any immediate medical needs 
have been met. The body of Seaman Duane D. 
Hodges, who lost his life at the time the ship 
was captured, has also been returned. 

The men were released after long and difficult 
negotiations. The North Korean negotiator in- 
sisted from the beginning that the men would 
not be released unless the United States falsely 
confessed to espionage and to violations of 
North Korean territory and apologized for 
such alleged actions. 

We necessarily refused these demands. We 
repeatedly offered to express our regrets if 
shown valid evidence of a transgression. But 
this Government had — and has now — no reli- 
able evidence that the Pueblo in any way vio- 
lated her sailing orders and intruded into waters 
claimed by North Korea. 

After 10 months of negotiations during which 
we made every sort of reasonable offer, all of 
which were harshly rejected, we had come 
squarely up against a most painful problem: 
how to obtain the release of the crew without 
having this Government seem to attest to state- 
ments which simply are not true. Then within 
the past week, a way which does just that was 
found, and a strange procedure was accepted by 
the North Koreans. Apparently the North 
Koreans believe there is propaganda value even 
in a worthless document which General Wood- 
ward publicly labeled false before he signed it. 

General Woodward said: 

The position of the United States Government with 
regard to the Pueblo, as consistently expressed in the 
negotiations at Panmunjom and In public, has been 
that the ship was not engaged In illegal activity, that 

there is no convincing evidence that the ship at any 
time intruded into the territorial waters claimed by 
North Korea, and that we could not apologize for 
actions which, we did not believe tooli place. The docu- 
ment which I am going to sign vi'as prepared by the 
North Koreans and is at variance with the above posi- 
tion, but my signature will not and cannot alter the 
facts. I will sign the document to free the crew and 
only to free the crew. 

If you ask me why these two contradictory 
statements proved to be the key to effect the re- 
lease of our men, the North Koreans would have 
to explain it. I know of no precedent in my 19 
years of public service. The simple fact is that 
the men are free and our position on the facts 
of the case is unchanged. 

We regret that the ship itself, U.S.S. Pueblo, 
has not yet been returned ; that will have to be 
pursued further. 

During these painful months I met with the 
families of a number of the crew. I want to pay 
tribute to the imderstanding which relatives 
have shown toward our efforts to free the men, 
even at times when it seemed that these efforts 
were getting nowhere. 

And the American people deserve a word of 
thanks. This has been a most frustrating epi- 
sode. There have been a few among us who 
counseled either violent reprisals, which could 
not save the men, or abject surrender to North 
Korean demands. But the great majority of 
our people have kept their heads. And the crew 
has now been released in time to have Christmas 
with their loved ones. 


To the Government of the Democratic People's Re- 
public of Korea, 

The Government of the United States of America, 

Acknowledging the validity of the confessions of the 
crew of the USS Pueblo and of the documents of evi- 
dence produced by the Representative of the Govern- 
ment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea 
to the effect that the ship, which was seized by the 
self-defense measures of the naval vessels of the 
Korean People's Army in the territorial waters of the 
Democratic People's Republic of Korea on January 2.S, 
1968, had illegally intruded into the territorial waters 
of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, 

Shoulders full responsibility and solemnly apolo- 
gizes for the grave acta of espionage committed by the 
U.S. ship against the Democratic People's Republic of 
Korea after having intruded into the territorial waters 
of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, 

And gives firm assurance that no U.S. ships will 
intrude again In the future into the territorial waters 
of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. 


Meanwhile, the Government of the United States of 
America earnestly requests the Government of the 
Democratic People's Republic of Korea to deal leniently 
with the former crew members of the USS Pueblo 
confiscated by the Democratic People's Republic of 
Korea side, taking into consideration the fact that 
these crew members have confessed honestly to their 
crimes and petitioned the Government of the Demo- 
cratic People's Republic of Korea for leniency. 

Simultaneously with the signing of this document, 
the undersigned acknowledges receipt of 82 former 
crew members of the Pueblo and one corpse. 
On behalf of the Government 
of the United States of America 
Gilbert H. Woodward, Major General, USA 

The Lighting of the Nation's 
Christmas Tree 

Remarks iy President Johnson ^ 

For the sixth — and last, — time I have come to 
light this Christmas tree in tlie Nation's Capital. 

My prayer now, as it has been in each of these 
other Decembers, is for peace and reconciliation 
abroad, justice and tranquillity at home. 

This prayer is not easily answered in the 
world in which we live. During the past 5 years 
we have had to act with other nations to pre- 
serve the possibility of freedom for those 
threatened by totalitarian power — to preserve 
the dream in Asia and Latin America and else- 
where of how men might work, in cooperation 
with their neighbors, to lift the great burdens 
of poverty, ignorance, hunger, and disease. 

Our next President will also face many diffi- 
cult challenges in international affairs. He de- 
serves the support of all of us in helping him to 
meet those challenges. I hope, and I believe, that 
what America has done in the past few years 
will strengthen his ability to meet his responsi- 
bilities to America and to the world. 

For here at home, too, we have had to preserve 
a dream : to work day and night to close the gap 
between promise and reality so that all would 
have equal opportunity to fulfill the talents that 
God granted them, and to do so m an environ- 
ment which protected the rights of all, includ- 
ing the right to expect that the law will be 
obeyed by everyone among us. 

We cannot say that we have triumphed in this 
endeavor. But we have begun at long last. 

Problems remain for the President and the 

new administration. But I sense that there is 
coming now in our land an understanding of 
how much can be done if we will only, all of us, 
work together — and how much can be lost if 
men look to violence and confrontation as the 
answer to frustration and injustice. 

At this moment of Christmas we Americans 
join our prayers with all our hiunan brothers 
in a spirit of hope. We pray for an early and 
durable settlement of the war that has called 
many brave young men to duty far from our 
shores and who cannot be in their homes this 
Christmas. In the hour of the Prince of Peace, 
we pray for them, for ourselves, and for all of 
our fellows on this earth. 

I wish all of you a very merry Christmas and 
a full New Year of both peace and happiness. 

President Johnson Joins Appeal 
for Holiday Truce in Nigeria 

Statement hy President Johnson'^ 

His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Ethi- 
opia has appealed to both sides in the Nigerian 
civil war to observe a week-long truce on the 
occasion of Christmas and the Muslim holiday 
of 'Id al-Fitr. 

I wish to express the heartfelt support of the 
American people for this statesmanlike act. We 
earnestly hope that all nations will join us in 
urging the parties in this tragic conflict to ac- 
cept this truce. 

The Nigerian Government has already issued 
orders for a 2-day cease-fire. It is the fervent 
desire of all Americans that this action will be 
reciprocated by the Biaf ran authorities and that 
both sides will agree to extend this arrangement 
to the full period proposed by the Emperor. 

A cease-fire, however brief, will be a precious 
respite from the bloodshed and destruction that 
has stricken Nigeria. But silencing the guns for 
7 days will not alone save the millions who face 
starvation or heal the deep wounds dividing a 
great nation. 

Only the end of fighting will permit a deeply 
concerned world to provide the necessary quan- 
tities of food and medicine to those in desperate 
need on both sides of the lines of battle. From 
this pause we hope that both sides will summon 
new courage to make peace. 

' Made at Washington, D.C., on Dee. 16 (White 
press release). 

'Issued on Dec. 21 (White House press release). 

JANUARY 6, 1969 

Limits and Responsibilities of American Power 

hy W. W. Rostow 

Special Assistant to the President ^ 

The theme of your meeting is clearly well 
chosen. The coming in of a new administration 
is inevitably a time for stocktaking. The Na- 
tion's debate over policy in Viet-Nam has, more- 
over, raised in many minds the question of the 
limits and responsiliilities of American power. 

And there is a tliird reason to consider the 
theme. We are more than a generation beyond 
the fundamental decisions taken by the Nation 
in the face of Stalin's effort to thrust into West- 
em Europe. We are almost 22 years from that 
memorable day in February 1947 when the First 
Secretary of the British Embassy brought word 
to the State Department that the United King- 
dom could no longer bear the burdens of sup- 
porting Greece and Turkey. The famous 18 
weeks followed — weeks which yielded the 
Truman doctrine and the Marshall Plan and 
which set the pattern for our global policy ever 
since. It is fair to examine critically where we 
have come fi-om since the spring of 1947 and 
where we should go. 

But in opening up the subject, I should like 
to begin not with broad generalizations but by 
recalling the 8 years through which we all have 
passed, the 8 years since we were last in a tran- 
sition between administrations. I suspect that 
we shall be able to plot the course ahead with 
greater wisdom if we look at the question of 
how U.S. power can and cannot — should and 
should not — be applied in fairly specific terms. 

When President Kennedy and then-Vice 
President Johnson came to responsibility on 
January 20, 1961, here were their major foreign 
policy concerns: 

' Keynote address at the 14th Student Conference on 
National Affairs, on the "Limits and Responsibilities 
of American Power," at Texas A. and M. University, 
College Station, Tex., on Dec. 4 (White House press 

— Castro had taken over Cuba, was mounting 
significant subversive operations in the Carib- 
bean area; and Latin America was shaken by 
the possibility that Castro's pattern of revolu- 
tion might prove to be the wave of the future 
throughout the region. 

— Khrushchev's ultimatiun of 1958 still hung 
over Berlin, backed by the image of Soviet 
nuclear strength and Khrushchev's conviction 
that the West would not hold up in the face of 
nuclear blackmail pressed by a hardened Bol- 
shevik against a materialist and uncertain 

— President Eisenhower informed President- 
elect Kennedy on the 19th of January that Laos 
was in a state of military, and possibly political, 
disintegration endangering the whole of South- 
east Asia and that the new President had to face 
the possibility of putting U.S. forces into the 
area to back our treaty commitments and pre- 
serve the region from Communist control. 

— Elsewhere in Asia, South Korea was a 
study in stagnation and political instability; 
Japan was isolated from the rest of Asia, its re- 
lations with the United States badly strained ; 
Indonesia engaged in dangerous adventures 
abroad, with Sukarno dependent increasingly 
on a strong Communist Party at home, import- 
ing a billion dollars of Communist arms, and 
leading his country to bankruptcy. 

— Many states of Africa were just emerging 
into precarious independence; the Congo, in 
particular, was in dangerous turmoil, with a 
major effort underway to establish there a 
Communist base. 

— Eelations with the So\aet Union were at a 
very low ebb with the failure of the summit in 
Paris of May 1960 and the U-2 incident. 

— The ability of the United States to sustain 
its forces in Europe was shadowed by the heavy 


balance-of-payments drain they caused, and 
President Eisenhower thought that the only 
answer might prove to be significant troop 

In broader terms, the world was troubled by 
a U.S. rate of growth about half that of the 
Soviet Union and the widespread belief — even 
among some experts in the West — that in the 
1960's the Soviet Union might come close 
to surpassing the United States in total 

There was perhaps an even more grave ques- 
tion: whether the methods of freedom would 
permit the developing parts of the world to do 
as well in economic and social progress as Com- 
munist China; and even some Western experts 
were coming to the view that the hardhanded 
methods of communism might prove more ef- 
fective in mobilizing resources for investment 
and thrusting the developing nations into sus- 
tained growth. 

Eight years later, as we move through another 
transition, it is possible to take stock of what the 
United States, working with otliers, has been 
able to accomplish in dealing with this array of 
problems which were our lot in 1961. 

Castro's Cuba has been successfully contained 
by hemispheric action. He remains a nuisance 
and a potential threat which requires alertness, 
but Latin America has moved forward. On the 
basis of the Bogota conference, tlie initial foun- 
dations for the Alliance for Progress were laid 
late in the Eisenhower administration, but car- 
ried forward with vigor by President Kennedy 
and President Johnson. Latin America has had 
a sufficient taste of success to know that the job 
of creating a modern Latin America, loyal to its 
own history and culture and principles, is a job 
that can be done; although much work lies 
ahead, notably in the field of Latin American 
integration. President Johnson's difficult de- 
cision on the Dominican Republic was vindi- 
cated by the subsequent evolution of political 
life in the Dominican Republic. 

Khrushchev's attempt to thrust Soviet mis- 
siles into Cuba was defeated without war, with 
far-reaching repercussions that both added to 
the confidence that free men could cope with nu- 
clear blackmail and laid the basis for the at- 
mospheric test ban treaty. 

The threat to Berlin was faced down in 1961 
and 1962, and a free West Berlin survives. Ber- 
lin remains a sensitive place, but there is an 
inner confidence that the West has the capacity 
to sustain its commitment there. 

President Kennedy and then — decisively — in 
1965 President Joluison faced the mortal threat 
to Southeast Asia which President Eisenhower 
had foreshadowed. They did so, conscious of 
the cost of their decisions, but conscious also of 
the cost to the Nation, to Asia, and to the world 
of a failure to meet our treaty commitments and 
the Communist takeover of Southeast Asia that 
would clearly follow. 

Against the background of President John- 
son's 1965 commitment, a new wave of confi- 
dence swept through Asia; Indonesia freed it- 
self from the Communist threat; and above all, 
there was a beginning of Asian regional cooper- 
ation for the first time in recorded history. 
Japan moved away from a life of prosperity in 
isolation and began to play a role of construc- 
tion in the region, a role which should grow 
as the war in Southeast Asia comes to an end 
and a new chapter in Asian history opens up. 

In Africa, despite the vicissitudes of the new 
nations which emerged in the 1960's — including 
the tragic civil war in Nigeria — the Africans 
have shown an increasing will to maintain their 
independence and manage their own affairs. 
They have systematically eliminated Communist 
footholds in the countries south of the Sahara 
and have begim to forge regional and sub- 
regional institutions of great longrun promise. 

In his 1966 speech before the Ambassadors 
of the Organization of African Unity, President 
Johnson, in the first talk by an American Presi- 
dent wholly devoted to Africa, threw this na- 
tion's weight behind the movement toward Afri- 
can regionalism. 

Despite Viet-Nam, we have moved in the 
1960's with the Soviet Union to isolate and act 
on limited areas of common interest, yielding 
not only cultural and air agreements and a 
consular convention but, working with others, 
a Nonproliferation Treaty and now the possi- 
bility of serious talks to damp down the arms 
race in strategic missiles. 

Despite the strain on our balance of payments, 
we have found ways, in cooperation with the 
Europeans, to offset the foreign exchange costs 
of maintaining forces in Europe; and President 
Johnson will turn over to President Nixon a 
strong NATO — ^despite the French defection — 
which, in the wake of the Czechoslovak crisis, 
deeply understands that a vital NATO will be 
required as far ahead as anyone can foresee. 

And, in broader terms, we emerge at the end 
of 8 years of strain with an American financial 
position — in terms of the national budget and 

JAXUAKY 6. 1969 

balance of payments — which makes the dollar a 
source of stability in the world as we move for- 
ward to build a new cooi^erative international 
monetary system. 

So far as the domestic economy is concerned, 
President Kennedy and President Johnson 
made good the campaign promise of 1960 to get 
this country moving again. Our high rate of 
growth, sustained through 8 years of regular 
expansion, has demonstrated the continued vi- 
tality of the American economy and removed 
from the world scene the anxiety that somehow 
Soviet methods of economic and social progress 
would become an appropriate model for others. 
Most advanced thought in Conununist nations 
now looks, in fact, not to the Soviet Union but 
to the United States, Western Europe, and 
Japan as representing more nearly the way a 
modern sophisticated economy should perform. 

Finally — much more than is generally under- 
stood — the 1960's proved to be the period when 
it was demonstrate-d that the pragmatic meth- 
ods we have evolved with others for developing 
nations at early stages of gro^vth are vastly more 
effective than those of the Communist world. 
There are some remarkable success stories: 
South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, 
Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, Tunisia, Mexico, Co- 
lombia, Central America, and other parts of 
Latin America. It is in the last 5 years that Latin 
America has approximated the growth targets 
set in the Punta del Este conference of 1961. 

And along the way, imder President John- 
son's leadership, the developing nations have 
accepted a new priority for agriculture and a 
new understanding that agriculture and indus- 
trial development must go hand in hand. This 
priority, plus the new rice and wheat strains, 
has bought time for programs of family plan- 
ning to take hold and postponed — at least — the 
terrifying prospect of a Malthusian crisis in the 
1970's, a prospect that was almost a certainty a 
few years back. 

These are solid achievements; but let me be 
clear. We have also had major disappointments 
in the 1960's, and we leave an ample agenda for 
our successors. 

We regret that an honorable peace in South- 
east Asia could not be brought about in our 
time of responsibility. 

We regret that Europe has not been able to 
make more progress in this period toward that 
effective unity which is required for its own sta- 

bility and progress as well as for Europe to ful- 
fill the world role of responsibility it should 

We regret that we could not have carried fur- 
ther forward the Nonproliferation Treaty and 
the missile talks with the Soviet Union. 

We regret that political currents in our Con- 
gress and elsewhere in the world have not per- 
mitted us to generate as many resources for 
development as could be effectively absorbed in 
Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 

Moreover : 

— Acute danger remains in the Middle East; 

- — Southeast Asia must be seen through to a 
stable and honorable settlement, and then we 
must all work together to bring fully to life the 
new cooperative Asia whose institutions and 
policies began to take shape in the wake of 
President Jolinson's 1965 decision on Viet-Nam; 

— Our margin of influence must be used to 
encourage Latin America to move down the 
path toward economic and physical integration, 
the only road that promises to Latin America a 
setting where the most advanced and sophisti- 
cated industries can thrive efficiently ; 

— Profound unresolved problems remain be- 
tween white and black men in Africa ; 

—The crisis in Czechoslovakia raises grave 
anxieties about the future peaceful evolution of 
Eastern Europe. 

In short, there is no reason to believe our suc- 
cessors will find time on their hands or be short 
of challenging tasks; and I am reasonably cer- 
tain that my successor will be called by the 
White House Situation Room quite often in the 
night with news of crisis and danger in one part 
of the world or another. 

Against the backgroimd of this quick review, 
let me turn now to the central theme of this con- 
ference : the limits and responsibilities of Amer- 
ican power. 

The simple truth about our world position in 
the 1960's is that none of the things that have 
been accomplished in the past 8 years could have 
been accomplished without the determined and 
often courageous use of American economic, po- 
litical, and military power; but equally, none 
of these things could have been accomplished 
by the United States acting alone. 

As President Johnson said in his state of the 
Union address on January 10, 1967 : ^ 

'For excerpts, see Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1967, p. 158. 


Vfe are in the midst of a great transition — a transi- 
tion from narrow nationalism to international partner- 
ship; from the harsh spirit of the cold war to the 
hopeful spirit of common humanity on a troubled and 
a threatened planet. 

We have moved in the 1960's some considera- 
ble distance through that great transition. In 
particuLar, President Johnson has perceived 
that our nation demanded an alternative some- 
where between a return to isolationism and the 
overwhelming direct responsibility into which 
we fell in the immediate postwar years. 

In trade and monetary affairs, in develop- 
ment policy, and in his support of regionalism 
in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, he has laid 
the foundations for resolving this dilemma. 

Speaking at New Orleans, President John- 
son recently said:' 

We have always hoped and believed that as our 
friends and allies grew in strength, our burden would 
grow less lonely. We have been moving over the last 
few years toward a long-term position in which the 
United States would be able to assume its responsibility 
in enterprises of common concern, but our partners 
would be able to assume theirs. . . . 

I believe the day will soon come — which we have 
been building toward for 20 years — when some Ameri- 
can President will be able to say to the American 
people that the United States is assuming its fair 
share of responsibility for promoting peace and prog- 
ress in the world, but the United States is assuming 
no more and no less than its fair share. 

President Jolinson also perceived that there 
is a basis outside the United States for this 
policy of fair shares and partnership. In every 
quarter of the globe, within the Communist 
world as well as outside, men and nations desire 
to take a larger hand in shaping their own 
destiny. They cannot do so, however, in a world 
as interdependent as ours unless they set aside 
old-fashioned nationalism and learn to work 

And so our task has been to use our margin 
of influence to encourage abroad what we have 
always set as our target at home; namely, the 

' For President Johnson's address at New Orleans, 
La., on Sept. 10, see Bulletin of Sept. 30, 1968, p. 325. 

effective organization of diffuse centers of power 
and authority. 

Again, I would underline, this kind of world 
cannot be created by the United States acting 
alone ; but we remain, whether we like it or not, 
the critical margin : in Europe, in Latin Amer- 
ica, in Asia, in Africa, and, I believe also, in the 
end, in the Middle East. And we shall remain 
the critical margin in the years ahead if the 
world is going to make its wny through the 
great transition toward the goal of stable peace. 

We cannot abdicate our responsibilities as the 
greatest industrial power in the world. We can- 
not abdicate our responsibilities as one of the 
two great nuclear powers in the world. And we 
cannot — in our interest or in the common in- 
terest — opt out of our treaty responsibilities; 
for if we create vacuums, as we once did in 
South Korea, they are not likely to remain 
empty. But what we can do, and are doing, is 
to use our influence and power to help organize 
the world community in ways which distribute 
the burdens more evenly and give to others a 
sense that they, too, are shaping the destiny of 

The nation-state, whatever its size and re- 
sources, cannot solve the vast problems now be- 
fore us or foreseeable in the future. Nor is this 
any longer a bipolar world, despite the con- 
tinued disproportionate concentration of nu- 
clear power in the United States and the Soviet 
Union. The dynamics of the first postwar gen- 
eration have yielded a world arena of diverse 
nations determined, as I say, to take a hand in 
their own destiny. We shall achieve arrange- 
ments of authentic partnership based on mu- 
tual respect and acknowledgement of interde- 
pendence, or we shall not move successfully 
through the great transition. 

Despite the debates and anxieties at home 
about our world role, I deeply believe our na- 
tion will continue to play its proper role — as the 
decisive margin — in such partnerships. And it 
is in a world of partnership and fair shares that 
we shall find the right answer to the limits and 
responsibilities of American power. 

JANUARY 6, 19 69 


U.N. General Assembly Rejects Move To Bar South Africa 
From Membership in UNCTAD 

Following are texts of a statement made in 
Commiittee II {Economic and Financial) hy 
U.S. Re'presentative to the Economic and Social 
Coimcil Arthur E. Goldschmidt on Decemher 3 
and a statement made in plenary by V.S. Repre- 
sentative to the General Assembly James Russell 
Wiggins on December 13. 


U.S. /C.N. press release 227 dated December 3 

The United States delegation opposes the 
draft resolution contained in document L.1022 
and, if this resolution is put to a vote, will vote 
against it. I should like to explain why. 

In the first place, we believe this proposal 
raises serious legal questions. The United Na- 
tions Charter states the terms and conditions 
upon which all of us have entered into member- 
ship in the United Nations. One of the most 
fundamental is stated in article 2, paragraph 1 : 
"The Organization is based on the principle of 
the sovereign equality of all its Members." Un- 
der this principle member states cannot properly 
be deprived of benefits which the charter, or the 
Assembly acting under the charter, makes avail- 
able to member states generally, except on the 
grounds and by the procedures provided in the 
charter itself. 

Today, we are asked to suspend a single mem- 
ber state from membership in a U.N. organ 
which at present includes all members. We are 
asked to take this action on the ground that that 
member pursues policies which are almost uni- 
versally acknowledged to be abhorrent to the 
principles and purposes of the United Nations. 

Now, clearly the General Assembly may estab- 
lish subsidiary organs which do not include the 

entire membership; considerations of size and 
efficiency are a reasonable basis for limiting 
membership and have been taken into account 
in limiting the membership of the vast majority 
of suborgans created by the General Assembly 
since the inception of the United Nations. 
UNCTAD [United Nations Conference on 
Trade and Development], however, is a body 
which is not so limited. The General Assembly 
has extended the benefits of participation in 
UNCTAD to all members of the United 
Nations, and there is no proposal to change this 
general principle, but only to make this sole 
exception. We seriously doubt that the Assem- 
bly may properly exclude one or two members 
because the majority — even the overwhelming 
majority — finds their domestic or other policies 
in conflict with the charter or otherwise ob- 
noxious, without itself affronting the principle 
of sovereign equality stated in article 2, 
paragraph 1. 

This judgment is reinforced by the presence 
of articles 5 and 6 in the charter. For these 
articles do provide general procedures by which 
a member may be deprived of any or all of the 
benefits of membership ; they provide also the 
grounds upon which these procedures may be 

The terms and conditions upon which any 
right or privilege of membership might be lost 
were written into the charter at the outset. This 
bemg the case, the proposal which is now before 
us is additionally objectionable because it ig- 
nores the substance and procedure of articles 5 
and 6 and infringes on the prerogatives which 
these articles confer on the Security Council and 
the General Assembly. 

Mr. Chairman, I have tried to set out in these 
brief words the relevant law of the charter as it 
bears on this proposal. Member states do not . 
necessarily have a right to be included in every 



United Nations body. They do have the right, 
however, not to be singled out for unequal treat- 
ment as regards the benefits flowing from mem- 
bership in the United Nations, except as has 
been provided by the basic law of the United 

It is difficult for us to see any other viable or 
efl'ective basis on wliich an organization like 
the United Nations could be expected to pro- 
ceed. For if any of the benefits of U.N. member- 
ship may be denied any member other than as 
agreed upon in the charter, then none of the 
charter rights of any can be regarded as secure. 

If the basis upon which such action is taken 
is the majority's abhorrence for the policies of 
that member, then violence has been done to one 
of the very concepts upon which the United 
Nations was established. The United Nations 
was intended to serve as a means by which 
nations would try to deal with each other in 
pursuit of the aims of the charter despite the 
deepest political differences among them. In- 
deed, it is the very depth, and in our times the 
danger, of political cleavages within the inter- 
national community that makes a United 
Nations the compelling necessity which it is. 
Sitting down in the United Nations with mem- 
bers whose conduct we despise, and recognizing 
their rights as members, implies no moral or 
political acquiescence in their conduct. On the 
contrary, it is a recognition of the simple fact 
that otherwise the United Nations cannot hope 
to fulfill its role, and that if the United Nations 
does not fill that role, it will not be filled at all. 

Mr. Chairman, my delegation does not need 
to be reminded of the outrage with which vir- 
tually the whole world regards the institution 
of apiu'fheid. "We are among the outraged. We 
know how difficult it is for any person of normal 
moral sensibilities to talk of extending equal 
protection of the law of the charter to a member 
which for reasons of race has so systematically 
denied equal protection of its own laws to the 
great majority of its citizens. But it should be 
plain that what I have said has not been said for 
the sake of South Africa. It has been said for the 
sake of the United Nations and all its members. 
For the issue before us is not whether apa7'theid 
is a heinous evil. It is, and the United Nations 
has condemned it as such. But the question now 
before us is whether in our effort to express our 
outrage at that evil we shall risk doing serious 
injury to the integrity of the charter and the 
effectiveness of the United Nations. We believe 

there are such risks in the proposal before us. 

For our part, we would look on the adoption 
of this proposal by the General Assembly as a 
vei-y grave step with unforeseeable conse- 
quences. We therefore appeal to the sponsors of 
the proposal to reflect upon the full implications 
of the course which they have set and to recon- 
sider it in the interest of our common insti- 
tution — the United Nations itself.^ 


U.S. /U.N. press release 248, Corr. 1, dated December 13 

The General Assembly is face to face with a 
crisis involving an ancient dilemma: the di- 
lemma of ends and means. 

The overwhelming majority among us 
strongly desire to achieve a just end; namely, to 
abolish the evil system of apartheid in South 
Africa. It is now proposed to promote that just 
end by what my Govermnent believes to be an 
unjust and unwise means ; namely, to strip South 
Africa of certain rights and privileges to which 
it is entitled as a member of the United Nations 
and of which the Assembly acting alone may 
not legally deprive it. 

Let me emphasize that we oppose this plan 
because of our deep concern for the future of 
the United Nations — not out of any solicitude 
whatsoever for the system of apartheid. 

The United States Government has for many 
years shown its opposition to apartheid by both 
word and deed. 

Unfortunately, the proposal now before us 
holds no promise of being effective in suppres- 
sing apartheid. I know it expresses the honest 
feelings of indignation which its authors feel 
against South Africa. But there is no reason to 
believe that it would hasten the end of apart- 
heid. The injury it would inflict would not be 
on South Africa but on the institution of the 
United Nations. 

It is important to note that the proposal is 
not simply to "change the membership" of 
UNCTAD. That body was constituted by the 
Assembly itself to include all states members 
of the United Nations, the specialized agencies, 
and the International Atomic Energy Agency. 
Under the present resolution it would remain 

'Draft resolution A/C.2/L.1022, as orally revised, 
was approved by the committee on Dec. 3 by a vote of 
49 to 22 (U.S.), with 23 abstentious. 

JANU.iRY e, 19 69 

so constituted. Only one exception would be 
made, the suspension of one member, singled 
out by name: South Africa. That suspension 
is clearly not a change in the general member- 
ship but rather a sanction against one member. 

Membership in UNCTAD, given the inclu- 
sive basis on which that body is constituted, is 
clearly one of the rights and privileges of mem- 
bership in the United Nations. If it is proposed 
to take such a right away from any member, 
such a step must follow the provisions of the 
charter set forth in articles 5 and 6. 

Tliese are not just our views; they are the 
views of the Legal Counsel of the United Na- 
tions which have been referred to by several 
other speakers. These rules and procedures are 
laid down in the charter to assure equal treat- 
ment for all members of the United Nations. 
The pending resolution would deny such equal 
treatment to one member. It is thus a violation 
of one of the most fundamental principles of 
the charter: that principle set forth in article 
2, paragraph 1, that "The Organization is based 
oil the principle of the sovereign equality of all 
its Members." By adopting this resolution we 
would, in effect, be treating article 2, paragraph 
1, as if it contained the words "except such 
Members as the General Assembly may decide 
from time to time do not deserve to be treated 
as sovereign equals." 

"Wlien we seek to deny to any member any of 
the rights that flow from membership in the 
United Nations, we thereby put in jeopardy all 
the rights of all members. An unlawful act 
against my neighbor — whether he be guilty or 
not — is an act against the conununity. 

If we are to live together with one another 
in anything but chaos, we must have reliable 
safeguards of law and due process by which 
each may be protected against the hostility of 

All of the nations we represent look to the 

United Nations as a great instrument of peace 
and justice. It is often a weak instrument, be- 
cause it cannot go faster than the concerted will 
of its members will peiinit it to go. Yet it has 
done noble services to both peace and justice. 
Among those services, none is nobler than the 
assistance the United Nations has rendered to 
the cause of independence, self-determination, 
and human lights for a billion human beings 
inhabiting the former colonial areas of the 

That work is not finished. We are facing now 
some of its last and most difficult chapters. To- 
gether we, the United Nations, can and will 
finish that work. But if we are to fall apart, if 
the law which is so essential to this community 
of ours is so weakened by arbitrary exceptions 
that no member, strong or weak, dare depend 
upon it, then I fear we shall be able to do little 
together. It will be a matter of each nation for 
itself, and the future will look very dark indeed. 

If this resolution is adopted, the Assembly 
will be telling the world what the world already 
knows: that it detests and deplores apartlieid; 
but, sadly and ominously, it also will be telling 
the world that in the United Nations General 
Assembly there is no law, no provision of the 
charter, no guarantee of the legal rights of any 
nation, that may not be overridden if it ob- 
structs the majority will. 

We will therefore oppose this resolution. - 

- The draft resolution recommended by Committee 
II in part I, par. 9, of its report (A/7383) was consid- 
ered by the Assembly on Dec. 13. The President of the 
Assembly ruled that the matter was an important 
question requiring a two-thirds majority for adoption ; 
this ruling was upheld by a rollcall vote of 56 (U.S.) to 
48, with 13 abstentions. 

After a revision of operative par. 2, the draft resolu- 
tion as a whole was voted upon by rollcall and failed 
to obtain the necessary two-thirds majority, the vote 
being 55 in favor, 33 (U.S.) against, with 28 



United States Calls Upon South Africa To Recognize 
Right of People of Namibia to Self-Determi nation 

Following are statements made in plenary 
sessions of the U.N. General Assembly iy U.S. 
Representative Brewster O. Denny on Decem- 
ber 10 and IG., together toith the text of a resolu- 
tion adopted hy the Assembly on December 16. 


U.S. /U.N. press release 228 dated December 10 

In considering the question of Namibia,^ the 
United Nations returns to a case wliicli is 
among the most difficult and frustrating it lias 

For all who have watched the United Nations 
with hope for its growth and success since the 
signing of the charter at San Francisco and 
who have shared, as concerned citizens of their 
countries, both its triumphs and its disappoint- 
ments, this issue epitomizes many of the great- 
est hopes and bitterest frustrations of the 

It is basic to the United Nations — and to the 
political beliefs and foundations of my own 
country — that eveiy nation has the riglit to 
rule itself and that every individual has the 
inalienable riglit to equality and social justice. 
The United Nations in its 23 yeai-s has helped 
to foster a steady growth in the recognition 
and realization of these ideals. Nowhere is this 
more true than in Africa, where nearly 250 mil- 
lion people have emerged from dependent 
status since the founding of the United Nations 
and have achieved the right to rule themselves. 

In the southernmost part of Africa progress 
toward human equality and self-determination 
has, tragically, been halted. There, the Gov- 

' The General Assembly on June 12, 1968, proclaimed 
(A/RES/2372 (XXII) ) that South West Africa should 
be known as Namibia. 

ernment of South Africa has chosen to stand 
against the tide of history. Stubbornly, and I 
believe foolishly, it has persisted in its attempts 
to build a society which institutionalizes rac- 
ism. And not content with perpetuating in- 
justice at home, it has defied the international 
community by moving to consolidate its rule 
over Namibia, to extend its own racist policies 
to that territory, and, increasingly, to deny the 
people of the territory the elementary protec- 
tion of the rule of law. 

The United States continues to support the 
position, adopted by the General Assembly in 
106G, that the Republic of South Africa, by its 
disregard of the interests of the people of 
Namibia, has forfeited the right to administer 
the territory which it received under the League 
of Nations mandate. 

The United States will contmue to support 
the search for peaceful and practical means to 
bring about the effective — and not only the 
legal — termination of South Africa's admin- 
istration of Namibia. Unfortunately, the United 
Nations has not yet been able to find the means 
to reach this goal. 

In this situation, I should like to add a caveat 
for the Government of South Africa. Let this 
Government not suppose that the termination 
of its legal mandate absolves it from interna- 
tional responsibility for its actions in this terri- 
tory. Regardless of the fact that South Africa 
no longer has any legal right ui Namibia, it 
continues, as illegal occupant, to be answerable 
before the international community for all of 
its actions in the territory. 

The United Nations has already examined at 
length one such action: the application to 
Namibia of the Terrorism Act of 1967. Both 
this Assembly and the Security Council have 
called upon South Africa to cease applying 

JANUARY G, 19 69 


this act to the international territory and its 

Tlie Government of South Africa has failed 
to heed the voice of the international com- 
munity or its obligations under the United 
Nations Charter. Thirty-one inhabitants of 
Namibia remain imprisoned on Eobben Island 
following their conviction under the Terror- 
ism Act. As matters now stand, 15 of the Nami- 
bians convicted under this act are mider sen- 
tence for the rest of their natural lives, 14 for 
20 years, and two for 5 years. 

The United States continues to maintain that 
South Africa has no right to apply the Terror- 
ism Act to Namibia or to these prisoners. At 
the time this legislation was enacted in June 
1967, South Africa's right to legislate for 
Namibia had already been forfeited and its 
occupation of the territory had become illegal. 
Moreover, the act would in any event have been 
in flagrant violation of rights of the inhabitants 
under the Covenant of tlie League of Nations, 
the mandate agreement, and chapters IX and 
XI of the United Nations Charter. 

For example, the act authorizes indefinite 
detention by the police without the right of 
access to courts, counsel, family, friends, or 
clergy; it imposes harsh criminal penalties for 
acts committed 5 yeai-s prior to its passage; it 
places intolerable burdens on the defense and, 
in effect, transfers to the accused the onus of 
proving his innocence beyond a reasonable 
doubt. Offenses are so broadly defined as to 
create risks of extreme penalties for all who 
incur the disfavor of police and prosecuting 
officials. And for the occasional defendant who 
survives these obstacles or has served his sen- 
tence, there loom the risks, created by statute, 
of a new trial on charges arising out of the 
same facts or of banishment without recourse 
to the courts. 

The Appellate Division of the South African 
Supreme Court has recently held that the South 
African courts are constitutionally excluded 
from any consideration or remedy of these and 
other denials of the rule of law. Wliatever slim 
hope the international community could have 
had that South Africa's courts might be able 
to end or limit the application of the Terrorism 
Act or other legislation to the Territory of Na- 

' For background, see Buixetin of Jan. 15, 1968, p. 
92, and Apr. 8, 1968, p. 474. 

mibia has been unequivocally ended by the re- 
cent judgment of the Appellate Division. 

In the absence of any reassurance or other in- 
formation from the South African Govermnent, 
we must assume that a large number of Nami- 
bians, perhaps hundreds, remain in detention 
without right of access to the outside world un- 
der this act. Some may have been held for over 
2 years. The South African Government has 
thus far ignored the questions which the United 
States Government has posed in several 

The accountability of South Africa on this 
issue is clear. My delegation considers that the 
international community is entitled to know 
the full facts about the application of the Ter- 
rorism Act to Namibia. We should like to 
know : How many other Namibians, apart from 
the 31, already are being held now vmder the 
Terrorism Act ? If others are or have been held, 
what are their names? Wliat are the specific 
charges? Where are they, and for how long 
have they been held ? And what jirovisions have 
been made for their care and defense ? If South 
Africa has nothing to conceal, let us know the 

Further, since the trial judge himself de- 
clared that all 31 Namibians convicted imder the 
Terrorism Act could have been tried for the 
same acts under common law, why does the 
South African Government not erase this act 
from the books or, at the very least, cease to ap- 
ply it in Namibia ? 

The representative of South Africa will be 
aware of the timeliness and relevance of these 
questions, since the issue of torture of the 31 
Namibians now on Eobben Island, and the 
broader issue of intimidation of suspects and 
witnesses by the Special Branch, are currently 
matters of lively controversy in the press and 
elsewhere in South Africa. This controversy re- 
sults from two recent events : the settlement out 
of court of the case of a 68-year-old Namibian 
detainee, Mr. Gabriel Mbindi, before there could 
be a public hearing of the facts relating to claims 
of brutality made by Iiim and numerous de- 
fendants in the terrorism case, and the current 
trial of a distinguished South African news- 
paper editor, Mr. Laurence Gandar, on charges 
of violating the statutory secrecy surrounding 
South African prisons. 

The General Assembly has also called upon 
South Africa not to apply to the international 



territoiy the so-called Self-Government for Na- 
tive Nations of South West Africa Act of 1968. 
The response of the Government of South Af- 
rica has been to move from enactment to imple- 
mentation. The allocation of over one-half the 
territory, including the farms, mines, and towns 
of the heartland, to the 16 percent of the popula- 
tion who are white — with the non white majority 
consigned to less desirable and fractionalized 
units cut off from the sea and without hope of 
independent economic development — can only 
be interpreted as a denial of self-determination 
and a means of perpetuating white supremacy. 

The South African Government has claimed 
that the provisions of this act were arrived at 
through consultations with the people of Na- 
mibia and therefore represent a valid form of 
self-determination. We should like to know: 
What was the nature of these consultations? 
What procedures and guarantees were provided 
against intimidation ? Were various options of- 
fered for free choice among different j^lans for 
the political future of Namibia, or were those 
consulted merely asked to endorse the Odendaal 
report ? 

Unless such questions, already raised by the 
United States with South Africa, can be satis- 
factorily answered and the answers verified, we 
are obliged to maintain our view that this act 
represents not a valid form of self-determina- 
tion but rather a complicated exercise in divide 
and rule, designed to entrench a-partheid and to 
delay forever any possibility of true self- 

There are important relationships between the 
Self-Government for Native Nations Act and 
the Terrorism Act. Both involve violation of 
South Africa's international obligations, of the 
status of the territory, and of the rights of its 
inhabitants. Both reinforce the policy of main- 
taining white supremacy over the economic and 
political development of Namibia. Together, 
they seek to legalize the intimidation of free ex- 
pression and association, to break the will and 
strength of the people of Namibia, and to deny 
them their rightful self-determination. 

Even if the question of racial discrimination 
did not arise in Namibia, the attempt of South 
Africa to perpetuate its rule of an alien minor- 
ity over an international territory and over a 
people increasingly aware of rights elsewhere 
held inviolable would be doomed to failure. But 
in Namibia we have not only the anachronism 

of alien domination, we have the blind attempt 
to make over another country according to ideas 
of racial difference which all peoples, in this 
age, should have long since put behind them- 
selves as the relics of a dark and shameful past. 

Despite the walls of censorship and propa- 
ganda with which their own Government has 
surrounded them, the people of South Africa 
must soon realize that the system they are try- 
ing to entrench in Namibia will not work — that 
it will neither satisfy the wants and needs of the 
nonwhite population nor, by some conjuring 
trick, conveniently make them disappear. 

In South Africa itself, especially within some 
parts of the religious, university, press, and legal 
communities, there is evidence of growing con- 
cern about the moral implications of a policy 
which separates thousands of men from their 
wives, families, and normal social ties and con- 
signs large poj^ulations to jDOverty-stricken re- 
serves without hope of economic development. 
It is increasingly evident that the effort to sepa- 
rate the races and yet keep a modern economy 
functioning cannot succeed and that the Govern- 
ment's plans for providing adequate employ- 
ment in the so-called native homelands in South 
Africa are unworkable. 

We must hope that the growing realization 
of the political bankruptcy and economic ab- 
surdity of the system the South African Gov- 
ernment is attempting to entrench in Namibia 
will at last force a fundamental reappraisal of 
these policies and particularly of South Africa's 
attempt to enforce its own rule upon the inter- 
national Territory of Namibia. Meanwhile, the 
Government and people of South Afi'ica should 
understand that the international community 
will not surrender its responsibility for Namibia 
or be satisfied with unverified claims that the 
rights and well-being of the people of the terri- 
tory are being protected. 

The United States profoundly believes that 
no nation in this world can be impervious to the 
force of world opinion and to the trends of his- 
tory — trends which are flowing today in the 
direction of true equality and the fullest real- 
ization of human rights. Nor can any nation 
long survive on policies which promote conflict, 
rather than peaceful reconciliation, both with 
other nations and among its own people. 

We call upon South Africa today to recognize 
the right of the people of Namibia to meaning- 
ful self-determination. We call upon South 

JAXTAHT 6. 10C9 


Africa to recognize the absurdities, the immo- 
ralities upon wliich its racial policies and its 
actions in Namibia are based. We call upon 
Soutli Africa to correct these evils for the sake 
of the people of Namibia and, in the final anal- 
ysis, for its own sake. 

My Government lias no higher purpose and no 
more sacred commitment than the achievement 
of full social justice for all of our citizens. As 
the world can see, we are in the midst of this 
difficult and historic process in which our Con- 
stitution, our courts, our laws, our leaders, and 
most impoi-tant, our youth, are fully engaged. 
For us, so engaged, there is a deep concern for 
those who, unlike our own citizens, do not yet 
enjoy the most rudimentary rights upon which 
man's highest aspirations first depend. The 
course of social justice will prevail. What we do 
here can speed its triumph in Namibia. 


U.S./U.N. press release 260 dated December 16 

Tlie United States position on the issue of 
Namibia was set forth in detail before this 
Assembly on December 10. This morning we 
wish briefly to state our position on the resolu- 
tion before us. 

We shall abstain on the resolution. 

Wlien the Assembly undertook its debate on 
the future of Namibia in 1966, culminating in 
its major decision stated in Resolution 2145, the 
United States Representative at that time stated 
that the United States would do its utmost by all 
appropriate and peaceful means to help carry 
to fruition the aims of that resolution so that 
the people of Namibia would be enabled to ex- 
ercise their right to self-determination.^ We con- 
tinue to share that view and shall continue to 
join with others in seeking to formulate steps 
which can bo practically implemented and which 
lie within the capacity of this organization. 

We appreciate the effort made by the cospon- 
sors in drafting the present resolution to make 
it more moderate in tone. We regret that we 
are unable to vote affirmatively on it. There are 
certain provisions within the resolution with 
which we agree. There are, on the other hand, 
other provisions which my delegation either did 
not support in previous resolutions or is unable 
to support in the present resolution because of 
the approach advocated. 

I wish to reiterate on behalf of my Govern- 
ment that we remain determined to see the peo- 

ple of Namibia achieve their just rights and 
determined also that the United Nations shall 
do its part in accordance with its decision of 
1966 to see this matter through to a conclusion. 


Question of Namibia 

The General Assemblj/, 

Recalling its resolutions 1514 (XV) of 14 December 
1960 and 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966 and subse- 
quent resolutions on this question, 

Recalling further Security Council resolution 246 
(1968) of 14 March 1968," in particular the last pre- 
ambular paragraph in which the Council took cogni- 
zance of its special responsibility towards the people 
and Territory of Namibia, 

Noting icith appreciation the report of the United 
Nations Council for Namibia,' 

1. Reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of 
Namibia to self-determination and independence in 
conformity with General Assembly resolution 1514 
(XV) and the legitimacy of their struggle against the 
foreign occupation of their country ; 

2. Reiterates its condemnation of the Government of 
South Africa for its persistent defiance of the authority 
and resolutions of the United Nations, for its refusal to 
withdraw from Namibia and for its policy and actions 
designed to destroy the national unity and territorial 
integrity of Namibia ; 

3. Decides to draw the attention of the Security 
Council to the serious situation which has arisen as a 
result of the illegal presence and actions of the Gov- 
ernment of South Africa in Namibia ; 

4. Recommends the Security Council urgently to take 
all effective measures, in accordance with the relevant 
provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, to 
ensure the immediate withdrawal of South African 
authorities from Namibia so as to enable Namibia to 
attain independence in accordance with the provisions 
of General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 2145 
(XXI) ; 

5. Commends to the appropriate organs of the United 
Nations acting in conformity with the relevant resolu- 
tions of the General Assembly, for their consideration, 
the recommendations contained in the report of the 
United Nations Council for Namibia ; 

6. Requests the United Nations Council for Namibia 
to continue to discharge by every available means the 
responsibilities and functions entrusted to it ; 

7. Requests the Secretary-General to continue to pro- 
vide the necessary assistance and facilities to enable 
the United Nations Council for Namibia to perform its 
duties and functions. 

° For background and text of the resolution, see Bul- 
letin of Dee. 5, 1966, p. 870. 

*U.N. doc. A/RES/2403 (XXIII): adopted by the 
Assembly on Dec. 16 by a vote of 96 to 2, with 16 
abstentions (U.S.). 

' For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 8, 1968, p. 477. 

• U.N. doc. A/7338 and Corr. 1. 



Reports of the World Bank Group 
and International Monetary Fund 

Statement by Arthur E. Ooldschmidt ^ 

It was a happy decision to allow us to hear 
the annual reports of the Bank and the IMF in 
series and thus allow us to ponder the relation- 
ship between tlie two. Indeed, it is striking to 
note the mutually reinforcing functions of the 
two, pai'ticularly as they relate to support for 
the developing countries. The World Bank 
group has sustained its great record of perform- 
ance during the past fiscal year. Li view of the 
unusual problems and stresses of the past year, 
its success in making available more than $1 
billion of development finance — and most of 
that to developing countries — has been remark- 
able. But even more remarkable has been its 
sjjirit of dynamism in looking to the future. 

My Government has also been heartened by 
the growing closeness of the Bank to the U.N. 
system; this can only be a source of added 
strength to U.N. institutions. For example, the 
Bank's cooperative arrangements with UNDP 
and the executing agencies have proven bene- 
ficial and will be more so in the future. The de- 
velopment financing provided by the Bank is 
integi-al to a wide range of technical assistance 
services and has become a builder of multilateral 
research, advice, and coordination that holds 
much promise for the future. 

Mr. McNamara has very courageously and 
wisely, in my view, singled out for special at- 
tention the problems of population growth, food 
supply, and education.^ As he noted: "In one 
poor country after another, the rising tide of 
population swamps the school system, literally 
eats away the margin of saving, and inundates 
the labor market. . . ." 

We hope the help so badly needed in prepar- 
ing projects in these and other fields will be 
accelerated. We welcome the plans outlined for 
significantly expanding the Bank's operations 

' Made in the U.N. Economic and Social Council on 
Dec. 5 (U.S./U.N. press release 230). Ambassador 
Goldschmidt is U.S. Representative to the Council. 

Note : Key to abbreviations : IBRD, International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World 
Bank) ; IDA, International Development Association ; 
IFC, International Finance Corporation ; IMF, Inter- 
national Monetary Fund; UNCTAD, United Nations 
Conference on Trade and Development ; UNDP, United 
Nations Development Program. 

''Robert S. McNamara is President of the IBRD. 

and for devising new policies responsive to to- 
day's changing requirements. 

We have been deeply disappointed over the 
unfortunate delay in replenishing the resources 
of the IDA. We are, however, confident that 
the wisdom of supporting that valuable insti- 
tution will be recognized and that the necessary 
steps to implement the replenishment agreement 
will be taken at the earliest opportunity. I would 
particularly thank those countries that have 
been able to step into this breach so promptly 
and effectively and thus prevent the worst f i;om 
happening. Despite these problems, it is note- 
worthy that in spite of the lower dollar amount 
of conunitments in the last fiscal year, the IDA 
provided credits to more countries than it did in 
any other year. This more diversified sharing 
of its resources is a commendable policy. 

On the other hand, the IFC reached a record 
level of commitments in fiscal year 1968, and the 
substantial share of IFC obligations is an en- 
couraging development that demonstrates the 
growing confidence placed in the IFC by in- 
vestors around the world. 

One of the most important characteristics of 
of the World Bank group has been its attentive- 
ness to the need for coordination and mobiliza- 
tion of various sources of financial assistance. 
The IBED and the IFC have been quite suc- 
cessful in channeling private capital into de- 
velopment through borrowings and participa- 
tions. World Bank borrowing in recent months 
has shown that considerable sources of capital 
can still be tapped. 

We urge the continuation of efforts to develop 
new techniques of multilateral cooperation 
aimed at broadening the base upon which capital 
is regularly raised and to develop more effective 
techniques for utilizing those resources. 
Through imagination, diligence, and the con- 
stant refinement of such cooperative ventures, 
we should be able to advance faster in helping 
to close the gap between needs and availabilities. 

My Government has been much impressed by 
the vigorous new plans announced by Mr. Mc- 
Namara and wishes especially to note the great 
potential usefulness to Development Decade II 
of the "grand assize," headed by Mr. Lester 
Pearson of Canada. We particularly approve 
the sound policy behind the complete freedom 
and independence granted to the grand assize, 
as it determines what has been good and what 
has been ineffective in past activities in support 
of development and what should be done in the 
future. This freedom from the territorial imper- 

JAXU.A.RT 6. 19 69 


atives in tlie ecology of bui'eaucr.acy — or to put 
it more bluntly, from the precedents, the guide- 
lines, the memoranda, and the other jealously 
guarded prerogatives of bureaucracy — will, I 
am sure, result in a report of great significance 
to our plans for Development Decade II. 

In this connection, I cannot fail to comment 
on tlie speech made by Mr. McNamara to the 
Board of Governors of the World Bank on Sep- 
tember 30 and on the remarks made by Mr. 
Woods to the UNCTAD meeting in New Delhi 
early iji 1968.^ Both of these speeches, one mark- 
ing a beginning and one an ending, were prod- 
ucts of the thought of wise and statesmanlike 
men. Both speeches, which are well known to 
you, are remarkable for their wisdom, their un- 
flinching realism, and the hope they express for 
the future. The World Bank group and the 
U.N. have been fortunate indeed to have, and 
to have had, men of the sagacity and depth of 
nnderstanding of Mr. Woods and Mr. Mc- 
Namara to guide them. It goes without saying 
that even men of the formidable talents of Mr. 
Woods and Mr. JMcNamara would find it diffi- 
cult to be productive without extremely able as- 
sociates like Mr. Burke Knapp.^ 

Turning to the IMF, my Government wel- 
comes the reappointment of another wise and 
able man, Pierre-Paul Schweitzer, as Managing 
Director of the Fund. Mr. Schweitzer has yirn- 
vided cahn, thoughtful, and extremely able 
leadership during this crucial and eventful 
period in the evolution of the international 
monetary system, an evolution which is con- 
tinuing and which will call for all of his great 
talents to harness and guide it. 

It is almost superfluous to note that this past 
year has been marked by the most violent 
strains the modern international monetary sys- 
tem has been subjected to in 30 years. My Gov- 
ernment offers its wholehearted commendation 
to the Fund for its particularly vital contribu- 
tion to the efforts at stabilization of the inter- 
national monetary system during the past year. 
In this connection the extraordinarily large vol- 
imie of new or renewed standby arrangements 
was especially valuable in assuring member na- 
tions of the availability of financing to meet 
temporary imbalances. In the absence of such 
assistance the substantial threats to the stability 
of the international monetary system during 
the past year could have proven even more 

serious, with widely detrimental effects on in- 
dustrial and developing nations alike. 

We note the importance attached by the Fund 
report to the contribution of reserve creation 
as an essential element of progress toward in- 
ternational payments equilibrium and liberal- 
ization of current and capital transactions. The 
United States considers it a matter of high pri- 
ority for both industrial and developing na- 
tions that ratification of the amendment to the 
articles of agreement to create a special draw- 
ing right facility be completed promptly by 
the necessary number of member countries. It 
is our desire to see this facility ratified by the 
end of this year if at all possible. 

The Managing Director of the IMF very 
properly stresses the important bearing the 
SDR scheme has on the welfare of the develop- 
ing countries. The developing countries will 
derive additional reserves from the new facili- 
ties and even more important for them, al- 
though less direct, will be the high level of eco- 
nomic activity the SDE will help insure in the 
developed countries. Here again, we see the ac- 
tivities of the IMF strengthening other pro- 
grams underway in the less developed countries. 

As another admirable example of a useful con- 
tribution to the strengthening of United Nations 
organizations, we note with gratification the 
continued growth of the Fund's technical assist- 
ance to members through the Fiscal Affairs De- 
partment, the Central Banking Service, and the 
IMF Institute. The expansion of the Fimd's 
technical assistance facilities reflects the grow- 
ing needs, particularly of newer member 
countries, for skilled and expert advice and 
training courses. The expansion of technical as- 
sistance facilities brings to bear the excellent re- 
sources and wide experience of the IMF on the 
linkage, which is sometimes unnoticed, between 
financial programing and development plan- 
ning. The importance of this relationship needs 
no explanation here ; the expertise of the IMF 
in helping to match the demand on resources 
with their availability, and thus reducing stress 
on the price level and balance of payments to 
within tolerable limits, can only be seen as of 
the most fundamental helpfulness to developing 

In closing, let me quote from President John- 
son's remarks to the opening joint session of the 
Boards of Governors of the Fund and of the 
Bank.^ I am quoting the President's language, 

' Oeorse D. Woods was then Presidpiit of the IBRD. 
' Mr. Knapp is Vice President of the IBRD. 

° Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1968, p. 433. 



in part because it sums up in lucid fashion 
what we must concern ourselves with here today 
and in part because it is a speech which did not 
receive the public notice it deserved. 

"So in the world that started with Bretton 
Woods, the more we move out of phase with each 
other, the more we will each have to restrict our- 
selves. The more we move together, the more 
rapidly each of us will be able to advance the 
prosperity of our own people. 

"The same principle holds in lending for in- 
ternational development. This is our common 
challenge, and it demands a common response. 
Development is not the responsibility of just a 
few countries, but of many. A multilateral ap- 
proach can be a practical way to get at the job 
for countries providing assistance as well as for 
those receiving it. 

"The institutions that we created at Bretton 
Woods and the cooperation that we built upon 
these institutions led to the highest sustained 
rate of economic growth in the history of the 
world. Total world income today is $2.5 trillion. 

"So by working closely together — in mone- 
tary policy, in economic policy, in development 
policy — we can realistically hope to increase 
world output by 5 j^ercent a year over the next 
decade. This is what we averaged over the past 
6 years. 

". . . this is the measure of the stakes that are 
involved in constructive relations : constructive 
relations among the industrial coimtries, be- 
tween industrial and developing countries, 
among the developing countries themselves, and 
between East and West. 

"Let us not fail to be wise." 

Calendar of International Conferences ^ 

Scheduled January Through March 

Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarma- 
ment (to be resumed March 6, 1969). 

UNDP Governing CouncU: 7th Session 

ECAFE Committee on Trade: 12th Session 

ILO Inter-American Advisory Committee 

ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 23d Session . . . 

IMCO Subcommittee on Radio Communications: 5th 

Inter- American Housing Congress: 2d Session 

IMCO Subcommittee on Subdivision and Stability: 9th 

UNCTAD Trade and Development Board: 8th Session . . . 

ECE Committee on Gas: 16th Session 

FAO Study Group on Jute, Kenaf, and Allied Fibers .... 

ECOSOC Human Rights Commission: Ad Hoc Committee 
on Periodic Reports. 

WHO/FAO Codex Alimentarius Commission: 6th Meeting 
and Executive Committee Meetings. 

ECOSOC Commission on the Status of Women: 22d Ses- 

IMCO Subcommittee on Bulk Cargoes: 8th Session .... 

International Coffee Council Executive Board 

ICAO Panel on Study of the Economics of Route Facilities: 
2d Session. 

Geneva Mar. 14, 1962— 

New Yorls Jan. 5-17 

Bangkok Jan. 6-15 

San Salvador Jan. 13-23 

Geneva Jan. 13-31 

London Jan. 14-17 

Caracas Jan. 18-26 

London Jan. 21-24 

Geneva Jan. 21-Feb. 7 

Geneva Jan. 27-30 

Rome Jan. 27-30 

New York Jan. 27-31 

Geneva Jan. 27-Feb. 7 

New York Jan. 27-Feb. 12 

London Jan. 28-31 

Abidjan Jan. 31-Feb. 9 

Montreal January 

' This schedule, which was prepared m the Office of International Conferences on Dec. 13, 1968, lists inter- 
national conferences in which the U.S. Government expects to participate officially in the period January-March 
1969. The list does not include numerous nongovernmental conferences and meetings. Persons interested in those 
are referred to the World List of Future International Meetings, compiled by the Library of Congress and available 
from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402. 

Following is a key to the abbreviations : CENTO, Central Treaty Organization ; EGA, Economic Commission 
for Africa ; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East ; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe ; 
ECOSOC, Economic and Social Coimcil; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade ; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization ; ILO, International Labor Organization ; 
IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization ; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization ; 
OECD, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; U.N., United Nations; UNCTAD, United Nations 
Conference on Trade and Development; UNDP, United Nations Development Program; UNESCO, United Nations 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization ; WHO, World Health Organization. 

JANUARY 6, 19 69 


Calendar of International Conferences—Oontinued 

Scheduled January Through March— Continued 

UNESCO Universal Copyright Committee/Intergovernmen- Paris January 

tal Copyright Committee. 

WHO Executive Board: 43d Session and Standing Committee . Geneva January 

GATT Committee on Trade in Industrial Products Geneva January 

Inter-American Technical Meeting on Urban Development . Rio de Janeiro January 

International Institute for the Unification of Private Law: Piome January 

Special Committee To Review 1964 Convention. 

International Northeast Atlantic Fisheries Commission : Com- London January or February 

mittee Meetings on Regulatory Measiu'es, Financial 

Matters, and Assessments. 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Woods Hole, Mass .... Feb. 3-7 

9th Meeting of Bureau and Consultative Council. 

ECAFE Transport and Communications Committee: 17th Bangkok Feb. 3-11 


EGA Commission: 9th Session Addis Ababa Feb. 3-14 

IMCO Subcommittee on Lifesaving Appliances London Feb. 4-7 

NATO Science Committee Brussels Feb. 6-7 

ECE Inland Transport Committee Geneva Feb. 10-13 

ECE Ad Hoc Meeting on Air Pollution Geneva Feb. 10-14 

OECD Ministerial Meeting Paris Feb. 13-14 

ECE Group of Rapporteurs on Customs Questions Concerning Geneva Feb. 17-21 


ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources . . Bangkok Feb. 17-24 

UNCTAD Committee on Invisibles and Financing Related to Geneva Feb. 17-28 


ECOSOC Commission for Social Development: 20th Session . New York Feb. 17-Mar. 5 

ILO Governing Body: 174th Session Geneva Feb. 17-Mar. 7 

ECOSOC Human Rights Commission: 25th Session .... Geneva Feb. 17-Mar. 14 

ECE Preparatory Group of Experts on Environment .... Geneva Feb. 24-28 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 19th Session London Feb. 24-28 

ECOSOC Committee on Nongovernmental Organizations . . New York Feb. 24-28 

International North Pacific Fur Seal Commission Tokyo Feb. 24-Mar. 1 

Plenipotentiary Conference on Definitive Arrangements for Washington Feb. 24-Mar. 21 

the International Telecommunications Satellite Consortium. 

FAO Committee on Fisheries Rome February 

IMCO Legal Committee: 3d Session of Working Group II. . London February 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: Paris February 

International Group for Scientific Coordination of the 

Cooperative Study in the Mediterranean. 

International Coffee Organization Executive Board London February 

FAO Committee on Statistics of the Banana Study Group . Panama February or March 

U.N. Direct Broadcast Satellite Working Group Geneva February or March 

FAO Codex Alimentarius Executive Committee on General Geneva Mar. 3-14 


U.N. Commission on Trade Law: 2d Session . Geneva Mar. 3-29 

International Hydrographic Bureau: 2d Meeting of the Com- Monte Carlo Mar. 10-11 

mission for the International Chart. 

CENTO Economic Committee: 17th Session Ankara Mar. 10-12 

ECE Working Party on the Construction of Vehicles .... Geneva Mar. 17-21 

International Coffee Council London Mar. 17-21 

International Commission for Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: Moscow Mar. 22-29 

Joint Working Group on Selectivity and Analysis. 

ECE Trade Development Committee": Working Group . . . Geneva Mar. 24-28 

ECE Working Party on Transport of Perishable Foodstuffs . Geneva Mar. 24-28 

IMCO Subcommittee on Safety of Navigation: 7th Session . London Mar. 2.5-28 

CENTO Military Committee: 20th Meeting Washington Mar. 27-28 

Joint ECE/FAO Codex Alimentarius Group of Experts on Geneva Mar. 31-Apr. 3 

the Standardization of Fruit Juices. 

ECOSOC Advisory Committee on the Application of Science New York Mar. 31-Apr. 12 

and Technology to Development: 11th Session. 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 2d Paris March 

Meeting of the Working Group on an Integrated Global 

Oceanic Station System. 



U.S. and Soviet Union Sign 
New Fisheries Agreement 

The Department of State announced on 
December 13 (press release 277) that the United 
States and the Soviet Union had that day signed 
in Washington an agreement on fisheries off the 
Middle Atlantic coast of the United States. The 
agreement constitutes an extension and modi- 
fication of a fisheries agreement which was 
originally concluded on November 25, 1967, in 
Moscow.^ The new agreement affords greater 
protection to the four species of fish in the area 
wliich have been in decline and which tradition- 
ally have been of prime interest to American 
sports and commercial fishermen. At the same 
time it permits fishermen of both countries ac- 
cess to some underutilized commercial species 
also found in the area, especially herring. 

After continued cooperative efforts by fish- 
eries scientists of the two countries during the 
past year and further evaluation of niimerous 
factors affecting the fisheries by experts fi-om 
the two countries, it was concluded that the four 
species could be given greater protection by re- 
defining a large portion of the area which is 
closed to fishing by large vessels. From Jan- 
uary 1 to April 1, 1968, the closed zone extended 
over a rectangular area, of several thousand 
square miles, south of Long Island and Rhode 
Island. Under the new agreement, from Janu- 
ary 1 to April 1 in 1969 and 1970 the closed 
area, which is outside U.S. jurisdiction, will be 
an elongated belt offshore from Rhode Island, 
Long Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, 
and Virginia that encompasses the wintering 
grounds of scup, fluke, and red and silver hake. 

The American delegation was led by Donald 
L. McKernan, Special Assistant for Fisheries 
and Wildlife to the Secretary of State.^ The 
Soviet delegation was led by First Deputy Min- 
ister of Fisheries V. M. Kamentsev. Experts and 
advisers from sports-fishing interests and the 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 6377. 

* For names of other members of the U.S. delegation, 
see Department of State press release 277 dated 
Dec. 13. 

commercial fishing industry in New Jersey, New 
York, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Wash- 
ington, D.C, participated in the negotiations. 
Also participating were fisheries officials of the 
States of New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, 
Massachusetts, and Maine, as well as officers of 
the Departments of State and Interior and the 
United States Coast Guard, and staff' members 
of the Senate Commerce Committee and the 
House Committee on Merchant Marine and 

Ambassador McKernan noted that the change 
in the area of the closed zone would especially 
benefit both the sports and commercial fisher- 
men of the mid-Atlantic area. "The area to the 
south, off New Jersey. Delaware, Maryland, and 
Virginia, which will be newly closed to fishing 
by large vessels for 3 months each year is a par- 
ticularly important wintering ground for the 
.scup and fluke (smnmer flounder)," he said. 
"These species have never been available in large 
numbers, but recent natural causes as well as 
heavy fishing pressure have reduced their num- 
bers substantially. Scientific evidence indicates 
that the red and silver hake situation is now 
improving, although the abundance of these two 
species of fish is still at a low level compared to 
the past." 

Scientists attribute part of the reason for the 
decline in fish stocks in the Middle Atlantic 
region to a reduction in water temperature in the 
area, beginning in the late 1950's and continuing 
to the present time. This apparently has influ- 
enced the abundance of the warmer water spe- 
cies such as menliaden, scup, butterfish, and 
fluke. Colder water species have shown a general 
increase at the same time, including sea herring, 
mackerel, and yellowtail flounder. 

Scientists using research vessels from the 
United States and the U.S.S.R. conducted joint 
surveys and research again this year from the 
Bureau of Commercial Fisheries biological 
laboratory at Woods Hole, Mass. Scientists from 
State fisheries departments of Virginia, New 
Jersey, New York, and Massachusetts also par- 
ticipated in this work. Both Ambassador 
McKernan and Minister Kamentsev noted the 

JANUARY 6, 1969 


importance of this cooperative scientific work to 
the successful conclusion of the improved 
agi'eement. During the meeting, plans were 
made for continuing and increasing this scien- 
tific collaboration. 

Under the terms of the agreement, the large 
Soviet vessels fishing in the area will continue to 
restrict their catches of the four species to the 
1967 level, which was considerably diminished 
from the 1966 catch. For example, the Soviet 
catch of red hake declined from 25,722 tons to 
14,884 tons. Overall Soviet catch in the area 
declined from 131,075 tons to 47,086 tons. Pre- 
liminary data indicate that the 1968 Soviet red 
hake catch will be about 2,000 tons and the over- 
all catch less than 50,000 tons. The Soviet catch 
of fluke, yellowtail, and other flounders, now 
specified for special protection in the new agi'ee- 
ment, has been nil. 

Noting the significant reduction in Soviet 
fishing effort on the high seas in the area, the 
United States agreed to permit the Soviet fish- 
ing fleet to continue to use two small areas 
within the United States contiguous fishing zoiie 
for loading purposes — off New Jereey Septem- 
ber 15-May 15 and off Long Island November 
15-May 15 — and to permit the Soviets to fish 
in a small area off Long Island January 1- 
April 1. These areas are unchanged from the 
1967 agreement. 

The new agreement is for 2 years, January 1, 
1969, through December 31, 1970, but modifica- 
tion of the agreement will be permitted after 
1 year at the request of either country. The orig- 
inal agreement was for 1 year but was extended 
through December 31 to permit the negotiations 
to take place during December. 

The current meeting was called for in the 1967 
agreement and is one of a series that has taken 
place since Soviet fishing effort greatly increased 
off the Middle Atlantic coast several years ago. 
Previous meetings were held in Moscow, Boston, 
and Washington. 

Ambassador McKeman noted at the conclu- 
sion of the meeting, which began December 4, 
that the new terms significantly increase the 
chances of recoveiy of the American fisheries 
in the mid- Atlantic area. In addition, the United 
States attempted to arrive at similar arrange- 
ments for the area south of Cape Cod, which 
is a jiart, of the International Commission for 
the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries (ICNAF) 
convention area. Wliile such arrangements were 
not agreed upon, the United States will pursue 
the matter within ICNAF at the 1969 meeting. 

Current Actions 


Atomic Energy 

Statute of the Internationjil Atomic Energy Agency, 
with annex. Done at New York October 26, 1956. 
Entered into force July 29, 1057. TIAS 3873, .5284. 
Acceptance deposited: Liechtenstein, December 13, 


Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done at 
Washington March IS, 1965. Entered into force 
October 14, 196G. TIAS 6090. 

Ratification deposited: Republic of China, Decem- 
ber 10, 1968. 
Extension to: Bailiwick of Guernsey, December 10, 

Judicial Procedure 

Convention on the service abroad of judicial and extra- 
judicial documents in civil or commercial matters. 
Done at The Hague November 15, 1965. 
Ratification deposited: United Arab Republic, De- 
cember 12. 1968. 
Entry into force: February 10. 1969. 

Load Lines 

International convention on load lines, 1966. Done at 
London April 5, 1966. Entered into force July 21, 1968. 
TIAS 6331. 

Acceptance deposited: Yugoslavia, October 25, 1968. 
Accession deposited: Nigeria, November 14, 1968. 

Safety at Sea 

Amendments to the international convention for the 
safety of life at sea, 1960 (TIAS 5780). Adopted at 
London November .30, 1966.' 
Acceptance deposited: Yugoslavia, November 22, 1968. 



Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, relat- 
ing to the agreements of March 3, 1967 (TIAS 6245), 
and January 3, 1968 (TIAS 6453). Signed at Accra 
December 10, 1968. Entered into force December 10, 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 

Agreement extending the agreement of November 25, 
1907 (TIAS 6377). on cert.-iiu fishery problems on 
the high seas in the western areas of the middle 
Atlantic Ocean. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Moscow October 9 and December 3, 1968. Entered 
into force December 3, 1968. 

Agreement modifying and extending the agreement 
of November 25, 1907 (TIAS 6377), on certain fishery 
problems on the high seas in the western areas of 
the middle Atlantic Ocean. Signed at Washington 
December 13, 1968. Enters into force January 1, 


' Not in force. 



INDEX Janvary 6, 1969 Vol. LX, No. 1541 

Asia. Limits and Responsibilities of American 
Power (Rostow) 4 

Developing Countries. Limits and Responsibili- 
ties of American Power (Rostow) .... 4 

Economic Affairs 

Reports of tbe World Bank Group and Inter- 
national Monetary Fund (Goldscbmidt) . . 15 

U.S. and Soviet Union Sign New Fisheries 
Agreement 19 

Europe. Limits and Responsibilities of American 
Power (Rostow) 4 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Culoiular of International Conferences .... 17 
Reports of the World Bank Group and Inter- 
national Monetary Fund (Goldscbmidt) . . 15 

Korea. Crew of U.S.S. Puehlo Released at Pan- 
munjom; U.S. Position on Facts Unchanged 
(Johnson, Rusk, Woodward) 1 

Latin America. Limits and Responsibilities of 
American Power (Rostow) 4 

Military Affairs. Crew of U.S.S. Puehlo Released 
at Panmunjom; U.S. Position on Facts Un- 
changed (Johnson, Rusk, Woodward) ... 1 

Namibia. United States Calls Upon South Africa 
To Recognize Right of People of Namibia to 
Self-Determination (Denny, text of resolu- 
tion) .' 11 

Nigeria. President Johnson Joins Appeal for 
Holiday Truce in Nigeria (Johnson) ... 3 

Presidential Documents 

Crew of U.S.S. Puelylo Released at Panmunjom ; 

U.S. Position on Facts Unchanged .... 1 

The Lighting of the Nation's Christmas Tree . 3 

President Johnson Joins Appeal for Holiday 

Truce in Nigeria '. 3 

South Africa 

U.N. General Assembly Rejects Move To Bar 
South Africa From Membership ui UNCTAD 
(Goldschmidt, Wiggins) 8 

United States Calls Upon South Africa To 
Recognize Right of People of Namibia to Self- 
Determination (Denny, text of resolution) 11 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 20 

U.S. and Soviet Union Sign New Fisheries 
Agreement 19 


Limits and Responsibilities of American Power 

(Rostow) 4 

U.S. and Soviet Union Sign New Fisheries 
Agreement 19 

United Nations 

Reports of the World Bank Group and Inter- 
national Monetary Fund (Goldschmidt) . . 15 

U.X. General Assembly Re.i'ects Move To 
South Africa From Membership in UNCTAD 
(Goldschmidt, Wiggins) 8 

United States Calls Upon South Africa To Recog- 
nize Right of People of Namibia to Self- 
Determination (Denny, text of resolution) . 11 

Viet-Nam. Limits and Responsibilities of Ameri- 
can Power (Rostow) 4 

Name Tndcx 

Denny, Brewster C 11 

Goldschmidt, Arthur K 8. 15 

Johnson, President 1,3 

Rostow, W. W 4 

Rusk, Secretary 1 

Wiggins, James Russell 8 

Woodward, Maj. Gen. Gilbert II 1 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 16-22 

Press releases may be obtained from the OJEce 
of News. Department of State, Wa.shington, D.C. 

Release issued prior to December 16 which 
appears in thi.s issue of the Bulletin is No. 277 
of December 13. 

No. Date Subject 

t279 12/20 U.S.-Greece air transport agree- 
ment modified. 

280 12/22 Statement by Department spokes- 

man on release of crew of U.S.S. 

281 12/22 Rusk: release of crew of U.S.S. 


t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 


Superintendent of Documents 
U.S. government printing office 





• K'li ••- 







Vol. LX, No. 15i2 

January 13, 1969 


Remarks hy President Johnson and President Diaz Ordaz of Mexico 21 


"by Assistant Secretary Sisco 27 



U.S. Statements and Text of Resolution 32 

IAN 29 

For index see inside hack cover 



Vol. LX, No. 1542 
January 13, 1969 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Govemnient Pilnting Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 


52 Issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 

copyrighted imd Items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OF 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN Is Indexed in 

the Readers' Guide to Periodica! Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interna- 
tioruil affairs and the functions of the 
Department. Information is included 
concerning treaties and international 
agreements to which the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

United States and Mexico Reaffirm Bonds of Friendship 

President Johnson and President Gustavo 
Diaz Ordaz tnet at the U.S.-Mexican border on 
December 13 for a ceremony marking the open- 
ing of the President Adolfo Lopez Mateos 
Channel, which forms the international bound- 
ary between the two countries. Following are 
remarks exchanged by the two Presidents at the 
ceremony, held on the Paso del Norte Bridge 
between El Paso, Tex., and Ciudad Juarez, 
Chihuahua, together with their exchange of 
toasts at a luncheon at the Paso del Norte Hotel 
in El Paso after the ceremony. 


President Johnson 

White House press release dated December 13 

About a year ago, two signatures were placed 
on a declaration in Spanish and English in the 
City of Juarez.^ 

The international boundary between Mexico 
and the United States was changed. It was 
changed without a shot being fired, without the 
massing of troops on fi'ontiers, without an ex- 
change of threats through respective embassies. 

Tlie course of a historic river was to be per- 
manently altered. 

The Chamizal, symbol of contention for more 
than 100 years, was returned to Mexico. It was 
no small accomplisliment. 

Credit for it must go to hundreds of dedicated 
Mexicans and Americans who labored long for 
many years to achieve it. 

It must go particularly to President Adolfo 
Lopez Mateos, with whom I first discussed this 
project as far back as 1958 and after whom the 
new Rio Grande channel is deservedly named — 
and for whose improved health we all pray — 
and to the f arsighted and the beloved late Pres- 
ident, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, who gave a 
new urgency to the settlement of this old 

' For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 20, 1967, p. 684. 

These men were determined to seek justice for 
both of their countries. They believed that na- 
tions, like men, must not be trapped by the 
ideologies or the events of the past. 

They had the courage to believe that there are 
few problems between reasonable nations which 
cannot be solved, no matter how complicated, no 
matter how emotional or sanctified by age. 

So for 4 long years now, I have worked with 
my dear friend, and the friend of all of the 
citizens of my country, the most distinguished 
President of Mexico, Gustavo Diaz Ordaz, to 
complete the Chamizal story. 

We believe that we have worked out together 
a fair and a just solution, and we have worked 
it out in peace. 

"Respect for the rights of others is peace," 
said Benito Juarez. Peace is also sharing the 
burdens of hemispheric leadership. Peace is 
mutual respect for the unique national and cul- 
tural identity of other peoples. 

I told my daughter only yesterday that my 
wish for my grandson was that he would learn 
to speak Spanish as he learned to speak English. 
And I believe he imderstands a little more 
Spanish today than he does English. 

Peace is the free commerce of men and ideas 
and goods across borders. 

The finest thing I know to say about both 
countries, and both Presidents, and both peoples 
is that as we sit here today we have no armies 
patrolling our borders. We have confidence in 
each other, and we have peace with one another. 

Peace is the active development of physical 
resources and human potential. The Interna- 
tional Boundary and Water Commission has 
shown us in concrete terms how peace and un- 
derstanding can bring about economic, social, 
and educational development. 

The magnificent works along this river are 
eloquent testimony to the Commission's success. 

Land has been redeveloped. 

New bridges have been built, including the 
impressive structure on which we gather here 

JANUARY 13, 1969 


An unpredictable river has been converted 
into a controlled source of water — water for 
irrigation, water for electric power, water for 
recreation — for Mexicans and Americans alike. 

To insure that the movement of men and ideas 
and goods vdll continue between our two coun- 
tries in the border areas, President Diaz Ordaz 
and I agreed to create the United States-Mexico 
Commission for Border Development and 
Friendship 2 years ago during my happy visit 
to your capital, Mexico City.^ 

Long after our words of today are gone and 
forgotten, something more important is going 
to endure: channels between men, bridges be- 
tween cultures, border commissions which link 
the human values that Mexico and America hold 
dear. These, my friends, will never pass away 
if we are true to our heritage. 

Together we have shown that borders between 
nations are not just lines across which men shake 
their fists in anger. They are also lines across 
which men may clasp hands in common purpose 
and friendship ; and throughout our periods of 
respective service, no head of state, no leader of 
any nation has worked closer, cooperated better, 
or extended the hand of friendship more than 
the most distinguished President of Mexico, and 
we are all grateful for it. 

In the years to come, Mr. President, the 
American people are going to demonstrate to 
you and your people that we are worthy of your 
trust and your confidence and we are going to 
return the hand of fi-iendship that you have 
extended all the time to us. 

Gracias, amigos. 

President Diaz Ordaz 


President and Mrs. Johnson, I wish to extend, 
in the name of the people of Mexico, a cordial 
greeting to the people of the United States and 
to reiterate the warm and increasingly deep 
friendship that unites our peoples and our 

I also wish to tell you. President and Mrs. 
Johnson, that the hand of friendsliip extended 
a little over 4 years ago at your Texas ranch 
was the hand of friendship of a Mexican man 
and woman who consider loyalty above all else 
when they offer their friendship. Again we meet 
at a place that was, as you have just said, Mr. 
President, a symbol of dispute, and which is 

now a symbol of imderstanding and friendship. 
For that change to come about, it was necessary, 
as you said, for many men from our two coun- 
tries to work actively with a broad vision of the 
future and a profound knowledge of our two 
peoples in settling that longstanding dispute 
and converting it into an abiding symbol of 
peaceful solutions. 

President Benito Juarez lived in one of the 
most dangerous, most difficult periods in Mexi- 
can histoi-y, when a very small part of Mexican 
territory had been removed by changes in the 
channel of the Rio Grande; as a result, steps 
were taken to file a claim to have that land duly 
returned to us. 

After many efforts to no avail, the voice of 
Lyndon Baines Jolinson was raised in the 
United States Senate approximately 14 years 
ago, asking that the solution of the Chamizal 
problem, a thorn in the relations between Mexico 
and the United States, be accelerated. 

A few years later, in Mexico City, during the 
visit of President Jolui F. Kennedy to our coun- 
try, Adolfo Lopez Mateos again brought up the 
matter, and the two men resolved to recommend 
to their associates that an immediate effort be 
undertaken to fuid a solution to the problem.' 

And later. President Johnson and I discussed 
the final points in order that we might come to 
today's ceremony. 

The boundary was changed without irritating 
words in embassies, without threats or troop 
movements, as you stated, Mr. President, be- 
cause the work of many men had been effective, 
and those men had not thought of annoying 
words or offensive actions ; rather they had ap- 
plied a much more effective means of action, that 
is, law. 

As soon as man began to live in society, he 
invented a system of rules of general conduct 
for the benefit of all, which have demonstrated 
throughout history that they are capable, by 
their moral power and at times by the coercive 
force of the penalties they establish, of solving 
disputes among men in the best possible manner. 
These rules are called law. 

We all know this, but from time to time we 
endeavor to set aside these rules of conduct that 
lead to peaceful, fruitful solutions and apply 
other means that, quite naturally, produce re- 
sults that are akin to the means used. 

The use of law to solve the problem of the 
Chamizal is also producing fruitful results. The 

" For text of a joint statement issued at Mexico City 
on Apr. 1.5, 1966, see Bulletin of May 9, 1966, p. 731. 

' For a joint communique issued at Mexico City on 
.Tune 30, 1962, see Bulletin of July 23, 1962, p. 135. 



construction of the imposing Amistad Dam to 
make these waters, which pre\dously were only 
a source of problems for the two nations and the 
jjeople living along the banks of the river, pro- 
duce electric power and render the land they 
irrigate fertile. 

The first months of 1969 will see the comple- 
tion of the work we are doing also on the course 
of the Rio Grande at a place called El Morrillo 
to solve a problem of salinity that Mexican 
waters were causing in United States lands. 

As the bed of tliis river was nearly ruined 
during the disaster at the end of 1967, another 
piece of Mexican territory was detached and 
f onned the bank known as Los Indios. With the 
application of the same principles that had been 
applied to solve the Chamizal problem, this land 
was returned to us immediately; thus, we did 
not have to wait another 100 years. 

I hope that in a few months we shall be able 
to conclude a bilateral agreement to solve, with 
similar legal treatment, the problem which 
sometimes arises and which is much like the 
problem of the banks that form in the river; 
that is to say, the islands that this river leaves in 
changing its course. 

When disputes are solved by law, not only 
does the solution bring peace of mind to those 
involved in the dispute but also one of the finest 
manifestations of human relations: friendship. 

You gave us an example of that friendship 
a little more than a year ago, Mr. President, 
when you were good enough to accept the sug- 
gestion that the new course of the Kio Grande 
determined by the agreement putting an end to 
the Chamizal problem should bear the name of 
an illustrious Mexican President, Adolf o Lopez 

Many places in the United States still bear 
the Spanish names given them long ago, but 
since October 28 of last year, a small strip of 
territory in your country — that is, the part of 
the river bed that lies north of the boiuidary — 
has borne the name of that distinguished Mexi- 
can. And for us, it will always be a symbol of 
friendly cooperation that you decided to give 
this name to the new part of the bed of the 
Eio Grande, and we shall always be grateful 
for it. 

Mr. President, we seem to be in competition. 
Just as your grandson is learning to speak 
Spanish, my grandson is learning to speak 

I speak very bad English — only a few words 
and with terrible pronunciation. And when he 
hears me say something in English, he immedi- 

ately corrects me, because his pronunciation is 
very good. 

A little more than a year ago, Mr. President, 
in this same area, we vowed to make every effort 
in our power not to hamper but rather to im- 
prove the friendship of our peoples. 

I should like to invite you to join with me 
in renewing that pledge in order that we may 
continue doing everything possible so that men, 
women, children, and old people on both sides 
of this new riverbed may always live in increas- 
ingly cordial friendship; and so that when the 
children of today, the grandchildren of millions 
of Americans and Mexicans, our grandchildren, 
are grown and assume responsibility for their 
countries, they may come together anywhere 
on our common border to speak in friendship 
and make plans for the benefit of all. 

My closing words are to renew the friendly 
wishes of the Mexican people for the American 
people, for the great and noble people of the 
United States, and to repeat to you, President 
and Mrs. Johnson, that the hand of friendship 
extended to you on the LB J Ranch in Texas a 
little over 4 years ago was offered not only to 
the President of the United States but also to 
the man, Lyndon Baines Joluison, and the 
woman, Claudia Alta Taylor Johnson. 

President Johnson 

White House press release dated December 13 

This is probably the last time that I shall 
meet you as President of the United States. 
But it will not be our last visit together. For 
my friendships in Texas and my career in public 
life have been linked with Mexico and its citi- 
zens and its leaders. You and your countrymen 
hold a very special place in my heart. 

Almost 40 years ago I taught in a little school 
at CotuUa, where many of the students were 
Americans of Mexican heritage. I learned a 
good many lessons in life from these students. 
I learned that differences in language and cul- 
ture and where you were born were not im- 
portant if you had the same dreams of promise 
and fulfillment. 

In the past 4 years I have learned even more 
about Mexico — its proud and energetic and 
talented people. We have been blessed by a 
very close personal and professional relation- 
ship with a farsighted leader. President 
Gustavo Diaz Ordaz. 

JANUARY 13, 1969 


Because of our friendship and our common 
trust, a nmnber of problems between Mexico 
and the United States have already be«n 

Wlien I look at President Diaz Ordaz, when 
I consider the closeness of our families, when 
I look at all our friends at these tables, I am 
reminded of the priceless advantage that the 
United States has in sharing a 2,000-mile un- 
fortified border with a hospitable, stable, and 
stanclily independent Mexico. 

Mexico and the United States are linked by 
a common border. 

We are linked by a personal philosophy of 
individual freedom and worth. 

We are linlied by the ideals of both the Mexi- 
can and the American Revolutions. 

And we are linked more and more by common 

In 1958, when I met with former President 
Lopez Mateos prior to his inauguration, at his 
request, in Mexico — whose restored good health 
we never cease hoping for— we discussed a nirm- 
ber of very important matters that we hoped 
Mexico and the United States someday could 
imdertake together. 

We agreed that a concentrated attack ought 
to be made on the persistent problem of the 
screw-worm, with its damaging effects on live- 
stock in Mexico and in the American Southwest. 
Well, enormous progress has been made during 
the last 10 years in our two coimtries' common 
efforts to eradicate that cattle disease. The battle 
is not yet won totally, but I hope in my day to 
see that parasite completely eliminated from 
both nations. And I am going to continue my 
strong personal interest in this problem, which 
afflicts both Mexico and the United States. 

We discussed ways to increase substantially 
the exchange between our two nations — the ex- 
change of our legislators, of our students, of 
our teachers, of our professors — and visits of 
people between our two countries. That hope 
was fulfilled beyond our expectations, as both 
private and Government exchange programs 
between our two nations have reached new 

Our distinguished majority leader has been 
present at these discussions, as have other mem- 
bers of the Senate and House; and Senator 
Mansfield, a great leader of the United States, 
has been present at eight meetings of our Con- 
gressmen of the two Eepublics. 

We planned for the building of dams on our 

rivers and controlling the great water resources 
which we share as neighboring countries. 

That, too, will have come to pass with the 
completion of the great dams, such as Amistad 
and Falcon. 

And we spoke of the Chamizal. We expressed 
our earnest hopes that one day that age-old 
problem would be resolved by sitting down to- 
gether and working out a just solution that 
would be beneficial to both Mexico and the 
United States. And that, too, has happened. 

Along the Rio Grande this morning we saw 
the new chaimel that is named for the illustrious 
former President, Lopez Mateos, which now 
fixes the course of that historic river ; and land 
which was once disputed is returned to the 
jurisdiction of Mexico. 

A century-old dispute has been ended, but 
the common projects which involve men and 
minds and rivers and dams must never be ended. 

In the reaches of space, Mexico helps to track 
the orbits of America's Mercury, Gemini, and 
Apollo space missions. Millions of tourists cross 
our borders both ways each year. The strength 
of your peso adds to the stability of our dollar. 
Ajtid together we fight crop disease and animal 
plague. Each year trade between our two na- 
tions continues to gi-ow. 

We must continue to seek out new projects 
which require the cooperation between our two 
energetic and growing nations. For in such co- 
operation lies the key to a new era of develop- 
ment for all of us. 

I said this morning that a border need not be 
a line across which people shake their fists. It 
can be, instead, a line across which men may 
clasp their hands in common purpose and 

I am delighted to say today that President 
Diaz Ordaz and I have tried very, very hard, 
and I think somewhat successfully, to do just 
that for 4 years. 

We have tried to be, and I think we have been, 
good neighbors for each other. We have allied 
ourselves for progress. We have helped and sup- 
ported each other in every way we knew how, 
whenever we knew what the need was. 

Now, conscious of the rich contributions of 
each country to the well-being of the other coun- 
try, I ask all of you to rise and join me in toast- 
ing His Excellency, our gi-eat friend, the 
President of the Republic of Mexico, Gustavo 
Diaz Ordaz, his lovely wife, liis family, and 
most of all, the beloved Mexican people. 



President Diaz Ordaz 


Mr. President and Lady Bird — which, I 
think, as an old friend, I may be permitted to 
call you— ladies and gentlemen : 

A little over 4 years ago, just after the elec- 
tions in Mexico, I received an invitation from 
President Jolinson, not to attend a cold formal 
ceremony but to enjoy for 2 days the warmth 
of his home and his cordial friendship.* After- 
ward we met at the border between our two 
countries to inspect the work on the Amistad 
Dam being built over the Kio Grande.' There 
also, as at your ranch, I had the opportunity to 
talk to you, to analyze and study various prob- 
lems and questions of concern to our two coun- 
tries, and to plan solutions to many of them, 
which, fortunately, we have been able to carry 
out gradually in the course of the years. 

In a very different atmosphere we again met 
at Punta del Este, Uruguay, to combine our ef- 
forts with those of the other Presidents of the 
American Republics to accelerate the develop- 
ment of our countries and bring prosperity to 
our peoples as soon as possible. 

A little later, in October of last year, I had 
the great privilege and honor of enjoying once 
more the hospitality of President and Mrs. 
Johnson and the American people in Washing- 
ton, where I had an unusually cordial and 
friendly contact with the United States Con- 
gress and with many of its Members.'' That trip 
culminated at El Chamizal, when the distin- 
guished President of the United States actually 
turned over the land known as El Chamizal, 
which had been a source of friction between us 
for so many years. 

A year ago, nature was not very kind to this 
region of our two countries. During the cere- 
mony there was a wind of almost hurricane 
force, which made me think that if that piece of 
our country had once been taken away by the 
Rio Grande when its waters rose, perhaps now 
that it was being returned to us we might not 
have it very long, because, to use the title of the 
motion picture, it might be "gone with the 
wind" and thus be brought back to tliis side. 

And now we are here in this place again, not 
to discuss problems or plan joint solutions but 
to renew vows of friendship and common efforts 

* For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 7, 1964, p. 805. 
° For background, see Bttlletin of Jan. 2, 1967, p. 12. 
" For background, see Bulletin of Nov. 20, 1967, p. 

and to express, in another personal meeting, our 
now longstanding friendship. 

Now nature has been kind and has given us a 
lovely day. President Johnson very generously 
told me that the good weather had come from 
Mexico. And I, applying the basic principles of 
Mexican policy of equitable treatment of all 
peoples, told him that the United States 
brought half and we Mexicans contributed the 
other half. 

Perhaps this enumeration of the meetings the 
Presidents of these two nations have had has 
seemed rather long to you, but I wished to re- 
mind you of them at this time and publicly to 
thank this extraordinary President of the 
United States for the spirit of vmderstanding 
and friendship with which he has always lis- 
tened to our problems and the way in which he 
has always seen, in each of our meetings, the 
possibility of friendly, peaceful, and construc- 
tive solutions. 

I wanted to do this, not only in my name and 
that of Mrs. Diaz Ordaz but also in the name 
of my entire people, because the questions we 
discussed were not matters of concern to Mrs. 
Diaz Ordaz and me personally ; the matters that 
we were seeking to solve — some of which we 
have solved — affected the Mexican people, some 
of them very deeply. 

In this connection, I have purposely left to 
the last a mention of the opportunity I had to 
talk to President Johnson in our capital, when 
he did us the honor of visiting us, because, in 
addition to the conversations, he had occasion 
to see, to feel, to witness, the enthusiasm of the 
Mexican people who filled the streets and ave- 
nues to overflowing to shake hands with the 
President of the United States. 

The public usually thinks that these conver- 
sations are easy and simple, but that is not true. 
President Johnson is responsible for looking 
out for the interests of his country and his fel- 
low countrymen. And it is my patriotic mission 
to look out for everything relating to Mexico 
to the best of my ability. Sometimes our view- 
points and our interests are conflicting, and it 
is very difficult to overcome the obstacles, but 
that is precisely where the challenge lies; that 
is, to use our imagination and to find formulas 
that, while allowing us to defend our own in- 
terests, with courage, enable us to find solutions 
that can satisfy both sides. My friend Presi- 
dent Johnson and I have been able, by applying 
our most earnest efforts and good will, to 
achieve a great deal. 

JANUARY 13, 1969 


And so thank you, Mr. President, for the 
effort you have made, for your patience in listen- 
ing to me, for your good will, the actions you 
have taken which have enabled us, without be- 
traying — which neither of us would have done — 
the flag entrusted to each of us — that permitted 
us, I repeat, in many cases to find suitable solu- 
tions to common problems or problems which 
appeared to be diametrically opposed to each 
other and which, when all was said and done, 
turned out to be beneficial to both peoples. 

Thanks also for the extraordinary attention 
you have devoted, first to setting up and later 
to the operation and development of that body, 
which may prove to be a pilot organization, 
known as the United States-Mexico Commis- 
sion for Border Development and Friendship, 
an organization in which we have placed high 
hopes, from which we are beginning to reap 
the first fruits, and wliich we hope will have a 
long and productive life and will bring a closer 
spiritual relationship between the people living 
on our long border, making them cordial chan- 
nels of communication between our citizens. 

You have crossed the border several times to 
visit our counti-y, always on business and with 
official commitments. We now very cordially re- 
peat the invitation that you visit us for pleasure. 
You will not be received with the ceremony that 
the high office you have held requires, but with 
the same cordial hospitality by the Mexicans in 
general and by my wife and myself, your 

As a memento of that visit you made to 
Mexico City, there is in one of its beautiful parks 
a magnificent statue of one of the most repre- 
sentative figures of the people of the TTnited 
States, Abraham Lincoln. We have tried to 
reciprocate that friendly gesture by giving the 
city of Washington a statue of the great Mexi- 
can President, Benito Juarez. 

That statue, soon to be unveiled, was selected 
with deep affection, and a copy made of an old 
original statue of President Juarez, which is on 

the top of Cerro del Portin in the capital of the 
State of Oaxaca, his native State. We wanted 
it to have the value added by time and we 
wanted it to come precisely from his native land. 
This hero of the Americas is seen — with his 
classic features of a Zapotec Indian — the pene- 
trating look of one who sees into the future — 
his feet fii-mly planted on the soil of Oaxaca, 
so firmly that they appear to be roots deeply 
penetrating that soil — his left hand resting on a 
book containing the Reform Laws, a key body 
of laws in our history — wearing a Spanish-style 
cape, tied in front, on top of his coat — ^the right 
hand raised, the index finger pointing toward 
the infinite, indicating surely how Mexico ex- 
tracts from its roots the rich sources that give 
it life and that will nourish a constant desire to 
strive for the progress and well-being of its 

It is our hope that this statue may symbolize 
in Washington the presence of the independent 
Mexican, who defends his rights, but in con- 
formity with the Juarez doctrine of respect for 
the rights of others; who is prepared to con- 
tribute his effort to joint labors that can re- 
dound to the common benefit of the two peoples ; 
and who upholds, along with the fundamental 
principles of his people, two standards which 
Juarez defended unceasingly as long as he 
lived — that of Mexico and that of democracy. 

I shall close, because I am becoming an ego- 
tist. The definition of an egotist is one who talks 
so much about himself that he does not let me 
talk about myself. And I have been talking — 
as was logical and natural — about those who 
have not acted for themselves, but to carry out 
important, sacred duties of their peoples; that 
is, the Presidents of our two countries. 

I wish to express my fervent, sincere wishes 
for the prosperity, freedom, and peace of the 
people of the L'nited States and for the personal 
happiness of President Johnson and Lady Bird 



Continuity and Change in Foreign Policy 

by Joseph J. Sisco 

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs ^ 

These are days of transition in Washington. 
They afford an opportunity to examine our pol- 
icies anew — to undertake a searching scrutiny 
at a time wlien a new President is about to as- 
sume office and the country's mood is one of 
unrest and of questioning over some of our key 
policies: Viet-Nam, the U.N., foreign aid, and 
our security commitments abroad. 

A new administration takes over about noon 
on January 20. On that day the fighting in Viet- 
Nam which may have occurred in the morning 
while the present administration was still in 
office will likely be extended into the afternoon 
after the new administration has taken over. If 
there is a flareup in the Middle East that morn- 
ing, the new administration will be required to 
consider what action to take in the U.N. or 
elsewhere before the sun sets. 

A new administration will have to balance 
continuity and change. It will have new oppor- 
tunities. It can start afresh, less bound to the 
past. At the same tune, it will face the stark 
realities of the present. There are constants of 
geography and power to which any administra- 
tion must be responsive. There are certain re- 
sponsibilities that it cannot shirk. Secretary 
Rusk's successor will have to take into account 
that in the nuclear age awesome American 
power may tend to limit rather than give 
greater freedom of action. No successor can ig- 
nore problems which exist in the Middle East, in 
Europe, in Africa, or in other critical areas of 
the world. That is, no President or Secretary 
of State can do so unless there should be a radi- 
cal shift toward isolationism. I doubt whether 
any but a small minority of Americans would 
favor becoming dropouts in world affairs. 

I am glad to see in this audience a number of 
young people. In the final analysis, all of us, 
whatever our age and outlook, will bear the con- 
sequences of the decisions which lie ahead. In 

particular, the youth of our country will soon 
become directly involved in the policymaking 
process, some as public officials but many more 
as citizen participants. It is understandable, 
therefore, that our young should want "a piece 
of the action" in influencing decisions. 

So I want to talk about transition in foreign 
policy, about continuity and change, in terms 
of the need for communication between the 
young and their parents in what I should like to 
call an attitude of reciprocal responsibility be- 
tween the generations. 

No one can deny that a mood of disaffection 
and of deep skepticism exists in the country 
today, above all, among the young. Institutions 
and policies in both the domestic and foreigii 
fields are being questioned. 

Partly this is because, as a recent report of the 
White House Fellows said, there are marked 
disparities between our expectations from our 
institutions — including the State Department — 
and the capacity of these institutions to deliver. 
Partly it is because of a feeling that in this com- 
plex world the United States can no longer — 
if it ever could — singlehandedly assure the 
avoidance of war. Others possess the power to 
annihilate, and there is great risk that still 
others will develop the capacity. This is a reality 
which all of us, yoimg and old, must live with 
and face squarely. 

The particular anguish of the young is under- 
standable. However, we will get nowhere by the 
politics of confrontation between the genera- 
tions, by the belief that institutions and policies 
cannot be changed by working within the sys- 
tem. Any constructive discussion of foreign 

' Address made on Dec. 11 at San Diego, Calif., before 
a regional foreign policy conference cosponsored by the 
Department of State and the World Affairs Council of 
San Diego (press release 275 dated Dec. 10). 

JANUARY 13, 1969 


policy must assume that young and old alike 
share certain goals, certain underlying basic in- 
terests in peace and the welfare of the nation. 

Assumptions for Responsible Policy 

If we are to talk with each other and not past 
each other about foreign policy, there are as- 
sumptions — or ti-uisms if you prefer — that the 
dissenters and the "establishment" alike need to 

First, there can be no doubt that American 
democracy and freedom, admittedly imperfect, 
are worth cherishing and protecting, and that 
this is the underlying purpose of our foreign 
policy. Some of the dissenting young may be- 
lieve that there is not much to choose between 
freedom in our open society and that of the 
closed Communist societies — but the youth of 
Prague, the Jewish minorities of Poland, and 
the intellectuals of the Soviet Union know 

In this connection, a responsible policymaker 
must accept the underlying idea of national in- 
terest and national well-being, in the broad and 
not the narrow chauvinistic sense, as the legiti- 
mate base of action. For the President has the 
responsibility for all the people of the coun- 
try, and, indeed, his decisions may affect all 

Second, there must be mutual respect on both 
sides of the generation gap. My generation may 
have been guilty of disparaging some of our 
youth, mistaking unconventional hairdos and 
style of dress for lack of seriousness and im- 
maturity. But the error is not all on one side. 
Those of our young who reflect unreasoning dis- 
trust must shed it and discard the idea that 
policy is made by evil old men. As Canada's 
Prime Minister Trudeau remarked in a press 
interview recently : 

What I would like young people to understand — 
that perhaps our answers are not right as regards 
Viet-Nam, or Biafra, or NATO . . . but we are not 
evil men trying to force a diabolical solution upon 
them. We are men who are coming up with answers 
as best we can, and If they have better answers, I 
would like to know what they are. 

My generation has a responsibility to take 
youth seriously. They have the right to question 
since they will live with the answers. The young 
are right in saying that policy, to be effective, 
must involve the people and must include the 
right to challenge assumptions. It is not sur- 
prising that they feel policy must be open to 
review and that events should be looked at from 

perspectives other than that of the establish- 
ment. As the drama critic of the New York 
Times noted in reviewing the Broadway play 
"Rosencrantz and Guildenstem Are Dead," the 
mousetrap looks different from the other side 
of the cheese. 

On the other hand, the young have a re- 
sponsibility not to advance moral posturing and 
generalities as substitutes for policy. Foreign 
policy issues and decisions rarely present them- 
selves as generalities. Nor do they always offer 
identifiable choices between moral and immoral 
courses of action. The next administration and 
the next generation will face specific problems 
and specific crises, as did the last and the one 
before it. These will often pose hard choices. 
The specific case will not be solved by pre- 
senting alternatives so general as nationalism 
versus internationalism or bilateral versus 

It is with some of the specifics which will 
face the new administration that I now wish 
to deal briefly. These concern the broad range 
of our interests : how we meet world crises and 
build a peaceful and humane order on this 
planet at a time when perforce we will also be 
heavily engaged putting our own house in 

Viet-Nam and the Middle East 

First and foremost is the need to bring an 
end to the war in Viet-Nam on the basis of a 
reasonable and honorable settlement. Any Viet- 
Nam solution must be approached in the per- 
spective of our overall foreign policy. For apart 
from the sacrifices in lives and national wealth, 
there are broad concerns over what should be 
the proper and responsible role of the United 
States in the world. Particularly, the American 
people want to make sure that our power and 
responsibility overseas are exercised properly to 
accomplish basic American purposes. And they 
want to make sure that other nations pull their 
weight and share the responsibilities of collec- 
tive security and building the peace. 

Second in the scale of priorities is the Middle 
East. We face an increasingly serious and de- 
teriorating situation there, as is evidenced by 
the continuing outbreaks of violence and hos- 
tilities over the past days and weeks. Tl\ese in- 
cidents are the latest reminders that the divi- 
sions and distrust between the Arabs and 
Israelis remain deeply embedded. The situation 
has become more complicated also because the 
Soviet Union, whatever its statements about 




peace, is seeking ways to expand its influence 
in the area. We noted a recent Pravda article 
which referred to the need for a political solu- 
tion, Wliat we are looking for is concrete evi- 
dence that the Soviets are exerting their in- 
fluence toward peace in the Middle East. 
Progress toward peace is unlikely as long as the 
U.S.S.R. continues to blame one side, beams 
propaganda epithets to the area against the so- 
called "imperialists," rejects offers to talk seri- 
ously about anns limitations in the area, and 
refuses to cooperate with Security Council 
efforts to deal effectively with cease-fire 

While the question of peace rests primarily 
with the parties, your Government has worked 
long and hard in support of the efforts of U.N. 
Representative Gunnar Jarring, who was man- 
dated by the U.N. Security Council to try to 
promote agi'eement on a just and lastmg peace. 
There can be no flagging of efforts to reverse 
the spiral of violence and counterviolence and to 
promote the live-and-let-live attitude which is 
a precondition for a stable and agreed regime 
of peace. 

Third, there is need to regain the momentum 
of negotiations to moderate the arms race, as 
quickly as the international climate permits. Ne- 
gotiating in good faith on effective measures 
for an early limitation of the nuclear arms race 
is an urgent item on the agenda. In the absence 
of any agreement, the nuclear arms race in of- 
fensive and defensive missile systems could 
escalate to new levels. Any unnecessary diver- 
sion of resources from peaceful pursuits with no 
real increase in security could be a tragic de- 
velopment for all. 

Fresh Look at the United Nations 

Fourth, there is need for a fresh look at the 
role of the U.N. in today's world — a world very 
different from that in which the U.N, started 
in 1945. Since then, the U.N. has helped promote 
our national interest and the cause of peace. It 
has now grown from a Western-oriented institu- 
tion of 51 countries to a body of 126 nations, 
three-quarters of which are poor and more than 
half of which are new countries from Africa 
and Asia. We need to review the capacities and 
limitations of the modern United Nations and 
find practical ways to strengthen it as a world 
forum and site for negotiation, as a place where 
peaceful settlement of disputes can be promoted, 
as a place for action in peacekeeping, as a place 
for action in the field of economic and social de- 

velopment, as a place for developing construc- 
tive actions in disarmament, peaceful uses of 
outer space, the deep seabeds, and the control of 
the human environment. 

The stark fact is that with the expansion of 
U.N. membership our influence in the organiza- 
tion has been diluted. We face a discrepancy be- 
tween power and responsibility. Formal voting 
power in various organs of the United Nations 
has shifted to the new, impecimious nations. Too 
many imrealistic resolutions adopted by the 
General Assembly have weakened the influence 
of that body. And there is increasing need for 
restraint on rising costs and for insuring sound 
budgetary and administrative practices. 

In the Assembly the new majority— under- 
standably impatient at slow progress on matters 
it considers vital, especially colonialism and 
racial discrimination — too often tries an end 
run around rules and procedures, claiming that 
"moral" issues take precedence over legal 
methods. There is a current illustration. Last 
week a main committee of the General Assembly 
adopted a resolution which would deprive a 
member, in this case South Africa, of its right 
to participate in the U.N. Conference on Trade 
and Development because of its racial policies. 
The U.S. strongly opposes the policy of 
apartheid. But the remedy does not lie in dis- 
regarding due process at the U.N. Such action 
is legally unsound, politically unrealistic, and 

If the U.N. is to respond more effectively to 
the real needs of nations, the abuse of procedures 
must be checked. Impatience with due process 
and the consequent impairment of established 
U.N. procedures could threaten the effective 
functioning of international organizations. 

Fifth, through the U.N. and in other ways, 
we need to take a new look at how the political 
and security crises resulting from local conflicts 
can be contained and alleviated collectively and 
insulated from big-power confrontation. The 
U.N. has had valuable experience in damping 
down conflict in such places as Cyprus and the 
Middle East. It has demonstrated a capacity — 
still limited and rudimentaiy — to take emer- 
gency action to halt fighting, to keep outbreaks 
of violence in check, and to spur peaceful settle- 
ment. The U.N. has been able to act in certain 
instances where the major powers held similar 
views that local conflict must not spread to in- 
volve them directly. 

We may be entering a period of more rather 
tlian fewer local conflicts. There are increasing 
constramts on unilateral involvement by the 

JANTJART 13, 1909 
329-568—69 2 


major powers in such conflicts. Yet no nation can 
be safe or responsible in a world of increasing 
disorder without provision for reliable and effec- 
tive peacekeepers. 

That is why there is need to explore all the 
avenues to collective security which the U.N. 
Charter provides, including the arrangements it 
contemplates for agreements to provide forces 
to the Security Council. 

In fact, in recent years, the U.N.'s peacekeep- 
ing activities have increasingly reflected a 
limited parallelism of interest among the major 
I)owers. It may be that new paths to collective 
security can be opened up in this direction, 
through regional arrangements as well as in the 

Benefits and Perils of Technology 

Finally, there lies ahead the task of adjusting 
to the consequences of new technologies. All na- 
tions can be the beneficiaries of the technological 
changes our scientists and engineers are 
producing. These changes can help to improve 
the lives of more people around the globe in a 
shorter time than any Utopians ever dreamed 
would be possible. 

At the same time, the promise of the new 
teclmology is accompanied by new perils. We 
are beginning to recognize that our increasingly 
voracious demands on the human environment 
and our increasing powers of destruction bring 
with them threats to health, life, and psychic 
stability. We must find ways to deal with pollu- 
tion, threats to air safety, jet-borne epidemics, 
soil depletion, noise, and other nuisances. We 
must prevent nuclear accidents, excessive 
population increase, and the ever-present specter 
of famine and malnutrition. 

As a great power, the United States can do 
much to deal with these problems within its own 
territory. But the problems are worldwide. For 
this reason, international institutions will have 
to be perfected to deal with them. 

We are beginning to move in this direction, 
very tentatively, in the United Nations family 
today. We are, for example, elaborating new 
safeguards systems in connection with the peace- 
ful uses of atomic energy. We are looking at the 
prospects for an international system which 
would allow harmonious exploitation of the re- 
sources of the deep seabed. We are preparing 
for a world conference on the problems of the 
human environment. In these and other ways, we 
are gearing up for the job of insuring that men 

can live together in tolerable conditions on a 
planet which is increasingly crowded. 

These are some of the key problems and some 
of the possibilities. 

Many others will occur to you. There is the 
need to review foreign aid policy so that our 
priorities at home and abroad are equitably bal- 
anced, taking into account budgetary and other 
considerations. There is the problem of bringing 
mainland China into the mainstream of interna- 
tional affairs. 

Our guiding principle must be to reconcile 
the constants of our world situation and the need 
to adapt to change. This is easy to say ; it is dif- 
ficult to practice. I am confident that America 
will find the way. One thing is clear : We must 
reject equally the illusion of isolation within 
fortress America and the opposite illusion of 
total involvement. We must stay on the sensible 
middle ground, that of a great and responsible 
world power whose foreign policy seeks to fos- 
ter the great aims of the Republic and relent- 
lessly pui"sues world peace. 

The task of developing a responsible and 
workable foreign policy does not fall on Wash- 
ington alone. That is why conferences like this 
one are important ; there needs to be reciprocal 
responsibility between government and elec- 
torate, between those inside the policy process 
and those on the outside. We welcome your par- 
ticipation and involvement. 

U.S. Planes Available To Assist 
Relief Efforts in Nigeria 

Following is a Department announcement 
read to news correspondents hy Department 
spokesman Rohert J. McCloskey on Decem- 
ber 27, together with a statement released hy the 
A7nerican Ewhassy at Lagos on December 31. 


Despite a steady increase in international re- 
lief shipments to both sides of the battlelines 
in Nigeria, the prospects are for deepening 
tragedy as a shortage of carbohydrates develops 
in the Biaf ran-held area. As we have emphasized 
on past occasions, the situation requires the 
utilization of every possible channel of relief, 



including most importantly a surface corridor, 
which we continue to hope can be arranged. 

In the meantime, we continue to seek means 
of strengthening the airlift of relief supplies. 
We are therefore making available for the in- 
ternational relief airlift eight C-97G "strato- 
freighter" cargo aircraft which are no longer 
required by the U.S. Air Force. Four will be 
provided to the American voluntary agencies 
and four have been offered to the International 
Committee of the Red Cross. We are discussing 
with the officials of these organizations the de- 
tails of transferring ownership of these aircraft 
as soon as possible. 

No U.S. military personnel will be involved 
in the operation of these aircraft. The planes 
are provided with the clear understanding that 
they are to be used solely for humanitarian pur- 
poses in transporting urgently needed food and 
medical supplies for noncombatants. We are 
prepared, therefore, to cooperate in establish- 
ing inspection procedures toward this end. 

These aircraft can substantially increase the 
tonnage delivered. It remains true, however, 
that the aircraft now operating in the relief 
effort, not to mention this additional capacity, 
cannot be fully utilized into the present air- 
strip in Biafra unless daylight flights are per- 
mitted. The Federal Military Government has 
approved such flights on humanitarian grounds. 
We continue to regret the failure of the Biaf ran 
authorities to sanction daylight flights into the 
existing airstrip. 


The December 27 decision by the United 
States Government to make available C-97G 
"stratofreighter" cargo aircraft to the interna- 
tional relief airlift to assist victims of the Nige- 
rian civil war was motivated solely by pressing 
humanitarian concern. Furnishing these trans- 
port planes is simply an extension of the contin- 
uing American effort to help relieve suffering. 

In no way does this relief action reflect, either 
directly or indirectly, U.S. Government politi- 

cal support of the rebellion. Nor does it portend 
such support. The United States continues to 
recognize only the Federal Military Govern- 
ment. It continues to believe that only a nego- 
tiated settlement, in the context of a single 
Nigeria, with realistic guarantees for the safety 
and protection of all Nigerians, will bring an 
end to the tragedy which has befallen Nigeria. 

The aircraft are cargo carriers of a type 
which have been used widely by commercial air- 
lines and have become available to relief agen- 
cies because they are no longer required by the 
U.S. Government. They will be sold, not loaned. 
No U.S. military personnel will be involved in 
their operation. 

The United States Government infoi-med the 
American voluntary agencies and has stated 
publicly that the aircraft are made available 
with the clear understanding that : 

a. Their use will be in accord with the strictly 
humanitarian purposes and operations of the 
total ICRC relief effort; 

b. They are to be used solely for the relief of 
noncombatants in transporting urgently needed 
food and other nonmilitary sujjplies; 

c. Workable procedures will be instituted for 
inspection of cargoes. 

Representatives of Joint Church Aid, USA, 
comprised of Catholic Relief Services, Church 
World Service, and the American Jewish Com- 
mittee, have assured the United States Govern- 
ment that they agree with these points and that 
they will cooperate in their implementation. 

The United States Government wishes par- 
ticularly to emphasize that its humanitarian 
concern applies equally to both sides of the bat- 
tlelines. It has, in fact, been assisting massively 
on the Federal side through the ICRC with 
large quantities of relief supplies to needy civil- 
ians in Mid-Western, South-Eastem, and Rivers 
States, as well as Federally controlled areas of 
East-Central State. The U.S. Government has 
agreed to provide financial support to the relief 
and rehabilitation programs of the Nigerian 
Red Cross and the Federal Rehabilitation 

JANUARY 13, 1969 



U.N. Calls Upon UNCURK To Continue Pursuit 
of U.N. Objectives in Korea 

Following are statements made in Com,mittee 
I {Political and Security) and in plenary l)y 
Stuart Symington and James Russell Wiggins, 
U.S. Representatives to the General Assembly, 
together with the text of a resolution adopted hy 
the Assembly on December W. 


U.S. /U.N. press release 241 dated December 11 

At this commencement of debate, Mr. Chair- 
man, our committee has before it various pro- 
posals which are in sharp contrast. 

Three proposals, taken together and as sub- 
mitted by advocates of North Korea, would 
appear to spell out a single message: "United 
Nations, get out of Korea and stay out." 

Another proposal, which my country has 
joined in cosponsoring, says in effect: "United 
Nations, stay in Korea and continue to work for 
peace, stability, and unification in freedom." 

It is now 21 years since the cause of a free, 
independent, and united Korea became a con- 
cern of the United Nations ; and it is 15 years 
since the armistice agreement halted the tragic 
3-year war which resulted when North Korea 
invaded South Korea. 

During the period in which this war was 
fought, many nations represented here today 
were not members of the United Nations; and 
perhaps it is easier than formerly to forget those 
goals for which this body has struggled in 
Korea, along with how much remains to be ac- 
complished before those goals are reached. 

Some now argue that the United Nations 
should not concern itself with peace and stabil- 
ity in northeast Asia nor with the question of 
how the Korean nation shall be unified ; that is, 
whether by free, internationally supervised 
elections open to all Korean citizens or by what 

North Korea calls carrying the "revolutionary 
struggle" from North to South. 

Nevertheless Korea is one of the world's major 
testing grounds for the principles upon which 
the United Nations was founded: collective 
security, peaceful settlement, and self-determi- 
nation. What happens to this country is of grave 
concern to all nations interested in keeping 
those principles alive; and therefore it is im- 
perative for the United Nations to make clear 
to all that its presence in Korea will be main- 
tained, also that the responsibilities of the inter- 
national community toward this area must and 
will continue. 

What the world has been witnessing for the 
past 2 years — ever since North Korea embarked 
on a policy of stepped-up violence — is not a mere 
succession of minor incidents, rather a system- 
atic campaign to export revolution into the 
South through violence and terrorism. 

Growing Violence in Korea 

As mentioned in my previous presentation to 
this committee on the matter of the seating 
resolution, the reports of UNCURK [United 
Nations Commission for the Unification and Re- 
habilitation of Korea], of the United Nations 
Command in Korea, and of the world press all 
attest to the serious increase in the number of 
North Korean violations of the 1953 armistice 
agreement.^ These violations have taken place 
not only in and near the demilitarized zone but, 
in some cases, have occurred many miles inside 
the Republic of Korea. 

In 1967 more than 10 times as many incidents 
took place — armed North Korean bands and 
agents infiltrating below the armistice demar- 
cation line — as did during either of the 2 pre- 

' For background, see Bttlletin of Dec. 30, 1968, p. 



ceding years. And this year it would appear that 
the 1967 level will be exceeded. 

As but one example, and as I also mentioned 
previously, a band of men who last January in- 
vaded as far south as Seoul actually made an 
all-out attempt to murder the President of the 
Eepublic of Korea. One does not like to think 
of the consequences if they had succeeded. 

Then a few weeks ago a group more than 
twice as large landed on the east coast of South 
Korea, 100 miles from the demilitarized zone, 
evidently to see if guerrilla bases could be set up 
in that mountainous area. At latest report, 63 
of these intruders have been killed and five 

The committee of UNCURK, after an on-the- 
spot investigation of this incident, reported 
"that these activities have been carried out by 
North Korean armed agents and that their pur- 
pose is to undermine the security of the Republic 
of Korea." 

True, North Korea denies all these facts ; but 
its denials carry little conviction, for North 
Korea itself has repeatedly refused to permit 
investigation of such alleged incidents by the 
machinery the armistice agreement established 
for that very purpose. 

In its report to the Security Council last 
October 3,^ the United Nations Command ap- 
pealed for "suggestions about steps that could be 
taken to enlist North Korean cooperation" in 
making use of the existing machinery for in- 
vestigating such incidents and continued, "or, 
in the absence of such cooperation, suggestions 
for alternative procedures." 

So far no suggestions on this matter have been 
forthcoming, however, either from the author- 
ities in North Korea or from their advocates 

Let me now say to this committee that the 
United States is prepared either to use the exist- 
ing machinery of the armistice agreement or to 
consider suggestions for other procedures by 
means of which such incidents could be in- 
vestigated promptly. 

In addition, we would be glad to cooperate 
with members of this Assembly who might de- 
sire to send out representatives to see how very 
serious these incidents have been and also who 
actually instigated them. 

Another manifestation of this North Korean 
strategy of disruption was the illegal seizure and 
detention since last January 26 of the United 
States Ship Pueblo^ along with her crew. North 

= For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 11, 1968, p. 512. 

Korea has even refused to pennit neutral rep- 
resentatives to visit members of this crew. Let 
me again state before this forum that the 
American people are becoming increasingly im- 
patient about the results of tliis act of piracy. 

Against this background of growing violence. 
North Korea still presses its perennial demands 
that UNCURK be abolished, that the United 
Nations Command leave Korea, and that the 
United Nations itself cease to concern itself 
with Korea — demands embodied once again in 
proposals which are now before this committee. 

Let us not deceive ourselves about what North 
Korea really seeks with these demands. Their 
policy became clear on December 16, 1967, when 
Premier Kim U-Sung addressed the Supreme 
People's Assembly as follows: 

The entire people in the northern half of the Re- 
public bear the heavy responsibility for carrying the 
South Korean revolution completion. 

The accomplishment of the great cause of the libera- 
tion of South Korea, and the unification of the father- 
land at the earliest possible date, depends not only on 
how the revolutionary organizations and revolution- 
aries in South Korea expand, and strengthen the revo- 
lutionary forces and how they fight the enemy, but, in 
a large measure, on how the people in the northern 
half of the Republic prepare themselves to greet the 
great revolutionary event. 

The people in the northern half of the Republic 
should always remember the brothers in the South 
and have a revolutionary determination to liberate 
them at all costs ; they should be firmly prepared 
ideologically, so that they may be mobilized to a deci- 
sive struggle to accomplish the cause of unification of 
the fatherland, by joining hands with the South Korean 
people, whenever called upon, to come to their aid, as 
the struggle of the people surges forward, and the 
revolutionary situation ripens in South Korea. 

Events of 1949 and 1950 

Wlien we compare this stated policy with the 
events of 1949 and 1950, there is a parallel which 
serves as sober warning to all who might think 
of withdrawing from Korea, at this time, the 
support of the United Nations. 

On June 29, 1949, under the eyes of the United 
Nations Commission, the last United States 
troops embarked from South Korea. At that 
time the Commission also tried to gain access 
to North Korea so as to observe the promised 
withdrawal of Soviet troops. That access was 

As the United States withdrawal was being 
completed, Pyongyang Radio broadcast a mani- 
festo from a group called the Democratic Front 
for the Attainment of Unification for the 
Fatherland. This broadcast said in part : 

JANTJABT 13, 1968 


The time has come for us to solve with our own 
hands the question of the unification of our father- 
land. . . . Anyone who persists in opposition and ob- 
struction of the task for peaceful unification shall not 
escape punishment by the Korean people. 

This propaganda campaign was accompanied 
by a heavy increase in North Korean raids 
across the 38th parallel. 

In July of 1949 the United Nations Commis- 
sion reported that some of these raids appeared 
to be "for introducing groups of trained sabo- 
teurs into the territory of the Republic of 
Korea." And these incidents continued through 
the 12 months that ended in June 1950. 

On June 25 the Commission cabled the Sec- 
retary-General : 

Northern regime is carrying out well-planned con- 
certed and full-scale iuvasion of South Korea . . . 
South Korean forces were deployed on wholly defensive 
basis . . . they were taken completely by surprise. 

A 3-year war followed ; and 131,773 military 
of the Republic of Korea and their allies lost 
their lives, as well as hundreds of thousands of 
South Korean civilians. 

My purpose in recalling these facts is to point 
up the risks which would be incurred if today 
the forces of the United Nations Command were 
withdrawn, UNCURK were dissolved, and the 
United Nations turned its back on Korea. 

Forces in Korea Today 

It is pertinent to recall "for what purpose" 
and "by what authority" troops of the United 
States and other countries went to Korea and 
why some of them are still there today. 

American troops, as well as troops of 15 other 
countries, went to Korea in 1950 to repel the 
North Korean invasion, in response to urgent 
appeals for assistance from the Government of 
the Republic of Korea and in accordance with 
resolutions of the Security Council. The forces 
of these 16 nations were placed under a United 
Nations Command established pursuant to an- 
other resolution of the Security Council. 

In July 1953 the fighting stopped. Since then, 
the number of troops has been reduced steadily ; 
and the forces which currently remain do so 
only at the express invitation of the Govern- 
ment of Korea. That Government is free to re- 
quest their departure at any time. 

Virtually all of these troops are stationed just 
south of the demilitarized zone. Their sole mis- 
sion is to help the Republic of Korea defend 
itself against any possible new aggression from 
the North. 

My Government and the other governments 
concerned have repeatedly stated their readiness 
to withdraw all remaining forces from Korea 
whenever (1) such action is requested by the 
Republic of Korea or (2) conditions for a last- 
ing settlement, foiTnulated by the General As- 
sembly, have been fulfilled. 

I hereby reaiErm this pledge on behalf of the 
Government of the United States. 

The presence and activities of all forces un- 
der the United Nations Command are open for 
all to see : the press, UNCURK, and representa- 
tives of those countries which maintain diplo- 
matic, trade, or consular missions in the Re- 
public of Korea. If members of this Assembly 
should desire to send official representatives to 
observe the activities of these troops, my Gov- 
ernment would have no objection. 

All troops in South Korea have exercised 
admirable restraint in the face of stepped -up 
armed attacks by North Korea. In its latest re- 
port, the United Nations Command states its 
belief that "such restraint, by affording no 
grounds whatsoever for escalation by North 
Korea of its hostile activities, has helped to 
minimize the tension and instability North 
Korea is intent on engendering." 

This is the military and political picture with 
respect to the two parts of a Korea divided to- 
day. It is the picture of a risky and unstable 
situation, one wliich does not promote the cause 
of peace. It is the promotion of tliat cause wliich 
convinces my Government that the presence of 
the United Nations in Korea must be fully 

Basic U.N. Objectives in Korea 

For many years the United Nations has pur- 
sued the same basic objectives in Korea — objec- 
tives reaffirmed a year ago in General Assembly 
Resolution 2269, which states : "to bring about, 
by peaceful means, the establishment of a uni- 
fied independent and democratic Korea under a 
representative form of government, and the 
full restoration of international peace and se- 
curity in the area." ^ 

Many of these objectives remain unfulfilled. 
Much has been achieved, however, during the 21 
years of United Nations activity. 

Since 1953, both South Korea and Noi-th 
Korea have had the opportunity of giving pri- 

' For a U.S. stiitement and text of the resolution, see 
Bulletin of Dec. IS, IOC", p. 844. 



mary attention to the works of peace, at home 
and abroad. 

The Republic of Korea has taken far better 
advantage of this opportunity. It has a repre- 
sentative government, with an active political 
opposition. Its citizens enjoy free speech and a 
free press. In recent years, this detennined coun- 
try has been outstanding among the developing 
nations of the world. Its economic growth now 
runs at an annual rate of 8.9 percent, and its per 
capita income is rising steadily. 

Internationally, this Republic has played a 
leading role in promoting East Asian regional 
economic and social cooperation. It cooperates 
with many U.N. agencies in development proj- 
ects and has diplomatic or consular relations 
with some 80 other nations. 

Measured against the stated objectives of the 
United Nations, these achievements show sub- 
stantial progress. 

The Republic of Korea is independent. That 
is a partial fulfillment of one of our objectives. 

The Republic of Korea has a representative 
democratic form of government. That is another 

Currently this coimtry lives in a condition of 
tenuous peace and security. 

The major unfulfilled objective of the United 
Nations is a peaceful unification of Korea 
through free elections, and our main instrument 
for promoting that objective is UNCURK. 

UNCURK takes very seriously its responsi- 
bility to promote unification. Last Jvily the 
chairman of the committee of UNCURK 
broadcast an appeal for "any fresh proposals or 
new approaches which leaders may wish to 
address to the Commission and which are con- 
ducive to the achievement of the unification of 
Korea." The chairman appealed "to all leaders 
of the Korean people to exercise restraint and 
to contribute to an easing of the tension and to 
the establishment of peace and tranquility with- 
out which unification could not be achieved." 

This was the voice of reason, raised in the 
interest of a permanent peace, and its message 
is worthy of serious consideration and construc- 
tive reply. Such efforts should be encouraged, 
for they offer the best hope of progress toward 
our objective. 

It is in the light of all these events that the 
United States and other members have joined 
in proposing a draft resolution which has been 
circulated to the committee and which it is my 
privilege to present at this time. 

The text draws upon resolutions approved by 

the Assembly in past years and fully reaffirms 
the historic objectives of the United Nations. 
The text also includes certain new elements to 
which I would draw the committee's attention. 

New Elements in the Resolution 

Incidents of the past 2 years, previously re- 
ferred to, have disturbing implications to the 
point where we now believe it wise for the 
Assembly to express concern about them. That 
concern is expressed in the sixth preambular 
paragraph and the third operative paragraph. 
The latter paragraph calls for cooperation in 
the easing of tensions, also for the avoidance of 
incidents and activities in violation of the 
armistice agreement. In our judgment, both 
these paragraphs will help restore peace and 
security in this area. 

Operative paragraph 4 contains a deserved 
commendation of UNCURK for efforts made 
to encourage the easing of tensions and also to 
seek cooperation and assistance from all parts 
of Korea, North as well as South, looking 
toward the goal of peaceful unification. 

Operative paragraph 5 reflects our belief 
that under present circumstances members of 
the United Nations should be more regularly 
informed of developments in the area. For ex- 
ample, under our existing practice the guerrilla 
landing on the east coast of South Korea a 
month ago which I mentioned would not be 
reported to the United Nations until some time 
next summer. Paragraph 5 would cure this de- 
fect by calling upon UNCURK to submit regu- 
lar reports to the Secretary-General, the first 
of these to be submitted within 4 months of the 
adoption of this resolution. 

An element of flexibility has been introduced 
by leaving UNCURK to decide whether to sub- 
mit its reports to the Secretary-General or to 
the Assembly and how frequently to submit 
them. Wlienever the situation seems to call for 
a report directly to the Assembly, we believe 
UNCURK should be in a position to make such 
a report. When the report is made directly to 
the Assembly, it will of course go on the pro- 
visional agenda in accordance with rule 13 
(b and c) of the rules of procedure, as it has 
in the past. 

This draft resolution* expresses the earnest 

* TJ.N. doc. A/C.1/L.453 ; adopted in Committee I on 
Dec. 16 by a rollcall vote of 72 (U.S.) to 23, with 26 

JANUARY 13, 1969 


liope of its sponsors that the long-deadlocked 
issue of the reunification of Korea can be moved 
off dead center, also their conviction that the 
United Nations can and will make a contribu- 
tion to that end. 

I shall not discuss other proposals before the 
committee except to observe that all of them, in 
one way or another, seek to remove Korea from 
the concern and protection of the United 

My delegation hopes that, as in past years, 
these proposals will be rejected by this commit- 
tee and that instead we approve a forward- 
looking resolution which will bring us, at long 
last, closer to the fulfillment of the historic 
goals of this coimnunity of nations — a Korea 
free and united. 


U.S. /U.N. press release 270 dated December 20 

The United States will vote for the resolution 
in document A/7460, and in explainmg our vote 
I wish to underscore the importance of the 

It is particularly to be regretted that North 
Korea has continued to maintain not only a 
belligerent policy toward the Republic of Korea 
but also an inflexible and rigid opposition to 
the United Nations. The First Committee, in a 
resolution of which the United States was a co- 
sponsor, expressed a willingness to invite North 
Korea to appear before the committee ; ^ and 
North Korea's views were, of course, put before 
the conunittee in written form. If North Korea 
has not appeared, this is not because any delega- 
tion was unwilling to hear their views but be- 
cause North Korea continued to reject any 
acknowledgement of the right of the United 
Nations to take action on the matter. 

The resolution before us was thoroughly de- 
bated in the First Committee and all sides were 
heard. The resolution was then approved by a 
committee vote of 72 to 23, with 26 abstentions. 
That is a larger vote than resolutions on the 
same subject have received in any previous 
years — and properly so, for two reasons : 

First, the situation in Korea itself, created 
by the increasingly aggressive behavior of North 

''U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.423; for text, see par. 11(b) of 
the report of the First Committee (A/7460). 

Korea, is more dangerous and disturbing than 
it has been for many years; and thus the reas- 
suring presence of the United Nations in that 
situation is more necessary than ever. 

Second, the resolution before us varies from 
those of the past in certain ways which are sig- 
nificant and, in the belief of the sponsors, will 
prove constructive in the cause of peace. 

The facts of recent North Korean aggressive- 
ness can be quickly summarized. Never since 
July 1953, when the Korean war was ended by 
the armistice agreement, has North Korea so 
frequently and dangerously violated its under- 
takings in that agreement. The reports of the 
United Nations Command and of the United 
Nations Conmiission for the Unification and Re- 
habilitation of Korea give dramatic testimony 
to this fact. In 1967 more than 10 times as many 
armed North Korean bands and agents intruded 
below the amiistice demarcation line as in either 
of the 2 preceding years; and this year it ap- 
i:)ears that the record of 1967 will be broken. 
Casualties suffered by the United Nations Com- 
mand in dealing with these intrusions have also 
risen dramatically. 

Among these incidents, some have been of a 
most ominous size and character. Last January 
a band of 31 North Koreans from the 124th 
Guerrilla Unit slipped into Seoul with orders 
to kill the President of the Republic of Korea. 
They were wiped out, but delegates can well 
imagine what the consequences for peace would 
have been had they succeeded. Then, only a few 
weeks ago, a group from the same North Ko- 
rean unit, more than twice as large as the earlier 
band of Seoul infiltrators, landed on the east 
coast 100 miles south of the armistice line. Al- 
ready 63 of them have been killed and five 

For these facts we have direct testimony from 
the UNCURK and from the United Nations 
Command. It is true that the North Koreans 
have done their best to impugn this testimony 
and to lay all the blame for trouble in Korea, 
from 1947 to the present, on the United Nations 
and especially on my country. How much weight 
should be given to their assertions, especially 
as to recent facts, I leave to my fellow delegates 
to judge. The North Koreans have shown a con- 
stant aversion to impartial inquiry of any kind. 
They have never opened any territory under 
their control to the United Nations or the world 
press. They have refused to let the impartial 
investigating machinery of the armistice agree- 




ment function even in areas outside North Ko- 
rean control, and their advocates in the First 
Committee would not even support language re- 
quiring respect for the armistice agreement. 
They have refused to suggest alternative ma- 
chinery. They have not even responded to my 
country's offer to let any doubting member of 
the United Nations send official representatives 
to do tlieir own investigating on the spot. In 
these circumstances, the facts as stated by the 
United Nations authorities in Korea stand 
uncontro verted. 

What is the purpose behind North Korea's 
violent acts ? Are they merely pinpricks or per- 
haps normal clashes that can be expected along 
any disputed frontier? It would be comforting 
to think so; but we are denied such comfort by 
the explicit words of Premier Kim U-Sung, 
who made a long speech a year ago this week to 
the Supreme People's Assembly in Pyongyang, 
in the course of which he said: 

The entire people in the northern half of the Repuhlie 
bear the heavy responsibility for carrying the South 
Korean revolution to completion. 

And again: 

The people in the northern half of the Republic should 
alvrays remember the brothers in the South and have 
a revolutionary determination to liberate them at all 

It was against this background, Mr. Presi- 
dent, that the First Committee considered, 
and decisively rejected, three resolutions put 
forward by advocates of North Korea : one to 
strip the Republic of Korea of international 
protection by withdrawing the troops of the 
United Nations Command; another to abolish 
UNCURK ; and a third to end forever the dis- 
cussion of Korea in the United Nations. In 
other words, we were asked to put Korea out- 
side the pale of United Nations concern; to say 
to the world that the writ of the charter does 
not run in Korea any more. By large majorities, 
the committee refused to recommend any such 
course to the General Assembly. 

The course we did approve in the committee, 
and which the Assembly is now asked to adopt, 
lies in the opposite direction. It fully reaffirms 
the historic objectives of the United Nations in 
Korea : "to bring about, by peaceful means, the 
establishment of a unified, independent and 
democratic Korea under a representative form 
of government, and the full restoration of inter- 
national peace and security in the area." 

In addition, the resolution contains some 
notable new language. The preamble and the 
third operative paragraph both express concern 
over the increasing number of disturbing inci- 
dents in the area. The latter paragraph also 
makes a timely call for an easing of tensions and 
for the avoidance of incidents and activities in 
violation of the armistice agreement. 

Operative paragraph 4 goes on to commend 
UNCURK for its recent efforts to encourage 
restraint and reduce tensions and to seek co- 
operation and assistance from all parts of Ko- 
rea, both North and South, toward the goal of 
peaceful unification. 

Finally, operative paragraph 5 is written to 
provide the United Nations with more frequent 
and more timely reports of conditions and de- 
velopments in the area instead of the annual re- 
porting system which was considered sufficient 
in the past. The first such report is asked for 
within 4 months, with others to follow on a 
regular basis. The Commission is given flexi- 
bility both as to the frequency of its reports and 
as to whether a particular report shall be made 
to the Secretary-General or, if the situation 
seems to require it, directly to the General As- 
sembly, in which case it would go on our pro- 
visional agenda as in past years. 

By means of this resolution, Mr. President, we 
shall reaffirm the peaceful and dependable 
presence of the United Nations in Korea. We 
shall renew the mandate of the United Nations 
both to promote the immediate security of the 
area against further attempts at disruption and 
to press on toward the goal of reunification in 
peace and freedom. 

In the past 15 years, since the Korean armis- 
tice was signed, much has been achieved toward 
our goals in that war-torn nation. By means of 
the armistice and the stabilizing and deterrent 
presence of the United Nations Command and 
UNCURK, a minimum of peace and security 
and tranquillity has been maintained all 
through these years. Behind the shield thus 
erected, the Republic of Korea has made rapid 
progress toward political development as a 
democratic nation and toward economic and 
social well-being. 

There is every hope that, if we are steadfast 
and faithful to our charge, the present dangers 
in the area will subside and that the entire na- 
tion can progress toward the final goal of na- 
tional unity, freedom, and peace. 

This resolution is the vehicle of that hope. 

JANTJAKT 13, 1969 



The Korean question 

The General Assernbly, 

Baring noted the report of the United Nations Com- 
mission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea, 
signed at Seoul, Korea, on 24 August 1968, 

Reaffirming its resolution 2269 (XXII) of 16 No- 
vember 1967 ' and previous resolutions on the Korean 
question noted therein, 

Recognizing that the continued division of Korea 
does not correspond to the wishes of the Korean people 
and constitutes a source of tension which prevents the 
fuU restoration of international peace and security in 
the area, 

Recalling that the United Nations, under the Charter, 
is fully and rightfully empowered to take collective 
action to maintain i)eace and security and to extend Its 
good offices in seeking a peaceful settlement in Korea 
in accordance with the purposes and principles of the 

Anxious that progress be made towards creating con- 
ditions which would facilitate the reunification of 
Korea on the basis of the freely expressed will of the 
Korean people. 

Concerned at reports of recent events in Korea which, 
if continued, could hamper efforts to create the peace- 
ful conditions which are one of the prerequisites of the 
establishment of a unified and independent Korea, 

1. Reaffirms that the objectives of the United Nations 
in Korea are to bring about, by peaceful means, the 
establishment of a unified, independent and democratic 
Korea under a representative form of government, and 
the full restoration of international peace and security 
in the area ; 

2. Expresses the helief that arrangements should be 
made to achieve these objectives through genuinely 
free elections held in accordance with the relevant 
resolutions of the General Assembly ; 

3. Calls for co-operation in the easing of tensions in 
the area and, in particular, for the avoidance of inci- 
dents and activities in violations of the Armistice Agree- 
ment of 1953 ; 

4. Notes with approval the efforts made by the 
United Nations Commission for the Unification and 
Rehabilitation of Korea, in pursuit of its mandate, to 
encourage the exercise of restraint and the easing of 
tensions in the area and to secure maximum support, 

'U.N. doc. A/RES/2466 (XXIII) (A/C.1/L.453) ; 
adopted by the Assembly on Dec. 20 by a vote of 
71 (U.S.) to 25, with 20 abstentions. 

' For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 18, 1967, p. 845. 

assistance and co-operation in the realization of the 
peaceful reunification of Korea ; 

5. Requests the United Nations Commission for the 
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea to pursue these 
and other efforts to achieve the objectives of the United 
Nations in Korea to continue to carry out the tasks 
previously assigned to it by the General Assembly and 
to keep members of the Assembly informed on the situa- 
tion in the area and on the results of these efforts 
through regular reports submitted to the Secretary- 
General and to the Assembly as appropriate, the first 
report to be submitted to the Secretary-General no later 
than four months after the adoption of the present 
resolution ; 

6. Notes that the United Nations forces which were 
sent to Korea in accordance with United Nations resolu- 
tions have in greater part already been withdravra, that 
the sole objective of the United Nations forces at pres- 
ent in Korea is to preserve the peace and security of the 
area, and that the Governments concerned are prepared 
to withdraw their remaining forces from Korea when- 
ever such action is requested by the Republic of Korea 
or whenever the conditions for a lasting settlement for- 
mulated by the General Assembly have been fulfilled. 

U.S. Contributes $1 Million 
to U.N. Population Trust Fund 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations 
James Russell Wiggins announced on Decem- 
ber 16 (U.S./U.N". press release 252) the con- 
tribution by the United States of $1 million to 
the United Nations Secretary-General's Popula- 
tion Trust Fund. 

This is the first U.S. contribution to the trust 
fund to finance action projects requested by 
member states in population and family plan- 
ning. The United States contributed $500,000 to 
the Population Trust Fund in fiscal year 1968 
for the development of projects and programs 
and $235,000 early in fiscal year 1969 for in- 
creased staffing and development work by the 
U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the 
Far East. 

The funds are from the appropriations of the 
Agency for International Development's pro- 

gram of multilateral assistance. 



United Nations Extends UNRWA to June 30, 1972 

Statement hy Senator John Sherman Cooper 
U.S. Representati/ve to the General Assembly ^ 

We meet again, as we have each year since 
UNRWA's establishment in 1949, to consider 
the report of the Agency's Commissioner-Gen- 
eral ^ and to adopt new resolutions dealing with 
the plight of the Palestine refugees. Each year 
the number of refugees grows, and now over 
1.3 million are living in neighboring countries 
deprived of their homes, their lands and be- 
longings. A large proportion of the refugees 
continue to live in difficult circumstances, 
threatened by war and enduring the hardships 
of the dispossessed. 

Despite the resolutions and the efforts of the 
United Nations, it must be said that no substan- 
tial progress has been made toward repatriating 
the refugees or compensating them for their lost 

The work of UNRWA has been increased. 
During the hostilities of 1967, several hundred 
thousand additional persons fled their homes — 
and some for the second time. Much was de- 
manded of UNRWA's resources, both human 
and financial, in the past year and especially 
during the months following the hostilities of 
June 1967. As the Commissioner-General stated 
in his report, UNRWA was required to carry 
out its mission in the face of the dislocation of 
Agency personnel and many refugees, and to 
provide emergency assistance to thousands of 
persons displaced from their homes during and 
after the war. UNRWA facilities on the West 
Bank of the Jordan were destroyed, overrun, 
or evacuated during the hostilities. And when 

^ Made in the Special Political Committee on Dec. 6 
(TT.S./U.N. press release 234, Corr. 1). 

' For text of the Report of the CJommissioner-General 
of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees in the Near East for the period 
Jtdy 1, 1967-June 30, 1968, see U.N. doc. A/7213. 

armed clashes occurred along the cease-fire line 
in the Jordan Valley, UNRWA was forced to 
relocate a niunber of tented camps sheltering 
some 75,000 people on the hills beyond the river. 

Confronted with almost 150,000 applications 
for reinstatement on the ration rolls in this 
chaotic period, UNRWA worked magnificently 
to insure that rations were fairly distributed to 
those in greatest need. 

We welcome the fact that UNRWA has been 
able to resume its work slowly but steadily for 
the rehabilitation of refugees, particularly in 
the field of education. The Agency, aided by 
more than $7 million in special contributions 
from a niunber of governments and private or- 
ganizations, including very substantial sums 
from Near East Emergency Donations, Inc., has 
been able to offer additional scholarship op- 
portmiities to refugees and to begin its program 
of impro^ang and expanding education and 
training facilities. 

It is gratifying to note that the Agency re- 
ceived during this past year fine cooperation of 
the Governments of Jordan and Lebanon, and 
we can hope that this will continiie. I express 
also, upon behalf of my Government, our ap- 
preciation and admiration for the special as- 
sistance rendered to UNRWA's education and 
training programs by the Governments of Swe- 
den, Denmark, Switzerland, and the Federal Re- 
public of Germany. It is of great importance 
that progress be made in these programs along 
with the health programs to enable the refugees 
to prepare themselves for the work and satis- 
faction of a more normal and productive life. 

There is a further suggestion I should like to 
make at this time which I offer in full recogni- 
tion that no final solution of the refugee prob- 
lem is likely to take place outside the context of 

JANUARY 13, 19 6 9 


the agreed settlement envisaged by the Security 
Council resolution of November 22, 1967.' 

I believe it would be useful for the United 
Nations, other appropriate international agen- 
cies, and interested goverimients to begin giving 
some study to plans for economic development 
programs in the area, in cooperation with the 
affected governments. Wlien a political settle- 
ment in accordance with the framework pro- 
vided by Security Council Resolution 242 is 
acliieved, or progress is made, and the refugees 
are afforded a voice in determining their future, 
there will be an opportunity to undertake such 
imaginative programs. Moreover, they could 
help facilitate the carrying out of a refugee 
solution and contribute generally to stability 
and maintenance of peace. The uses of tech- 
nology for peace in the area would cost far less 
than preparations for war. We should begin, 
I think, to consider how to bend our efforts to- 
ward these uses of our capabilities rather than 
to destructive purposes which can bring misery 
to millions. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to comment in 
greater detail on other problems, problems 
which go to the heart of the issues now facing 
UNRWA. Dr. [Laurence] Michelmore has 
stated in the summaiy to his report: 

(UNRWA's) capacity to lielp is reduced by the fact 
that some of its best camps, schools, clinics and other 
facilities stand idle in Jericho and other camps on 
the West Bank are partly empty, while the former in- 
habitants eke out a bare subsistence in tented camps 
or other temporary accommodation In east Jordan. 
UNRWA has been prepared, and is prepared, to im- 
prove the conditions within these emergency, tented 
camps to the best of its ability. But the incongruity of 
having to improvise and expend limited resources, 
while decent, permanent camps and facilities lie idle 
on the West Bank is striking. 

UNRWA's position has therefore been that, in the 
absence thus far of the "just settlement of the refugee 
problem", which the Security Council's resolution 242 of 
22 November 1967 rightly views as an essential part of 
a "just and lasting peace in the Middle East", those 
who fled after the outbreak of hostilities should be 
allowed to return to the places where they were living 
before June 1967. This, it is believed, corresponds to 
the expressed will of both the Security Ctouncil and the 
General Assembly. 

In any event, with or without this enormous relief to 
UNRWA which such a return would bring, UNRWA is 
determined to carry out its present mandate from the 
General Assembly to the maximum limits possible 
within its budgetary capabilities. UNRWA believes, in 
the event that the General Assembly should decide to 

' For text of Security Council Resolution 242, adopted 
on Nov. 22, 1967, see Bulletin of Dec. 18, 1967, p. 843. 

prolong its mandate, that the situation of the refugees 
requires it not only to maintain, but also to expand its 
health and education services and it will do so to the 
extent that the availability of funds permits. Some 
funds for capital projects, particularly in the field of 
education, are already being made available by gen- 
erous donations from governments and non-govern- 
mental bodies. Above all, what is needed by the Agency 
is the basic, and assured, cost of running its established 
services and the new facilities being made available 
from these funds for capital projects. It is these normal, 
operational costs which are vital to the maintenance 
of these services and, correspondingly, to the daily lives 
of the refugees. In recent years, appeals for increased 
voluntary contributions have been made repeatedly 
by the General Assembly itself, the President of the 
General Assembly on occasion and the Secretary-Gen- 
eral, and by the Commissioner-General of UNRWA. 
While increased support has come from some con- 
tributors, the total response has fallen considerably 
short of what is required. . . . The Commissioner-Gen- 
eral feels bound to point out . . . that unless the 
Agency in one way or another receives additional con- 
tributions, amounting to 10 per cent of its prospective 
income for the current year, a reduction in services 
to the refugee population would be inescapable, with 
resulting human hardship and suffering and the likeli- 
hood that the efforts of the Secretary-General's Special 
Representative appointed under Security Council reso- 
lution 242 (1967) would be jeopardized. The Commis- 
sioner-General knows that the General Assembly is 
fully aware of the importance of the fact that a pro- 
longation of UNRWA's mandate should be accompanied 
by the willingness of the Member States to provide the 
funds necessary to carry out that mandate. 

The summary speaks of the Commissioner- 
General's concern over the projected budget defi- 
cit for 1969 and the consequences of reduced 
services and human suffering which are bound 
to follow if the deficit is not corrected. The 
Government of the United States shares his con- 
cern and expresses the hope that member states 
who have not contributed to UNRWA in the 
past will now do so. We are confident that 
UNRWA's leadership, informed by its realistic 
appraisal of anticipated income and outgo of 
funds and holding the sound position that the 
Agency's remaining working capital cannot be 
used to support large deficits, will make every 
effort to hold the deficit projected for 1969 
within manageable limits. But I would empha- 
size again that all of our countries should 
inquire of their goveriunents as to whether we 
can do more in the way of contributions so that 
UNRWA's work may be performed adequately 
and without the deficit. My Government finds 
itself compelled to say that one aspect of the 
Commissioner-General's report was particularly 
disturbing, and that is that exorbitant rail 
charges have been levied by host governments 




and that these levies deprive UNEWA of funds 
that should be spent on the people whom the 
Agency serves. 

The United States Government has supported 
UNRWA faithfully since its establishment, and 
it will continue to do so as long as UNRWA 
continues the services it has rendered in past 
years. The Government of the United States 
has contributed approximately $425 million to 
the Agency since it was created, almost 70 per- 
cent of the $640 million that UNRWA has re- 
quired to carry out its mandate to date.'' 

In addition, the United States has responded 
to the appeals for emergency assistance of the 
General Assembly Resolutions 2252 (ES-V) 
and 2341-B (XXII). Shortly after the June 
war it made a special contribution to UNRWA 
of $2 million. It contributed also $340 thousand 
to the International Committee of the Red 
Cross; $2 million worth of tents, supplies, and 
air transportation to the Government of Jordan 
for urgent relief needs ; and commodities valued 
at $3.7 million to the Government of Jordan 
through the World Food Program, UNRWA, 
and other voluntary organizations. 

Private American groups have also responded 
to the General Assembly's appeal with contri- 
butions and pledges to UNRWA and other 
agencies amounting to some $10 million since 
June 1967. 

We cite these figures to emphasize the urgent 
need and with the hope that governments, orga- 
nizations, and individuals which have not yet 
made emergency contributions may see fit to do 

I now turn to the second issue which Dr. 
Michelmore has raised in his summary because 
it required special consideration. I refer to the 
status of those thousands of persons who were 
displaced from their homes and camps and the 
territories now occupied during and following 
the 1967 hostilities. Many of these are now fac- 
ing extreme hardship on the East Bank of the 
Jordan ; and as has been noted so many times, 
some 75,000 people have been relocated in tented 
camps in the hills beyond the river under con- 
ditions of greater hardship. 

The Security Council in Resolution 237 of 
June 14, 1967,° called upon the Government of 

* For a statement made by Senator Cooper in the Ad 
Boc Committee on Dec. 6. announcing a U.S. pledge to 
UNRWA of $22.2 million for the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1969, see U.S./U.N. press release 233. 

* For text, see Bulletin of July 3, 1967, p. 11. 

Israel to facilitate the return of the persons who 
had fled the areas where military operations 
toolc place. This request has been welcomed by 
the General Assembly. As Ambassador Wiggins 
informed this committee, the Government of 
the United States continues to support this re- 
quest and believes it should be complied with to 
the fullest extent possible.® 

But to date, only about 20,000 of the thou- 
sands of the 1967 refugees and displaced per- 
sons who have indicated a desire to return to 
their homes have been allowed to do so. We 
consider this an inadequate response to the Se- 
curity Council appeal, and we have so informed 
the Israeli Government. The United States wel- 
comes the assurance of action by Israel to imple- 
ment the announcement made by Foreign 
Minister Eban to the General Assembly on 
October 8. Plowever, the provision of Security 
Council Resolution 237 has yet to be carried out. 
I quote the paragraph relevant to hiunanitarian 
concern: "Calls upon the Government of 
Israel ... to facilitate the return of those in- 
habitants who have fled the areas (where 
military operations have taken place) since the 
outbreak of hostilities." 

My delegation asks the Government of Israel 
to take appropriate steps needed to carry out 
the purposes of this resolution, purposes which 
we hope very much will help to lay the founda- 
tion of a just peace. 

The history of the Palestine refugee problem 
and of the devoted efforts that have been made 
to deal with it effectively have instructed us 
that it is not likely that a basic solution of the 
refugee problem will be achieved except as a 
part of a Middle East peace settlement. The 
plight of the refugees is one factor, and a human 
factor, which makes it vital that a settlement be 
achieved. As Ambassador Wiggins of the United 
States said in this committee on November 18, 
our hopes for the achievement of such a settle- 
ment now lie with the continuing efforts of Am- 
bassador [Gunnar] Jarring to carry out the 
mandate introduced to him by the Security 
Council in its resolution of November 22, 1967. 
It is the purpose of my delegation, my Govern- 
ment, and our people to do everything possible 
to help him in his task. 

This committee can help Ambassador Jarring 
in his task. We have the duty to do all that is 

' For Ambassador Wiggins' statement of Nov. 18, see 
Bulletin of Dee. 23, 1968, p. 677. 

JANITART 13, 19G9 


possible in the absence of a settlement to amelio- 
rate the conditions under which the refugees 
live and to provide for their rehabilitation and 
integration into a productive life in society. We 
are fortunate that UNEWA, which has done so 
much for the refugees over the past two decades, 
stands ready to carry on its task and mandate 
under the able leadership of its Commissioner- 
General, aided by his excellent staff. 

Mr. Chairman, there can be no question in the 
minds of any of us here that in the present cir- 
cumstances the work of UNRWA is essential. 
Complementary to the continued search for an 
acceptable settlement in accordance with the 
provisions and principles of Resolution 242, 
UNRWA's activities must also continue. The 
draft resolution which I introduce formally at 
this time on behalf of ray Government includes 
a provision for the extension of UNRWA's 
mandate for 3 years, through June 30, 1972.' 
This period would, in our view, enable the 
Agency to effectively plan, administer, and 
carry out its valuable work. At the same time, it 
should be clear that in the event political devel- 
opments during this period warrant a change in 
the direction or emphasis of UNRWA's activi- 
ties, the General Assembly would be free to 
consider the matter and if necessary provide 
whatever flexibility might be required to meet 
the new circumstances. But in the meantijne, 
UNRWA must be able to continue its efforts to 
provide relief and health services for the sick 
and destitute, and education and training to all 
who can profit from them. 

Mr. Chairman, my Government has done and 
will continue to do all it can to contribute to 
the goal of justice for the refugees of the Middle 
East. As President Johnson said on Septem- 
ber 10 of this year : ^ 

We share a very deep concern for these refugees. 
Their plight is a symbol in the minds of the Arab peo- 
ples. In their eyes, it is a symbol of a wrong that must 
be made right before 20 years of war can end. And that 
fact must be dealt with in reaching a condition of 

All nations who are able, including Israel and her 
Arab neighbors, should participate directly and whole- 
heartedly in a massive program to assure these people 
a better and a more stable future. 

'U.N. doc. A/SPC/L.165: adopted by the Special 
Political Committee on Dee. 11 by a vote of 101 to 0, 
with 1 abstention, and by the General Assembly on 
Dec. 19 (A/RES/2453 (XXIII) ) by a vote of 105 to 0, 
with 3 abstentions. 

* For President Johnson's address at Washington, 
D.C., on Sept. 10, see Bulletin of Oct. 7, 1968, p. 345. 

The need for positive action to help the plight 
of the refugees is apparent. The United States 
wishes to make it known that it will join with 
all other nations in making it possible for 
UNRWA to carry out its hmnanitarian tasks 
effectively, and by so doing to strengthen the 
chances of a settlement and peace in this 
troubled part of the world. 


United States and Mexico Sign 
Broadcasting Agreements 

Press release 278 dated December 13 

On December 11 at Mexico City American 
Ambassador Fulton Freeman and Mexican Sec- 
retary of Communications and Transport Jose 
Antonio Padilla Segura signed an Agreement 
Between the United States of America and the 
United Mexican States Concerning Radio 
Broadcasting in the Standard Broadcast Band 
(535-1605 kHz) and an Agreement Concerning 
Pre-Sunrise and Post-Sunset Operation. 

Both of the agreements will be sent to the 
United States Senate for advice and con- 
sent to ratification in accordance with treaty 

Article XVIII of the agreement concerning 
radio broadcasting provides that upon its entry 
into force, it will replace the agreement of Janu- 
ary 29, 1957, relating to the same subject.^ Like 
the 1957 agreement, the new agreement will 
govern the relationship between the two coun- 
tries in the use of the standard broadcast band. 
It will enter into force upon the exchange of in- ■ 
struments of ratification and will remain in * 
force for a period of 5 years unless, before the 
end of such period, it is replaced by a new agree- M 
ment or unless terminated by either Government ■ 
as a result of a 1-year notice to the other 

Provisions regarding presunrise and postsim- 
set operation were considered as an integral part 

^ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 4777, 
12 UST 734, as extended by protocol. 



of the negotiations concerning the agreement on 
radio broadcasting but, for technical and ad- 
ministrative purposes, were placed in a separate 

Current Actions 



International convention to facilitate the Importation 
of commercial samples and advertising material. 
Dated at Geneva November 7, 1952. Entered into 
force November 20, 1955. TIAS 3920. 
Accession deposited: Romania (with declarations), 
November 15, 1968. 


International grains arrangement, 1967, with annexes. 
Open for signature at Washington October 15 through 
November 30, 1967. Entered into force July 1, 1968. 
TIAS 6537. 

Ratification to the Wheat Trade Convention de- 
posited: Portugal, December 26, 1968. 
Accession to the Wheat Trade Convention deposited: 
Peru, December 26, 1968. 

Narcotic Drugs 

Addition of bezitramide to drugs to be covered by the 
regime of control laid down in the 1931 convention 
for limiting the manufacture and regulating the dis- 
tribution of narcotic drugs, as amended (TS 863 ; 
TIAS 1671, 1859). Notification dated November 15, 
1968. Entered into force November 15, 1968. 


Geneva convention relative to treatment of prisoners 

of war ; 
Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 

wounded and sick in armed forces in the field ; 
Geneva convention for amelioration of condition of 
wounded, sick and shipwrecked members of armed 
forces at sea ; 
Geneva convention relative to protection of civilian 
persons in time of war. 

Dated at Geneva August 12, 1949. Entered Into force 
October 21, 1950; for the United States Febru- 
ary 2, 1956. TIAS 3364, 3362, 3363, and 3365, 
Declarations they consider themselves bound: Bar- 
bados,' Malta, August 20, 1968. 



Agreement for duty-free entry and defrayment of in- 
land transportation charges of voluntary agency 
supplies and equipment. Signed at New Delhi De- 
cember 5, 1968. Entered into force December 5, 1968. 


Agreement amending and extending the agreement of 
November 2.5, 1964, as amended and extended (TIAS 
5688, 6155), regarding the king crab fishery in the 
eastern Bering Sea. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Washington December 23, 1968; entered into force 
December 23, 1968. 

Agreement relating to salmon fishing in waters con- 
tiguous to the territorial sea of the United States, 
with agreed minutes. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Washington December 23, 1968 ; entered into force 
December 23, 1968. 

Agreement amending and extending the agreement of 
May 9, 1967 (TIAS 6287), concerning certain fish- 
eries off the coast of the United States, with agreed 
minutes. Effected by exchange of notes at Washing- 
ton December 23, 1968; entered into force Decem- 
ber 23, 1968. 

United Kingdom 

Agreement extending the agreement of February 15, 
1960 (TIAS 4425), relating to the establishment and 
operation of a ballistic early warning station at 
Fylingdales Moor. Effected by exchange of notes at 
London November 26, 1968. Entered into force 
November 26, 1968. 


'■ With declarations with resi)ect to the convention 
relative to treatment of prisoners of war and the con- 
vention relative to treatment of civilian i)ersons in 
time of war. 

New Volume Released in Foreign Relations 
Series on World War II Conferences 

On December 19 the Department of State released 
The Conferences at Washington, 19Jfl-lS42, and Casa- 
blanca, 1943, a volume in the series Foreign Relations 
of the United States. Previous volumes in the special 
subseries on the major Allied conferences of World War 
II dealt with the meetings at Cairo and Tehran in 1943 
and at Malta, Yalta, and Berlin (Potsdam) in 1945. 
Subsequent volumes will cover the meetings at Wash- 
ington and Quebec in 1943 and at Quebec in 1944. 

The present volume offers much previously unpub- 
lished documentation on the meetings of President 
Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill at Washington 
in December 1941-January 1942 and June 1942 and at 
Casablanca in January 1943. Others present at one or 
more of these meetings included Harry Hopkins, Cordell 
Hull, Lord Beaverbrook, Mackenzie King, Harold 
Maemillan, and Generals Marshall, Eisenhower, de 
GauUe, and Giraud. In far-ranging discussions these 
Allied leaders reached agreement on many political and 
economic matters and worked out a grand strategy 
against the Axis Powers. 

Copies of this volume (Department of State publica- 
tion 8414, Lxx, 895 pages, illustrated) may be obtained 
from the Superintendent of Docimients, U.S. Govern- 
ment Printing OflJce, Washington, D.C. 20402, for $5.50 

JANUARY 13, 1969 


Recent Releases 

For sale 'by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. S0i02. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments. A 25-percent discount is made on orders for 100 
or more copies of any one publication mailed to the 
same address. Remittances, payable to the Superintend- 
ent of Documents, must accompany orders. 

Background Notes. Short, factual summaries which 
describe the people, history, government, economy, 
and foreign relations of each country. Each contains 
a map, a list of principal government officials and 
U.S. diplomatic and consular officers, and, in some 
cases, a selected bibliography. Those listed below are 
available at 100 each. 




4 pp. 

Central African Republic 



5 pp. 




4 pp. 

Communist China 



8 pp. 

Germany, Soviet Zone of 



7 pp. 

Ivory Coast 



6 pp. 




4 pp. 




3 pp. 

Malagasy Republic 



5 pp. 

New Zealand 



5 pp. 




4 pp. 

South Africa 



8 pp. 

Southern Rhodesia 



4 pp. 

U.S. Participation in the UN — Report by the President 
to the Congress for the year 1967. Covers all phases 
of U.S. activity in the United Nations and related 
agencies. Pub. 8399. International Organization and 
Conference Series 81. 283 pp. $1.25. 

The Rights of Men and Nations. Text of an address 
by Secretary of State Dean Rusk before the plenary 
session of the U.N. General Assembly on October 2, 
1968. Pub. 8401. International Organization and Con- 
ference Series 83. 18 pp. 30^. 

Some Myths About Foreign Policy. Text of an address 
by Secretary of State Dean Rusk before the Manufac- 
turers Association of Connecticut, Inc. at New Haven, 
Conn, on Sept. 12, 1968. Pub. 8411. General Foreign 
PoUcy Series 227. 18 pp. 30«S. 

U.S. Halts Bombing of North Viet-Nam. Text of an 
address by President Johnson on October 31. 1968 
announcing the cessation of all air, naval, and artillery 
bombardment of North Viet-Nam as of 8 a.m. Novem- 
ber 1. Pub. 8420. East Asian and Pacific Series 178. 
10 pp. 20(f. 

Arms Control and National Security. A pictorial book- 
let covering arms control and disarmament negotiations 
.since World War II and the organizational structure 
of ACDA. ACDA Pub. 49. 24 pp. SOiJ. 

Human Rights — Unfolding of the American Tradition. 

A selection of documents and statements tracing the 
development of human rights from ancient Greece to the 
present. Pub. 8402. 128 pp. $1. 

Issues in United States Foreign Policy: No. 1— The 
Middle East. The first in a new series of publications 
designed to aid in the study of our foreign relations. 
This series emphasizes the context in which decisions 
must be made rather than the decisions themselves. 
Pub. 8409. Near and Middle Eastern Series 77. 21 pp. 

Discussion Guide— Issues. No. 1— The Middle East. A 

teaching tool to supplement classroom use of the "Is- 
sues" pamphlet on the Middle East. Attempts to make 
students aware of the problems involved and raises 
questions for further study. Includes maps and charts 
for conversion to transparencies. Pub. 8416. Near and 
Middle Eastern Series 78. 8 pp. 10^. 

Tracking Station. Agreement with Malagasy Republic. 
TIAS 6412. 3 pp. \H. 

Alien Amateur Radio Operators. Agreement with Bar- 
bados. TIAS 6553. 3 pp. 10(f. 



INDEX January 13, 1969 Vol. LX, No. 154£ 

Communications. United States and Mexico Sign 
Broadcasting Agreements 42 

Disarmament. Continuity and Change in For- 
eign Policy (Sisco) 27 

Israel. United Nations Extends UNRWA to 
June 30, 1972 (Cooper) 39 

Korea. U.N. Calls Upon UNCURK To Continue 
Pursuit of U.N. Objectives in Korea (Syming- 
ton, Wiggins, text of resolution) .32 


United States and Mexico Reaffirm Bonds of 
Friendship (Diaz Ordaz, Johnson) .... 21 

United States and Mexico Sign Broadcasting 
Agreements 42 

Near East 

Continuity and Change in Foreign Policy 

(Sisco) 27 

United Nations Extends UNRWA to June 30, 

1972 (Cooper) 39 

Nigeria. U.S. Planes Available To Assist Relief 

Efforts in Nigeria 30 

Population. U.S. Contributes $1 Million to U.X. 
Population Trust Fund 38 

Presidential Documents. United States and 
Mexico Reaffirm Bonds of Friendship ... 21 


New Volume Released in Foreign Relations 

Series on World War II Conferences ... 43 
Recent Releases 44 

Refugees. United Nations Extends UNRWA to 
June 30, 1972 (Cooper) 30 

Science. Continuity and Change in Foreign 
Policy (Sisco) 27 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 43 

United States and Mexico Sign Broadcasting 
Agreements 42 

U.S.S.R. Continuity and Change in Foreign 
Policy (Sisco) 27 

United Nations 

Continuity and Change in Foreign Policy 

(Sisco) 27 

U.N. Calls Upon UNCURK To Continue Pursuit 

of U.N. Objectives in Korea (Symington, 

Wiggins, text of resolution) 32 

U.S. Contributes $1 Million to U.N. Population 

Trust Fund 38 

United Nations Extends UNRWA to June 30, 

1972 (Cooper) 39 

Viet-Nam. Continuity and Change in Foreign 

Policy (Sisco) ' . 27 

Name Index 

Cooper, John Sherman 39 

Diaz Ordaz, Gustavo 21 

Johnson, President 21 

Sisco, Joseph J 27 

Symington, Stuart 32 

Wiggins, James Russell 32 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: December 23-29 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to December 23 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 275 
of December 10 and 278 of December 13. 


U.S.-Singapore cotton textile 

Oliver : "Development : What 


*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 








Superintendent of Documents 
U.S. government printing office 











Vol. LX, No. 15i3 

January 20, 1969 



Statements hy Amiassador Wiggins and Text of Resolution 63 

Statement hy Ambassador Wiggins 65 



Statetnent hy Ambassador Foster and Texts of Resolutions 68 

For index see inside back cover 



Vol. LX, No. 1543 
January 20, 1969 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Qovemment Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 


62 Issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

TTse of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January H, 1966). 

Note: Contents of this pubUcatlon are not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OP 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is indexed In 

the Readers' Oulde to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a uieekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service. 
T/ic BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interna- 
tional affairs and the functions of the 
Department. Information is included 
concerning treaties and international 
agreements to which the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of January 3 

Press release 1 dated January 3 

Secretary Rush: Good morning, ladies and 
gentlemen. I am glad to be here for the press 
conference that I promised you in another place. 
I don't want to deny myself the privilege of 
having another one, so I won't annomice tliis 
as a final press conference. In any event, I am 
not very good at valedictory speeches. 

I do have one brief but serious statement to 
make this morning. 

As we begin the New Year, we in the United 
States are deeply concerned about the continu- 
ing, indeed increasing, violence in the Middle 
East. The present level of violence has again 
made peace in the area extremely precarious. 
To the dismal pattern of cease-fire violations 
there has been added an extension of the vio- 
lence beyond the areas of the cease-fire lines to 
attacks on passengers and aircraft of interna- 
tional civil airlines.^ The present prospects are 
therefore serious and require the immediate and 
prudent attention of all leaders on both sides. 
There is little question but that a breakdown 
of the present tenuous arrangements would be 
catastrophic for all the peoples of the area. 

I urge all concerned, in and outside of the 
area, to do everything possible to reverse the 
cycle of violence and replace it with a new impe- 
tus to help bring about both the climate and the 
reality of peace. 

We call upon the Arab governments to recog- 
nize that they must do their utmost to restrain 
terrorist activity. We call upon Israel to recog- 
nize that a policy of excessive retaliation will 
not produce the peace that Israel surely desires. 

All intense search for a Middle East peace has 
been going on since the November 22, 1967, 
Security Council resolution which set in motion 
the Jarring mission.^ There have been too many 
lost opportunities since the end of the June war. 
Deep distrust and suspicion have prevented sig- 
nificant progress from being made. But it is 
surely not too much to hope that as we begin 

' See p. 53. 

' For text, see Buixetin of Dee. 18, 1967, p. 843. 

the New Year all peoples in the area will try to 
put old recriminations behind them and think 
long and soberly, with imagination and good 
will, about finding the path to a just and last- 
ing peace. 

The elements of a peaceful settlement seem 
to us to be clear. They are contained in the U.N. 
Security Council resolution of November 22, 
1967. If agreement could be achieved on the 
fundamentals contained in that resolution, the 
real beginnings of a just and lasting peace could 
be found. The United States has fully sup- 
ported that resolution, and continues to do so, 
as well as the policy principles laid down by 
President Johnson in liis important statements 
of June 19, 1967,' and September 10, 1968.'» 
Those principles continue to be relevant and in- 
deed essential to peace in the area. 

It is for those nations which confront each 
other in the area to work with Ambassador 
[Gunnar] Jarring and construct the founda- 
tions for agreement and peace. Other nations 
can help by contributing their full support, and 
the United States will use for this purpose 
whatever mfluence it has. I hope, therefore, 
that in the days ahead all concerned will re- 
double their efforts to help Ambassador 
Jarring bring about a just and lasting peace in 
an area that has known no real peace for so long. 

Let me add that I have seen some speculation 
overnight that somehow the United States is 
marking time in this matter of peace in the Mid- 
dle East or perhaps even in Viet-Nam. This is 
not at all the case. There is nothing which we 
would desire more than to be able to turn over 
to the new administration significant advances 
toward peace, both in the Middle East and in 

The President and I and our Ambassadors 
abroad will do everything that we can in the 
days remaining to advance both these matters 
several steps toward peace if we can. 

It gives me great pleasure to announce that 

° Bulletin of July 10, 1967, p. 31. 
' Bulletin of Oct. 7, 1968, p. 345. 

JANTJART 20, 1969 


the Foreign Secretary of Mexico, the very dis- 
tinguished Dr. Antonio Carrillo Flores, will be 
in Washington to dedicate the monument of 
Benito Juarez next Tuesday, January 7. The 
monument is the gift of the Govermnent of 
Mexico to the people of the United States, and 
it will be my great privilege to accept the monu- 
ment on behalf of the American people. The 
monument is located on the small island on the 
south side of Virginia Avenue where it inter- 
sects with New Hampshire Avenue. I am look- 
ing forward to that occasion very much. I am 
now ready for your questions. 

The Middle East Situation 

Q. Mr. Secretary^ in speaking of the Mid- 
east situation, you talk about working within 
the framework of last November's resolution 
and so forth. But you say other nations can 
help. In that connection tliere have been re- 
ports from Paris and London that the Russians 
are suggesting a Big Four initiative to move 
this thing forward. Here we are told that they 
haven't made any suggestion here. What is the 
situation as regards the big powers working 
on this at present? 

A. I myself received the Russian Charge 
d'Affaires on the 30th and received from him 
what I suppose is the same communication 
which was given to London and Paris. It did not 
propose a special four-power initiative. Never- 
theless, the four are the principal permanent 
members of the Security Council involved in the 
Middle East. 

I have no doubt that full contact among the 
four could be constructive in helping to bring 
peace to that area. We do not believe that peace 
can be found outside the area. This is a matter 
for the countries who live there to find the basis 
on which they can live with each other in the 
long-range future. But nevertheless, there are 
others who can help. We ourselves have taken 
a good many initiatives. Many of those initia- 
tives have not become public. 

In a situation where almost every detail of 
a possible settlement is a matter for lively in- 
ternal debate or controversy on both sides in the 
Middle East, quiet diplomacy has perhaps a 
special role to play. But we shall be consulting 
not only with the parties in the area but with 
other governments who have some possibility 
of exercising influence in the area to see if we 
can begin to put the pieces together. 

Now, one of the aspects of the Middle East 
problem which is — which makes it very compli- 
cated is one which is not unfamiliar in diplo- 
macy. Here is a situation which has many 
component parts, somewhat like a jigsaw puzzle. 
It is very difficult to arrange one of the parts 
without reference to the whole, and it is very 
difficult to take up the whole and settle that 

And so our problem is, Where do you begin? 
Wliere are the handles to take hold of ? How do 
you get the process started? 

We have probed over and over again to see if 
we could find one or another handle in order 
that we could get two or three of the pieces of 
the puzzle into place and then perhaps by steady 
work add other pieces to it. 

Now, what we really need in this situation is 
a determination on the part of those who live 
in the area to cut through the well-kno\vn and 
deep feelings that exist in order to begin to 
build a peace. I have no doubt that there are 
many Arabs who think that Israel is bent 
merely on territorial expansion. I have no doubt 
that there are many Israelis who believe that 
the Arabs want the destruction of Israel. 

Now, these are questions which have to be 
penetrated. These are feelings which have to be 
set aside, and it is up to the parties on both sides 
to try to dissipate those feelings on the other 
side which stand in the way of peace. 

So we will do everything we can between now 
and January 20 to move this matter forward, 
and I hope that we can show some additional 
progress to the new administration when it as- 
sumes responsibility. 

The Viet-Nam Peace Talks 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you give tis your ap- 
praisal of the Viet-Nam situation as it stands 
now? The President has talked about dillydally- 
ing. There has been a feeling that everything 
has slowed down. 

A. Well, I think there are two or three stages 
that one can anticipate. We are anxious to cut 
through the procedural problems that still re- 
main in Paris in order to get to a more system- 
atic discussion of the substance of the prob- 
lem in Southeast Asia. I say a more systematic 
discussion, because there has been already, as 
you know, discussion of some of the substantial 
questions with the North "Vietnamese delega- 
tion, such matters as the DMZ [demilitarized 



zone] and the threat to the cities in South Viet- 
Nam, matters that were involved in the Presi- 
dent's decision of October 31.° 

Now, we have become pretty good amateur 
topologists here in the last several weeks. We 
have made a large number of suggestions about 
tables and how these things can be arranged. 
Basically, we feel that these procedural ques- 
tions ought to be overcome in order that we can 
get to the table and talk seriously about the 
substance of peace in Southeast Asia. 

I would put in a word of caution, however. 
This is — these procedural matters do conceal 
important questions of substance. I can remem- 
ber back in April that we were having a wrangle 
about where we would meet. Two suggestions 
had been made by the other side which seemed 
to us to make it difficult for the South Vietnam- 
ese to come to such a meeting. We rejected 
those locations. It took us a month to get around 
to a mutually agreeable site for the talks. 

There are a great many alternatives, a great 
many choices as far as we are concerned, with 
respect to tables and other procedural arrange- 
ments. We would like to cut through those and 
get around to the serious business of the talks, 
but if the other side is trying to accomplish pur- 
poses which are not appropriate to be dealt with 
in a procedural manner, then the matter is dif- 
ficult. It is not just a dance. There are questions 
of substance that are involved. 

We would hope that the other side would be 
able to accept one of the many alternatives that 
we put to them and get these talks started. 

Aggression From the North the Central Issue 

Q. Air. Secretary, on the matter of substance, 
there have heen a number of suggestions recently 
that the United States and North Viet-Nam 
should negotiate a mutxml troop withdrawal 
and leave the political problem of the future 
of South Viet-Nam to the various groups, gov- 
ernments, alleged governments, in South Viet- 
Nam to negotiate themselves. What is the Gov- 
ernments, this Govemmenfs, position on that 
line of reasoning? 

A. I know but one Government in South Viet- 
Nam : the Republic of Viet-Nam. I don't know 
anyone else who recognizes, for example, the 
National Liberation Front as a government. 

'For President Johnson's address to the Nation on 
Oct. 31, 1968, see Bttlletin of Nov. 18, 1968, p. 517. 

Q. Excuse my misstatement. 

A. That is one of the problems. Obviously, 
both we and the South Vietnamese are inter- 
ested in all aspects of the problem. It is quite 
clear that from our point of view the central is- 
sue is aggression from the North, the movement 
by the North of large numbers of armed people, 
both in units and as individuals, into the South. 

We ourselves would like to see that basic cause 
for the presence of our combat forces removed. 
At the Manila conference the Allies made it 
clear how we could proceed on that point. 

Now, I myself have no dotibt that, within the 
framework of acceptance of a constitutional 
system and amnesty and reconciliation and oth- 
er matters that the South Vietnamese have 
talked about, if the South Vietnamese could be 
left to work out their own arrangements among 
themselves without the intrusion of external 
forces, we could be well on the way toward 
peace. But 75 percent of the forces on the other 
side are from the North, and that has to be 
dealt with. Their presence in South Viet-Nam 
is the primary reason why we have combat 
troops in South Viet-Nam. So we would like to 
get at this problem just as quickly as possible, 
cut through these procedural matters and get to 
the table and deal with just such issues as were 
raised at the Manila conference. 

How we divide the load, the negotiating bur- 
den as between ourselves and South Viet-Nam 
if a division becomes necessary, is something to 
be worked out in the future. But there is no 
question that both we and South Viet-Nam have 
an important stake in the principal questions 
that will be before the negotiators in Paris. 

Q. When you say you have an importa/nt 
stake, both we and they, does this mean, then, 
pretty m/uch that you woxdd favor both parties 
being involved in both parts of the negotia- 
tions — that is, both the military and then the 

A. Oh, I think you could assume that when 
we're in our negotiations in Paris, we will be 
in close touch with our friends, allies, in South 
Viet-Nam, and we and they will move in close 
step on these negotiations. I don't see the basis 
on which we and they would go off in different 

Q. But we have a stibstantive interest in the 
political future of South Viet-Nam, and there- 
fore would want to be involved in any negotia- 

JANTJART 20, 1969 


tions in the political future of South Viet-Nwm. 
Is that what you are saying? 

A. I don't want to prejudge the various 
means by which some of these questions can 
be discussed. It has been suggested at times 
that — by Vice President Ky, for example — 
that they might meet with some of the per- 
sonnel of the NXiF [National Liberation Front] 
in South Viet-Nam. It's possible that this 
might occur in Paris, I don't know. I don't 
know — I think those questions are for the fu- 
ture, but we have a stake in the security and 
the stability and the economic and other ele- 
ments of well-being in South Viet-Nam, and 
so I would not want to say that we are indif- 
ferent to what the future of South Viet-Nam 
holds. We are there because an effort has been 
made by force to change the future of South 
Viet-Nam contrary to the wishes of its own peo- 
ple as expressed at the ballot box. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Mr. Clifford [Secretary of 
Defense Clarh M. Clifford] seems to have a dif- 
ferent view of Jww you approach this problem 
in Paris. A lot of the netospapers have called 
your apparent differences with him a "civilised 
collision." How would you describe itf 

A. Well, I have seen some of that speculation 
and I don't connect it with the world in which 
I live. I don't recall that I have ever wrestled 
on the rug with Secretary Clifford. 

The instructions which the President has sent 
to Ambassadors [W. Averell] Harriman and 
[Cyrus K.] Vance and to Ambassador [Ells- 
worth] Bunker go out with the full agreement 
of the Secretary of Defense and myself. So I am 
not able to be very helpful on that matter, be- 
cause I don't recognize the circumstances which 
are being discussed. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, today again, as in the past 
when discussing these delays and obstructions, 
you have said that the trouble is with the other 
side. Mr. Clifford seems to feel there is a prob- 
lem on our side, as well; and this, I think, is 
what perhaps leads us to believe that there may, 
indeed, be a cleavage there. 

A. We have been in close touch with our 
friends in South Viet-Nam. The proposals we 
have made in Paris are proposals we have made 
in agreement with the Government of South 

We have laid out a very rich menu of possi- 

bilities. We tliink they are reasonable. Any one 
of them would be agreeable to us. Where we get 
into difficulty is where the delegates of Hanoi 
are trying to accomplish something indirectly, 
by means of procedural arrangements, which 
they are not entitled to do. 

No one in the world recognizes the NLF as 
a government. There are three parties at the 
table who are recognized, at least by a consider- 
able number of coimtries, as governments : our- 
selves, the Government of South Viet-Nam, and 
the authorities iu Hanoi. It is not unusual for 
these differences to be taken into account in 
int«rnational gatherings. International organi- 
zations have special rules of procedure for hear- 
ing those who are not governments. 

Now, we are trying to find some way to put 
such questions to one side in a way that is not 
prejudicial, so that each side can have its own 
theory about who is sitting at the table. But 
thus far we have not had enough help from the 
Hanoi delegation. 

Relations With Communist China 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the other day Senator Rus- 
sell suggested a U.S. initiative in resu/ming re- 
lations with CoTrmvanist China. What is your 
own view on this? 

A. Well, I think we again come to the cen- 
tral question which we have had for a long time 
now, and that is the insistence by the authori- 
ties in Peking that there is nothing to discuss 
imless we are prepared to surrender Taiwan. 

I have had occasion to comment on that many 
times at press conferences, and thus far I am not 
aware of any change in the attitude of the au- 
thorities in Peking. This is a matter that I have 
no doubt the new administration will look into 
in connection with the forthcoming talks with 
the representatives of Peking in Warsaw in 
February. But that remains, as far as I can tell, 
the central question. 

Q. Mr. Secretary. 

A. Yes? 

Q. Can you give us what the outlook is for 
setting the date and level of the missile talks 
with the Soviet Union before the end of the 
Johnson administration? 

A. We are doing some additional work on 
that, but I cannot give you any guidance today 



about the possible arrangements for pursuing 
that matter. I am just not in a position to be 
helpful on that. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Tioio close has teen your 
liaison with members of the incoming adminis- 
tration? Do you — have you talked weekly or 
daily or when with the — with Mr. [William P.] 
Rogers — or not? 

A. Mr. Rogers has been here in the Depart- 
ment a good deal of time since his prospective 
appointment was announced. He has had com- 
plete access to the Department and to the per- 
sonnel in the Department. He has been very 
diligent about visiting different offices and dif- 
ferent parts of the Department to see what we 
are like and how we conduct our business. I am 
always available to him. We have met on quite 
a number of occasions. 

I have tried to give it to him in easy doses so 
he doesn't get it all at once; because he will 
face some formidable problems, and I hope 
very much that he and the new administration 
will have a very successful 1969. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, what will you be doing, in 
what specific terms, in the next year? 

A. I am deliberately — I say this very hon- 
estly— I have deliberately postponed all such 
questions until after January 20th. I know that 
I will spend some time in the Presidential li- 
braries of President Johnson and President 
Kennedy, not in recording the story as I see it 
but in perhaps recording some helpful house- 
hold hints for the future historians as to points 
which they ought to look into when they are 
trying to write about this period. 

But beyond that, I haven't made specific 
plans. I don't want to complicate future plan- 
ning with my present responsibilities. 

We are going flat out between now and Jan- 
uary 20th to try to improve some of these prob- 
lems, such as the Middle East and Viet-Nam, 
before we turn over responsibility. 

Q. Do you have any new information or any 
new assessment of the significance of the reduc- 
tion in force — of the Mediterranean fleet that 
the Russians — 

A. No, that varies from time to time. I think 
it would be a little precarious to draw any con- 
clusions from what may be temporary varia- 
tions in strength. There has been recently some 
reduction in that strength, but the Soviet Union 

is not far away, and it could increase it again — 
and I would not want to speculate about what 
that might mean. 

Security of Southeast Asia Vital to U.S. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your first press con- 
ference, nearly 8 years ago, you said, and I 
quote: ". . . there can be little doubt that our 
democracy works best when its leaders are 
candid." ^ 

Looking back over the 8 years and the prob- 
lem which has dominated, come to dotninate, 
this administration, would you in a final burst 
of candidness tell us what loent wrong in Viet- 

A. What went wrong in Viet-Nam was a 
persistent and determined attempt by the au- 
thorities in Hanoi to take over South Viet-Nam 
by force. 

Now, at different times we were faced with 
a particular scale of effort on their side. Then 
they increased their scale. I mean after the elec- 
tion in 1964, for example, sometime in Decem- 
ber, in January of 1965, the North Vietnamese 
began to move major units of their Regular 
Army into South Viet-Nam. That had to be 
met by ourselves and by the increase in South 
Vietnamese forces and by additional Allied 

The thing which is wrong from the very be- 
ginning about the situation in Southeast Asia 
is that these authorities in Hanoi have em- 
ployed their military forces in Laos, in South 
Viet-Nam, and with trained guerrillas and 
other activity in Thailand, to do things to their 
neighbors that they are not permitted to do un- 
der general standards of international conduct. 
That has been our problem. 

And to overcome that problem has been the 
agony of the situation. We are there not be- 
cause we enjoy being there. We are in this strug- 
gle not because we can't think of anything else 
to do with our men or our resources. We are 
there because what we are doing there is direct- 
ly related to the national interests of the United 
States, to determinations by our Government 
through our most formal constitutional proc- 
esses that the security of Southeast Asia is 
vital to the United States, and because what 

" For the transcript of Secretary Rusk's news con- 
ference of Feb. 6, 1961, see Bulletin of Feb. 27, 1961, 
p. 296. 

JANUARY 20, 19 G 9 


happens in Southeast Asia is vital to the gen- 
eral peace of the world. 

Q. Hoio do you explain the inability of the, 
administration to sell these premises to the 
American people? 

A. I think that there are those who do not ac- 
cept what has been formally decided by solemn 
constitutional process; that is, the significance 
to the peace of the world and to the interests of 
the United States of the security of Southeast 

Let me remind you, Mr. Roberts [Chalmers 
M. Roberts, of the Washington Post], that we 
have also tried to do what is necessary in this 
situation calmly and soberly and without whip- 
ping up a general atmosphere of war psychol- 
ogy. There may be those who think that we 
have made a mistake in that regard. But the true 
fact is that there's too much power in the world. 
It's too dangerous for great nations to get too 
mad. And that has made it difficult to do calmly 
what has to be done, when our gallant young 
people in South Viet-Nam are having to risk 
everything to help us get this accomplished. 

There may be other factors. I have expressed 
at times in other places my concern about 
whether some of the great central decisions that 
we made at the end of World War II are being 
undermined by the passage of time. Wlien I see 
the sharp reductions in a prudent foreign aid 
budget, when I see the mobilization of protec- 
tionist interests ganging up to interfere with 
liberal world trade, when I see pressures to 
withdraw our forces from NATO in Europe, 
when I see some of the arguments used in oppo- 
sition to the Viet-Nam war, I wonder if we do 
not need that great debate all over again — 
which we had at the end of World War II and 
during the late forties — in order either to re- 
affirm these great notions of collective security 
and American responsible participation in 
world affairs or to find something better to put 
in their place. 

I have said many times that I would be glad 
if we could find something better, but I am des- 
perately concerned lest we find something worse 
by inadvertence or inattention or laziness or a 
withdrawal from world affairs. Because the 
world is just too dangerous now for this coun- 
try to slack off and forget its responsibility in 
world affairs. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, this question comes from 

what you have just said. It may not be a fair 
question. But, looking back over the 8 years, is 
the world a worse or a better place to live in 
since you took this ofice? 

Some Hopeful Trends Throughout the World 

A. Well, I'm a little reluctant to try to gen- 
eralize about 8 years. They have been very 
crowded years, and perhaps I'm not the one to 
do it. I have been too heavily involved person- 
ally in so many of these events. And perhaps a 
little time and space will be needed before one 
can make a sober assessment of the period. 

I must say that in the long run I am opti- 
mistic. I do believe that there is a general recog- 
nition that man is capable of utter catastrophe 
if he does not act with reason and with pru- 
dence and with some elements of good will. 

I think there is a broad recognition that vio- 
lence must be restrained; and we have had 8 
years without a nuclear war, and I attach great 
importance to that, although most people just 
take it for granted. One can't take it for 
granted. It takes a lot of doing to be able to 
make that statement. 

I see general trends throughout the world 
that are hopeful in character. I believe that over 
time there is going to be some reduction in the 
sharpest ideological confrontations and conflicts 
that we have seen in this postwar period. I be- 
lieve some of the elementary commitments of 
the American constitutional system are those, 
as our forefathers themselves taught, of univer- 
sal force, such notions as the role of the indi- 
vidual, personality, human dignity, the relation 
between the governors and the governed. 

We have seen improvements in a good many 
special situations, such as Indonesia and the 
Congo, and I can name others. But we have in 
front of us two very dangerous situations on 
the near horizon right with us today; that is, 
Viet-Nam and the Middle East. If we could fijid 
some way to sort these things out and get them 
behind us, I would be relatively optimistic 
about the longer range. 

Q. 'Well, Mr. Secretary, following logically 
your proposition that the American — or the 
United States should not slack off at this par- 
ticular period in history, with the withdrawal 
of the British, for example, from Singapore and 
South Asia, does this not mean that we have 




future commitments or will have future prob- 
lems or comm,itments to face in that area, that 
Viet-Nam is only the beginning of the commit- 

A. I think it would not be for me to speculate 
about that very much, because that is not a ques- 
tion that can be relevant to the period between 
now and January 20th. I think the new adminis- 
tration will want to think about those and other 

We have not, in the last 8 years, been seized 
with what some commentators have called 
"pactomania." I call to your attention that 
President Kennedy and President Jolmson and 
their Secretary of State have not gone down to 
the Senate with additional security treaties. We 
have concluded security treaties in this hemi- 
sphere and across the Atlantic and across the 
Pacific which we consider to be in the vital se- 
curity interest of the United States. But we 
have not gone around the world trying to extend 
those arrangements. 

One of the things that I may find a chance to 
comment on after I leave office is the myth of the 
"world's policeman." There is just no truth in 
the suggestion that somehow we look upon our- 
selves as the country that is supposed to go 
around everywhere in the world tidying up all 
the disputes that occur or intervening in them. 

I had one study that indicated that in the 
last 400 crises of one sort or another involving 
the use of violence, we were involved in about 
six of them. We don't go around looking for 
business. But we are committed to those situa- 
tions which are considered to be in the vital 
interest of the United States, and those are 
recorded in our solemn treaty commitments. 

Implementing U.N. Resolution on Middle East 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your opening statement 
you said that if agreement could be reached on 
the principles of the U.N. resolution on the 
Middle East, we could move toward peace. 
Where does the responsibility lie? Who has not 
agreed to these principles? And who has? How 
do you move? 

A. I think one of the problems — perhaps I 
shouldn't try to go into too much detail under 
these circumstances — but one of the problems 
is that the November resolution is not self- 
executing. It doesn't spell out how these various 

declarations of policy are to be put into effect. 
Therefore, the implementation of the November 
resolution must be worked out by negotiation 
and agreement. 

Now, there is some tendency for one side to 
try to impose upon the other a particular for- 
mulation of words. For example, some of the 
Arabs say that Israel must say that it will ac- 
cept and implement the November resolution. 
Now, if that means that Israel must say that it 
accepts the resolution as interpreted by the 
Arab side, obviously this is a great difficulty for 
Israel. Israel has said that it will accept and 
implement that resolution in accordance with 
the agreements to be reached in the process of 
discussion and negotiation — in effect. This is 
a paraphrase. This is not their exact language. 

We believe that in this situation Ambassador 
Jarring plays a crucial role. Israel has put to 
Ambassador Jarring some considerable number 
of points of substance with which he might 
be able to work with governments on the other 
side. There has been some response from gov- 
ernments on the other side, but this process 
has not yet grappled with the central issues 
in a way that would find some of those pieces 
of the jigsaw puzzle that I referred to earlier. 

We are going to do everything we can to 
support Ambassador Jarring's effort and, be- 
yond that, to do what we can in the capitals 
on both sides to see if we ourselves can help 
find some of these pieces to the jigsaw puzzle 
and begin to put this thing into shape. 

Q. Is this situation acute enough at the 
moment to bring Dr. Jarring back from Mos- 
coio and get him into play again? 

A. Well, I think it's acute. I think that 
Ambassador Jarring has been talking with the 
parties about his own arrangements. And I 
wouldn't want to comment on what those might 

What concerns me is the continual military 
activity on the cease-fire lines. The terrorists 
on the Arab side have to accept a very heavy 
responsibility for their unwillingness to accept 
the cease-fire lines and leave the situation in 
an atmosphere or a mood where some progress 
toward peace can be made. One can under- 
stand how impatient the Israelis get from time 
to time when these terrorist raids continue, 
raids for which the Arab governments do not 
accept direct responsibility. And that leads to 

JANUARY 20, 1969 


action which, again, inflames the situation 

There have been too many of these incidents. 
We would like to see both sides act with the 
utmost restraint here to try to give us a few 
months in wliich you don't have this violence 
occurring in order that we can make a maxi- 
mum effort through Ambassador Jarring and 
otherwise to begin to put these pieces together. 

Q. But this has not been the experience since 
June of ''67 and, unfortunately, is not likely to 
he the experience in the time ahead. What can 
we do despite this? 

A. Well, in diplomacy you never throw in 
your hand. It's true that we have not made as 
much progress since June 1967, and Ambassa- 
dor Jarring has not made as much progress, as 
all of us would have hoped. But there is a very 
simple answer to that. You try and you try 
again. You don't give up. Because when diplo- 
macy throws in its hand, then there is nothing 
left but the guns and the soldiers. And no one 
wants that answer. 

Q. Dr. Jarring^s heing in Moscow does not 
mean he has thrown in his hand? 

A. No. 

Q. There is no need to get him into play at 
this moment? 

A. Well, that is — I don't want to comment 
on his schedule or his travel plans and things 
like that. You put a question to him in Moscow 
on that if you can find — get access to him. 

Q. Would you favor that? 

A. I tliink he is continuing his activity, and 
we would strongly favor that, and we will give 
him all the support we can. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, thank you. We hope that 
wasnH your valedictory. 

A. Thank you very much. 

U.S. Citizens Visiting Morocco 
May Purchase U.S.-Owned Dirhams 

The Department of State and the Treasury 
Department announced on January 5 (Depart- 
ment of State press release 2 dated January 3 
for release January 6) that United States citi- 
zens visiting or residing in Morocco may pur- 
chase Moroccan dirhams from the United States 
Embassy and consulates general in Morocco. 
Sales will be made at the official rate of ex- 
change, and no conversion fees will be charged. 

United States-owned foreign currencies are 
now being sold to American tourists, business- 
men, and residents in eight countries. The others 
are Ceylon, Guinea, India, Israel, Pakistan, 
Tunisia, and the U.A.R. (Egypt) . 

Purchases of these United States-owned cur- 
rencies by private American citizens relieve 
strain on the United States balance of payments 
by reducing the flow of dollars abroad. The 
Unit«d States Government, therefore, urges 
Americans to take advantage of these arrange- 

In Morocco, Moroccan dirhams owned by the 
U.S. Government may be purchased at the 
United States Embassy in Rabat and at the 
American consulates general in Casablanca and 
Tangier in exchange for United States currency, 
personal checks drawn on a bank in the United 
States, or for United States travelers checks. 
Purchasers must present their passports for 




U.N. Security Council Condemns Israel for Attack 
on Beirut Airport 

Following are statements made in the Se- 
curity Council on December 29 and 31 hy U.S. 
Representative James Russell Wiggins and the 
text of a resolution adopted hy the Council on 
Decemher 31. 


U.S. /U.N. press release 274 dated December 29 

The year ends on a note of tragedy and vio- 
lence in the Middle East. The Council, which 
has met so many times during the year to con- 
sider acts of terrorism and military counter- 
action, meets on this occasion to deal with a 
most regrettable Israeli action, which my Gov- 
ernment strongly condemns. 

As Ambassador Goldberg stated in the Coun- 
cil on March 21,^ my Government opposes vio- 
lence from any quarter in the Middle East. Car- 
rying the pattern of terrorism and reprisal mto 
the centers of international commerce and travel 
adds a new dimension of destruction and risk 
which directly touches the interests of all states. 

My Government can understand, and in fact 
shares, the concern of the Israeli Government 
over the increasing interference with the right 
of imimpeded air travel between states. Israel 
was rightly aroused and legitimately con- 
cerned about the attack upon an Israeli air- 
craft in Athens on December 26 and the previ- 
ous hijacking of another Israeli airliner. The 
free movement of peaceful transport among 
countries is a matter to which we are going to 
have to give increasing attention. Armed inter- 
vention that interrupts the movement of civil- 
ian aircraft is an outrageous disregard of the 
laws of nations and an intolerable interference 
with the safety of civilian passengers. 

However, the United States feels that this 

' BuiXETiN of Apr. 15, 1968, p. 508. 

action does not justify the Israeli retaliation 
of December 28. In the first place, we do not see 
a justification for a retaliation of any kind 
against Lebanon. Nothing that we heard has 
convinced us that the Government of Lebanon 
is responsible for the occurrence in Athens. To 
the contrary, the Lebanese Government has 
made efforts to control the actions of Fedayeen 
groups on its territory. Lebanon is a country 
which clearly has been doing its best to live in 
peace with all other states in the area. 

Secondly, apart from the question of Leb- 
anese culpability, the Israeli action is un- 
justified. Such a military attack upon an 
international airport is an unacceptable form of 
international behavior. In magnitude it is en- 
tirely disproportionate to the act which pre- 
ceded it. It is disproportionate in two ways: 
first, in the degree of destruction involved; and 
second, and more fundamental, in the difference 
between the acts of two individual terrorists and 
those of a sizable official military force operat- 
ing under governmental orders. It can be at- 
tributed to good fortune that there was no loss 
of life. The risk to scores of innocent people, 
including passengers on aircraft in the airport 
at the time, was very great. Our reports confirm 
a substantial amount of damage to equipment 
and facilities. 

Beyond a strong sense of concern at this spe- 
cific action is the increasing evidence that terror- 
ism and other acts of violence have become a 
way of life in the Middle East. We see no way 
to peace in this direction. The history of the 
past year has shown that violence leads to vio- 
lence and that retaliation does not bring a halt 
to terrorism. In fact, it tends to weaken the 
forces of peace rather than to strengthen them. 

Mr. President, it must now be plain to the 
Government of Israel itself that the attack on 
the International Airport at Beirut has intro- 
duced new dangers into the already alarming 

JANUARY 2 0, 1969 


situation in the Middle East. This destructive 
operation has enlarged the ring of reprisal and 
widened the circle of terror to touch areas and 
peoples hitherto struggling to keep aloof from 
these measures. Surely the Government of Israel 
must be having sober second thouglits about this 
act of arrogance. It would be a refreshing vari- 
ation from previous patterns of behavior in the 
region if that Govermnent would candidly and 
frankly itself give voice to its own misgivings 
about the results of its military operation. An 
honest acknowledgement that this enterprise was 
ill conceived and a candid expression of regret 
would illumine the bleak political landscape of 
the region like a flash in the night. It would 
reassure the friends of Israel who regret a situa- 
tion in which that Government seems to be put- 
ting its confidence in the almost unrestricted use 
of force. It would silence many of Israel's critics 
who find in this episode new arguments with 
which to reproach tlie Israeli Government. It 
would even set before its enemies an example of 
reasonableness without which peace can never be 
achieved in the Middle East. 

Mr. President, the Security Council — every 
member of the United Nations — has a responsi- 
bility to help break the pattern of violence in the 
Middle East. We hope this Council will speak 
promptly and clearly on the issues before it. 
Surely all of the parties in the area have a re- 
sponsibility to adhere scrupulously to the cease- 
fire resolutions of the Security Council. Surely it 
is evident to all that a meaningful arms limita- 
tion agreement in tlie area sliould not await the 
conclusion of a political settlement of differ- 
ences which have proved intractable for over 
two decades. Surely the principal parties in the 
area, as well as the members of this Council, 
must redouble their efforts in support of the 
mission of Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, whose 
whole purpose is to help facilitate the just and 
lasting peace which would benefit all peoples of 
the area and help bulwark the political inde- 
pendence and territorial integrity of both the 
Israeli and Arab states. 

Tlie time is long past for a halt in the vicious 
cycles that could lead to further tragedy, pain, 
and destruction. For its part, the United States 
is prepared to support prompt action by the Se- 
curity Council to condemn this latest Israeli 
action. In the meantime, we will continue our 
intensive efforts in support of Ambassador 
Jarring as we will continue to seek a meaningful 
arms limitation agreement in the area. In these 
ways the foundation for peace in the Middle 
East can be developed. 


U.S./U.N. press release 276 dated December 31 

In view of the extent to which this debate has 
wandered from the matters relevant to the 
agenda adopted on Sunday, December 29, 1 feel 
obliged to say that the remarks of my delega- 
tion have been addressed to the attack upon the 
Beirut Airport on December 28 and the incident 
at the Athens Airport on December 26. 

We wish explicitly to dissociate ourselves 
from the sweeping generalizations, the crude 
denunciations, and the reckless attacks upon 
Israel for alleged policies and acts having noth- 
ing to do with episodes properly before us. 
Israel is not on trial here for its life. Israel is 
not being asked here to defend its right to exist. 
This Council is not a court, sitting on all the 
issues of the 1967 war, the 1956 war, the 1948 
war, and authorized to pronoimce final judg- 
ment on all matters in between the wars. If it 
were such an omnipotent court, we doubt not 
but that Israel could give an effective account- 
ing of its struggle to survive the repeated acts 
of hostility that have contributed to the climate 
in the Middle East out of which these latest acts 
of violence have emerged. 

It has been alleged, in the course of this de- 
bate, that my Government, in supporting the 
resolution before us, has exhibited inconsis- 
tency. It is the kind of inconsistency of which 
Abraham Lincoln spoke when he said that he 
stuck by his friends while they were right and 
parted with them when they were wrong. We 
do not apologize for the fact that our policies 
are governed by principle or for the coincidence 
that friends sometimes disagree on principle. 
On the contrary, we suspect that if some other 
members of this Coimcil were equally willing to 
differ with their friends on occasion, peace 
would be more secure than it now is. 

I have spoken previously on the views of my 
Government toward disarmament in the Mid- 
dle East and on the willingness of tlie United 
States at any time to discuss measures to limit 
the flow of arms into the area. President John- 
son has repeatedly pointed out that the suspen- 
sion of this traffic is one of the conditions of 
peace in the Middle East. ■ 

The resolution we have just voted does not 
entirely suit my delegation. It is our view that 
all these interventions against civil aviation are 
intolerable and that they place in jeopardy the 
lives and property of innocent persons, even 
when by good luck or good fortune that risk 



does not result in great loss of life. This body, 
in our view, should put the United Nations in 
the forefront of an effort to perfect new rules 
of international law that will give to the great 
airports of the world and to civilian air trans- 
port generally a special status that will provide 
for appropriate examination of every situation 
in which that status is disregarded. Not having 
dealt extensively with this matter in this resolu- 
tion, it remains for the Security Council or 
other appropriate agencies to deal with it soon, 
so as to make it clear that no pretext whatever 
justifies interference with international civil 

Notwithstanding any differences over lan- 
guage or substance, however, my Government 
supports this resolution and endorses its con- 
demnation of the military action against the 
airport at Beirut, in accordance with my Gov- 
ernment's initial response to this operation. 


The Security Council, 

Having considered the agenda contained in docu- 
ment S/Agenda/1462, 

Having noted the contents of the letter of the Per- 
manent Representative of Lebanon (document S/8945), 

Having noted the supplementary information pro- 
vided by the Chief of Staff of the United Nations 
Truce Supervision Organization contained in docu- 
ments S/7930/Add. 107 and 108, 

Having heard the statements of the representative 
of Lebanon and of the representative of Israel con- 
cerning the grave attack committed against the civil 
International Airport of Beirut, 

Observing that the military action by the armed 
forces of Israel against the civil International Air- 
port of Beirut was premeditated and of a large scale 
and carefully planned nature. 

Gravely concerned about the deteriorating situation 
resulting from this violation of the Security Council 

And deeply concerned about the need to assure free 
uninterrupted international civil air traffic, 

1. Condemns Israel for its premeditated military 
action in violation of its obligations under the Charter 
and the cease-fire resolutions; 

2. Considers that such premeditated acts of vio- 
lence endanger the maintenance of the peace; 

3. Issues a solemn warning to Israel that if such 
acts were to be repeated, the Council would have to 
consider further steps to give effect to its decisions; 

4. Considers that Lebanon is entitled to appropriate 
redress for the destruction it suffered, responsibility 
for which has been acknowledged by Israel. 

The U.N. Bond Repayments Issue 

Statement by James Russell Wiggins 

U^. Representative to the General Assemily ' 

The General Assembly has before it a draft 
resolution calling for a study of the legal com- 
mitments it made in 1961 when it provided for 
the repayment of approximately $170 million 
worth of United Nations bonds.^ It is just 7 
years too late for this body to revise the terms of 
a contract which it freely entered into or to 
study the rearrangement of the security it then 
pledged for the liquidation of this debt. 

The authors of this proposal have made clear 
their wish to abandon the established formula, 
on the basis of which the United Nations has 
pledged its good faith and its credit, and put 
in its place some other formula by which 
certain members would pay less than they now 
do and others would be expected to pay more. 

I do not question the intentions of the pro- 
ponents of this resolution ; I speak only of its 
certain effects. The question which it would re- 
open was conclusively decided 7 years ago by 
the General Assembly, which stipulated in. au- 
thorizing the issuance of United Nations bonds 
that the repayment of principal and interest on 
these bonds would be provided for in the regu- 
lar budget of the United Nations and thus 
would be assessed against the members accord- 
ing to the regular scale of assessments. 

The authority for United Nations bonds was 
contained in Kesolution 1739. It provided for 
bonds with an interest rate of 2 percent and a 
term of 25 years — very unattractive terms, yet 
nearly $170 million of bonds were subscribed 
by 64 member states, simply because these mem- 
bers set a great value on the United Nations and 
wanted to help restore it to financial health. On 
that basis my own country subscribed some $76 
million of the bond issue, nearly half of the 
bonds that were sold. 

It was the same Resolution 1739 that pro- 
vided also for the repayment of principal and 
interest on the bonds through the regular 
budget of the United Nations and therefore un- 
der the regular scale of assessments on each 
member. And let me point out to the members 
that the bonds themselves have printed on them, 
as an earnest of the good faith of the United Na- 

'U.N. doc. S/RES/262 (1968) ; adopted unanimously 
by the Security Council on Dec. 31. 

' Made in plenary on Dec. 21 (U.S.AJ.N. press release 

'For text of draft resolution XI recommended by 
Committee V, see U.N. doc. A/7476, p. 77. 

JANUARY 2 0, 1969 


tions, the full text of Resolution 1739, adopted 
December 20, 1961. Here is a facsimile copy 
of a United Nations bond, and from that bond 
I now read paragraph 3 of the resolution, by 
which the Assembly 

Decides to include annually in the regular budget 
of the United Nations, beginning with the budget for 
the year 1963, an amount suflBcient to pay the interest 
charges on such bonds and the Instalments of prin- 
cipal due on the bonds. 

Now, why was that resolution printed on the 
bonds ? Clearly, because the General Assembly's 
decision concerning the terms of the bonds, in- 
cluding particularly the method of repayment, 
■was the fundamental assurance of the good 
faith of the United Nations that the bonds 
would be honored. Tlie words of the resolution 
which I just quoted concerning repayment 
through the regular budget are, as the repre- 
sentative of Italy said in the debate in the Fifth 
Committee, "the very clause which guaranteed 
the execution of the contract." Yet that is the 
clause which the draft resolution now before us 
proposes to reopen. 

Let me remind the Assembly that 64 govern- 
ments, including the United States, in present- 
ing the request for purchase of United Nations 
bonds to their respective parliaments, relied on 
the commitment of the General Assembly as to 
the basis on which the bonds would be repaid. 
The United States Government assured the 
United States Congress that the United Na- 
tions would live up to its conmiitments as to the 
method of repayment. 

In spite of these considerations, the pending 
draft resolution has been recommended to us by 
its sponsors on two counts, both of which, I 
submit, are not persuasive. First, the sponsors 
have made clear that they would like to relieve 
the less developed countries of what is repre- 
sented as a heavy burden on them. Second, they 
propose by this means to bolster "the hope of 
the Secretary-General . . . that the United 
Nations might celebrate its twenty-fifth an- 
niversary as a financially sound and solvent 

I submit, Mr. President, that the resolution is 
the wrong way to pursue both of these declared 

As for the burden on the less developed coun- 
tries, the dollars and cents involved are not 
large amounts by any standards. For the ma- 
jority of members falling in the less developed 
category, the assessment that goes to repay the 
bonds is on the order of $3,500 a year. "Wliat 

such a country would save if its share were 
reduced would thus be some amount between 
that figure and zero. 

Moreover, the analogy by wliich the resolu- 
tion suggests that this already small burden 
be reduced does not stand up to scrutiny. The 
preamble refers to resolutions of 1962 and 1963, 
reducing the share of the less developed 
coimtries for the further costs of the two peace- 
keeping operations in question. When those 
resolutions were adopted, the bond issue had 
already been approved and its method of re- 
payment had been established ; yet nothing was 
said in the resolutions of 1962 and 1963, or in 
any subsequent decision of the Assembly, about 
changing the method of repayment of the 
bonds. It was recognized then, as it must still 
be recognized now, that that method of repay- 
ment had already been conclusively decided, 
the good faith of the United Nations was 
engaged upon it, and it could not be reopened. 

Now let me say a word about the second 
argument: that the proposed move would in 
some way improve the prospects for the United 
Nations to celebrate its 25th anniversary in a 
financially sound and solvent condition. This 
is the exact reverse of the reality. A decision to 
reopen the method of repayment of the bonds 
would immediately call into question the credit 
of the United Nations. 

This may not be the last time that the United 
Nations finds it necessary to resort to an issue of 
its bonds in order to meet a financial crisis. It 
will be a poor assurance to any future bond 
purchaser if the United Nations has to acknowl- 
edge that it is willing to reconsider the terms 
nominated in its bonds, to revise the method of 
repajrment, or to diminish the reliability of the 
source of that repayment. 

Mr. President, I am obliged to say that if the 
Assembly were to make a change in the meth- 
ods, terms, or conditions of repayment of the 
bonds, the United States would have to take 
a very hard look at the entire range of United 
Nations finances. 

Let me make it quite clear why the United 
States feels so strongly on this issue and what 
interests of ours we seek to protect. To us this 
is not simply a pocketbook matter. IVIy country's 
pecuniary interest in the bonds is and will be 
protected regardless of the pending resolution. 
The law of the United States requires that, as a 
bondholder, the United States deduct from its 
annual assessed contribution to the regular 
budget of the United Nations "an amount equal 



to the corresponding annual installment of 
principal and interest due to the United States" 
on account of the $76 million in United Nations 
bonds which we hold. 

But the interest of the United States in this 
matter is more than financial and budgetary. It 
is an interest in the United Nations itself, in its 
vigor, its honor, its standing and effectiveness 
in the councils of the world. That, I trust, is an 
interest which all members, whatever our dif- 
ferences, hold in common and must defend in 

The pending resolution, Mr. President, is a 
direct threat to that common interest. Nor can 
we take any comfort from the fact that the 
draft resolution only provides for a study by 
an essentially technical body, the Advisory 
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary 
Questions. The question proposed for study is 
not a technical but a political question of great 
magnitude. It is entirely inappropriate for 
consideration by the advisory committee. The 
injection of such a far-reaching question into 
such a teclmical body would be an exceedingly 
bad precedent. But no matter what body is 
given such an assignment, the raising of this 
question by the General Assembly would be 
rightly regarded throughout the world as a 
self-inflicted blow to the good name of this 

There are ways in which to advance the fi- 
nancial soundness of the United Nations and to 
relieve the burdens of all of us who now con- 
tribute to the repayment of the bonds. The best 
way is one which the pending resolution does 
not even mention. It is to insist that all the 
duly levied assessments against member states 
be paid, especially those assessments for peace- 

keeping expenditures which a number of im- 
portant members have refused to pay although 
they are financially quite able to do so. Let all 
such past assessments and arrearages be paid 
without further delay, and most of the bond 
issue can then be quickly retired. Let current 
assessments be paid in fuU, and let those coun- 
tries that now arbitrarily withhold certain 
parts of their duly assessed contributions to the 
regular budget stop this crippling practice. 
That is the proper road to financial soundness 
and to a lifting of the unfair burdens which fall 
on the more conscientious members, developed 
and less developed alike. 

Mr, President, the size of any country's 
pledged obligations is indeed a proper subject 
for concern, whether the payment in question 
be a few thousand dollars or many millions. But 
far more important is whether we keep to those 
obligations which we have pledged in the name 
of the United Nations. For the good name and 
good health of the United Nations are a boon 
to all of us, far beyond any monetary price 
that has been spoken of in this debate. 

Whatever the future may hold for the family 
of nations, the United Nations, as a center for 
peace and freedom and fruitful collaboration 
among the nations of the earth, will have a great 
and noble work to perform. Let us now be mind- 
ful of that fiature and let us resolve not to 
weaken or undermine this our common instru- 
ment and common hope. 

I trust that the resolution will be rejected.' 

' On Dee. 21, after approving a U.K. proposal that a 
two-thirds majority be required for adoption of draft 
resolution XI, the Assembly rejected the resolution by 
a rollcall vote of 51 to 34 (U.S.), with 33 abstentions. 

JANTJART 20, 1969 
329-831—69 2 


U.S. Proposes Worldwide Seismic Investigation 
of Underground Nuclear Explosions 

Following is a statement made in V.N. Com- 
mittee I {Political and Security) ly William C. 
Foster, U.S. Representative to the General As- 
sembly, on December 5, together with texts of 
resolutions adopted by the General Assembly on 
December 20. 


U.S./U.N. press release 229 dated December 5 

The past year has been one of substantial ac- 
complishment in the field of arms control and 
disarmament. This should encourage us to face 
up to the need for making even greater progress 
in the future if we are to achieve the momentum 
required to turn back the nuclear arms race and 
to begin making progress in other areas of arms 
control and disarmament. The United States 
believes the Nonproliferation Treaty holds the 
promise of facilitating further significant 

I have already shared with the committee my 
Government's views on prospects for interna- 
tional cooperation opened up by the treaty. We 
have emphasized that turning these prospects 
into concrete achievements requires an approach 
which will enable the competent bodies and ex- 
perts to get to work without delay. 

Today, I would like to discuss several of the 
arms control and disarmament questions now 
before the committee and the related draft reso- 
lutions, bearing in mind the practical, step-by- 
step approach which has led to progress. 

Foremost among the arms control issues which 
have seized our attention for more than two 
decades is the problem of nuclear disarmament. 
The Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee 
recognized the preeminence of this area of con- 
cern in the program of work which was adopted 
at its last session. From the discussion in this 
committee, it is also clear that within this broad 
and complex field, the question of further limi- 
tations on nuclear weapon testing stands as a 
priority item. 

Therefore, Mr. Chairman, I would like first to 
comment on the draft resolution placed before 
the committee on the suspension of nuclear 
tests.^ On numerous occasions in the past, and 
particularly since the conclusion of the limited 
test ban treaty in 1963, my delegation has 
strongly supported the conclusion of an ad- 
equately verified comprehensive test ban. "We 
remain convinced that if we are to reach such 
an agreement, we must continue to work toward 
a treaty providing for adequate verification. 

As for the draft resolution before us, the 
United States delegation intends to support it 
as in fact we supported similar resolutions dur- 
ing previous sessions of the General Assembly. 
I would, in addition, like to reemphasize the 
basic point of our remarks on those previous 
occasions. We made clear, and I wish to repeat, 
that with respect to operative paragraph 2 of the 
present resolution, we understand the call for a 
suspension of tests in all environments to mean 
suspension pursuant to an adequately verified 

I am pleased to note that the present resolu- 
tion expresses the hope that states will contrib- 
ute to an effective international exchange of 
seismic data. As all delegations are aware, the 
United States has, in connection with possible 
limitations on nuclear testing, long urged in- 
creased international exchange of seismic data. 
We have also urged, in the same context, techni- 
cal discussions relating to identification of seis- 
mic events. Therefore, it was especially hearten- 
ing to us that the meetings of the Seismic Study 
Group of the International Institute for Peace 
and Conflict Research held earlier this year in 
Sweden were able to accomplish much in both 
these areas. There can be no doubt that ex- 
changes and discussions such as occurred at the 
Seismic Study Group meetings can be very use- 
ful and should continue to be encouraged. 

In this connection I should like to note that 

" U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.447 ; approved by Committee I 
on Dec. 10 and adopted by the General Assembly on 
Dec. 20 (A/RES/2455 (XXIII)). 



there has been an unfortunate tendency in some 
quarters to draw unwarranted conclusions from 
the opinions given in the summary report of 
the study group's meetings. A careful reading 
of this summary report will leave no one in 
doubt that the participants agreed that there 
were sizable manmade explosions which could 
not be identified as such — that is, differentiated 
from earthquakes — using only the available 
long-range seismic identification criteria. These 
unidentifiable events are in the range of ex- 
plosive yields equivalent to many tens of 
thousands of tons of TNT. 

Thus, the explosions which were agreed to be 
unidentifiable seismically by the Seismic Study 
Group participants are indeed of yields which 
are of great military significance. The technical 
inability to distinguish at long distances be- 
tween explosions and earthquakes in this yield 
range is one which cannot be dismissed, no mat- 
ter how much some might value the political 
advantages of doing so. 

U.S. Seismic Research Projects 

Tlae United States has reported from time to 
time on seismic research it is undertaking to im- 
prove the capability for detecting and identify- 
ing underground seismic events, and I should 
now like to mention briefly several recent 

The Montana Large Aperture Seismic Array 
(LASA), established in 1965 and previously 
described in detail here and at the Eighteen- 
Nation Disarmament Committee, continues to be 
operated as a research tool to provide data for 
evaluation of the detection capability of such 
arrays. The LASA is also used for studies of 
identification techniques utilizing high-quality 
long- and short-period array data and for de- 
velopment and evaluation of sophisticated on- 
line and offline data processing techniques for 
handling the large volume of data generated by 
large arrays. 

In accordance with an agreement signed in 
June of this year between the Governments of 
the United States and Norway, a second large 
aperture seismic array, the Norwegian Seismic 
Array (NOKSAR), will be installed as a co- 
operative enterprise in southern Norway. Pre- 
liminary studies began in 1967, and the 
NORSAR is expected to be completed by the 
fall of 1969. It will be operated by Norwegian 

The NORSAR will permit evaluation of per- 
formance of large aperture arrays in geologic 

and geographic environments different from the 
Montana LASA. Among other things, the 
NORSAR will allow a determination of the im- 
provement that can be made in identification of 
small seismic events by using multiple large 
arrays. The NORSAR will consist of a heptag- 
onal pattern of 22 subarrays, each of which will 
contain six short-period seismographs and one 
three-component long-period seismograph, with 
data being transformed into digital form at the 
center of each subarray and transmitted by tele- 
phone lines to a central point for processing and 
analysis. The total array aperture will be about 
110 kilometers. 

When the Gasbuggy underground nuclear ex- 
plosion experiment for gas stimulation was per- 
formed in New Mexico on December 10, 1967, as 
part of the United States Atomic Energy Com- 
mission's Plowshare Program, advantage was 
taken of the opportunity to record this relatively 
large seismic-energy source — 26 kilotons — in 
order to obtain data on the crust and upper 
mantle of the earth in the region of the explo- 
sion. More than 50 portable seismic stations 
were especially deployed to record this event at 
distances ranging from 50 to several thousand 

The average seismic magnitude of the Gas- 
buggy explosion was 4.5. Detailed studies of the 
structure of the crust and upper mantle are pres- 
ently in progress and will be made available 
when completed. It is certain that detailed stud- 
ies of the Gasbuggy data will significantly add 
to our knowledge of the crust and upper mantle 
structure in North America and of the seismic 
characteristics of this structure. 

Of course, data has been released for other 
U.S. underground nuclear explosions, and this 
release has proven most useful for seismic pur- 
poses worldwide. Indeed, some explosions, such 
as the Long Shot experiment of the United 
States Department of Defense's Vela program 
in 1965, have had preplanned worldwide seismic 

As demonstrated by activities such as these, 
the United States is continuing to devote con- 
siderable resources to seismic research so as to 
improve the capability to detect and identify 
underground seismic events. However, it is a 
fact that with the existing technology we are 
unable to gather all available seismic data at 
long distances. We are unable at such distances 
to detect or locate accurately all seismic events 
or to identify positively whether certain seismic 
signals come from earthquakes or manmade 

JANUARY 20, 1969 


Fortunately, there is clearly a widespread de- 
sire, fully shared by the United States, for 
further advancement in seismic technology and 
for increased international exchange of infor- 
mation in this field. 

Seismic Investigation Proposal 

It is in keeping with this desire that I should 
like to present today a proposal which the 
United States considers could do much to ad- 
vance objectives in these areas. The United 
States proposes that some underground nuclear 
explosions be conducted with the collateral ob- 
jective that these serve as explosions for world- 
wide seismic investigation. This investigation is 
one in which all states with the appropriate 
seismic instrumentation could participate. In- 
deed, the success of this proposal would depend 
in large measure on the extent of worldwide 
participation in the collection and evaluation of 
the seismic data. 

Such underground explosions could provide, 
among other things, a means of determining im- 
portant seismological characteristics both of the 
geological media and of the explosions. Further- 
more, implementation of the proposal would 
systematize, in a most valuable manner, world- 
wide use for seismic purposes of information 
released on certain underground nuclear explo- 
sions as well as worldwide evaluation of seismic 
information gathered on such explosions. 

I should like to note that the United States 
underground nuclear explosions contemplated in 
connection with this proposal would not involve 
development or testing of nuclear weapons. 

The proposal would be implemented as fol- 
lows: Sufficiently in advance of an explosion 
with the collateral seismic purpose, seismic sta- 
tions throughout the world would be alerted so 
as to be fully prepared to record the explosion. 
Data on scheduled time, location, depth, geolog- 
ical medium, and predicted explosive yield 
would also be provided in advance. Following 
the explosion, the actual time of explosion, yield, 
and other pertinent data from national seismic 
systems would be furnished. 

Seismic data would then be exchanged world- 
wide. To compare known results with derived 
results, interested states would in turn calculate, 
using the seismic data, the explosion's geo- 
graphic coordinates, time of origin, and explo- 
sive yield. The states would also calculate the 
explosion's measured seismic magnitude. Also, 
they would analyze the data using various avail- 

able identification criteria, such as the surface- 
wave/body -wave magnitude criterion, which the 
Stockholm Seismic Study Group considered to 
be of significant value. The results of the seismic 
analysis would be published and distributed and 
then could be discussed in the relevant forums. 

As I have already said, the success of this pro- 
posal would depend greatly on the extent of 
worldwide participation in collecting and evalu- 
ating the seismic data; and I am sure that a 
great many states would want to participate to 
the fullest extent possible and thus assure the 
success of this endeavor. 

Of course, it will be obvious to this audience 
that the carrying out of the seismic investiga- 
tion proposal, useful as it would be, would not 
be in any way a panacea for the problems re- 
garding negotiation of a comprehensive test 
ban. A situation whereby the world's seismic 
stations are in a very high state of readiness, 
awaiting an explosion of known and substantial 
yield in a specified location and medium and 
for which no attempt at evasion would be made, 
simply cannot be considered as being directly 
relevant and applicable to a comprehensive test 
ban situation. However, a proposal need not be 
a cure-all to be of value. The United States is 
convinced that its proposal for seismic investi- 
gation using underground nuclear explosions is 
of significant value and has much to commend 
it. Finally, tlais is a proposal in which many 
states represented here can and, we hope, will 
participate directly and fruitfully. 

This proposal, Mr. Chairman, is the kind 
of practical effort required to make serious 
progress in the field of arms control and 

Chemical and Bacteriological Warfare 

My Government is gratified that a practical 
approach has also been suggested in tackling the 
question of chemical and biological warfare. 

The draft resolution ^ on this subject before 
the committee properly reflects the serious con- 
cern wluch has been expressed over the potential 
threat to mankind posed by the development 
and possible use of lethal chemical and biologi- 
cal weapons. We believe this proposal consti- 
tutes a realistic first step to further considera- 
tion of an issue that has only too often been 

' U.N. doc A/C.1/L.444 ; approved by Committee I on 
Dec. 6 and adopted by the General Assembly on Dec. 20 
(A/RES/2454 A (XXIII)). 



approached with divisive political motives by 
some who have sought to exploit it mainly for 
propaganda purposes. 

I would now like to discuss the draft resolu- 
tion before us. The United States is pleased to 
associate itself again with the request in opera- 
tive paragraph 1 that the Secretary-General 
prepare a concise report on the effects of the 
possible use of chemical and bacteriological 
means of warfare, in accordance with both the 
proposal in part II, paragraph 32, of his in- 
troduction to the annual report, for 1967-68 ' 
and the recommendation contained in para- 
graph 26 of the recent report by the Eighteen- 
Nation Disarmament Committee.* 

My Government, however, would like to sug- 
gest that such a study should deal equally and 
individually with the effects of chemical and 
biological weapons. In our view, the scientific 
and technological differences between the two 
systems, as well as differences which obtain in 
their operational applications, warrant such a 
particular approach to each category of 

Wlaile the language in the recommendation 
by the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Commit- 
tee specifically refers to chemical and bacterio- 
logical means of warfare, it is our understand- 
ing that the latter would embrace those types 
of weapons also referred to as biological, as is 
made clear in the Secretary-General's introduc- 
tion to his report to the 23d General Assembly. 
I might add that this form of warfare is also 
at times referred to as microbial warfare, bac- 
terial warfare, microbiological warfare, or 
germ warfare. We should all understand that it 
means disease-causing living micro-organisms, 
be they bacteria, viruses, or whatever, used as 
deliberate weapons of war. 

The United States earnestly hopes that a 
study undertaken along these lines will provide 
the requisite scientific and technical perspective 
for further consideration by the Eighteen- 
Nation Disarmament Committee and this com- 
mittee of ways of dealing with these weapons ; 
and as requested in operative paragraph 3, we 
are prepared to cooperate fully with the Secre- 
tary-General as well as with the experts ap- 
pointed by him. 

Mr. Chairman, my Government agrees with 
the request in operative paragraph 4 that the re- 
port be furnished to the Eighteen-Nation Dis- 

armament Committee, the Security Council, and 
the General Assembly at an early date. At the 
same time, we believe the experts should be 
given sufficient time to develop a complete and 
technically sound appraisal of the effects of such 

Also, the United States welcomes the reaffir- 
mation in preambular paragraph 1 of General 
Assembly Resolution 2162 B (XXI) , of Decem- 
ber 5, 1966, which, inter alia, called for the 
strict observance by all states of the principles 
and objectives of the 1925 Geneva Protocol for 
the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyx- 
iating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bac- 
teriological Methods of Warfare and con- 
demned all actions contrary to those objectives. 
However, in noting that operative paragraph 
6 of the draft now before us reiterates, in effect, 
both operative paragraphs of Resolution 2162B, 
I should like to recall that the United States 
cosponsored and supported the first operative 
paragraph of Resolution 2162 B, which I have 
just cited. At that time, my Government set 
forth its position with regard to that protocol 
and our consistent support of its principles and 
objectives, together with our reasons for not 
having ratified that instrument. 

I would like to reiterate that the United 
States takes the view that whether, or by what 
procedure, states that have not yet done so 
should adhere to the Geneva protocol is for each 
of them to decide in the light of constitutional 
and other considerations that may determine 
their adherence to any international instrument. 
Accordingly, we regard the substance of opera- 
tive paragraph 6 as not intended to prejudge 
for political purposes the results of the study 
to be imdertaken. 

Other Draft Resolutions 

Mr. Chairman, I should like to comment 
briefly on the resolution that would request the 
Secretary-General to ascertain the position of 
member governments on establishing a system 
for the registration and publication of informa- 
tion on the international transfer of conven- 
tional arms, ammunition, and implements of 
war.^ My delegation believes the resolution 
would provide an opportunity for governments 
to give serious thought to, and to make their 
views known on, a subject where progress is 

• U.N. doc. A/7201/Add. 1. 

* U.N. doc. A/7189. 

" U.N. doc. A/C.1/466 ; not pressed to a vote in Com- 
mittee I. 

JANUARY 2 0, 1969 


needed : the subject of conventional arms trans- 
fers. This is an important, as well as a complex 
and difScult, subject. 

Mr. Chairman, I would also like to say a few 
words on the problems of general and complete 
disarmament. It is one of mankind's oldest 
hopes and it continues to be an urgent task. 

No one who is familiar with the complex 
negotiations which led to the limited test ban 
treaty, the Outer Space and Antarctic Treaties, 
and the Nonproliferation Treaty can have any 
illusion that the road to general and complete 
disarmament is an easy one. But however dif- 
ficult that road may be, my Government remains 
determined that general and complete disarma- 
ment must be our final goal. 

My Government supports the draft resolution 
requesting the Conference of the Eighteen- 
Nation Committee on Disarmament to pursue 
renewed efforts toward achieving substantial 
progress on general and complete disarmament 
under effective international control, as well as 
on impoi-tant partial measures of disarmament.** 

We also have before us a draft resolution sub- 
mitted by the distinguished representative of 
Cyprus.'' ^^Haile appreciating the concerns which 
underlie this suggestion, I frankly believe it 
would be most inadvisable to place before the 
United Nations Disarmament Commission, as 
this draft resolution proposes, most of the major 
problems that confront the United Nations. In 
particular tlie United States would oppose a 
change in the established mandate of the UNDC 
in order to include matters not now within its 
competence. Grafting additional responsibilities 
onto a body charged with arms control and 
disarmament would so overload it as to render 
it ineffective. Moreover, a broadened and dif- 
fused mandate could lead to overlap and inter- 
ference in the work of other institutions. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to com- 
ment on the draft resolution on the nonnuclear 
conference submitted by the delegations of 
Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, Japan, 
and the Netherlands.^ As everyone is aware, my 
Government was not a voting participant in 
that conference. For this reason, and quite apart 
from some of the views it expresses, we do not 

* U.N. doe. A/C.l/448/Rev.2 ; approved by Committee 
I on Dec. 6 and adopted by the General Assembly on 
Dec. 20 (A/RES/2454B (XXIII)). 

'U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.449; not pressed to a vote in 
Committee I. 

"IT.N. doc. A/C.1/L.450; withdrawn by the cospon- 
sors on Dee. 17. 

believe the United States should be asked to 
endorse the declaration of the conference. 

However, aside from this reservation, I find 
that overall this resolution does embody an ap- 
proach to the problem of dealing with the re- 
sults of the nomiuclear conference that the 
United States can support. It meets our con- 
cern that existing bodies have an opportunity to 
work on the constructive suggestions adopted at 
the noimuclear conference and that subsequently 
the General Assembly have an opportunity to 
look at the results of these efforts to see whether 
further steps might be required — including, in 
that context, the possibility of convening a ses- 
sion of the UNDC. To consider calling for fur- 
ther steps before the 24th session of the General 
Assembly would, in our view, be premature and 
detrimental to the efforts underway in existing 
bodies. Notwithstanding our reservation con- 
cerning the declaration, we hope, Mr. Chairman, 
that this resolution will find wide support in this 
committee and in the plenary of the General 


Question of General and Complete Disarmament" 

The General Assemily, 

Reafflrming the recommendations of its resolution 
2162 B (XXI) of .5 December 1966 calling for strict ob- 
servance by all States of the principles and objectives 
of the Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War 
of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of 
Bacteriological Methods of Warfare signed at Geneva 
on 17 June 1925, condemning all actions contrary to 
those objectives and inviting all States to accede to 
that Protocol, 

Considering that the possibility of the use of chemical 
and bacteriological weapons constitutes a serious threat 
to mankind, 

Believing that the people of the world should be made 
aware of the consequences of the use of chemical and 
bacteriological weapons. 

Having considered the report of the Conference of the 
Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament which 
recommended that the Secretary^General appoint a 
group of experts to study the effects of the possible use 
of such vyeapons, 

Noting the interest In a report on various aspects of 
the problem of chemical, bacteriological and other bi- 
ological weapons which has been expressed by many 
(Jovernments and the welcome given to the recommen- 
dation of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Com- 
mittee on Disarmament by the Secretary-General in the 

"U.N. doc. A/RES/2454 (XXIII); adopted by the 
General Assembly on Dec. 20. 



introduction to his annual report on the work of the 
OrganizaUon for 1967-1968, 

Believing that such a study would provide a valuable 
contribution to the consideration in the Eighteen-Na- 
tion Committee on Disarmament of the problems con- 
nected vfith chemical and bacteriological weapons, 

Recalling the value of the report of the Secretary- 
General on the effects of the possible use of nuclear 

1. Requests the Secretary-General to prepare a con- 
cise report in accordance with the proposal in section 
II of the introduction to his annual report for 1967- 
1968 and in accordance with the recommendation of 
the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on 
Disarmament contained in paragraph 26 of its report ; 

2. Recommends that the report be based on accessible 
material and prepared with the assistance of qualified 
consultant experts appointed by the Secretary-General, 
taking into account the views expressed and the sug- 
gestions made during the discussion of this Item at the 
twenty-third session of the General Assembly ; 

3. Calls upon Governments, national and Interna- 
tional scientific institutions and organizations to co- 
operate with the Secretary-General in the preparation 
of the report ; 

4. Requests that the report be transmitted to the 
Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, the Se- 
curity Council and the General Assembly at an early 
date. If possible by 1 July 1969, and to the Governments 
of Member States In time to permit its consideration at 
the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly ; 

5. Recom.mends that Governments give the report 
wide distribution in their respective languages, through 
various media of communication, so as to acquaint 
public opinion with Its contents ; 

6. Reiterates Its call for strict observance by all 
States of the principles and objectives of the Geneva 
Protocol of 17 June 1925 and invites all States to accede 
to that Protocol. 

The General Assemhly, 

Considering that one of the main purposes of the 
United Nations is to save mankind from the scourge of 

Convinced that the armaments race, in particular the 
nuclear arms race, constitutes a threat to peace, 

Believing that it is imperative to exert further efforts 
towards reaching agreement on general and complete 
disarmament under effective international control. 

Noting with satisfaction the agreement of the Gov- 
ernments of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
and of the United States of America to enter Into bi- 
lateral discussions on the limitation and the reduction 
of both offensive strategic nuclear weapons delivery 
systems and systems of defence against ballistic 

Having received the report of the Conference of the 
Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, to which 
are annexed documents presented by the delegations of 
the eight non-aligned members of the Committee and 
by Italy, Sweden, the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Northern Ireland and the United States of America, 

Noting the Memorandum of 1 July 1968 of the Gov- 
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics con- 
cerning urgent measures to stop the arms race and 

achieve disarmament" and other proposals for collat- 
eral measures which have been submitted at the 
Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on 

Recalling its resolutions 1767 (XVII) of 21 Novem- 
ber 1962, 1908 (XVIII) of 27 November 1963, 2031 
(XX) of 3 December 1965, 2162 C (XXI) of 5 December 
1966, 2344 (XXII) of 19 December 1967 and 2342 B 
(XXII) of 19 December 1967, 

1. Requests the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation 
Committee on Disarmament to pursue renewed efforts 
towards achieving substantial progress in reaching 
agreement on the question of general and complete dis- 
armament under effective international control, and 
urgently to analyse the plans already under considera- 
tion and others that might be put forward to see how In 
particular rapid progress could be made in the field 
of nuclear disarmament ; 

2. Further requests the Conference of the Eighteen- 
Nation Committee on Disarmament to continue Its 
urgent efforts to negotiate collateral measures of 
disarmament ; 

3. Decides to refer to the Conference of the Eighteen- 
Nation Committee on Disarmament all documents and 
records of the meetings of the First Committee con- 
cerning all matters related to the disarmament 
question ; 

4. Requests the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation 
Committee on Disarmament to resume its work as early 
as possible and to report to the General Assembly, as 
appropriate, on the progress achieved. 

Urgent Need for Suspension of Nuclear 
and Thermonuclear Tests " 

The General AssemWy, 

Having considered the question of the urgent need for 
suspension of nuclear and thermonuclear tests and the 
report of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Com- 
mittee on Disarmament, 

Recalling its resolutions 1762 (XVII) of 6 November 
1962, 1910 (XVIII) of 27 November 1963, 2032 (XX) 
of 3 December 1965, 2163 (XXI) of 5 December 1966 
and 2343 (XXII) of 19 December 1967, 

Recalling further the Joint Memorandum on a com- 
prehensive test ban treaty submitted on 26 August 1968 
by Brazil, Burma, Ethiopia, India, Mexico, Nigeria, 
Sweden and the United Arab Republic and annexed to 
the report of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation 
Committee on Disarmament, 

Noting with regret the fact that all States have not 
yet adhered to the Treaty banning nuclear weapon 
tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water, 
signed in Moscow on 5 August 1963, 

Noting with increasing concern that nuclear weapon 
tests in the atmosphere and underground are 

Taking into account the existing possibilities of 
establishing, through international co-operation, an 
exchange on a voluntary basis of seismic data so as to 
create a better scientific basis for national evaluation of 
seismic events. 

" U.N. doc. A/7134. 

"U.N. doc. A/RES/2455 (XXIII) ; adopted by the 
General Assembly on Dec. 20. 

JANUARY 20, 1969 


Recognizing the importance of seismology in the veri- 
fication of the observance of a treaty banning under- 
ground nuclear weapon tests, 

Noting in this connexion that experts from various 
countries, including four nuclear-weapon States, have 
recently met unoflBcially in order to exchange views and 
hold discussions in regard to the adequacy of seismic 
methods for monitoring underground explosions, and 
the hope expressed that such discussions would be 

1. Urges all States which have not done so to adhere 
without further delay to the Treaty banning nuclear 
weapon tests in the atmosphere, In outer space and 
under water ; 

2. Calls upon all nuclear-weai)on States to suspend 
nuclear weapon tests in all environments ; 

3. Expresses the hope that States will contribute to 
an effective international exchange of seismic data ; 

4. Requests the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation 
Committee on Disarmament to take up as a matter of 
urgency the elaboration of a treaty banning under- 
ground nuclear weapon tests and to report to the 
General Assembly on this matter at its twenty-fourth 

U.N. To Develop Plans To Control 
Illegal Narcotic Drug Crops 

Statement hy David F. Squire ^ 

On behalf of the delegations of India, Mauri- 
tius, Pakistan, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, and the 
United States, I have the honor to introduce 
draft resolution A/C.3/L.1650. 

There was a time when narcotic drug addic- 
tion was found only in a few countries in cer- 
tain parts of the world, but now the situation is 
completely changed. There are no longer any 
frontiers to drug abuse and no country can be 
immune from it. The World Health Organiza- 
tion has said that every year there is evidence 
that drug abuse is spreading like an epidemic 
and it is reaching out to new countries and to 
new groups of people, especially young people. 
In a very real sense, drug addiction has already 
become an obstacle to economic and social 
development in some coimtries. 

This drug addiction is supplied almost 100 
percent by narcotic drugs — opium, cannabis 

' Made in Committee III ( Social, Humanitarian, and 
Cultural) on Dee. 17 (U.S./U.N. press release 262). 
Mr. Squire is Alternate U.S. Representative in the 

(also known as hashish or marihuana) and coca 
leaf — produced illicitly, or outside government 
control, in a few parts of the world. 

The irony is that the producers of these nar- 
cotic drugs are, in the most part, small-scale 
farmers who are poor, and these peasants and 
their families who raise the narcotic crop get 
very little out of it. It is the criminal, the mid- 
dleman, who organizes and who feeds on this 
traffic, and it is he who makes the price of these 
drugs multiply many hundreds of times before 
they reach the addict, who is sometimes thou- 
sands of miles away from where the drugs were 
first produced. 

To fight drug addiction effectively, this illicit 
traffic must be stamped out at the source — in the 
areas where the leaf is produced. It is not 
enough to fight the illicit traffic by the effort of 
police and customs officers; the supply of the 
basic drugs that go into this traffic should be 

Despite the earnest efforts of national agen- 
cies and the provisions for international control 
provided by the Single Convention on Narcotic 
Drugs, the evil persists. Additional measures 
are necessary. A possible obvious method of 
effecting control and eliminating the traffic is 
to cut out primarily the production of opium. 
Unfortunately there is not now available as 
simple and direct a solution as this one. 

In the first place, it is recognized that it 
would not be desirable to eliminate all produc- 
tion. There is obviously some legitimate medical 
need for narcotic drugs. The problem exists be- 
cause of production substantially in excess of 
these legitimate needs and because some of the 
crop intended for proper uses finds its way into 
the illicit traffic. 

In the second place, shifts from opium pro- 
duction to economic activities such as the pro- 
duction of alternative crops with comparable 
economic returns are not easy to achieve. The 
governments of the countries concerned should 
be helped, and in the interests of the whole 
world community — since every country is 
threatened by the danger of drugs — a world 
approach to eradicating this narcotics produc- 
tion should be developed. It is with this prob- 
lem that the resolution before us is concerned. 

When a country wishes to take land out of 
opium production, it must provide an alterna- 
tive means of livelihood to the farmers. This is 
not easy nor inexpensive. Careful studies of 



alternative economic activities, especially alter- 
native crops suitable to the area, are required. It 
may be that new tecliniques are involved and 
there must be a period of training. Or perhaps 
new or different capital equipment is required. 
For these reasons a government may not, by 
only its own efforts, be able to end the illicit 

The third point is that measures to eliminate 
this production would also help substantially to 
protect from illicit traffic those countries wluch 
have eliminated the production of opium. These 
countries should receive strong support and en- 
couragement from the international commimity. 

These are the reasons and the purpose of this 
resolution. It carries further the intention 
behind Resolution 1395, which the General As- 
sembly adopted at its 14th session, setting up the 
first separate program of technical assistance 
in narcotic drugs. The resolution before us re- 
quests the Secretary-General, in consultation 
with interested governments and in coopera- 
tion with the Commission on Narcotic Drugs 
and the International Narcotics Control Board, 
to develop plans for putting an end to the illegal 
or uncontrolled production of narcotic raw 
materials. Action taken on these plans should 
gradually bring about the economic and social 
changes by which some farmers, now depend- 
ent on narcotic crops, are helped to change their 
production. Conditions have to be created in 
which the well-being of these peoples is ad- 
vanced as they find a genuine economic interest 
in giving up narcotics production and tui'n to 
new forms of activity best suited to their area 
and their capacity. 

We believe that interested governments will 
wish to take advantage of this opportunity to 
enlist the help of the United Nations in develop- 
ing their plans for gradually putting an end to 
production. The specialized agencies, in partic- 
ular the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organi- 
zation], will also be available to help in 
planning. They and certain of the United Na- 
tions agencies could also participate in the 
implementation of any plans which may be 

In the last analysis, the initiative and respon- 
sibility for taking action rests with the gov- 
ernments concerned. The agencies to which I 
have referred are available to help them. The 
United Nations Development Program, on 
request, can be of assistance, and it is possible 
that there may be bilateral sources which could 
provide aid. The resolution recommends that 
governments seek this assistance. 

The cosponsors hope and believe that, 
through the adoption and implementation of 
this resolution, the menace of drug addiction 
will begin to be contained and finally wiped out, 
as the drugs themselves will no longer be pro- 
duced to feed this addiction. 

We wish the governments concerned great 
success in developing and implementing plans 
to end the illegal or uncontrolled cultivation of 
narcotic raw materials, and the cosponsors urge 
the unanimous adoption of this resolution.^ 

"U.N. doc. A/C.3/L.1650/Rev. 1 was approved by 
Committee III on Dec. 17 and was adopted by the 
General Assembly on Dec. 19 (A/RES/2434 (XXIII) ). 

JANUARY 20, 1969 


U.S. Reviews Work of U.N. Committee on Friendly Relations 
and Cooperation Among States 

Statement iy Marvin L. Warner 

Alternate U.S. Representative to the General Assemhly^ 

The liistory of the Special Committee on 
Principles of International Law concerning 
Friendly Relations and Co-operation among 
States is one of continued progress made pos- 
sible by the dedicated representatives of many 
nations continuing to work under difficult cir- 
cumstances and in the face of direct affronts to 
the idealistic concepts of friendly relations. My 
delegation thinks it useful at this time for the 
Sixth Committee to review briefly the history 
and progress of work on principles of interna- 
tional law concerning friendly relations and 
cooperation among states. 

As the United Nations expanded in the early 
1960's, some began to suggest it might be worth 
while to take a fresh look at the basic principles 
of the United Nations Charter concerning the 
conduct of states and of the United Nations 
organization in international relations. Mem- 
bers who had recently achieved independence 
expressed the view that their membership in 
the organization would be more meaningful if 
they could join in taking a new look at the 

While these newer members of the interna- 
tional community had freely accepted the rights 
and obligations of the charter as a condition to 
joining the United Nations, they had not par- 
ticipated in the San Francisco conference in 
1945 nor contributed to the 15-year process of 
action under the charter by United Nations 
bodies and authorities that followed. At the 16th 
session of the General Assembly in 1961 the 
Legal Committee determined that a study of 

'Made In Committee VI (Legal) on Dec. 10 (U.S./ 
U.N. press release 237). 

the basic rules of the charter would be 

Some proposed that the General Assembly 
study what they termed the principles of inter- 
national law relating to peaceful coexistence. 
Others objected to the partisan coloring given 
to the term "peaceful coexistence" by the 
U.S.S.R. and certain other Eastern European 
countries. Finally, and without resort to voting, 
the Legal Committee agreed unanimously to 
study "principles of international law concern- 
ing friendly relations and cooperation among 
States in accordance with the Charter of the 
United Nations." The phrase "friendly rela- 
tions" was chosen because it is a purpose of the 
organization, as stated in article 1, paragraph 2, 
of the charter. 

In 1962 the Legal Committee sought to list the 
charter principles that are fundamental in es- 
tablishing standards of international law and 
morality essential to international order. After 
a lengthy debate, the General Assembly adopted 
Eesolution 1815 (XVII) which identified seven 
principles of friendly relations and cooperation 
among states. These principles are : the prohibi- 
tion against the use of force, the obligation to 
settle international disputes by peaceful means, 
the duty not to intervene in the domestic affairs 
of other states, the duty of states to cooperate 
with one another, the principle of equal rights 
and self-determination of peoples, the principle 
of sovereign equality of states, and the duty to 
fulfill in good faith obligations accepted in 
accordance with the charter. Support for this 
resolution in the General Assembly was again 

And, as if by premonition, Czechoslovakia at 



that very session of 1962 iutroduced a draft code 
of 19 "principles of peaceful coexistence," which 
provided, among other things, that "The State 
is independent in the exercise of its external and 
internal affairs, in particular in selecting its 
social, economic and constitutional systems." 
Supporting enthusiastically the Czechoslovak 
proposal in 1962 were the Soviet Union and 
other countries of Eastern Europe. 

In 1963 the General Assembly established a 
Special Committee on Principles of Interna- 
tional Law concerning Friendly Relations and 
Co-operation among States and requested it to 
study four of the seven principles: nonuse of 
force, peaceful settlement, nonintervention, and 
sovereign equality. 

The special committee met in Mexico City in 
the fall of 1964. Its most significant work was 
directed to the prohibition of threats and uses 
of force in international relations. It drafted 
a text elaborating the rule in article 2, para- 
graph 4, of the charter which came just short 
of achieving general agreement. 

In 1965 the General Assembly decided to ask 
the special committee to include in its study the 
remaining principles of friendly relations and 
cooperation: the duty of states to cooperate 
with one another in accordance with the 
charter, equal rights and self-determination, 
and good-faith fulfillment of international legal 
obligations. The Assembly also added four coun- 
tries to the special committee, thus bringing the 
membership to 31. 

The scene shifted to New York in the spring 
of 1966 for the second session of the special com- 
mittee, which resulted — and with unanimous 
agreement — in a significant statement on peace- 
ful settlement providing that "Recourse to, or 
acceptance of, a settlement procedure freely 
agreed to by the parties shall not be regarded 
as incompatible with sovereign equality." The 
special committee also agreed that "Each State 
has the right freely to choose and develop its 
political, social, economic and cultural systems." 

The third session of the special committee in 
1967 found the committee wisely agreeing on in- 
terpretations of basic principles of international 
cooperation and good-faith fulfillment of in- 
ternational legal obligations. It agreed that the 
obligations of articles 55 and 56 of the charter 
concerning human rights could be stated as fol- 
lows : "States shall co-operate in the promotion 
of the universal respect for and observance of 
human rights and fundamental freedoms for 
all, and in the elimination of all forms of racial 

discrimination and all forms of religious intol- 
erance." Moreover, the members agreed on a 
succinct statement concerning good- faith ful- 
fillment, that "Every State has the duty to 
fulfil in good faith its obligations under the 
generally recognized principles and rules of in- 
ternational law," which is more explicit than 
the charter on this point. 

The special committee met again for a fourth 
session in September of this year despite the 
tension and disillusionment prevailing after the 
invasion and occupation of Czechoslovakia. Al- 
though the atmosphere was hardly conducive to 
optimism, progress was made on the principle 
concerning the prohibition of the use of force. 
The special committee agreed, inter aim, on the 
important statements that "Every State has the 
duty to refrain from organizing or encouraging 
the organization of irregular or volunteer forces 
or armed bands, including mercenaries, for in- 
cursion into the territory of another State" and 
that "States have a duty to refrain from acts 
of reprisal involving the use of force." The 
special committee further agreed that "All 
States shall comply in good faith with their 
obligations under the generally recognized 
IJrinciples and rules of international law with 
respect to the maintenance of international 
peace and security, and shall endeavor to make 
the United Nations security system based upon 
the Charter more effective." 

Mr. Chairman, after this brief resume, my 
delegation believes it may be appropriate at 
this time to attempt to place the work and 
work methods of the special committee in per- 

Elaboration of the Charter 

First, the special committee's task does not 
involve amendment of the charter. The charter 
provides for amendment in the most explicit 
manner; and its provisions in article 108 have 
been used by the United Nations: to enlarge the 
Security Council and the Economic and Social 
Council and to bring the charter review confer- 
ence procedure into alignment. The task of the 
special committee is to take a fresh look at the 
charter and the 20 years of interpretative action 
by the United Nations and, on this basis, to 
draft a set of elaborating rules that may reason- 
ably be regarded as deriving directly from the 
charter and two decades of success and failure 
in applying it. 

Take the principle of international cooper- 

JANUART 20, 1969 


ation as an example. As I said earlier, the special 
committee has agreed on a statement of inter- 
national cooperation that includes the nile that 
"States shall cooperate ... in the elimination 
of all forms of racial discrimination and all 
forms of religious intolerance." This is a fair 
and reasonable statement of what is involved in 
article 55 of the charter, which obliges the U.N. 
to promote "universal respect for, and observ- 
ance of, human rights and fundamental free- 
doms for all without distinction as to race, sex, 
language, or religion," and article 56, by which 
all members pledge that they will take "joint 
and separate action in cooperation with the Or- 
ganization for the achievement of the purposes 
set forth in Article 55." No charter amendment 
is involved. 

We appreciate the difficulty of recognizing 
the line between charter elaboration on the one 
hand and outright charter amendment on the 
other hand. But although the line often seems 
subtle and obscure, we believe the United Na- 
tions must respect this distinction. For it is a 
distinction that protects each of us. 

Process of Broad General Agreement 

Second, the task of elaborating the legal 
norms of the charter can be properly accom- 
plished only by a process of broad general 

The General Assembly in 1965 clearly per- 
ceived this when it adopted Resolution 2103 
(XX) on the friendly relations item and stated 
its conviction as to "the significance of continu- 
ing the effort to achieve general agreement at 
every stage of the process of the elaboration of 
the seven principles of international law . . . 
without prejudice to the applicability of the 
rules of procedure of the Assembly, and with 
a view to the early adoption of a declaration 
which would constitute a landmark in the pro- 
gressive development and codification of these 

There have been some intense exchanges of 
views about consensus in both the special com- 
mittee and in our committee. A number of dele- 
gations have noted that the practice of con- 
sensus is capable of abuse, and they have urged 
that all members should do what they can to 
prevent the transformation of consensus into 
veto. We agree that the practice of consensus 
implies very stern efforts to reach mutually 
beneficial compromise. 

It is true that another aspect of consensus 
is that our work product often seems at first 
glance somewhat bland and pasteurized. One 
does not have to be hypercritical to realize that 
the agreed texts contain much that is colorless 
and general. 

When our work is completed, no one will read 
with astonishment from the statement on inter- 
national cooperation that "States Members of 
the United Nations have the duty to take joint 
and separate action in co-operation with the 
United Nations in accordance with the rele- 
vant provisions of the Charter." Nor will it 
be surprising for those who did not join in the 
negotiating process to read a saving clause in 
the peaceful settlement statement that "Nothing 
in the foregoing paragraphs prejudices or dero- 
gates from the applicable provisions of the 
Charter, in particular those relating to the 
pacific settlement of international disputes." 

However, as Alfred North Whitehead wrote : 
"It requires a very unusual mind to undertake 
the analysis of the obvious." If we apply our 
minds to the full meaning of these familiar 
words, we may find that our time has not been 

The Search for Legal Statements 

Third, we recognize that the work of the spe- 
cial committee has been slow. What has made 
it so slow is the widespread and sobering aware- 
ness of the fact that we are dealing with the 
charter, which everyone — we hope — takes to be 
the central and fundamental core of interna- 
tional law and morality. We must not let this 
slowness tempt us to abandon the search for 
legal statements in favor of sweeping expres- 
sions of political will produced in other com- 
mittees which, however superficially appealing, 
are far less relevant to state conduct. It is prin- 
ciples of international law we are dealing with — 
binding obligations — not precatory statements. 

My Government continues to believe that the 
work of the special committee can be of value to 
developing the rule of law among nations. In 
addition to the value of the work product itself, 
the process of intensive exchanges of ideas has 
been most beneficial, as any who compare the 
report of the 1964 session of the committee with 
the most recent report can readily perceive. The 
very interaction of ideas is a source of vitality 
for the charter. This belief is in no way dimin- 
ished by the violations of the charter that have 



occurred with particular force and pain this 

The difference between acceptance of obliga- 
tions on a verbal level and their acceptance in 
practice in the real world has been brought 
home to us all in a shocking manner. We do not 
believe, however, that illegality in the interna- 
tional community can allow us the luxury of 
cynicism or despair. The illegal use of force and 
illegal intervention do not make the charter 
worthless but show, instead, how important is 
compliance with the charter's rules. 

Can we not hope that our friendly relations 
work will bring to a higher degree in the con- 
sciousness of governments the importance of 
respect for international legality and morality ? 
We are sustained in our work by the hope that 
rededication to the rule of law of the charter is 
not beyond the means — or the will — of any 
member of the United Nations. For these reasons 
my delegation pledges itself to continue to the 
best of our abilities to seek to arrive at agreed 
and meaningful statements of the law of the 

The position of the United States is that the 
Charter of the United Nations itself, with or 
without the Friendly Relations Committee, 
clearly enunciates the high principles of the 
United Nations. The United States delegation, 
in respect to the concerns and anxieties and as- 
pirations of other states, has cooperated in the 
continued progress of the special committee. 
But today, on the threshold of the fifth year of 
its operation, is it not necessary to reexamine the 
basic desires, the basic integrity, the basic in- 
tents, certainly of that group of states that has 
pressed these procedures and exercises only so 
recently to destroy what they purport to pro- 
tect? Do we really believe in the Charter of the 

United Nations, do we really believe in the 
purposes and in the expressions of the Special 
Committee on Friendly Relations? If we do, 
in our acts and in our deeds and in our hearts, 
then the objective of the Friendly Relations 
Committee wDl be within sight. If not, all man- 
kind is in very serious trouble. 

Members of U.S. Delegation 
to Intelsat Conference Named 

The Department of State announced on De- 
cember 30 (press release 284, revised) that the 
following would be members of the U.S. dele- 
gation to the Plenipotentiary Conference To 
Establish Definite Arrangements for the Inter- 
national Telecommunications Satellite Consor- 
tium (Intelsat), which will be held at Wash- 
ington, D.C., from February 24 to March 21 : 


Ambassador Leonard H. Marks {chairman). Depart- 
ment of State 

Alternate Representatives 

Frank E. Loy (vice chairman) , Deputy Assistant Secre- 
tary of State for Economic Affairs 

James McCormack (vice chairman) , Chairman, Com- 
munications Satellite Corporation 

Ward P. Allen, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 
International Organization Affairs 

Rosel H. Hyde, Chairman, Federal Communications 

John A. Johnson, Vice President, International Com- 
munications Satellite Corporation 

William K. Miller, Director, Office of Telecommunica- 
tions, Bureau of Economic Affairs, Department of 

James D. O'Connell, Director of Telecommunications 
Management, Executive Office of the President 



United States and Greece Modify 
Air Transport Services Agreement 

Press release 279 dated December 20 


The Governments of the United States of 
America and Greece on December 20 con- 
cluded in Athens two exchanges of diplomatic 
notes modifying the existing air transport, serv- 
ices agreement ^ between the two countries. 
These notes confirm the agreement reached in 
the bilateral consultations which took place in 
Athens from July 2 to July 13, 1968. 

The notes were signed on behalf of the United 
States Government by the American Ambassa- 
dor in Athens, Phillips Talbott, and on behalf 
of the Government of Greece by Panagiotis 
Pipinelis, Minister for Foreign Affairs. The 
fii-st note exchange confirms the scope of United 
States traffic rights beyond Athens, grants 
Greece a new route to Chicago via Montreal, and 
delineates the traffic rights on Greece's existing 
route to New York. The second exchange sets 
forth understandings with respect to certain 
traffic rights, both on United States routes be- 
yond Athens to Nairobi and Johannesburg and 
on the Greek route to New York. 

U.S. Note 

No. 13 

Athens, December 20, 196S 
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the con- 
sultations which took place in Washington from 
March 20 to April 1, 1968 and In Athens from July 2 to 
July 13, 1968 pursuant to Article 9 of the Air Transport 
Services Agreement of 1946 between the Government 
of the United States of America and the Government 

of Greece, as amended by an exchange of notes in 
Athens on February 7, 1966. 

In lieu of the route beyond the United States in which 
the Hellenic Government had recorded an interest in 
the note exchange of February 7, 1966, the Hellenic 
Government requested access to a second traffic point 
in the United States. In the course of the consultations, 
the representatives of our respective Governments 
found themselves in agreement on the desirability of 
reviewing the route structure and harmonizing view- 
points on certain otJier aspects of the Agreement. To 
these ends, it was agreed as follows : 

1. The traflJe rights beyond Athens as granted to the 
United States by Paragraph A of the Annex to the 
1946 Agreement remain unlimited as presently de- 
scribed. Hence, both Governments recognize that, with- 
out In any way Intending to limit the generality of the 
foregoing, a route or routes from the United States to 
Athens and beyond to East Africa and South Africa, 
via Intermediate points to and beyond Athens, is in- 
cluded within that open description. 

2. Paragraph B of the Annex to the Agreement is 
amended to read as follows : 

"B. Airlines of Greece, authorized under the present 
Agreement are accorded rights of transit and non- 
traffic stops in United States territory, as well as the 
right to pick up and discharge international traffic in 
passengers, cargo and mail on the following routes : 

"1. Greece, via three points in Europe, to New York, 
in both directlons.2 

"2. Greece, via Montreal, to Chicago, in both di- 

"It Is understood that iwlnts on any of the specified 
routes of Greece or of the United States may be 
omitted on any or all of the flights by the designated 
airlines of Greece and the United States at their 

3. Neither Government will impose any unilateral 
restrictions on the capacity, frequencies, or type of air- 
craft employed by the designated airline or airlines of 
the other country. 

4. Each Government has the right, under Article 9 
of the Agreement, to request consultations at any time 
for the purpose of seeking additional traffic rights. 

'Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1626 
and 5982. 

' The Government of Greece shall inform the United 
States of the three points selected. Such points may be 
changed thereafter at any time provided that prior to 
initiating service to any new points, the Government 
of Greece (a) gives notice of the change to the United 
States Government through diplomatic channels and 
(b) the Hellenic airline obtains an amended United 
States operating permit. [Footnote in original.] 



The foregoing ia acceptable to the Government of 
the United States of America. If likewise, acceptable 
to the Government of Greece, I have the honor to pro- 
IX)se that the present note and Your Excellency's reply 
to that effect be regarded as an agreement between 
our two Governments, which shall enter into force on 
the date of your reply. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

Phillips Talbott 

His Excellency 
Panagiotis Pipinelis, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, 

Greek Note 

Athens, December 20, 1968 
ExcEixENOY : I have the honour to refer to your Ex- 
cellency's note of December 20th, 1968 which reads as 
follows : 

(Text of U.S. note) 

I have the honour to confirm the foregoing on behalf 
of the Government of Greece and to inform you that 
my Government considers your note and this reply con- 
stitute an agreement between our two Governments 
which enters into force on the date of this note. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

P. Pipinelis 


U.S. Note 

No. 14 

Athens, December 20, 1968 
Excellency: I have the honor to refer to the con- 
sultations which took place in Washington from March 
20 to April 1, 1968, and in Athens from July 2 to July 13, 
1968, pursuant to Article 9 of the Air Transport Serv- 
ices Agreement as amended, between the Governments 
of the United States of America and of Greece. In those 
consultations, the delegations representing the two 
respective Governments agreed as follows : 

"Notwithstanding the full rights granted to the 
United States Government in the Agreement, the 
United States Government accepts an arrangement 
under which the designated US airlines will not exer- 
cise rights with respect to passenger traffic described in 
(a), (b) and (c) below over the Athens-Johannesburg 
and Athens-Nairobi route sectors for the period begin- 
ning with the inauguration of scheduled services on 
these sectors by Olympic Airways and terminating as 
follows : 

"(a) With respect to local passenger traffic (as de- 

termined by its initial origin and ultimate destination) 
rights between Athens and Nairobi and between Athens 
and Johannesburg, three years from the date on which 
Olympic Airways scheduled service to Nairobi or 
Johannesburg is inaugurated or on December 31, 1971, 
whichever is earlier; 

"(b) With respect to passenger traffic en route to or 
from Johannesburg interlining at Athens (except for 
such traffic having an initial origin or an ultimate des- 
tination in the United States), three years from the 
date on which Olympic Airways' scheduled service to 
Johannesburg is inaugurated, or on December 31, 1971, 
whichever is earlier ; and 

"(c) With respect to passenger traffic en route to or 
from Nairobi interlining at Athens (except for such 
traffic having an initial origin or an ultimate destina- 
tion in the United States), eighteen months from the 
date on which Olympic Airways' scheduled service to 
Nairobi is inaugurated, or on June 30, 1970, whichever 
is earlier. 

"One year after Olympic Airways inaugurates serv- 
ice to Nairobi or Johannesburg, or at any time there- 
after, either Government may request consultations for 
the purpose of seeking agreement, in the light of actual 
operating experience, on advancing the termination 
dates set forth in (a), (b) and (c) above. In the event 
such consultations are not requested or if no agreement 
is reached therein, the periods will expire without fur- 
ther agreement between the two Governments as set 
forth in (a), (b) and (c) above. 

"Until the end of the period for non-carriage by US 
airlines of local passenger traffic between Athens and 
Africa, as specified above, Hellenic airlines will not 
apply to the United States Civil Aeronautics Board for 
authority to carry local passenger traffic between more 
than two points in Europe and New York." 

I am instructed to confirm to Your Excellency that 
the foregoing is acceptable to the Government of the 
United States of America. If it is likewise acceptable 
to the Government of Greece, I have the honor to pro- 
pose that the present note and Your Excellency's reply 
to that effect be regarded as an agreement between our 
two governments which shall enter into force on the 
date of your reply. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

Phillips Talbott 

His Excellency 
Panagiotis Pipinelis, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, 

Greek Note 

Athens, December 20, 1908 
Excellency, I have the honor to refer to your Ex- 
cellency's note of December 20th 1968 whicli reads as 
follows : 

(Text of U.S. note) 

I have the honor to confirm the foregoing on behalf 

JANUARY 20, 19 69 


of the government of Greece and to Inform you that 
my Government considers your note and this reply con- 
stitute an agreement between our two Governments 
which enters into force on the date of this note. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 


Current Actions 


Agreement relating to a program of cooperative re- 
search of remote sensing for earth survey, with 
annex. Effected by exchange of notes at Mexico City 
December 20, 1968. Entered into force December 20, 


Arrangement relating to trade in cotton textiles, with 
restraint schedule. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Singapore December 17 and 23, 1968. Entered into 
force December 23, 1968. 



Agreement between the Government of the United 
States of America and the Governments of Belgium 
and Luxembourg for the financing of certain aca- 
demic and cultural exchanges and programs in the 
field of education. Signed at Brussels December 12, 
1968. Enters into force when each government notifies 
the other governments by diplomatic note of the 
approval of the agreement. 


International grains arrangement, 1967, with annexes. 
Open for signature at Washington October 15 through 
November 30, 1967. Entered into force July 1, 1968. 
TIAS 6537. 

Accession to the Wheat Trade Convention deposited: 
Cuba, December 30, 1968. 

Nuclear Weapons — Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 

Ratification deposited at Washington: Denmark, 
January 3, 1969. 


Republic of China 

Agreement relating to the transfer of the U.S.S. Oeron- 
imo to the Navy of the Kepubllc of China. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Taipei December 12 and 16, 
1968. Entered into force December 16, 1968. 


Agreement modifying the air transport services agree- 
ment of March 27, 1946, as amended (TIAS 1626, 
5982). Effected by exchanges of notes at Athens 
December 20, 1968. Entered into force December 20. 


Recent Releases 

For sale iy the Superintendent of Documents, U.8. 
Oovernment Printing Office, Washington, D.O. 2040S. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments. A 25-percent discount is made on orders for 100 
or more copies of any one publication mailed to the 
same address. Remittances, payable to the Superintend- 
ent of Documents, must accompany orders. 

International Exhibitions. Protocol amending article 4 
of the convention of November 22, 1928. TIAS 6549. 
8 pp. 10<#. 

Technical Cooperation. Agreement with Afghanistan. 
TIAS 6552. 4 pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Indonesia. 
TIAS 6556. 3 pp. 10<f. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Indonesia. 

TIAS 6557. 2 pp. 10«. 

Tracking Station in Okinawa. Agreement with Japan. 
TIAS 6558. 6 pp. 10(f. 

Consultations on Maritime Transportation. Agreement 
with Brazil. TIAS 6559. 3 pp. 10(J. 

Air Transport Services. Agreement with the U.S.S.E. 

TIAS 6560. 4 pp. lO^S. 

Trade in Cotton Textiles. Agreement vsith Japan. TIAS 
6561. 6 pp. 10(f. 

Whaling. Amendments to the Schedule to the Inter- 
national Whaling Convention. TIAS 6562. 1 p. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Colombia. 
TIAS 6.563. 17 pp. 15(J. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Uruguay. 
TIAS 6564. 4 pp. 10^. 



INDEX January 20, 1969 Vol. ZX, No. 1543 

Atomic Energy. U.S. Proposes Worldwide Seis- 
mic Investigation of Underground Nuclear 
Explosions (Foster, texts of resolutions) . . 58 

Aviation. United States and Greece Modify Air 
Transport Services Agreement (exchanges of 
notes) 70 

Communications. Members of U.S. Delegation to 

Intelsat Conference Named 69 

Diplomacy. Secretary Rusk's News Conference 

of January 3 45 

Disarmament. U.S. Proposes Worldwide Seismic 
Investigation of Underground Nuclear Ex- 
plosions (Foster, texts of resolutions) ... 58 

Economic Affairs. U.S. Citizens Visiting Moroc-co 

May Purchase U.S.-Owned Dirhams .... 52 

Greece. United States and Greece Modify Air 
Transport Services Agreement (exchanges of 
notes) 70 

International Law. U.S. Reviews Work of U.N. 
Committee on Friendly Relations and Coopera- 
tion Among States (Warner) 66 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Members of U.S. Delegation to Intelsat Con- 
ference Named 69 

Israel. U.N. Security Coimcil Condemns Israel 
for Attack on Beirut Airport (Wiggins, text 
of resolution) 53 

Lebanon. U.N. Security Council Condemns Israel 
for Attack on Beirut Airport (Wiggins, text 
of resolution) 53 

Mexico. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 

January 3 45 

Morocco. U.S. Citizens Visiting Morocco May 

Purchase U.S.-Owned Dirhams 52 

Near East 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of Jan- 
uary 3 45 

U.N. Security Council Condemns Israel for At- 
tack on Beirut Airport (Wiggins, text of res- 
olution) 53 

Publications. Recent Releases 72 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 72 

United States and Greece Modify Air Transport 
Services Agreement (exchange of notes) . . 70 

United Nations 

Secretary Rusk's News Conference of Jan- 
uary 3 45 

The U.N. Bond Repayments Issue (Wiggins) . 55 

U.N. Security Council Condemns Israel for At- 
tack on Beirut Airport (Wiggins, text of res- 
olution) 53 

U.N. To Develop Plans To Control Illegal Nar- 
cotic Drug Crops (Squire) 64 

U.S. Proposes Worldwide Seismic Investigation 
of Underground Nuclear Explosions (Foster, 
texts of resolutions) 58 

U.S. Reviews Work of U.N. Committee on 
Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among 
States (Warner) 66 

Viet-Nam. Secretary Rusk's News Conference of 

January 3 45 

Name Index 

Foster, William C 58, Secretary 45 

Squire, David F 64 

Warner, Marvin L 66 

Wiggins, James Russell 53, 55 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Dec. 30-Jan.5 

Press releases may be obtained from the Olfice 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

Release issued prior to Decemljer 30 which 
appears in this issue of the Buixetin is No. 279 
of December 20. 


U.S. delegation to Intelsat con- 

Rusk : news conference of Janu- 
ary 3. 

Local currency for sale to U.S. 
visitors to Morocco. 

No. Date 

284 12/30 

1 1/3 

2 1/3 

Superintendent of Documents 
U.S. government printing office 










Vol. LX, No. 15U 

January 27, 1969 


Statement hy President Johnson 73 


Remarks hy Secretary Rusk 74 



President Johnson Presents NASA Medals to the Astronauts 76 

For index see inside hack cover 



Vol. LX, No. 1544 

January 27, 1969 

For sale by the SuperintenJent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Wasbington, D.C. 20402 


62 issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of tbis publication 

appioved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citationof the DEPARTMENT OF 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is indexed in 

the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETI!\, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
ivith information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interrui- 
tional affairs and the functions of the 
Department. Inforrruition is included 
concerning treaties and international 
agreements to tvhich the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

The United States and Latin America — A Special Relationship 

Statement by President Johnson ^ 

Latin America has always held a very special 
place in my mind and heart. 

It has always stood in a very special relation- 
ship to the United States. In that relationship 
we have moved from controversy and dispute to 
cooperation, alliance, and partnership. 

The Alliance for Progress is a revolutionary 
document. It was foreshadowed by the ideas of 
great Latin American spokesmen looking to the 
future of their peoples. Its policies and institu- 
tions began to take shape in the latter years of 
the Eisenhower administration and were 
brought to full life and vigor by President 

It seeks peaceful revolution because it pro- 
motes economic and social transformation with- 
out violence. 

It seeks to expand benefits for all the people 
rather than merely redistributing them. 

It is an alliance against the status quo, when 
the status quo means ill health, hunger, lati- 
fundia and one-crop economies, illiteracy and 

It is an alliance for land reform, jobs, new 
schools, roads, more electric power, more con- 
sumer cooperatives, improved irrigation and 
bountiful agricultural yields, and, above all, an 
equitable sharing of national financial burdens 
by all citizens. 

It is an alliance which will promote re- 

' Made upon receiving the annual gold medal award 
from the Pan American Society of the United States for 
the President's efforts on behalf of inter-American 
friendship, presented by Robert Reininger, president of 
the society, in the Cabinet Room at the White House on 
Jan. 9 (White House press release). The Pan American 
Society of the United States is a group of New York 
business and professional men interested in promoting 
inter-American friendship. 

gional economic cooperation and hemispheric 

In spite of setbacks and disappointments new 
beginnings have been made in our alliance. In 
the past 5 years : 

— Latin American exports have diversified 
and increased by almost $2 billion. 

— Primary school enrollment is up by 7 

— Fifteen Latin American nations have en- 
acted land reform measures since the Alliance 
formally began. 

— Tax collections increased by $3 billion from 

— In 1967 alone, Latin American farmers pro- 
duced food at twice the rate of new mouths 
which had to be fed. 

— 1968 was a year of more than 5 percent 
growth in GNP for Latin America, the third 
year of the past five when the Punta del Este 
target has been approximated. 

The United States has placed more than $6 
billion at the disposal of Alliance programs. 

We have pledged $900 million to the Inter- 
American Development Bank over the next 3 

We have placed our weight and financial sup- 
port behind Latin American economic regional- 
ism and integration. 

And we have pledged our help to forge the 
new communications and transportation links 
needed to make Latin America a true regional 

With the passage of time it has become in- 
creasingly clear that the task of Latin American 
economic and social development is primarily a 
task for Latin Americans. 

JANUARY 27, 1969 


We in North America are the junior partners 
in this great enterprise. We have helped the na- 
tions of Latin America generate development 
momentum of their own. Along with them we 
must now do all we can to sustain that momen- 
tum. For our hemisphere has reached the crucial 
stage when the material foundations of develop- 
ment can now begin to provide a better life for 
more than 200 million Latin American citizens. 

But all our efforts in the Alliance and other 
inter- American programs will succeed only if 
Latin America achieves the goal of a truly in- 
tegrated economic system. The first promising 
steps have been taken in the Central American 
Common Market, the new Andean group, and 
the Latin American Free Trade Association. 

There is clearly a long road ahead ; but in the 

1960's the peoples of Latin America have taken 
the most important step of all: They have 
proved to themselves — and to the world — that 
the job can be done. There has been enough prog- 
ress for all to know that it is possible for a mod- 
em Latin America to emerge peacefully, true 
to its own traditions and culture and to its own 
vision of the future. 

A decade ago that would have been a state- 
ment of faith. Now it is a statement of fact. 
And we in the United States shall always be 
proud to have played our part in this historic 

I accept this medal as a sign of past successes 
and as a reminder of how much more Ameri- 
cans — North and South — must achieve in the 
years ahead. 

Statue of Benito Juarez Dedicated at Washington 

Following are remarks made hy Secretary 
Rush at the dedication of the statue of Benito 
Juarez at Washington, D.C., on January 7, 

Press release 3 dated January 7 

The Mexican Government has paid us a double 
honor today. It has donated this magnificent 
statue of a truly great patriot and a foremost 
son of the Americas, and it has also sent us its 
distinguished Foreign Secretary, Dr. Antonio 
Carrillo Flores, to make the presentation. 

Mr. Secretary, it is wonderful to greet you 
here again. I well remember my visit to Mexico 
City in April 1966, when I accompanied Presi- 
dent and Mrs. Jolmson to the dedication of the 
Abraham Lincoln statue. We started an ex- 
change which we are now completing today. We 
shared with Mexico one of our greatest heroes, 
and now Mexico is sharing with us one of its 
very greatest. 

There are, of course, a number of striking 
similarities in the lives of Lincoln and Juarez : 

— their humble origins, 

— their various political disappointments be- 
fore gaining the Presidencies of their nations, 

— their preoccupation with the concepts of 
liberty and limnan dignity, and 

— their clear vision of the need to eliminate 

And, imfortunately, both men were required 
to devote a great deal of their energies to re- 
solving bloody domestic conflict. 

We can only speculate about the achieve- 
ments in Mexican-American relations which the 
two men might have brought about had they not 
been forced to concentrate their attentions on 
internal crises. Surely they spoke the same 

Take, for example, Juarez' address to the 
Mexican Congress in December 1867: 

It is one of the fundamental principles laid down 
in the Constitution that all public power emanates from 
the people and is instituted for their benefit. As a son 
of the people I can never forget that my sole title is 
their will and that my sole object should always be 
their highest good and prosperity. 

Those are words which could easily have been 
spoken by Abraham Lincoln ; they resemble the 
words of Thomas Jefferson. 

The Lincoln- Juarez parallel reflects, in many 
ways, the parallel histories of our two countries. 



We both came to independence with unresolved 
problems about our national identities. Both 
Lincoln and Juarez assumed leadership at a 
time of national peril, and both laid down the 
foundations for future social and political 
growth. Both Presidents espoused, and lived by, 
the conviction that the spirit of man can only 
be fully developed in an environment of freedom 
and justice. 

But the honoring of one another's national 
heroes, as we are doing today, is symbolic not 
only of our parallel histories but also of our 
intertwined future. 

We have come to realize that the true spirit 
of good neighborhood requires more than simply 
living side by side in the absence of hostility. 
It requires a mutual determination to under- 
stand one another's institutions and one an- 
other's aspirations. It requires a mutual effort to 
eliminate points of friction and to develop 
points of agreement. 

Mr. Secretary, last month in El Paso, Texas, 
the Presidents of Mexico and the United States 
met to complete the Chamizal agreement and 
to end a border dispute which had plagued our 
relations for over a century. 

At that meeting. President Johnson said 
about our relations: ^ 

The finest thing I know to say about both countries, 
and both Presidents, and both peoples is that . . . we 
have no armies patrolling our borders. We have confi- 
dence in each other, and we have peace with one 

This confidence President Johnson referred 
to has been expressed in a great many ways in 
the past few years : 

— in the Chamizal agreement, 

— in our efforts to deal with other boundary 

— in our efforts to increase cooperation be- 
tween border cities, 

— in our ability to reach satisfactory arrange- 
ments in fishing, in civil aviation matters, in 
radio broadcasting, in mutual scientific endeav- 
ors, and in many other areas. 

Clearly, we have passed the stage of merely 
living side by side without hostility. Instead, we 
are finding and developing a vast prospect of 
mutual opportunity. 

' Bulletin of Jan. 13, 1969, p. 21. 

For more than three decades our confidence 
in each other has steadily grown. As our peoples 
become more prosperous, our opportunities for 
travel and contacts mcrease ; and these contacts 
in turn stimulate further curiosity and further 

I can say confidently that relations between 
Mexico and the United States have never been 
more cordial than they are today. I have no 
doubt that this happy situation will continue, 
with steadily accmnulating benefits for both 

Respect has surely replaced suspicion. And 
respect, as Benito Juarez once said : ". . . is the 
only means of establishing cordial relations and 
peace between nations." 

Mr. Secretary, the historians tell me that one 
of my most distinguished predecessore, William 
H. Seward, toured Mexico in 1869 after he left 
office and in a toast to Benito Juarez declared 
that Juarez was "a name indissolubly associated 
with the names of Presidents Lincoln and Wash- 
ington, and with Simon Bolivar in the heroic 
history of republicanism in America." The per- 
spective of 100 years supports the accuracy of 
Seward's prophecy. 

Monuments to the memory of Lincoln, Wash- 
ington, and Bolivar are all located within a few 
blocks of this spot. Today, we proudly welcome 
the presence of Benito Juarez. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Peru, 
Fernando Berckemeyer, presented his creden- 
tials to President Johnson on Januai-y 3. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the 
President's reply, see Department of State press 
release dated January 3. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of 
Tanzania, Gosbert Miarcell Rutabanzibwa, 
presented his credentials to President Johnson 
on January 3. For texts of the Ambassador's 
remarks and the President's reply, see Depart- 
ment of State press release dated January 3. 

JANUARY 27, 1969 


The Flight of Apollo 8: International Cooperation in Space 

Following are remarks hy President Johnson 
made at tlie White House on January 9 upon 
presenting National Aeronautics and Space 
Adinimistration Distinguished Service Medals 
to the Apollo 8 astronauts, Col. Frank Borman 
(USAF), Capt. James A. Lovell, Jr. (USN), 
and Lt. Col. 'William A. Anders {USAF), to- 
gether with replies hy the astronauts and re- 
marks hy Thomas 0. Paine, Acting Adminis- 
trator of NASA. 


White House Press release dated January 9 

There is little that has not been said or writ- 
ten in praise of these famous men who have 
come here to the East Koom with us this 

We are quite naturally proud that they are 
all Americans. But we recognize that mere na- 
tional pride is insufficient, that these men repre- 
sented in the vastness of space all mankind — all 
of its races, all of its nationalities, all of its re- 
ligions, all of its ideologies. For 7 days the earth 
and all who inhabit it knew a measure of unity 
through these brave men. 

C!olonel Borman, Captain Lovell, Colonel 
Anders, you have been where no human being 
has ever ventured. You have seen first hand 
what no human eye ever saw before you. Your 
flight was an unparalleled achievement of 

Yet, beliind the sophisticated hardware of 
space, Apollo 8 was a story of men. 

There were those first men who dreamed of 
powered flight into space. There were those men 
in our Government who 10 years ago fought to 
guarantee America's role in space. I am glad 
that I was one of them. 

Tliere was John Kennedy's fateful decision to 
make the great lunar effort. There were men of 
science and industry who designed and built the 

capsules and engines which carried you into the 

There were the great administrators and ad- 
visers like Jim Webb, Dr. Greorge Mueller, Ed 
Welsh, and Hubert Humphrey — and the many 
unknown technicians whose perseverance and 
painstaking efforts and support finally brought 
us success. 

There were the tough, trained, courageous 
young men like you who proved that space 
could be a thoroughly human adventure. 

Our space xerogram and tliis, its most spectac- 
ular achievement, have taught us some valuable 
lessons. We have learned how men and nations 
may make connnon cause in the most magnifi- 
cent and hopeful enterprises of mankind. 

We in the United States are already engaged 
in cooperative space activities with more than 
70 nations of the world. We have proposed a 
variety of ventures to expand international 
partnership in space exploration. 

This morning I renew America's commitment 
to that principle and to its enormous promise. 
The flight of Apollo 8 gives all nations a new 
and a most exciting reason to join in man's 
greatest adventure. 

Finally, if there is an ultimate truth to be 
learned from this historic flight, it may be this : 
There are few social, scientific, or political 
problems which cannot be solved by men if they 
truly want to solve them together. That applies 
to the heavens or hunger. That applies to moon 
shots or to model cities. 

Gentlemen, I am very proud to be privileged 
to present you with the NASA Distinguished 
Service Medals. They are very small tokens of 
our appreciation for what you have done for our 
coimtry and for the world and for us. 

This is the last time that I sliall participate 
in a space ceremony as President of the United 

I am proud that I have stood with the space 
effort from its first days, and I am so glad 



to see it now flower in this most marvelous 

I am proud to live in a country that has pro- 
duced men like you and produced the men who 
lifted you into the heavens. 

God bless you. I wish you and your program 
continued success in all the days ahead. 

[At this point Dr. Paine read the citation.] 


White House press release dated January 9 

Colonel Borman: Mr. President, I thought 
that we had experienced every emotion known 
to man in the 20 hours we spent in limar orbit, 
but I must confess that I believe this just topped 

I know I speak for Jim and Bill when I say 
we are three grateful Americans — grateful to 
you personally. We recognize your interest and 
your contributions to the space program of our 
country, and we are grateful to this wonderful 
country. They have supported us in every way. 

Although we are symbolic of the country's 
greatness, we certainly feel very inadequate, 
and we are just very, very grateful. 

Sir, we did want to give you two things. We 
carried with us a Space Treaty around the 
moon, and Bill Anders would like to present 
that to you. 

Colonel Anders: Mr. President, I was pres- 
ent in this room for the signing of the Space 
Treaty, and a few weeks ago at the dinner hon- 
oring Mr. Webb, our past Administrator. 

All the astronaut guests signed in and wit- 
nessed that treaty and the Astronaut E«scue 
Treaty. Therefore, it became apparent to me 
that both you and Mrs. Johnson took a great 
personal interest in these two great documents. 

We carried with us two miniature copies of 
these treaties on Apollo 8, with the hope that in 
the years to come they will remind you and Mrs. 
Johnson of those gi-eat acliiev-ments for which 
our country and the world will all be grateful. 

Colonel Borman: Mr. President, Jim Lovell 
has a picture of the ranch I think you would 
like to have. 

Captain Lovell: Mr. President, I would like 
to mention that I believe that picture, taken 
from the moon, of course, symbolizes just one 
thing — that there is but one world. 

Dr. Paine: In concluding these ceremonies, 

I would just like to state that all of us in the 
space program realize, Mr. President, the great 
contributions that you made, first as Senator, 
as Vice President, and as President in moving 
man on out into this great adventure. 

We would all like to give to you our most 
heartfelt and sincere thanks. 

The President: Dr. Paine, our dreams and our 
hopes and our prayers will be with you in the 
days ahead as you continue to direct and lead 
this great effort. 

But before we conclude these ceremonies, I 
would like to present to this audience the single 
man most responsible for successfully admin- 
istering this program and I think, the best Ad- 
ministrator in the Federal Government, James 

Presidents Johnson and de Gaulle 
Exchange New Year's Greetings 

Wblte House press release dated January 3 
President Johnson's Letter 

December 29, 1968 

Deae Mr. Prestoent : On behalf of the Ameri- 
can people I thank you for your warm message 
of congratulations on the completion of the 
Apollo VIII Mission. Colonel Borman, Captain 
Lovell, and Major Anders join me in this ex- 
pression of appreciation for your gratifying 

As we come to the New Year, I also wish to 
tell you again of the warmth of my feeling for 
the people of France and of my abiding faith 
that the destiny of our two nations will remain 
closely linked in the years to come. 

We have both faced serious problems this 
year in bearing our respective responsibilities. 
But standing back from these immediate prob- 
lems, I trust you share with me the faith that 
the clouds of war are slowly beginning to lift 
from Southeast Asia and that by giving our 
full support to the Jarring Mission we can pre- 
vent them from enveloping the Middle East 

In different ways, we each have borne govern- 
mental responsibilities for some thirty years. 
Recalling what our nations have been through 
in this time and the imderlying prosperity and 

JANUARY 2T, 1969 


security they now enjoy, I would hope you, too, 
look with confidence on the future of our na- 
tions and the western family of which they are 
a part. 

You have my very best wishes in carrying out 
the demanding tasks of leadership in the year 


Lyndon B. Johnson 

President de Gaulle's Letter^ 

My Deak Mr. President: I sincerely thank 
you for the sentiments that you were good 
enough to express to me in the letter that you 
sent me through your Ambassador. 

On the threshold of this New Year, my fer- 
vent wish is that the United States and France 
may work together to help jointly in solving 
the gi'ave problems weighing over the future of 
the world. 

Among these subjects of international con- 
cern, some stand out owing to their ui'gency and 
their importance. That is true of Vietnam, 
where, thanks to the courageous decisions that 
you have already taken, and the other decisions 
that doubtless will follow upon them, there is 
reason to believe that the hostilities are nearing 
an end, pending a political settlement of the 
conflict, followed by the peaceful work of re- 
construction. It is also true of the Middle East, 
where it has become necessary to repudiate the 
events occurring nearly nineteen months ago, 
which have produced a series of reciprocal acts 
of violence. 

The friendship linking our two peoples, their 
esteem for one another, and their awareness, on 
both sides, of their worth and strength, could 
not, I believe, be more fruitfully manifested 
than by joint action in the cause of detente 
everywhere, and of cooperation with all other 

Allow me to tell you, Mr. President, how glad 
I am of these signs, which seem to indicate that 
an important part of your personal work con- 
sists in guiding the United States into the path 
where our two coimtries have the best possible 
opportunity of feeling at one with each other, 
and standing shoulder to shoulder. 
Most sincerely and cordially, 

C. DE Gaulle 

" Received Jan. 3. 

Death of Trygve Lie 

Trygve Lie, the first Secretary-General of the 
United Nations, died at Geilo, Nonoay, on De- 
cember 30. FoUotoing are statements issued that 
day by President Johnson and by U.S. Repre- 
sentative to the United Nations James Russell 
Wiggins, together with a message from Secre- 
tary Rush to Foreign Minister John Lyng of 

Statement by President Johnson 

White House press release (San Antonio, Tex.) dated Decem- 
ber 30 

All of US are saddened by the passing of 
Trygve Lie. He was more than an outstanding 
citizen and public official of his counti-y ; as first 
Secretary-General of the United Nations, he was 
in a very real sense the man who had more to do 
than any other in building up the structure of 
the United Nations Secretariat to carry the 
heavy burdens that organization has since 

Trygve Lie responded to the crisis and strains 
in the early years of the organization. With un- 
failing courage and constancy he rendered great 
service to all men, and the world will miss him. 

Message from Secretary Rusk to Mr. Lyng 

Trygve Lie was a great jaublic servant of his 
country and of the world. His whole life was 
dedicated to the cause of peace and to strength- 
ening the security of all nations. 

As first Secretary-General of the United Na- 
tions, he did much to make the organization the 
keystone of our international community. He 
was firm under stress and forthright in his de- 
fense of the principles of the United Nations 
Charter. Li the United Nations Secretariat he 
created an international civil service guided by 
the ideal of impartial service to every member. 
He leaves us with a record of achievement for 
Avhich men everywliere can be deeply grateful. 

Please convey my condolences to the members 
of Mr. Lie's family. 

Dean Eusk 

Statement by Ambassador Wiggins 

D.S./U.N. press release 275 dated December 30 

Trygve Lie was a pioneer in a new age of in- 
ternational peacemaking, the age of the United 
Nations. As the first Secretary-General he set a 



standard of strength and integrity for all his 
successors in that critical post. During his 7 
years in office the cold war raged at its worst; yet 
the framework of peace did not collapse, nor did 
aggression succeed. For his important part in 
these achievements, for his leadership in build- 
ing an independent international Secretariat, 
and for the courage that helped make the seem- 
ingly powerless office of Secretary-General a 
pivotal office in world affairs, humanity owes 
lasting thanks to Trygve Lie. 

To his family and his Norwegian compatriots 
the United States Mission expresses its sincere 

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Hold Talks 
on Northeastern Pacific Fisheries 

reduction of conflicts between the fishermen of 
the two countries in areas off Alaska, Washing- 
ton, and Oregon.' 

In the discussions, which are being held in 
accordance with the agreements, the two delega- 
tions will review the operation of the agree- 
ments in the light of existing problems and new 
developments in the fisheries of the area. De- 
pending upon their findings, the delegations 
may recommend renewal or modification of the 

The United States delegation, which includes 
representatives of the fishing industi-y and gov- 
ernments of the States of Alaska, Washington, 
Oregon, and California, is led by Donald L. 
McKernan, Special Assistant for Fisheries and 
Wildlife to the Secretary of State. The Soviet 
delegation is headed by M. N. Sukhoruchenko, 
Deputy Minister of Fisheries of the U.S.S.R. 

Press release 4 dated January 8 

Representatives of the United States and the 
Soviet Union on January 8 began in Washing- 
ton a review of three existing fishery .agreements 
between the two countries in the northeastern 
Pacific Ocean and Bering Sea with a view to 
future arrangements. 

The first of these agreements, signed Decem- 
ber 14, 1964, established certain areas near 
Kodiak Island, Alaska, in which fishing with 
mobile gear would not take place during certain 
months of the year in order to reduce incidents 
of damage to stationary fishing gear.' The sec- 
ond agreement, signed February 5, 1965, pro- 
vides regulatory measures, including a catch 
quota, for the Soviet fishery for king crab in 
the eastern Bering Sea.^ The tliird, signed Feb- 
ruary 13, 1967, provides a number of measures 
for the conservation of stocks of fish and the 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

90th Congress, 2d Session 

Steel Imports. StafE study of the Committee on Finance. 
S. Doc. 107. December 19, 1967. 523 pp. 

East-West Trade. Hearings before the Subcommittee 
on International Finance of the Committee on Bank- 
ing and Currency, United States Senate. Part 2, 
June 4-25, 1968, 547 pp.; Part 3, June 4-25, 1968, 
418 pp. 

Foreign Assistance and Related Agencies Appropria- 
tion Bill, 1969. Report to accompany H.R. 19908. S. 
Rept. 1595. September 27. 1968. 25 pp. 

Report of the Eleventh Meeting of the Canada-United 
States Interparliamentary Group, March 20-24, 1968, 
Washington, D.C.-New Orleans, Louisiana. H. Rept. 
1937. October 1, 1968. 22 pp. 

Duty on Certain NonmaUeable Iron Castings and Fab- 
rics in Chief Weight of Wool. Conference report to 
accompany H.R. 653. H. Rept. 1949. October 3, 1968. 
4 pp. 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 5703. 
' TIAS 5752. 

' TIAS 6218. 

JANUARY 2T, 1969 



Ambassador Wiggins' News Conference of December 20 

Following is a statement hy Jwmes Russell 
Wiggins, U.S. Representative to the United 
Nations, made at the opening of his news con- 
ference Jield at U.N. Headquarters on Decemier 
£0, together with excerpts from the question- 
and-answer portion of the transcript. 

U.S. /D.N. press release 267 dated December 20 


On the eve of adjournment of the 23d General 
Assembly I would like to share with you some 
impressions of this session and of its significance 
in the light of the purposes and principles of 
the United Nations. 

First, however, I wish to say to you how 
pleased I am at this morning's news that my 
successor as United States Eepresentative to the 
United Nations is to be Charles Yost. Many of 
you here know Ambassador Yost well from the 
years of his outstanding service as a strong right 
arm to two of my predecessors, Governor 
Stevenson and Justice Goldberg. He is a bril- 
liant professional in his lifelong field of 
diplomacy. He is a thorough expert on the 
United Nations, and is known and highly re- 
spected in tliis community of able diplomats. 
And, as anybody knows who has read liis book 
"The Insecurity of Nations," beneath his calm 
exterior there burns a passionate and intelligent 
concern for the great aims of the United Na- 
tions and the survival of mankind in this 
dangerous age. Our representation in the United 
Nations will be in good hands. 

Now, before answering questions, I would 
like to comment on three major aspects of this 
General Assembly which to me are highly 

First, in my view the most promising devel- 
opment of the session, the resolution to convene 

an international Conference on the Human 
Environment in 1972.^ 

Second, the most disturbing political ques- 
tion, the Pravda doctrine, which was vsddely 
discussed in our Assembly debates, that the 
necessities of Soviet realpolitik override all con- 
siderations of international law and all princi- 
ples of the charter. 

And third, the most momentous question for 
the United Nations itself: whether particular 
factions and voting blocs are to press their 
views to such extremes that the organization 
itself is endangered or whether, on the contrary, 
more moderate mfluences are to prevail, which 
although they make less exciting news copy, 
will enable the General Assembly to perform its 
classic function under the charter as "a center 
for harmonizing the actions of nations." 

Human Environment 

In the long view of history, I am convinced, 
the decision of the General Assembly to hold a 
Conference on the Human Environment in 
1972 will turn out to be the most momentous of 
all the decisions of this Assembly. It is histori- 
cally important in itself; and in addition, it 
illuminates that continuing contribution which 
the United Nations is making to the betterment 
of mankind by its handling of the relatively 
noncontroversial and nonpolitical issues that 
have to do with the world's social and economic 

The Conference on the Human Environment 
comes late in the human experience with pollu- 
tion and destruction of our environment. We 
have already flooded the planet with such vast 
torrents of people and worked such massive and 
poorly understood transformations in our 
physical and biological surroimdings as to raise 

' For background and text of the resolution, see 
BIJIJ.ETIN of Dec. 30, 1968, p. 707. 




questions about the very survival of generations 
still to come. 

We are dealing here with the life and death 
of the human family; and surely when the 
history of our age is written and the records are 
studied a thousand years hence, the world will 
say of this decision of the General Assembly in 
1968 : "It was about time." 

The Pravda Doctrine 

The most disturbing political note sounded 
during this session of the General Assembly 
surely has been the Soviet Union's novel doc- 
trine that "the laws of the class struggle" and 
"the interests of the world revolutionary move- 
ment" override the United Nations Charter 
principles of national self-determination and 
sovereignty. Pravda first put forward tlais doc- 
trine in defending the Soviet occupation of 
Czechoslovakia. Foreign Minister Gromyko 
elaborated on it in his speech to the Assembly, 
in which he proclaimed "the inviolability of the 
boundaries of the socialist commonwealth" but 
said not a word about the boundaries of his ally, 
a sovereign member of the United Nations, 

This doctrine is, of course, utterly inadmis- 
sible. It has implications for all Commmiist 
states, the independence of which it puts at the 
mercy of Soviet impulse and inclination. And it 
has serious implications for non-Communist 
states, who now have new reason to fear that 
Moscow will not feel restrained by international 
law or by the rules of the Charter of the United 
Nations if ever it should decide that they are 
to be subjugated in "the interests of the world 
revolutionary movement." 

In the opening debate of this General Assem- 
bly, the Secretary of State and 76 other foreign 
ministers and chief delegates from every conti- 
nent addressed themselves to the occupation of 
Czechoslovakia and the implications of this 
novel concept of Soviet prerogative.^ Cynics 
may dismiss this debate as an exercise that 
proves the futility of mere words — Soviet troops 
are, after all, still in Czechoslovakia. But I dare 
to say that the world's instant recognition of the 
invasion for what it was, and the words of cen- 
sure pronounced against it at the United Na- 
tions rostrum by so many leaders, have been a 

cause of some anguish to the Soviet Union ; and 
that they may give pause in future to any coun- 
try that is tempted to transgress the rights of its 

Extremism Versus Moderation in the U.N. 

The opposing tendencies of extremism and 
moderation have both been present in the cur- 
rent session. No one can say which tendency 
will prevail, although the fate of the United 
Nations depends in large paxt on the answer. 

We have seen deplorable exhibitions of ran- 
cor, of impugning of motives, of bloc voting 
without reason, of readiness to toss the charter 
overboard, of rash and dangerous moves against 
the financial and administrative integrity of the 
United Nations. If these tendencies were to be- 
come dominant in future Assemblies, the value 
of this great world parliament would soon be 
at an end. 

But the picture is not all gloomy. Some of the 
most ill-considered moves — notably the uncon- 
stitutional attempt to have the Assembly sus- 
pend a member of the United Nations from 
UNCTAD [United Nations Conference on 
Trade and Development] — did not prevail.^* We 
have hopes that the equally ill-advised attempt 
to change the repayment formula for United 
Nations bonds — a formula on which the full 
faith and credit of the United Nations are en- 
gaged — will also be defeated when it comes to 
a vote tomorrow.'' 

And on the affirmative side, the Assembly has 
recorded, often with unanimity, numerous con- 
structive actions, not only political but eco- 
nomic, social, and legal, reflecting the fruitful 
give-and-take of many different interests. 

Still more important, in recent weeks we have 
sensed the emergence of a spirit of reconcilia- 
tion, and perhaps a renaissance of reason, in the 
affairs of the Assembly. This spirit manifested 
itself even on some of the highly emotional ques- 
tions of a colonial nature in Africa, notably 
those concerning the Portuguese territories and 
Namibia. We have felt it also in our informal 
contacts with many of the delegates from Africa 
and other parts of the world. There is more of 
a tendency for these members to think and act 
in their own reasoned interests rather than in 
rigid blocs. There is more of a tendency to con- 

' For a statement by Secretary Rusk made in the 
General Assembly on Oct. 2, see Bulletin of Oct. 21, 
1968, p. 405. 

° For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 6. 1969, p. 8. 
* For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 20, 1969, p. 55. 

JANtTAKT 2 7, 1969 


verse and reason together across the lines of 
division between old and new, rich and poor, 
north and south. There is, in short, a renewed 
sense of our common humanity and of how mucli 
we need each other; and from that sense will 
come, I greatly hope, new habits of mutual ac- 
commodation and mutual respect which the 
United Nations so profoundly needs if its prom- 
ise is to be fulfilled. 


Q. Ambassador Wiggins, lohen you spoke 
with Mr. Nixon in the Mission on Tuesday, I 
widersfand you raised the question of your in- 
terest in the environment item. Did you get the 
impression that he felt deeply enough about this 
subject that his administration would pursue it 
with some vigor? 

A. I gathered, in the remarks that he made 
here as he left this building and in remarks that 
he made in his informal comments upstairs and 
in his conversations with us, that he is much 
interested in tlie human environment and in the 
other economic and social operations of the 
United Nations. 

Chinese Policy on the U.N. 

Q. Mr. Ambassador, you said that the new 
administration on ay have a bit more m,obility 
on the China issue. Would it be reasonable to 
assume that the present policymakers may be 
prepared to hand neio ideas to their successors 
that mean ideas that might open the door a 

A. I think it can be reasonably assumed that 
you have to ask the new administration that 
question, although I gather your second point 
is whether you think the existing administra- 
tion will advise them. 

I think the position that was taken here — 
and that is the general assumption, if I may 
speak of it — has been that the policy is largely 
one of Chinese manufacture. And we didn't have 
before this session of the General Assembly any 
proposal on Chinese representation that repre- 
sented any opportunity for change. We merely 
had the resolution on the important question; 
we had a resolution to throw the Government 
on Taiwan out of the United Nations and to 

admit the Chinese People's Republic; and we 
had the Italian resolution.^ 

So these were the terms in which it came up 
here, as it has come up every year since 1961 
but one. And I think that is still the situation : 
that in the long run the return of China to the 
community of nations will be largely gov- 
erned by Chinese policy. And I assume that this 
still remains the opinion of this administration. 

Q. Mr. Ambassador, tJie Secretary-General in 
the introduction to his report to the Assembly 
recom,mended that the foreign ministers of the 
Big Four meet and possibly draft an agenda for 
a summit meeting in 1969 of the Big Four 
leaders. Will your administration give a positive 
recom/mendation of this procedure to the in- 
coming administration? 

A. I believe the response of the United States 
Government to that was that they had received 
the Secretary-General's reconunendations and 
that the kind of informal conferences to which 
he referred would take place here among the 
foreign ministers involved; and it has pro- 
ceeded no further than that so far as I know. 

The Jarring Mission in the Middle East 

Q. When you came here you said that you 
hoped that you could do one thing at least: to 
accomplish some progress on a settlement of the 
Middle East problem. How do you feel now as 
you are neanng the end of your term? Have 
you accomplished anything, sir? 

A. It is very painful for me to have to say 
that I don't think we have accomplished very 

A great effort was made, if you will remember, 
early in this session to rescue the Jarring mis- 
sion, which seemed on the point of acknowledg- 
ing its inability to make any progress; and 
Ambassador Jarrmg felt that he had nothing 
very substantial with which to work." After his 
long endeavor m talking with the parties, there 
had been no real exchange of written views. 

I think during the period of 2 months we 
held — I am speaking now of the United States 
Mission to the United Nations — more than 50 

' For background, see Bulixtin of Dec. 9, 1968, 
p. 609. 

" Gunnar Jarring, Swedish Ambassador to the 
U.S.S.R., is the U.N. Secretar.v-General's special repre- 
sentative on the Middle East. For background, see 
Bulletin of Dec. 18, 1967, p, 834, 



meetings with the parties and with Ambassador 
Jarring and with other states interested in the 
settlement of the IVIiddle Eastern questions. 

These exertions, along with those of other 
delegations here, I think, did succeed in getting, 
first, a substantial exchange of written views 
between the parties. 

But after this initial progress I think that 
very little movement has taken place. I think 
very little was added to that progress in Am- 
bassador Jarring's recent discussions at 
Nicosia, and I think that Ambassador Jarring 
has now decided, as you know, to return to his 
mission in Moscow; and I assume that shortly 
after the first of the year, when he has had 
time to review the exchanges that have taken 
place, Ambassador Jarring may assimie a some- 
what greater initiative in trying to renew the 
exchange of position papers that so far have 

But it is certainly only candid to say that it 
has not been possible to reach a settlement of 
the Middle Eastern questions. I guess you could 
say we had a damage-control operation, in 
which we rescued the Jarring mission and pre- 
served it for future effort. But that's about the 
limit of our achievement. 

Q. Mr. Ambassador, when you say that Dr. 
Jarring may assume a greater initiative to ob- 
tain an exchange of views, could you tell us a 
little more — 

A. No. He made an effort here to elicit more 
concrete views from the parties, and I suspect 
that after the first of the year he will renew that 
effort and try to get them to be more forthcom- 
ing with some material with which he can work. 

Q. Mr. Ambassador, what was it that put the 
Jarring mission in danger of foundering? You 
say you rescued it. 

A. No, I didn't say we rescued it. I said when 
he came here as the Assembly started, he had 
not been able to get any exchange of views really 
at all on paper, and during those 2 months at 
least he did get that much forthcoming ex- 
change of views. He got some written state- 
ments, as you remember, from these states. 

Q. Mr. Ambassador, you say that when Dr. 
Jarring returned at the beginning of the As- 
sembly there was an absence of meaningfid ex- 
changes, and the mission was in a situation 
which needed sonw assistance from rnajor 

powers here concerned with the Middle East. 
Would you say that in the future, to bTnmg 
about a Middle East settlement, involvement of 
the major powers in a more direct way to fur- 
ther the understanding between the parties is 
desirable and necessary? 

A. I think it is very desirable that they con- 
tinue to do what they did here. I think it would 
be very imdesirable to have the great powers 
attempt to impose a settlement on the region. 

Q. You said that the greatest achievement of 
this Assembly is setting up a conference on 
environment which ivill meet in 1972. Do you 
see anything else constructive that this Assem- 
bly has done? 

A. Well, the Outer Space Committee deliber- 
ations, I think, have been put on the track to- 
ward a liability convention to match the astro- 
nauts convention, based on the Treaty on the 
Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. 

I think that at last we have made a little 
movement on the seabeds, with the Committee 
of 42, and I believe that will be usefid and 

These are some of the areas in which I think 
there has been some progress. 

Realistic Appraisal of U.N. Progress 

Q. Mr. Ambassador, if Mr. Yost loere to ash 
you for suggestions on what to do to get the 
United Nations out of the present doldrums, 
ichat woidd you suggest? 

A. Well, I have to accept your definition it 
is in the doldrums. I think that one of the prob- 
lems is that at the outset of the United Nations 
the country labored under a great euphoric ex- 
pectation about the possibilities of multilateral 
diplomacy in an organization of this kind. 

And I suspect that over two decades the prin- 
cipal objective of concern has been to try to 
readjust that excessive expectation down to more 
realistic dimensions; we know better now than 
we knew then the limits of the framework 
within which this organization can operate. 

We know that its potential may be just as 
great in the long run but that realistically it 
is simply not possible for it to compel instant 
solutions of very deep-seated, longstanding 
conflicts that arise either out of ideological dif- 
ferences or economic disparity. The slow erosion 
of these differences that can be expected to trans- 
form a quarrelsome and a contentious world into 

JANUARY 27, 1969 


one where we have a larger expectation of peace 
is not something the progress toward which you 
can measure in days, weeks, or months; the 
progress has to be measured in terms of years 
and decades. 

And I would say that the great ingredient 
that is required here, in the country and in the 
world, is patience. I know that this sounds as 
though you were counseling people to be idle in 
the presence of great danger. But it is simply 
not possible to solve this accumulation of prob- 
lems in a short space of time. My own interest 
and concern about such things as the Conference 
on the Human Environment and the work of the 
Economic and Social Comicil and all the work 
of hmnan betterment that goes on in this orga- 
nization, including work in the field of human 
rights, is that they are laying the foundations 
for a peace 60 years from now. And if similar 
exertions had occurred five decades ago, we 
would find the political problems far more trac- 
table than they are. 

I think the United Nations is quietly and 
unspectacularly getting at the roots of our polit- 
ical differences, and I expect that this progress 
will continue. I think the disenchantment that 
seems to pervade even these premises sometimes 
arises out of an inability to recover from our 
euphoria of 20 years ago. 

Q. Mr. A')nbassadoT, would you say that some 
of this disenchantment may have followed the 
itse of force by the great powers, say, in Viet- 
Nam and Czechoslovakia and has prevented the 
United Nations from solving some of the other 

A. Well, I think many people are disap- 
pointed that here the United Nations, the Gen- 
eral Assembly, in a world in which there are 
four great conflicts — the conflicts in the Middle 
East, the invasion of Czechoslovakia, the civil 
war in Nigeria, and the war in Viet-Nam — that 
the United Nations has not been able to come to 
grips with these has been a matter of disappoint- 
ment to many people. 

But I think the disappointment springs in 
part from an excessive expectation of its capac- 
ity to deal with it. And the charter has never 
utterly proscribed — reserved the use of force for 
certain purposes. It's never said that force is 
prohibited in all circumstances, but I think 
that it will take time to deal with these matters. 

Q. To go hack to my oton question — / asked 
you a question on China, and I believe in your 

reply you indicated that the only hope for some 
kind of a new iiiitiative, of some kind of a 
change in policy, would be a new initiati/ve on 
Peking^s part. Just what foivn, would that take 
in your view? 

A. Well, I should think the biggest single 
factor would be a larger indication that Chma 
itself really wishes to assume a normal role in 
the concert of nations. I have not myself seen 
any indications that it is in very great purpose 
toward that end. There has been some news in 
the last few months indicating a resumption of 
interest in normalizing its relationships; but 
even in those cases where it has had diplomatic 
relations, the experience of those who have rec- 
ognized it and have had embassies there has not 
been exactly normal and certainly far from 

I think it will take more determination and 
will and inclination on China's part to repair 
what undoubtedly is a weakness in a world 

Q. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

International Cooperation 

in Peaceful Uses of Outer Space 

Statement by James Russell Wiggins 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly * 

As the General Assembly this year again 
considers the peaceful use and exploration of 
outer space, we all know that one of man's most 
ancient dreams may soon be fulfilled. For we see 
unfolding before us today the final stages of 
one of the greatest explorations of all time — an 
exploration which may lead to man's landing 
upon the moon. 

This adventure belongs not to one or two na- 
tions, but to all mankind. The voyage to the 
moon is part of man's historic quest for a more 
complete understanding of the universe in 
which he must make his way and a measure of 
his faith in his own human capabilities. Wliat- 
ever the nationality of the men who make this 
voyage, they will be guided by the courage, 
imagination, and zest for life which are the 

^Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on 
Dec. 18 (U.S./U.N. press release 258). 



common qualities of all peoples. Perhaps most 
important, the exploration of the moon, like 
that of all celestial bodies, will be governed by 
principles wliich represent the interests and 
aspirations of the community of nations. The 
Outer Space Treaty states that the exploration 
and use of outer space shall be "the province of 
all mankind." As we look forward to the 
dramatic extension of man's environment which 
lies ahead, this statement seems to us, Mr. 
Chairman, to be a very literal expression of 

There have been two events in the last year 
of major importance in the U.N.'s work in outer 
space. The first was the Vienna Conference on 
the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, the first such 
conference to emphasize the practical benefits 
of space technology to all nations, no matter 
how large or small their own programs in space 
research. The second was the coming into force 
on December 3 of the Agreement on the Eescue 
and Return of Astronauts, which has now been 
signed by 66 nations and which will help to 
assure that astronauts in distress receive the 
assistance which they deserve and require. 

My delegation would like to expi-ess its ap- 
preciation to Foreign Minister Waldheim of 
Austria and to Dr. Sarabhai of India for their 
able leadership in the Outer Space Conference 
at Vienna. We think that the conference 
provided a useful exchange of ideas and experi- 
ence on opportunities for international coop- 
eration in space research and on the benefits to 
all men here on earth of the new technology 
being used in the space above us. 

In view of the rapid advances which are tak- 
ing place, the conference sessions on such sub- 
jects as the use of satellites in communication 
and in meteorology were of particular benefit. 
The United States delegation to the conference 
was impressed with the commonsense approach 
taken to the questions discussed and with the 
general realization that the successful applica- 
tion of space technology must begin with a real 
and specific need which the new technology can 

Let me now turn to a disappointment in the 
past year in the U.N.'s work in outer space : the 
failure to complete the outer space liability 
convention. Like the Agreement on Assistance 
to and Eeturn of Astronauts, the liability con- 
vention would be an important supplementary 
agreement to the Outer Space Treaty approved 
by the General Assembly in 1966. 

In approving the astronaut agreement last 

December, the General Assembly called upon 
the Outer Space Committee "to complete 
urgently the preparation of the draft agreement 
on liability for damage caused by the launching 
of objects into outer space and, in any event, not 
later than the beginning of the twenty-third 
session of the General Assembly, and to submit 
it to the Assembly at that session." ^ Speaking 
for the United States in the General Assembly 
on December 19, Ambassador Goldberg 
pledged "the full and imstinting efforts of the 
United States to this end." Similar pledges 
were made by other members of the Outer Space 

In the light of these pledges, the 1968 session 
of the Outer Space Legal Subcommittee, held 
last June in Geneva, was a failure. Not all mem- 
bers showed a willingness to negotiate meaning- 
fully toward a satisfactory text. Some, in fact, 
showed no readiness whatsoever to advance 
beyond rigid and outdated positions. The result 
was a great deal of discussion and little 

Recently there has been evidence of a greater 
readiness to deal forthrightly with the issues 
involved in the liability convention. For ex- 
ample, the members of the Outer Space Com- 
mittee now seem to agree imanimously that the 
convention should cover nuclear as well as non- 
nuclear damage. This is a big step forward. And 
while not all members yet agree that the con- 
vention should contain a limitation on liability, 
a large and growing number are now prepared 
to consider seriously a lunitation, provided that 
the figure chosen is appropriately high. 

A remaining issue of fundamental impor- 
tance relates to the settlement of unresolved 
claims. The United States shares the view of 
most members of the Outer Space Committee 
that the liability convention must provide some 
way of resolving a dispute over a claim upon 
which a claimant and the launching state have 
not been able to agree. If negotiations have not 
led to a mutually acceptable result within a 
reasonable time, a dissatisfied claimant state 
should be able to invoke the jurisdiction of an 
impartial tribunal with the power to decide 
upon the existence of liability and the amount, 
if any, for which the launching state should be 
held liable. Such a provision is essential if the 
liability convention is to be meaningful. 

' For U.S. statements and text of General Assembly 
Resolution 2345, see Bclletin of Jan. 15, 1968, p. 80. 


If an agreed solution can be reached on the 
question of arbitration or other procedures for 
resolving unsettled claims, agreement should 
come quickly on such remaining issues as the 
treatment of international organizations under 
the convention, the system or systems of law 
used to determine the amount of damage, and 
the question of sharing the liability from dam- 
age caused by space activities conducted jointly 
by two or more states. 

We have waited too long for a convention to 
protect all states against damages which could 
result from space accidents. We hope all mem- 
bers of the Outer Space Committee will find it 
possible to finish the convention at the next 
session of the Outer Space Legal Subcommit- 
tee. There is no reason why this goal should not 
be reached. 

Two other subjects rank high on the agenda 
of the Outer Space Committee for next year: 
the proposals of Sierra Leone and India that 
the United Nations establish a continuing 
mechanism to provide objective information on 
the applications of space teclmology, and the 
proposed study by a working group of the 
technical feasibility and various implications of 
communications by direct broadcast satellites. 

At the Outer Space Conference in Vienna, 
considerable attention was given to broad ques- 
tions of the future role of the United Nations in 
outer space. Discussions of the way in which 
the U.N. might assist developing countries in 
using space technology led to two concrete pro- 
posals, one by Sierra Leone and the second by 
India, that a mechanism be established to pro- 
vide nations with analytical advice on advances 
in space technology which might have practical 
benefits. This mechanism might take various 
forms, but a successful United Nations service 
clearly must employ the best technical expertise 

My delegation believes that these proposals 
point the way toward a useful new activity 
for the United Nations in the field of outer 
space. As I emphasized at the meeting of the 
Outer Space Committee last October, all na- 
tions — no matter what their stage of develop- 
ment or ultimate objectives — face insistent and 
competing demands on limited resources.^ Space 
techniques will be adopted only if there is sound 

' For background, see Bulletin of Nov. 18, 1968, 
p. 529. 

evidence that they are more efficient or less 
costly than conventional methods. There are 
times when the old-fashioned way of doing a 
job is more efficient than an esoteric application 
of space teclmology — when a sextant may be a 
more efficient instrument of navigation than a 
geosynclu'onous satellite, a landline more sen- 
sible for communication than a space relay, or 
a propeller-driven airplane a better choice for 
surveying resources than a satellite still on the 
drawing board. But there will also be times 
when a new space technology can be more 
economic or more effective than a conventional 
method. We believe that the United Nations 
can and should play an increasingly active pai"t 
in providing the analytical information coun- 
tries need in deciding where and when space 
technology can best assist their development. 

My delegation also supports the proposal that 
a working group of the Outer Space Conmiit- 
tee undertake a study of direct broadcast from 
communications satellites to local ground re- 
ceivers. We believe that questions relating to 
technical feasibility should constitute the first 
phase of this study. Then the working group, 
on the basis of this report, should proceed to 
consider economic as well as social, cultural, 
legal, and other implications of direct broad- 

The promise of economically feasible direct 
satellite broadcast to home receivers may yet be 
some distance in the future. However, we think 
the value of such broadcasts for education and 
other purposes could be great, and we believe 
that the possibilities should be examined in 

The most immediately feasible applications 
of satellite broadcasting may be those which do 
not require that every home be equipped with a 
highly sophisticated receiving set and antenna. 
For example, the United States and India are 
currently considering a cooperative project 
which would make available to India a satellite 
capable of broadcasting television programs 
directly into small, inexpensive village re- 
ceivers. India would be able to use this satellite 
for instructional programs, which would be 
prepared entirely by India on the basis of its 
own analysis of national priorities. We hope 
this pilot project will demonstrate how a de- 
veloping country may bring sophisticated space 
technology to bear on its own national needs. 

Seven years ago, Mr. Chairman, the General 



Assembly adopted Resolution 1721,* a land- 
mark resolution which set forth basic princijiles 
and guidelines concerning international coop- 
eration in outer space. The General Assembly 
expressed its belief in that resolution that "com- 
munication by means of satellites should be 
available to the nations of the world as soon as 
practicable on a global and non-discriminatory 
basis." Few people in 1961 could have foreseen 
the vast satellite telecommunications network 
which now spans the earth. The 63 members of 
that system are drawn from every continent. 
They represent widely different political and 
social systems but sliare a common interest in 
practical, effective satellite communications. 
My Goverimient is proud of the part which it 
has played in making these conmiunications 
available, through the medium of Intelsat, to all 

By the terms of the 1964 Agreement Estab- 
lishing Interim Arrangements for a Global 
Conmiercial Communications Satellite System, 
my Government is obligated to convene a pleni- 
potentiary conference during early 1969 for the 
purpose of establisliing definitive arrangements 
for Intelsat. As host Government, we have in- 
vited all 63 Intelsat members to this conference, 
which will convene in Washington, D.C., on 
February 24, 1969. The Secretary-General of 
the United Nations and the Secretary General 
of the ITU [International Telecommunication 
Union] have been invited to send observers. In 
addition, notice of this conference has been sent 
to every country which is not a member of Intel- 
sat but is a member of the United Nations or one 
or more of its specialized agencies. If any such 
country, in response to this notice, indicates 
that it would like to attend the conference, the 
Government of the United States would be 
pleased to extend an invitation to that Govern- 
ment to participate in the conference in an 
observer status. 

Mr. Chairman, the year ahead may be one of 
achievement and high adventure in the explora- 
tion of outer space. But above all, I should like 
to emphasize that the United States wiU con- 
tinue to work toward cooperation in the ex- 
ploration and use of this new environment and 
especially in the uses of space technology which 
have direct, practical relevance to our daily 
lives on earth. 


Current Actions 


Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency, 
with annex. Done at New York October 26, 1956. 
Entered into force July 29. 1957. TIAS 3873, 5284. 
Acceptance deposited: Zambia, January 8, 1969. 


Convention on offenses and certain other acts com- 
mitted on board aircraft. Done at Tokyo Septem- 
ber 14, 1963.' 

Ratification deposited: United Kingdom, Novem- 
ber 29, 1968.' 

Bills of Lading 

Protocol to amend the international convention for the 
unification of certain rules of law relating to bills 
of lading signed at Brussels August 25, 1924 (51 Stat. 
233). Done at Brussels February 23, 1968.' 
Sifftiature: France, December 4, 1968. 


Protocol to the international convention for the north- 
west Atlantic fisheries (TIAS 2089), relating to 
measures of control ; 

Protocol to the international convention for the north- 
west Atlantic fisheries (TIAS 2089), relating to entry 
into force of proposals adopted by the Commission. 
Done at Washington November 29, 1965." 
Ratification deposited: Poland, January 7, 1969. 

Judicial Procedure 

Convention on the service abroad of judicial and extra- 
judicial documents in civil or commercial matters. 
Done at The Hague November 15, 1965. Enters into 
force February 10, 1969. 
Proclaimed by the President: January 8, 1969. 

Load Lines 

International load line convention, final protocol, and 
annexes, together with the final act of the Interna- 
tional Load Line Conference. Signed at London 
July 5, 1930. Entered into force January 1, 1933 47 
Stat. 2228. 

Notice of denunciation: Denmark, effective July 21 

International convention on load lines, 1966. Done at 
London April 5, 1966. Entered into force July 21, 
1968. TIAS 6331. 

Acceptances deposited: Pakistan, December 5, 1968; 
United Arab Republic, December 6, 19GS. 

* For text, see Buixetin of Jan. 29, 1962, p. 185. 

' Not in force. 

° Does not include Southern Rhodesia. 

JANUAKT 27, 1969 


Organization of American States 

Protocol of amendment to the charter of the Orga- 
nization of American States (TIAS 2361). Signed at 
Buenos Aires February 27, 1967.' 
Ratification deposited: Brazil, December 11, 1968. 

Postal Matters 

Constitution of the Universal Postal Union with final 
protocol, general regulations with final protocol, and 
convention with final protocol and regulations of exe- 
cution Done at Vienna July 10, 1964. Entered into 
force January 1, 1966. TIAS 5881. 
Ratifications deposited: Albania, November 4, 1968; 

Mongolia, April 8, 1968; Portugal, September 7, 

1968. . ^ ^ 

Accessions deposited: Portuguese Provinces in West 

Africa, Portuguese Provinces in East Africa, Asia, 

and Oceania, November 20, 1968. 


Convention of Union of Paris of March 20, 1883, as 
revised, for the protection of industrial property. 
Done at Stockholm July 14, 1967.' 
Ratification deposited: Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics (with a reservation and a declaration), 
December 4, 1968. 
Convention establishing the World Intellectual Prop- 
erty Organization. Done at Stockholm July 14, 1967.' 
Ratification deposited: Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics (with a declaration), December 4, 1968. 

Racial Discrimination 

International convention on the elimination of all forms 
of racial discrimination. Adopted at New York De- 
cember 21, 1965.^ 
Ratifications deposited: India (with a reservation), 

December 3, 1968 ; Poland (with a reservation and 

a declaration), December 5, 1968. 


International telecommunication convention with an- 
nexes. Done at Montreux November 12, 1965. En- 
tered into force January 1, 1967 ; as to the United 
States May 29, 1967. TIAS 6267. 
Ratification deposited: Portuguese Overseas Prov- 
inces, September 10, 1968. 
Partial revision of the radio regulations (Geneva, 
1959), as amended (TIAS 4893, 5603, 6332), relat- 
ing to maritime mobile service, with annexes and 
final protocol. Done at Geneva November 3, 1967. 
Enters into force April 1, 1969. TIAS 6590. 
Notifications of approval: Congo (Brazzaville), No- 
vember 12, 19G8 ; Niger, November 23, 1968 ; New 
Zealand, November 6, 1968. 

United Nations 

Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the In- 
ternational Court of Justice. Signed at San Francisco 
June 26, 1945. Entered into force October 24, 1945. 
59 Stat. 1031. 

Admission to memJ)erstiip: Equatorial Guinea, No- 
vember 12, 1968. 

' Not in force. 



Agreement extending the agreement of December 27 
and 29, 1960 (TIAS 4653), relating to the loan of the 
destroyers Heerman, Dortch, and Stemnell. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Buenos Aires April 2 and 
December 10, 1968. Entered into force December 10, 


Agreement amending the agreement for sales of agri- 
cultural commodities of December 29, 1967 (TIAS 
6403), with exchange of notes. Effected by exchange 
of notes at Santiago December 17, 1968. Entered into 
force December 17, 1968. 


Agreement for the continuation of a cooperative meteor- 
ological observation program, with memorandum of 
arrangement. Effected by exchange of notes at Bogota 
December 19, 1968. Entered into force December 19, 


Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, relat- 
ing to the agreements of February 20, 1967 (TIAS 
6221), and June 24, 1967 (TIAS 6338). Signed at 
New Delhi December 23, 1968. Entered into force 
December 23, 1968. 

Agreement for duty-free entry and defrayment of in- 
land transportation charges of relief supplies and 
packages, as extended and amended. Signed at Wash- 
ington July 9, 1951. Entered into force July 9, 1051. 
TIAS 2291, 2919, 5781. 
Terminated: December 5, 1968. 


Agreement extending the agreement of October 6, 1947, 
as amended (TIAS 1666, 1924, 2068, 2947, 3112, 3520), 
relating to a military mission to Iran. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Tehran November 25 and De- 
cember 14, 1968. Entered into force December 14, 


Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, re- 
lating to the agreement of March 17, 1967 (TIAS 
6323). Signed at Tunis December 24, 1968. Entered 
into force December 24, 1968. 


Agreement amending the agreements for sales of agri- 
cultural commodities of January 6, 1968 (TIAS 6440), 
and October 24, 1967 (TIAS 6424). Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Saigon December 7, 1968. Entered 
into force December 7, 1968. 


Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreements of April 21, 1962, as amended (TIAS 
5008, 5053, 5222), April 27, 1964 (TIAS .5567), March 
16, 1965 (TIAS 5772), and July 16, 1965 (TIAS 5840). 
Effected by exchange of notes at Belgrade Decem- 
ber 20, 1968. Entered into force December 20, 1968. 



China. Ambassador Wiggins' News Conference of 
December 20 (excerpts) SO 

Communications. International Cooperation in 

Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (Wiggins) . . 84 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to 

Foreign Policy 79 

Foreign Aid. The United States and Latin Amer- 
ica — A Special Relationship (Johnson) . . 73 

France. Presidents Johnson and de Gaulle Ex- 
change New Year's Greetings (texts of let- 
ters) 77 

Latin America. The United States and Latin 
America — A Special Relationship (Johnson) 73 

Mexico. Statue of Benito Juarez Dedic.ited at 

Washington (Busli) 74 

Near East. Ambassador Wiggins' News Confer- 
ence of December 20 (excerpts) 80 

Norway. Death of Trygve Lie (Johnson, Rusk, 
Wiggins) 78 

Peru. Letters of Credence (Berckemeyer) . . 75 

Presidential Documents 

Death of Trygve Lie 78 

The Flight of Apollo 8: International Coopera- 
tion in Space (President Johnson presents 
NASA medals to astronauts) 76 

Presidents Johnson and de Gaulle Exchange 
New Year's Greetings 77 

The United States and Latin America — A Spe- 
cial Relationship 73 


The Flight of Apollo 8: International Coopera- 
tion in Space (President Johnson presents 
NASA medals to astronauts) 76 

International Cooperation in Peaceful Uses of 
Outer Space (Wiggins) 84 

Tanzania. Letters of Credence (Rutabanzibwa) . 75 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 87 

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Hold Talks on Northeastern 
Pacific Fisheries 79 


Ambassador Wiggins' News Conference of De- 
cember 20 (excerpts) 80 

U.S. and U.S.S.R. Hold Talks on Northeastern 

Pacific Fisheries 79 

United Nations 

Ambassador Wiggins' News Conference of De- 
cember 20 (excerpts) SO 

Death of Trygve Lie (Johnson, Rusk, Wiggins) . 78 
International Cooperation in Peaceful Uses of 

Outer Space (Wiggins) 84 

Na7ne Index 

Anders, Lt. Col. William A 76 

Berckemeyer, Fernando 75 

Borman, Col. Frank 76 

de Gaulle, Charles 77 

Johnson, President 73, 76, 77, 78 

Lovell, Capt James A 76 

Paine, Thomas O 76 

Rusk, Secretary 74, 78 

Rutabanzibwa, Gosbert Miarcell 75 

Wiggins, James Russell 78, 80, 84 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 6-12 

Press releases may be obtained from the OfiSce 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

No. Date Subject 

3 1/7 Rusk: dedication of statue of 

Benito Juarez. 

4 1/8 U.S.-U.S.S.R. meeting on north- 

eastern Pacific fisheries. 

Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 










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Vol. LX, No. 15i5 

February 3, 1969 


Excerpts From President Johnson^s Address to the Congress 89 




Excerpts From, the President's Economic Report 
and the Annual Report of the Council of Economic Advisers 101 

For index see inside back cover 



Vol. LX, No. 1545 
February 3, 1969 

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Note: Contents of this publication are not 

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appreciated. The BULLETIN is indexed in 

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a iceekly publication issued by the 
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concerning treaties and international 
agreements to which the United 
States is or nuiy become a party 
and treaties of general international 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 


The State of the Union 


Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the 
Congress and my fellow Americans : 

For the sixth and the last time, I present to 
the Congress my assessment of the state of the 

I sliall speak to yoii tonight about challenge 
and opportunity — and about the commitments 
that all of us have made together that will, if 
we carry them out, give America our best 
chance to achieve the kind of great society that 
we all want. 

Every President lives not only with what is 
but with what has been and what could be. 

Most of the great events in his Presidency 
are part of a larger sequence extending back 
through several years and extending back 
through several other administrations. 

Urban unrest ; poverty ; pressures on welfare ; 
education of our people; law enforcement and 
law and order; the continuing crisis in the 
Middle East; the conflict in Viet-Nam; the 
dangers of nuclear war ; the great difficulties of 
dealing with the Communist powers — all have 
this much in common. 

They — and their causes, the causes that gave 
rise to them — all of these have existed with us 
for many years. Several Presidents have al- 
ready sought to try to deal with them. One or 
more Presidents will try to resolve them or try 
to contain them in the years that are ahead of 

But if the Nation's problems are continuing, 
so are this Nation's assets : 

— our economy, 

— the democratic system, 

— our sense of exploration, symbolized most 
recently by the wonderful flight of the Apollo 
8, m which all Americans took great pride, 

'Delivered on Jan. 14 (White Honse press release). 

— the good common sense and sound judgment 
of the American people and their essential love 
of justice. 

We must not ignore our problems. But neither 
should we ignore our strengths. Those strengths 
are available to sustain a President of either 
party, to support his progressive efforts both 
at home and overseas. 

• • • • ■ 

Americans, I believe, are united m the hope 
that the Paris talks will bring an early peace 
to Viet-Nam. And if our hopes for an early 
settlement of the war are realized, then our 
military expenditures can be reduced and very 
substantial savings can be made to be used for 
other desirable purposes as the Congress may 

In any event, I think it is imperative that we 
do all that we responsibly can to resist inflation, 
while maintaining our prosperity. I think all 
Americans know that our prosperity is broad 
and it is deep and it has brought record profits — 
the highest in our history — and record wages. 

Our gross national product has grown more 
in the last 5 years than any other period in our 
nation's history. Our wages have been the high- 
est. Our profits have been the best. This pros- 
perity has enabled millions to escape the poverty 
that they would have otherwise had the last few 

I think also you will be very glad to hear 
that the Secretary of the Treasury informs me 
tonight that in 1968 in our balance of payments 
we have achieved a surplus. It appears that we 
have, in fact, done better this year than we 
have done in any year in this regard since the 
year 1957. 

The quest for a durable peace, I think, has 

FEBRTJAKT 3, 1969 

absorbed every administration since the end of 
World War II. It has required us to seek a 
limitation of arms races not only among the 
superpowers but among the smaller nations as 
well. We have joined in the test ban treaty of 
1963, the outer space treaty of 1967, and the 
treaty against the spread of nuclear weapons in 

This latter agreement, the Nonproliferation 
Treaty, is now pending in the Senate and it 
has been pending there since last July. In my 
opinion, delay in ratifying it is not going to be 
helpful to the cause of peace. America took the 
lead in negotiating this treaty, and America 
should now take steps to have it approved at the 
earliest possible date. 

Until a way can be found to scale down the 
level of arms among the superpowers, mankind 
cannot view the future without fear and great 
apprehension. I believe that we should resume 
the talks with the Soviet Union about limiting 
offensive and defensive missile systems. I think 
they would already have been resumed except 
for Czechoslovakia and our election this year. 

It was more than 20 years ago that we em- 
barked on a program of trying to aid the de- 
veloping nations. We knew then that we could 
not live in good conscience as a rich enclave 
on an earth that was seething in misery. 

During these years there have been great ad- 
vances made under our program, particularly 
against want and hunger, although we are dis- 
appointed at the appropriations last year. We 
thought they were woefully inadequate. This 
year I am asking for adequate funds for eco- 
nomic assistance in the hope that we can further 
peace throughout the world. 

I think we must continue to support efforts 
in regional cooperation. Among those efforts, 
that of Western Europe has a very special place 
in America's concern. 

The only course that is going to permit Eu- 
rope to play the great world role that its re- 
sources permit is to go forward to unity. I think 
America remains ready to work with a united 
Europe, to work as a partner on the basis of 

For the future, the quest for peace requires 

— that we maintain the liberal trade policies 
that have helped us become the leading nation 
in world trade ; 

— that we strengthen the international mone- 

tary system as an instrument of world pros- 
perity; and 

— that we seek areas of agreement with the 
Soviet Union where the interests of both nations 
and the interests of world peace are properly 

The strained relationship between us and the 
world's leading Communist power has not 
ended — especially in tlie light of the brutal in- 
vasion of Czechoslovakia. Totalitarianism is no 
less odious to us because we are able to reach 
some accommodation that reduces the danger 
of world catastrophe. 

Wliat we do, we do in the interest of peace 
in the world. We earnestly hope that time will 
bring a Kussia that is less afraid of diversity 
and individual freedom. 

The quest for peace tonight continues in Viet- 
Nam and in the Paris talks. 

I regret more than any of you know that it 
has not been possible to restore peace to South 

The prosi^ects, I think, for peace are better 
today than at any time since North Viet-Nam 
began its invasion with its regular forces more 
than 4 years ago. 

The free nations of Asia know what they 
were not sure of at that time: that America 
cares about their freedom and it also cares 
about America's own vital interests in Asia and 
throughout the Pacific. 

The North Vietnamese know that they can- 
not achieve their aggressive purposes by force. 
There may be hard fighting before a settlement 
is reached; but, I can assure you, it will yield 
no victory to the Communist cause. 

I cannot speak to you tonight about Viet-Nam 
without paying a very personal tribute to the 
men who have carried the battle out there for all 
of us. I have been honored to be their Com- 
mander in Chief. The Nation owes them its 
unstinting support wliile the battle continues — 
and its enduring gratitude when their service 
is done. 

Finally, the quest for stable peace in the Mid- 
dle East goes on in many capitals tonight. 
America fully supports the unanimous resolu- 
tion of the U.N. Security Council which points 
the way. 

There must be a settlement of the armed hos- 
tility that exists in that region of the world 
today. It is a threat not only to Israel and to 



all the Arab states, but it is a threat to every 
one of us and to the entire world as well. 

Now it is time to leave. I hope it may be said, 
a hundred years from now, that by working to- 
getlier we lielped to make our country more 
just, more just for all of its people, as well as 
to insure and guarantee the blessings of liberty 
for all of our posterity. 

Tliat is what I hope. But I believe that at 
least it will be said that we tried. 

President Johnson Welcomes 
New Talks on Viet-Nam 

Statement hy President Johnson 

White House press release dated January 16 

We are all pleased that certain basic proce- 
dural problems in Paris have been solved and 
new talks on the substance of peace in Southeast 
Asia can open. 

There are three lessons of our experience since 
March Slst.^ 

First, we must be clear and firm in pursuing 
with our allies the limited but vital objectives we 
seek in Southeast Asia. 

Second, we must be patient and face the hard 
fact that fighting is likely to continue as the ne- 
gotiations are carried forward. 

Third, we should be confident that an honor- 
able peace is possible if we here at home remain 

We have had three crises in these negotiations 
since they opened 9 months ago : on the place for 
the talks, on the terms for a bombing cessation, 
and on the procedures for the new talks. In each 
case, patience, firmness, and fairmindedness 
achieved a satisfactory result. 

We must pursue peace as diligently as we 
have fought aggression. And this year we have 
made steady progress toward the peace we all 
devoutly pray for. 

I deeply believe that if we only remain united 
and stay together on this path we will achieve 
honorable peace in Southeast Asia. 

' For President Johnson's address to the Nation on 
Mar. 31, 1968, see Buixetiw of Apr. 15, 1968, p. 481. 

Report Completed on Future 
U.S. Foreign Trade Policy 

White House press release dated January 14 for release 
January 16 

The President today received from Ambassa- 
dor William M. Roth, his Special Representa- 
tive for Trade Negotiations, a report with 
recommendations on future United States for- 
eign trade policy. This report was requested by 
the President and has been in preparation for 
the past year. In receiving the report, he said : 

"Strengthening the position of the United 
States in world trade has been a constant con- 
cern of this administration. Ambassador Roth's 
recommendations focus on this objective, and 
they deserve the thoughtful attention of all 
Americans whose well-being is affected by 
trade— busineissmen, workers, farmers, and 
consumers generally." 

The report notes striking changes in the pat- 
tern of world trade, caused by keener inter- 
national competition, the growing importance 
of regional trading blocs and multinational 
corporations, and the urgent need of the less 
developed coimtries to expand their exports. 

"There are great dangers ahead," Ambassador 
Roth warned, "dangers of serious international 
confrontation among the major trading nations 
and incipient protectionism as well. However, 
there are also great and exciting opportunities 
to build even further towards a freer world 
market — a market that will be increasingly open 
to American exports . . . New tactics, even new 
policies, must be devised without losing sight of 
our fundamental goals." 

In preparing the report, the Special Repre- 
sentative took into account the views of a 
Public Advisory Committee on Trade Policy, 
appomted by the President and composed of 35 
distinguished business, farm, labor, and con- 
svimer leaders. Separate comments by members 
of the Committee are included as a significant 
contribution to the report, although they do not 
necessarily endorse the report as a whole. 

The report rejects the quota or market-shar- 
ing approach as a general response to the pres- 
sures of world competition. Rather, it puts 
major stress on the need to help businessmen 
and workers adjust to import competition. For 
this purpose, it recommends the amendment of 
the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 to liberalize 

FEBRUARY 3, 1969 


the criteria for escape-clause relief to industries 
seriously injured by import competition and for 
adjustment assistance to individual firms and 
workers adversely aifected by imports. In both 
cases the report recommends that the injury 
need no longer be related to a previous tariff 
concession. It suggests, however, a more strin- 
gent test for the granting of relief to industries 
than for fii-ms and workers. 

The report stresses the need for continued and 
determined effort to reduce or eliminate tariff 
and nontariff barriers to trade. The United 
States, it declares, should continue to insist 
upon strict adherence to the rules of trade, 
as set forth in the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Existing statutes 
protecting American industry and agriculture 
against unfair competition must be stringently 
enforced — as they have been. 

The report recommends early negotiations in 
specific agricultural and industrial sectors and 
for the removal of particularly burdensome 
nontariff barriers. Although it does not foresee 
another general round of trade negotiations 
until the Kennedy Round agreements have 
been implemented, it recommends that study 
and preparation for such negotiations be 
immediately initiated. 

The report declares that a fundamental 
strengthening of the world monetary system is 
essential. Domestic monetary and fiscal meas- 
ures and international monetary adjustments, 
it is held, are the proper methods of meeting 
balance-of-payments difficulties. However, the 
report recognizes that temporaiy trade meas- 
ures may help to alleviate such difficulties irntil 
more basic corrective actions take effect. The 
report recommends a study of the international 
rules governing such measures in order to make 
them more responsive to present needs. 

It emphasizes the need to restrain inflation 
as essential to U.S. ability to compete both at 
home and abroad. It also urges an intensified 
export promotion effort, based upon improved 
credit facilities and a working partnership 
between industry and government. 

The report recommends against consideration 
at this time of American membership in a free 
trade association of North Atlantic and other 
countries. Instead, the United States should 
continue to conduct trade negotiations on a 
most- favored-nation (i.e., nondiscriminatory) 

After reviewing alternative means of coordi- 
nating trade policy within the executive branch, 
including the establishment of a Cabinet-level 
department for international trade, the report 
recommends that this responsibility continue to 
be lodged in the White House. 

In preparing the repoi-t, the Special Eepre- 
sentative took into account the congressional 
and public Iiearings on trade policy held over 
the past 2 years. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appomted Ambassador of Colom- 
bia, Misael Eduardo Pastrana Borrero, pre- 
sented his credentials to President Jolinson on 
January 17. For texts of the Ambassador's re- 
marks and the President's reply, see Depart- 
ment of State press release dated January 17. 

Reduction in Tariff Recommended 
on Reprocessed Wool Fabrics 

Following is the text of identical letters from 
President Johnson to Wilbur D. Mills, chair- 
man of the House Committee on Ways and 
Means, and Russell B. Long, chairmun of tlie 
Senate Committee on Finance. 

White House press release dated January 13 

January 13, 1969 
Dear Mr. Chairman: On October 24, 1968, 
I signed H.R. 653, a bill which amended the 
tariff schedules of the United States to estab- 
lish a uniform tariff on imports of re-processed 
wool fabrics or blends of such fabrics. 

At the time of signing this bill, I indicated 
my concern that the tariff rate it established on 
these fabrics could result in a duty which was 
so high that it was not in the national interest. 
In an effort to avoid this undesirable result, I 
directed the Tariff Commission to study the 
effect of this legislation and make recommenda- 
tions as to what simple ad valorem rate or rates 
of duty would provide a reasonable degree of 
tariff protection. 

The Tariff Commission completed its work 


and reported to me on December 31. A majority 
of the Commission concluded that an ad 
valorem rate of 55% is equitable and will pro- 
vide a reasonable degree of tariif protection for 
the U.S. domestic industry. 

Accordingly, I have today directed the De- 
partment of State to prepare and submit to you 
draft legislation amendmg H.R. 653 to reduce 
the duty on these fabrics to a 55% ad valorem 
rate. I ui-ge you to introduce this legislation at 
the earliest practical date and give prompt con- 
sideration to it in the Committee. It is my hope 
that both Houses of the Congress will see fit to 
take favorable action on this measure. 

Attached to this letter is a copy of my signing 
statement on H.E. 653 ^ and the report of the 
Tariff Commission.^ I have today requested the 
Commission to make its report public. 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

Steel Industries of Japan and ECSC 
Offer To Limit Exports to U.S. 

Following is the text of identical letters from 
Secretary Rusk to Wilbur D. Mills, chairman of 
the House Committee on Ways and Means, and 
Russell B. Long, chairman of the Senate Com- 
mittee on Finance, transmitting communications 
from the steel industries of Japan and of the 
European Coal and Steel Community. 


Janxjakt 14, 1969 
Dear Mr. Chairman: The President has 
asked me to transmit to you communications 
received from the steel industry of Japan and 
the steel industries of the European Coal and 
Steel Community (ECSC) expressing the in- 
tentions of these industries to limit their exports 
of steel mill products to the United States in 
the years 1969 through 1971. 

We estimate that as a result of the export 
limitation of the Japanese and ECSC produc- 
ers, which together provide about 82 percent of 

our steel imports, total imports will amount to 
about 14 million net tons in 1969, about 14.7 mil- 
lion net tons in 1970 and about 15.4 million net 
tons in 1971. Other major foreign producers 
have not formally offered to cooperate in the 
voluntary export limitations but, as a practical 
matter, are expected to maintain their exports 
at levels which yield the estimates stated above. 
Sincerely yours, 

Dean Rusk 



Japanese Steel Industry 


Decembeb 23, 1968 

' For text, see Buixetin of Nov. 25, 1968, p. 545. 
" Not printed here. 

To : The Honorable Secretary of State, 

Washington 25, D. C, U. S. A. 

From : Yoshihiro Inayama, Chairman, 

Japan Iron & Steel Exporters' Association 

Subject: Statement of the Intention of the Japanese 
Steel Industry 

Statement of the Intention of 
the Japanese Steel Industry 

1. With the desire to assist in the maintenance of 
an orderly market for steel in the United States, the 
nine leading steel companies of Japan, namely, Tawata 
Iron & Steel Co., Ltd., Fuji Iron & Steel Co., Ltd., 
Nippon Kokan Kabushiki Kaisha, Kawasaki Steel Cor- 
poration, Sumitomo Metal Industries, Ltd., Kobe Steel 
Works, Ltd., Nisshin Steel Co., Ltd., Osaka Iron & 
Steel Co., Ltd., and Nakayama Steel Works, Ltd. gave 
assurances in their statement of July 5, 1968 that their 
steel mill product shipments from Japan to the United 
States would not exceed 5.5 million metric tons during 
Japanese fiscal year 1968. These nine companies ac- 
count for approximately 85 percent of all Japanese 
steel mill products shipped to the United States. In the 
light of subsequent events and as a result of discussions 
concerning this matter with the representatives of the 
Government of the United States of America, they now 
want to make a new statement to the following effect. 

2. With greater understanding of market conditions 
for steel in the United States, and with the cooperation 
of the medium and small steelmakers of Japan which 
account for the remaining 15 percent of shipments to 
the United States, the same nine leading steel com- 
panies wish to state their intention, subject to meas- 
ures permitted by the laws and regulations of Japan, 
to limit the Japanese shipments of steel mill products 
to the United States to a total of 5,750,000 net tons 
during calendar year 1969. 

3. During the subsequent two calendar years 
(through 1971), It is also their intention to confine 
the Japanese shipments within limits which would rep- 
resent, at most, a 5 percent increase over 5,750,000 net 

FEBRUARY 3, 1969 


tons in 1970 and over 6,037,500 net tons in 1971, dei)end- 
ing upon demand in the United States market and ttie 
necessity to maintain orderly marketing therein. Dur- 
ing this period the Japanese steel companies will try 
not to change greatly the product mix and pattern of 
distribution of trade as compared with the present. 

4. This statement is made upon the assumptions: i) 
that the total shipments of steel mill products from aU 
the steel exporting nations to the United States will 
not exceed approximately 14,000,000 net tons during 
1969, 105 percent of 14,000,000 net tons in 1970, and 
105 percent of 14,700,000 net tons in 1971, ii) that the 
United States will take no action, Including increase 
of import duties, to restrict Japanese steel mill product 
exports to the United State.s, and iii) that the above ac- 
tion by the Japanese steel companies does not Infringe 
upon any laws of the United States of America and that 
it conforms to international laws. 



Japan Iran & Steel 

Exporters' Association 

Steel Industries of the ECSC 

December 18, 1968 
The Honorable 
Secretabt of State 
New State Building 
Washington 25, D.C. 

SiE, The associations of the steel producers of the 
ECSC united in the "Club des Siderurglstes", to wit : 

— Associazione Industrie Siderurgiehe Italiane 
ASSIDER, Jlilan 
represented by Prof. Dr. Ernesto Manuelli 
— Chambre Syndicate de la Siderurgie Francaise, 
represented by the President, Mr. Jacques Ferry 
— Groupement des Hants Fourneaux et Acierles 
Beiges, Brussels 
represented by the President, Mr. Pierre van der 
— Groupement des Industries Slderurglques Luxem- 
bourgeoises, Luxembourg 
represented by the President, Mr. Rene Schmit 
— Vereniging de Nederlandse Ijzer- en Staalprodu- 
cerende Industrie, Ijmuiden 
represented by Mr. Evert van Veelen 

— Wlrtschaftsvereinlgung Eisen- und Stahllndustrie, 
represented by the President, Bergassessor Dr. 
Hans-Gunther Sohl 

referring to the repeated talks they have had in this 
matter with representatives of the Government of the 
United States in behalf of the sustenance of liberal 
tntemational trade in steel and to assist in the mainte- 
nance of an orderly market for steel in the United 
States declare the following : 

1.) It is their intention to limit the total ECSC de- 
liveries of steel mill products, i.e. finished rolled steel 
products, semis, hot rolled strip, tubes, and drawn 
wire products, to the United States to 5.750.000 net 
tons during the calendar year 1969. 

2.) It is also their intention m the calendar years 
1970 and 1971 to confine their deliveries within limits 
which would at the utmost represent for the year 1970 
a five percent increase over 5.750.000 net tons and for 
the year 1971 a five percent increase over 6.037.500 net 

During the named periods the ECSC producers wiU 
try to maintain approximately the same product mix 
and pattern of distribution as at present. 

This statement is based on the assumption 

A) that the total shipments of steel mUl products 
(finished rolled steel products, semis, hot rolled strip, 
tubes, and drawn wire products) from all the steel 
exporting nations to the USA wUl not exceed approxi- 
mately 14 million net tons during 1969, and five percent 
over 14 million net tons In 1970, and five percent over 
14.7 million net tons In 1971, and 

B) that the United States wiU take no action to 
restrict ECSC steel mill product exports to the USA 

a ) quota systems 

b) increase of Import duties 

c) other restrictions on the import of steel mill 
products to the USA. 

This proposal of the ECSC steel producers is made 
provided that it does not infringe on any laws of the 
United States and that it conforms to international 

Ebnesto Manuelli 


Evert van Veelen 

Jacques Febrt 
Rene Schmit 
Hans-Guntheb Sohl 




The Budget of the United States Government — Fiscal Year 1970 (Excerpts) ^ 


To the Congress of the United States: 

The 1970 budget, which I am transmitting to 
you today, points the way toward maintaining 
a strong, healthy economy and continuing prog- 
ress in meeting the Nation's highest priority 
military and domestic needs. 

The record of achievements of the past 5 
years is an impressive one. We have witnessed 
a period of imprecedented economic growth, 
with expanded production, rising standards of 
living, and the lowest rates of unemployment 
in a decade and a half. Our military forces to- 
day are the strongest in the world, capable of 
protecting the Nation against any foreseeable 
challenge or threat. Last month saw man's first 
successful flight to the moon. In domestic mat- 
ters, the legislative and executive branches, co- 
operatively, have forged new tools to open 
wider the doors of opportunity for a better life 
for all Americans. 

In my first budget message 5 years ago, I 
stated : "A government that is strong, a govern- 
ment that is solvent, a govermnent that is com- 
passionate is the kind of government that en- 
dures." I have sought to provide that kind of 
government as your President. With this 
budget, I leave that kind of government to my 

The 1970 budget program calls for : 

• Support for our commitments in South- 
east Asia, and necessary improvements to main- 
tain and strengthen our overall military 

' H. Doc. 91-15, Part 1, 91st Cong., 1st sess. ; trans- 
mitted on Jan. 15. Reprinted liere are the introductory 
paragraphs and conclusion from part 1 and the section 
on international affairs and finance from part 3 of the 
551-page volume entitled The Budget of the United 
States Oovernment — Fiscal Year 1910, for sale by the 
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Print- 
ing Office. Washington, D.C. 20402 ($2.75). 

• Continued emphasis on domestic programs 
which help disadvantaged groups obtain a 
fairer share of the Nation's economic and cul- 
tural advancements. 

• A budget surplus in the year ahead, as well 
as in the current fiscal year, to relieve the in- 
flationary pressures in the economy and to re- 
duce the strains that Federal borrowing would 
place on financial markets and interest rates. 

This Nation can and must bear the cost of 
the defense of freedom, and must at the same 
time move ahead in meeting the pressing needs 
we face at home. But caution and prudence re- 
quire that we budget our resources in a way 
which enables us to preserve our prosperity, 
strengthen the U.S. dollar, and stem the in- 
creased price pressures we have experienced in 
the past few years. 

We can meet these objectives and achieve de- 
sirable budget surpluses by : 

• Holding down total Federal spending and 
lending through strict control of program 

• Extending for one year the 10% tax sur- 
charge on individual and corporation income 
taxes enacted last June beyond the present 
expiration date of June 30, 1969. 

Americans are united in the hope that the 
Vietnam peace talks now taking place in Paris 
will be soon and successfully concluded, so that 
reconstruction can begin. Meanwhile, the fight- 
ing continues. Under these circumstances, the 
1970 budget necessarily provides fimds to sup- 
port our military operations in Vietnam for the 
year ahead. At the same time, we are taking 
steps to assure an orderly reduction in Southeast 
Asia support as soon as conditions permit. 

With the attainment of a just and honorable 
peace, consideration can be given to removal of 
the tax surcharge as military spending declines. 
At that time, such action could ease the post- 
Vietnam transition, smooth the conversion to 

FEBRUARY 3, 1969 


greater peacetime production, and help assure 
continued economic growth and full employ- 

Our domestic programs are increasingly fo- 
cused on urgent national problems — inadequate 
educational opportunities, slum housing, in- 
creased crime, urban congestion and decay, pol- 
lution of our air and water, lack of proper 
health care, and hunger and malnutrition. The 
1970 budget continues to place the greatest 
emphasis on progress in overcoming these ills. 

A substantial part of every budget reflects the 
continuing momentum of program decisions 
made in past years, by past Presidents and past 
Congresses. Wliile adhering to a restrictive ex- 
penditure policy, I am making reasonable pro- 
vision in the 1970 budget for the requirements 
of ongoing programs, proposing reductions 
wherever possible and recommending some se- 
lective improvements and expansions, including 
social security benefit increases. 


Tliis Nation remains firmly committed to a 
world of peace and human dignity. In seeldng 
these goals, we have achieved great military 
strength with the sole aim of deterring and re- 
sisting aggression. We have continued to assist 
other nations struggling to provide a better 
life for their people. We are successfully push- 
ing forward the frontiers of knowledge to outer 
space and promoting scientific and technologi- 
cal advances of enormous potential for benefit 
to mankind. 

In recent years, we have taken significant 
strides toward expanding the opportmiity for 
each American to : 

• Develop Ms mind, skills, and earning 
power to their maximum potential. 

• Contribute his full share to a society which 
respects and values differences in race, religion, 
or culture. 

• Escape the withering bonds of poverty, 
which stifle and starve the spirit. 

• Live in an environment free of pollution, 
in a community stimulating but safe, in a neigh- 
borhood diverse but harmonious, and in a home 
or apartment both adequate and available at a 
reasonable price. 

We have come far in our journey, but we 
are still a long way from our destination. We 
can be justly proud of our recent achievements, 

but we must look ahead to those victories yet to 
be won. 

No course of action can have a liigher pur- 
pose than that of furthering world peace and 
human freedom. In this budget, as in my pre- 
vious budgets, I have pursiied that course to 
the best of my ability. I have faith that Amer- 
ica will not now fail in its resolve, nor founder 
in its responsibility, to press ahead for freedom 
and justice at home and abroad. 

Lyndon B. Johnson. 

January 15, 1969. 


International Affairs and Finance 

Through its international programs the United 
States seeks to promote a peaceful world community 
In which aU nations can devote their energies to im- 
proving the lives of tieir citizens. Our assistance 
programs are undertaken cooperatively vrith other 
nations to help lessen the critical problems confronting 
today's world. We participate in these efforts be- 
cause we cannot in good conscience enjoy freedom 
and economic well-being in a world of poverty, 
violence and despair. 

Program highlights. — In 1970, our international 
programs will : 

• Encourage developing nations to promote social 
progress along with economic growth, as two essential 
ingredients of national development. 

• Concentrate more than 84% of our bilateral 
economic assistance in 11 nations which have dem- 
onstrated national self-reliance by taking the difficult 
steps necessary to sustain development. 

• Support Southeast Asia's struggle to achieve po- 
litical and economic stability in that strife-torn section 
of the globe. 

• Maintain the momentum of the agricultural revo- 
lution now under way. 

• Promote multilateral assistance by providing 
about 95% of our development lending in concert with 
other industrialized nations and contributing to in- 
ternational financial institutions where our aid will 
be matched in large measure by contributions of other 

• Assure a favorable long-range impact on our 
balance of payments by financing the growth of U.S. 
exports and by building new markets for our exports 
through our aid. 

Budget highlights. — Outlays for international pro- 
grams in 1970 are estimated at $3.8 billion, compared 
to $3.9 billion in 1969 and $4.6 biUion in 1968. The 
major outlay changes between 1969 and 1970 are: 

• Agency for International Development siwnding 




[In millions of dollars] 

Program or agency 

Conduct of foreign affairs: 

Department of State '.. 

U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament 

Tarifl Commission _ _. 

Foreign Claims Settlement Commis- 

Economic and financial programs; 

Agency for International Development: 

Development loans 

Technical cooperation '.. 

Alliance for Progress 

Supporting assistance 

Contingencies and other 

Subtotal, Agency tor International 

Development ' _ 

Subtotal, excluding special Southeast 


International flnancial institutions: 

Present programs 

Proposed programs 

Export-Import Bank 

Peace Corps 2 

Other 2 __ 

Food for Freedom 

Foreign information and exchange ac- 

United States Information Agency ' 

Department of State and other 3 

Deductions for offsetting receipts: 
Interfund and intragovemmental 


Proprietary receipts from the public.. . 

Total _ 

Total, excluding special Southeast 

Expenditure account- 
Loan account ' 






























(3, 558) 














(3, 419) 






1970 ' 












(3, 902) 


•Less than $.500 thousand. 

' Compares with budget authority for 1968 and 1969, as follows: 

1968: Total, $4,769 mlUion (NOA [new obUgationa lauthority], 

$4,362 milUou; LA (lending authority], $407 milhon). 
1969; Total, $3,405 million (NOA, $2,848 million; LA, $568 million). 
' Includes both Federal funds and trust funds. 
' For greater detail, see table on page 99. 

will decrease by $120 million to $2.0 billion, reflecting 
the reduced appropriations of the past 2 years ; 

• Food for Freedom will decrease by $112 million 
to $925 million as requirements for our overseas food 
shipments decline ; and 

• Contributions to international financial institu- 
tions will increase by $76 million to $216 million, 
principally for the International Development Asso- 

Budget authority of $4.3 billion Is requested for in- 
ternational programs in 1970, compared to $3.4 billion 

enacted in 1969 and $4.8 billion in 1968. Last year, 
there were sharp cuts in appropriations for AID. 
Such reductions endanger the continuing effectiveness 
and efficiency of our efforts; they also cast doubt on 
the degree of our commitment. 

Agency for International Development. — The Agency 
for International Development administers our bi- 
lateral economic assistance programs through three 
principal instruments: 

• Long-term development loans provide capital 
assistance for projects and other types of investment 
needed for economic growth ; 

• Technical assistance grants contribute to the 
development of the human and institutional re- 
sources required for effective long-term growth ; and 

• Supporting assistance loans and grants are pro- 
vided in a limited number of countries, primarily in 
Southeast Asia, to help maintain a stable environ- 
ment in which political, economic, and social progress 
are possible. 

To protect the U.S. balance of payments, more than 
92% of AID'S $2 billion of outlays in 1970 will 
finance exports of U.S. goods and services, and special 
measures will continue to be taken to insure that 
these exports do not replace U.S. commercial exports. 

Because of the very deep reductions made by the 
Congress last year, new obligational authority recom- 
mended for AID in 1970 is $966 million above the 
1969 appropriation, but $152 million below the 1969 

The following table summarizes total obligational 


[In millions of dollars] 

Total obligational 

Major Assistance PEOOEAiis 





Fast Asia (excIndiPEVietnaTn) 









Vietnam . 




Latin America (Alliance for Progress) 

Contributions to international 






Total obligational authority '. 

Of which: 
New obligational authority . _- 









Prior year funds and loan repayments - 


1 Excludes trust funds. 

' Includes $320 million of 1966 funds, which were available to support 
1967 programs In India and Pakistan because aid to those countries was 
suspended during the Kashmir crisis. 

FEBKUAKT 3, 1969 


Agency for International Development - Program Trends 

S Billions 


$ Billions 


Total Obiisational Authorify 



1961 1962 

Fiscal Years 


iiiji'o^ij^iienoi OrgajrjiiciHofi: cacl Oi'hzx 

1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 

•969 1970 


East Asia (excluding Vietnam). — In 1970, $240 mil- 
lion is planned for the East Asia program, ^2Q million 
more than 1969. This assistance will help promote 
stability and economic development, primarily in In- 
donesia, Thailand, Laos, and Korea. 

Vietnam. — Aid for Vietnam in 1970 is estimated at 
$440 million, up from $326 million in 1969. The in- 
crease will finance a more normal level of imports and 
projects, after the unusual reductions brought about 
by the Tet offensive in January 1968. The commercial 
import program will continue to finance imiwrts needed 
to help reduce the inflationary pressures caused by 
the high, war-induced demand for goods. 

Near East and South — The program in 1970 
will increase to $679 million, nearly double the much 
reduced 1969 level of $352 million. More than 40% of 
the 1970 program will support improved agricultural 
practices and investments in water, seed, pesticides, and 
fertilizer. Substantial increases in food production have 
already been stimulated by our assistance. The U.S. 
program, along with aid from others, will help India 
and Pakistan expand their food production still fur- 
ther and enable them to take advantage of the develop- 
ment momentum provided by the agricultural 

Africa. — About 65% of our aid to Africa will provide 
capital and technical assistance to countries making 
significant progress toward economic growth. The re- 
maining 35% vrill be for regional projects such as 
education centers to serve the manpower needs of the 
smaller countries and tran.'sportation facilities to assist 
in integrating the region. Total obligational authority 
in 1970 is estimated to increase to $185 million, $55 
million above 1969. 

Latin America. — The program of assistance for the 
Alliance for Progress will increase from $429 million 
in 1969 to $668 million in 1970. Most of the increase 
will be for education, agriculture, health and regional 
integration programs. Greater emphasis will be given 
to promoting social development as well as economic 
growth. The Alliance program is directly related to the 
recipients' commitments of self-help toward promoting 
economic and social reforms. Our assistance is closely 
coordinated with the growing help from other donors 
through the Inter- American Committee on the Alliance 
for Progress. 

Foreign assistance. — The term "foreign assistance" 
generally applies to our bilateral economic and military 
grant assistance authorized by the Foreign Assistance 
Act. The following table summarizes outlays and 



[In millions of dollars] 


Budget authority 








Economic assistance 

Military grant assistance,. 














' Excludes trust funds, which do not require congressional action. Off- 
setting receipts are not deducted. 

budget authority for both programs. Military assist- 
ance is discussed in the section on National Defense. 

Other economic and financial programs. — In addition 
to loans and grants provided by AID, the United States 
promotes economic growth abroad through contribu- 
tions to international financial Institutions, Export- 
Import Barik lending activities, and the Peace Corps. 

International financial institutions. — In 1970, the 
United States will contribute to three international 
financial institutions which provide economic assistance 
to developing nations. The table below summarizes 
budget authority for these institutions. 

The International Development Association (IDA), 
an affiliate of the World Bank, is a crucial part of the 
efforts of the industrialized nations to finance projects 
and programs essential to the growth and advance of 
developing nations. The financing of long-term loans 
on easy repayment terms to developing nations has 
been sharply curtailed by IDA because it lacked the 
necessary resources. AU donors agreed in early 1968 
to provide a 3-year replenishment of these funds total- 


[In millions of dollars] 

Budget authority 





International Development Association 

Inter-American Development Ban^; 






Ordinary capital . - 

Asian Development Bank; 
Special funds 







ing $1.2 billion. Other donors are acting to make these 
resources available now, but without U.S. action the 
agreement will not go into effect. The entire U.S. con- 
tribution would be $480 million, or 40% of the total. 
Legislation is proposed authorizing this contribution. 
Budget authority of $160 million is recommended for 
the U.S. contribution both in 1969 and in 1970. 

Budget authority will be requested for the third $300 
million contribution to the Fund for Special Operations 
of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). This 
Fund finances long-term loans at low interest rates for 
projects within countries or spanning regions in Latin 
America. The United States has also agreed to partici- 
pate in a multilateral increase in the ordinary capital 
resources of the IDB, which finances development 
projects on commercial terms. The first of two U.S. 
contributions of $206 million to this increase was 
provided in 1969. 

Budget authority of $20 million will be requested for 
the U.S. contribution to the Asian Development Bank 
(ADB) for its ordinary capital operations which 
finance development projects on commercial terms. 
Under proposed legislation, budget authority of $25 
million is recommended in each of the years 1969 and 
1970 to support with other nations the operation of 
ADB special funds which finance projects on favorable 
terms in such fields as agriculture and tran.sportation. 

Export-Import Bank. — This Government agency sup- 
ports the growth of U.S. exports through its direct loan, 
insurance, and guarantee programs. Net lending by 
the Bank is expected to decrease from $291 million In 
1969 to $247 million in 1970. Under the new export ex- 
pansion program (Public Law 90-390) the Bank will 
make a greater number of loans under broader lending 
criteria in order to encourage exports and thereby im- 
prove our balance of payments. By the end of 1970, the 
Bank's insurance and guarantee programs will protect 
$2.0 billion of U.S. exports against both commercial 
and political risks. 


[In millions of dollars] 

Program or agency 




Export-Import Bank: 






(4, 945) 






1 Proposed for separate transmittal, upon enactment of recommended 
authorizing legislation. 

1 Excluding credit programs in the expenditure account. 

Expenditures of the Bank (that is, its nonlending 
transactions) include the costs of the guarantee and 
insurance programs, interest paid, and other expenses. 
In 1970, income of the Bank, primarily from interest 
received on loans, wiU exceed such expenditures by 
$107 million — $18 million less than in 1969. 

Peace Corps. — The Peace Corps will continue to pro- 

FEBRUAET 3, 1969 


vide Americans with opportunities to work alongside 
the peoples of developing countries on a variety of 
projects, mainly in education, agriculture and health. 
In 1970, there will be 10,300 American volunteers serv- 
ing in more than 60 nations. An additional 8,500 
volunteers will be receiving language and skill train- 
ing prior to serving abroad on 2-year tours. Outlays 
for the Peace Corps in 1970 will be $110 miUlon, an 
increase of $4 million over 1969. 

Food for Freedom. — Under the authority of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act 
(Public Law 480), agricultural commodities will con- 
tinue to be sold and donated abroad in order to combat 
hunger and malnutrition, promote economic growth 
in the developing nations, and develop and expand 
export markets for U.S. commodities. In accordance 
with amendments to the act adopted in 1966 and 1968 : 

• All sales agreements will identify self-help meas- 
ures to b<^ taken by the recipient country; 

• A progressive transition from sales for local cur- 
rency to sales for dollars (or for local currency con- 
vertible to dollars) will continue in order to make this 
transition complete by 1971; 

• Food assistance and economic assistance will be 
closely linked to assure the most effective use of both 
types of resources; 

• The emphasis in food donation programs will be 
on development purposes, primarily food for children 
and food in exchange for work; and 

• Efforts will continue to assure that the United 
States obtains a fair share of expanding commercial 
purchases of recipient countries. 

Efforts to expand food production in the developing 
nations are beginning to succeed. Accordingly, Food 
for Freedom net outlays will decline b.v an estimated 
$112 million in 1970 to a total of $925 million. About 

60% of these outlays will be made under sales agree- 
ments; the rest will be for donation programs. 

Foreign information and exchange activities. — The 

United States Information Agency and the Department 
of State conduct a variety of programs aimed at im- 
proving mutual understanding with other people. 
Outlays for these programs will total $236 million in 
1970, a decrease of $8 million from 1969. In the spring 
of 1969, the United States Information Agency will 
put major radio transmitting facilities into operation 
in the Philippines. Construction will continue on the 
new facility in Greece which is scheduled for comple- 
tion in the spring of 1972. 

Increases in budget authority are requested to 
broaden further the exchange of persons with other 
countries beyond the traditional academic groups, to 
include those in business, the professions, and other 
segments of the society. 

Conduct of foreign affairs. — As the agency respon- 
sible for the overall direction and coordination of 
foreign affairs, the Department of Stat; has played 
a key role in reducing U.S. Government employment 
abroad. Between January 1, 1968 and September 30, 
1969, departmental employment abroad will be reduced 
by 1,900 — 750 Americans and 1,150 foreign nationals. 
This reduction, along with lowered requirements for 
the acquisition and construction of buildings abroad, 
will allow the Department to meet foreign price rises 
and to develop further its urgently needed information- 
handling system, without increasing expenditures for 
the administration of foreign affairs in 1970. How- 
ever, the U.S. share of assessed contributions to inter- 
national organizations will rise by $13 million. Thus, 
total outlays by the Department for the conduct of 
foreign affairs will reach $370 million in 1970, $12 
million higher than in 1969. 



The International Economy 


Following is the portion of the EconoTnic Re- 
fort of the President which deals with '•''The 
International Economy,^'' together with excerpts 
from the Annual Report of the Council of Eco- 
nomic Advisers lohich include sections on the 
balance of payments from chapter 1 {pages 
1(9-53 and 59-60) and the full text of chapter If. 
'■'■The International Economy'''' {pages 133-150) . 


To the Congress of the United States: 

The International Economx 

Balance-of-Payments Adiustment 

Our international accounts were in balance 
in 1968 — for the first time since 1957. Much of 
the improvement came from the program I an- 
nounced in an atmosphere of world financial 
crisis a year ago. The contrast today is striking 
and gratifying. 

The excellent results of last year were aided 
by temporary factors. Hence, we cannot relax 
our efforts to achieve fundamental improve- 
ment — especially in our disappointing trade per- 
formance. To strengthen our trade surplus and 
achieve a healthy balance of payments, we must 

— restore price stability at home, 

— encourage our farms and factories to be- 

^ Economic Report of the President, Transmitted to 
the Congress Jannarij 1969, Together With the Annual 
Report of the Council of Economic Advisers (H. Doc. 
91-28, 91st Cong., 1st sess. ; transmitted on Jan. 16) ; 
for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 

come ever more competitive in quality and price 
so that they can export more, 

— intensify efforts to secure the removal of 
barriers to freer trade, 

— bring more foreign tourists to our shores to 
enjoy America with us, and 

— minimize the foreign exchange cost of 
our military commitments and economic aid 

Our temporary programs to restrain capital 
outflows worked well in 1968. American busi- 
nesses showed remarkable ingenuity and cooper- 
ation in pursuing their activities abroad while 
drastically cutting the drain on the Nation's 
balance of payments. These progi'ams clearly 
aided in preserving the strength of the dollar. 

Capital restraints should never become per- 
manent features of our economy. They should 
be ended as soon as possible. 

But the war continues and the movement to- 
ward noninfiationai-y prosperity has just begim. 
We cannot now scrap our defenses against large 
capital outflows. For the present, we must 

— renew the Interest Equalization Tax before 
it expires on July 31, 

— maintain the direct investment control pro- 
gram in the more flexible form recently an- 
nounced, and 

— continue the Federal Reserve program of 
volimtary restraint of foreign lending. 

To maintain our gains, ever closer interna- 
tional cooperation is needed among the highly 
interdependent nations of the world. Coimtries 
in deficit must meet their responsibilities. And 
countries in surplus must also pursue appropri- 
ate policies — striving especially for rapid eco- 
nomic expansion and giving world traders 
greater access to their markets. 

FEBRUARY 3, 1969 


World Monetary System 

The international monetary system was 
strengthened in 1968. An historic international 
agreement was reached, creating in the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund a new reserve asset — 
the Special Drawing Right.^ 

We spent 3 years studying, exploring, and ne- 
gotiating with our commercial partners in order 
to reach this agreement. I eagerly await the day 
that actual distribution of SDK's will begin. 
They can meet the f utm-e needs of the world for 
international liquidity — in the proper amounts 
and m a usable form. I am proud that the United 
States acted so promptly to ratify this agree- 
ment with such overwhelming bipartisan sup- 
port in the Congress. 

Some did not believe that such an agreement 
was possible, arguing that a rise in the official 
price of gold was the only way to increase inter- 
national reserves. We and our trading partners 
rejected tliis futile course; it would have offered 
a ransom payment to speculators and would 
have failed to provide for the orderly growth 
of reserves. I have carried out my pledge that 
the United States would sell gold to official 
holders of dollars at $35 an ounce. There is 
clearly no need to change that price. 

Myths about gold die slowly. But progress can 
be made — as we have demonstrated. In 1968, the 
Congress ended the obsolete gold-backing re- 
quirement for our currency. 

Another major step in freeing the interna- 
tional monetary system from disturbances by 
gold speculators was taken in March, when the 
United States and the other active gold pool 
countries agreed to cease supplying gold to the 
private market.^ The resulting two-price system 
for gold is working successfully. 

The international economy has made major 
strides in the past. But we must recognize the 
problems that remain. The financial crises of 
1968 stimulated constructive discussion of many 
proposals for further evolutionary improve- 
ments in the international economic system. 

These proposals are not an agenda for action 
in a week or a month or even a year. The issues 
posed cannot be resolved in a siunmit meeting 
or by a .superplan. But they can be tackled 
effectively with the same kind of careful study 
and negotiation that led to the successful SDR 

' For background, see Buixetin of Oct. 23, 1967, 
p. 523, Apr. 22, 1908, p. 525, and July 8, 1968, p. 49. 

' For a communique Issued at Washington on Mar. 17 
by governors of the central banks of the seven "gold 
pool" nations, see Bulletin of Apr. 8, 1968, p. 464. 

plan. The United States should actively partici- 
pate in such a procedure in order to strengthen 
the foundation of the world economy. 


World trade has continued to expand 
briskly — virtually unaffected by the sporadic 
crises in financial markets. Tariff barriers that 
once stifled international commerce have been 
substantially lowered — most notably by the 
Kennedy Roimd reductions which began in 
1968 and will continue until 1973. 

We must reinforce this success by devoting 
equal energy to the removal of nontariff bar- 
riers. On our part, Congressional action to 
rescind the American Selling Price provision 
is essential for achieving reductions of nontariff 
barriers offered by several of our trading 

Other nontariff barriers also need revision. 

• Agriculture has been the stepchild of trade 
negotiations, and deserves prompt and proper 

• The international rules governing border 
tax adjustments should be revised so that they 
no longer give special advantage to countries 
that rely heavily on excise and other indirect 

While we work to reduce trade barriers, we 
must not drop our guard against the advocates 
of protectionism at home and abroad. We will 
never neglect the legitimate concerns of any 
citizen. But the only real solutions are ones that 
improve our economy — not ones that erect new 
barriers that could provoke retaliation, or insu- 
late producers from the invigorating force of 
world competition. To provide the right kind 
of aid to those seriously hurt by import compe- 
tition, present provisions for temporary adjust- 
ment assistance must be liberalized, as I have 
repeatedly recommended. 


Important economic progress is being made 
in the world's less developed countries. The 
beginnings of spectacular advances in world 
agriculture are now clearly evident. Family 
planning is gaining widespread support. 

The United States can and should help to 
promote further progress in world agriculture 
and family planning, and the achievement 
of more rapid economic growth in the less 
developed countries. Only if funds for foreign 



aid programs are restored to an adequate level 
can we do our part. 

Tlie United States has long supported multi- 
lateral assistance as an equitable and efficient 
means of channeling aid from wealthy to 
poorer nations. We must reaffirm this support 
by promptly authorizing the U.S. contributions 
to the replenishment of the International 
Development Association and to the Special 
Funds of the Asian Development Bank. 

Ltndon B. Johnson 

January 16, 1969. 



Balance of Payments in 1968 

Although excessive economic growth generated a 
surge in imports and a sharj) deterioration in the trade 
surplus in 1968, the overall balance of payments 
improved markedly. This primarily reflected a dra- 
matic shift in the direction of capital flows. In 1967, 
the U.S. balance of payments as measured on the 
liquidity basis registered a deficit of $3.6 billion ; the 
deficit was reduced to $1.1 billion at an annual rate 
during the first 3 quarters of 1968. (Table 6 and Chart 
4). For the full year, preliminary estimates show a 
liquidity surplus — for the first time since 1957. The 
balance on the oflScial reserve transactions basis 
improved dramatically, achieving a surplus of $1.9 
billion during the first 3 quarters of 1968, partly as 
a result of a marked shift in the holdings of liquid 
dollar assets abroad from foreign central banks to 
private investors. Such a shift improves the ofiicial 
settlements measure but does not affect the liquidity 

The improvement in the balance of payments can 
be attributed to the President's program announced on 
January 1, 1968 ; * to some special factors affecting 
primarily capital flows ; and to the continuation of 
some longer term trends. 


The merchandise trade surplus deteriorated markedly 
from $3.5 billion in 1967 to an annual rate of only $0.4 
billion during the first 3 quarters of 1968. Imports rose 
about 22 percent above 1967. Exports, reflecting mainly 
the vigorous growth of income abroad, grew by 10 

The U.S. trade balance during 1968 was influenced 
by strikes in the copper and aluminum industries and a 
threatened strike in the steel industry, all of which 
stimulated metal imports and reduced the trade 
surplus by perhaps $600 million. 

Table e.— United Stata balance of payment), 1968-68 
[Billions of dollars] 

Type of transaction 

Balance on goods 

and services 

Balance on merchandise 

trade _ 

Balance on investment 


Balance on other services. ., 
Remittances and pensions 
Government grants and 

capital, net _.. 

U.S. private capital, net.- 

Direct investment 

U.S. bank claims 

Other U.S. private capital '. 

Foreign private capital, net 

U.S. securities (excluding 

Treasury Issues) 

Foreign private liquid 

capital, net *- 

other foreign private 


Errors and omissions 

Balance on 0?riciiL 
Reserve Tbansactions 


Plus: Increases in nonliquld 
liabilities to foreign monetary 


Less: Foreign private liquid 

capital, net« 

Balance on Liquiditv 


















































































































' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 22, 1968, 
p. 110. 

' Average of the first 3 quarters at seasonally adjusted annual rates. 

' Includes redemptions of foreign securities. 

8 Includes changes in Treasury liabilities to international nonmonetary 

' Includes certain Government transactions associated with special 

' Less than $50 million. 

Note.— Detail will not necessarily add to totals because of roondlnga 

Source: Department of Commerce. 

Nonagricultural goods accounted for the entire 
growth of merchandise exports during 1968, with ex- 
ports to Western Europe and Latin America expanding 
especially rapidly. Agricultural exports, the most rap- 
idly growing category between 1960 and 1966, declined 
rather abruptly in 1967 and remained depressed in 1968. 
While this decline was partially the result of a reduction 
of sales and donations to less developed countries, it 
also reflected a sharp decUne in commercial exports 
to the European Economic Community, greatly influ- 
enced by EEC restrictions on agricultural imports. 

The service account in the balance of payments im- 
proved, reaching a surplus of $2.0 billion annual rate 
(during the first 3 quarters of 1968), as compared to 
$1.3 billion in 1967 (Table 6). The major gain came In 
net income from foreign investments, which continued 
its upward trend. Some improvement also occurred in 
the travel account in 1968, reflecting the reduced 
attractiveness of the Canadian exposition. 

FEBRUARY 3, 1969 


U.S. Balance of International Payments 




J I I L 


1962 1964 1966 1968-1 







\ _-- 


I 1 


I ' 1 

1 1 1 

1960 1962 



1968 i' 

There were other improvements in the capital account 
that were not directly related to the balance-of-pay- 
ments program. By the end of September, foreigners 
had already purchased $1.2 billion (net) of American 
securities in the open market (in addition to the $1.6 
biUion of new issues previously mentioned). In aU of 
1967, foreign purchases in the market amounted to only 
$0.6 billion, as a $450 million liquidation of holdings by 
the United Kingdom held down the total. The greater 
foreign interest in U.S. stocks and bonds during 1968 
can be attributed to rising prices of U.S. equities and 
high yields on U.S. bonds, as well as to political devel- 
opments in France and Czechoslovakia that made 
European securities seem less attractive. Moreover, 
long-term forces continued to work, including the basic 
strength of the U.S. economy, the growing affluence of 
other countries, and the shortage of foreign corporate 

A major inflow of liquid funds resulted from borrow- 
ings by American banks from their foreign branches. 
During 1968, these borrowings increased by $1.8 bUlion, 
compared with only $200 million In 1967. The major 
causes of this increase were the existence of relatively 
tight monetary conditions in the United States and 
fears about the stability of some European currencies. 
American banks also seem to be strengthening their ties 
to the European money market, giving them access to 
additional sources of funds. 

The U.S. Government increased its special financing 
arrangements during the year. In part, this increase 
resulted from greater efforts to obtain military offsets 
or neutralizations in Une with the President's program. 
Some portion also resulted from a bilateral agreement 
with Canada whereby that country was exempted from 
the mandatory controls on direct investments. 


Economic Outlook for 1969 


The capital account improved markedly, swinging 
from a net outflow on private account of $2.2 billion In 
1967 to a net inflow of $5.2 biUion in 1968 (first 3 
quarters at annual rate). The new balanee-of-payments 
programs had their major impact on the capital account. 
Mandatory controls on foreign direct investment, im- 
posed January 1, 1968, greatly stimulated efforts by 
American firms to raise money abroad. During the first 
9 months of 1968, $1.6 billion of new U.S. corporate 
securities were sold abroad to finance foreign invest- 
ments, compared with less than $500 million during all 
of 1967. Firms also borrowed other funds totaling $0.7 
billion, about twice the total for 1967. These borrowings 
permitted direct investment abroad to increase slightly, 
apparently proceeding in accordance with original 
intentions. Thus the target of $1 billion of balance-of- 
payments savings from the controls over direct invest- 
ment was achieved without reducing American partici- 
pation in the economies of other countries. 

Operating under new directives issued by the Federal 
Reserve Board, American banks reduced their claims 
on foreigners by $300 million during the first 9 months 
of 1968, compared with an increase of about $500 mil- 
lion during 1967. The swing of $800 million in bank 
lending exceeded the target of $500 million set in the 
January program. 


With the anticipated slowing of economic growth, 
only a modest increase in imports is expected in 1969. 
The special strike situations which adversely affected 
trade in 1968 should not be repeated, although new 
problems of this kind could arise. Continuation of the 
rising trend in earnings on foreign investment should 
be another source of improvement in our current ac- 
count position. 

U.S. exports should increase in line with the expan- 
sion of foreign markets. The restrictive measures taken 
by France and the United Kingdom to safeguard their 
payments positions have reduced our export prospects, 
but these are likely to be offset by the German measures 
in the opposite direction. 

The capital account is unlikely to show improve- 
ment, and indeed may deteriorate. The restraint on 
bank lending cannot provide another large swing in 
net loans. Foreign purchases of U.S. securities can 
hardly be expected to continue at present rates. Even 
more important will be the state of financial markets 
at home and abroad. If European monetary conditions 
remain fairly relaxed relative to those prevailing in 
the United States, capital inflows can be expected — 
even if not on the same scale as in 1968. 

In view of the uncertain prospects for the balance 
of payments, the measures for controlling capital move- 



ments must be maintained for the present. The Interest 
Equalization Tax which expires at mid-year must be 
continued to assure against a major rise of new foreign 
security issues in the United States. Moreover, the pro- 
gram for controlling bank lending and the direct in- 
vestment controls should be maintained. Both have 
been modified to make them more responsive to needs 
and more equitable. While further modifications will 
be possible as the balance of payments improves, the 
defenses provided by these programs cannot be lowered 
without risking the destabilizing effects of substantial 
refinancing of previous years' borrowings. Ultimate dis- 
mantling of the controls should proceed as soon as this 
can be accomplished without impairing the strength of 
the dollar. 


In the past two decades, enormous progress has been 
made in building a closely knit international economy. 
Remarkable growth in the volume of international 
commerce has gone hand in hand with sustained world 
prosperity ; each has contributed to the other. At times, 
deep and obvious strains in the international monetary 
system have imperiled this progress, but these financial 
difficulties have been weathered without a serious set- 
back in economic growth or world trade. 

The world economy emerged from the Second World 
War in a gravely weakened state, with many countries 
suffering severely from war damage. International 
trade was disrupted, and exchange controls and bi- 
lateral trading arrangements were the order of the 
day. However, the recuperative strength of the Euro- 
pean nations, assisted by U.S. aid, resulted in rapid 
economic recovery. 

During the 1950's, the increasingly prosperous coun- 
tries of western Europe liberalized trade and capital 
movements substantially. Meanwhile U.S. capital ex- 
ports promoted economic growth abroad, and our bal- 
ance-of-payments deficits contributed to a desirable 
expansion of world monetary reserves. 

However, by the end of the 1950's, U.S. deficits were 
beginning to cause concern. A nagging question was 
raised : Did the international monetary system require 
continuous U.S. deficits and an intolerable, persistent 
weakening of the reserve position of the United States 
if serious reserve inadequacies for other countries were 
to be avoided? 

The growth of world trade and Income has contin- 
ued — indeed, has accelerated — during the 1960's. But 
there have been periodic monetary disturbances asso- 
ciated with expected or feared realignments of ex- 
change rates. While financial oflBcials have shown 
wisdom and ingenuity in modifying and strengthening 
the international monetary system, important problems 
remain. Recent major financial disturbances have em- 
phasized the need for further evolution to insure that 
the system can continue to support growing world 
trade and income. 

This chapter briefly reviews the growth of world 
trade and output and some of the key policy issues re- 
garding our trade relationships with the developed and 
less developed countries. The review is followed by dis- 
cussion of international financial problems and by 
analysis of several current proposals designed to 
strengthen the international monetary system. 

Economic Growth and World Trade 

In the years since the Second World War growth has 
come to be accepted as a normal feature of the world 
economy. It is easy to forget that this was not the case 
in earlier periods. The depression years of the 1930's 
present a particularly sharp contrast. But by any his- 
torical comparison, the economic progress of the last 
20 years is unprecedented. 

World income has more than doubled since 1950. In 
the fifties, growth was especially rapid In the western 
European countries, while in recent years the United 
States has grown more vigorously (Table 12). Japan 
has experienced rapid and sustained growth through- 
out the period. 

With their more rapid population growth, the less 
developed countries, taken together, have experienced 
a slower growth of per capita income than have the 
developed countries, even though total income has 
grown at about the same rate in both groups of coun- 
tries. Growth of per capita income has varied widely 
among the less developed countries, in recent years 
ranging from high rates for Iran, Korea, Taiwan, and 
Thailand to virtual stagnation or even decline for some 
parts of Asia and Latin America. 


The rapid growth of recent decades has contributed 
much to the increase in the world trade (Table 13). A 
continuing reduction in trade barriers has also stimu- 
lated trade. As a result of six multilateral trade 
negotiations within the framework of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), levels of 
protection have been repeatedly lowered during the 
past 20 years. As the staged tariff reductions negotiated 
during the recent Kennedy Round are completed during 
the next 3 years, this downward trend will continue. 
Even after these reductions, tariffs will remain a sig- 
nificant barrier to trade and further efforts will be 
required to reduce them. 

Nontariff Barriers 

As tariffs have been reduced, other barriers to trade 
have increased in relative importance. Nontariff bar- 
riers have been adopted for a variety of reasons. For 
example, some import quotas are surviving remnants 
of supposedly temporary restrictions imposed by cer- 
tain countries during periods of balance-of-payments 
difficulties, as permitted under the rules of the GATT. 
Other barriers result from domestic laws aimed at 
protecting consumers, such as sanitary and health regu- 
lations. Government procurement policies discriminat- 
ing in favor of domestic producers are another form 
of nontariff barrier and are at times a serious impedi- 
ment to international competition for government 

While protection on industrial goods has been re- 
duced In recent years, restrictions on agricultural 
trade, including tariffs, have risen. These barriers are 
of particular concern to the United States because they 
have proven to be a major hindrance to U.S. agricul- 
tural exports. 

The GATT rules are interpreted as permitting a 
country to exempt exports from indirect taxes and to 
impose on Imports a charge equivalent to these indirect 
taxes. Countries such as the United States that rely 
heavily on income or other direct taxes may suffer a 

FEBRTJART 3, 1969 


Ta ble 12.— Orowth of gross national product in developed 
and less developed countries, 19B0-€7 

[Percentage change per year] 

Total real GNP 

Per capita 
real GNP 

Region and country 















United States . 


Europe * 



Other countries' 



Less developed countries' 


Near East' 



East Asia - 




' Excludes Spain, Greece, and Turkey. 

' European Economic Community (EEC) consists of Belgium, Lux- 
embourg, France, Germany (Federal Republic and West Berlin), Italy, 
and Netherlands. 

! Consists of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and 

' Change from 1952 to 1965. 

' Estimates based on countries for which data are available. 

• Includes Greece and Turkey. 

' Not available. 

Note.— Data exclude U.S.S.R., 
Mainland China, and Cuba. 

other East European countries. 

Source: Agency for International Development. 

Tabl,e 13.— Qroioth of world exports, 195t-e7 
[Percentage change per year] 

Region and country 







World total 







Industrialized countries' 


Other developed countries' 



Other Western Hemisphere 

Middle East 




Africa excluding South Africa 

Other countries 


By type of export: 

Selected exporters of manu- 



Other less developed countries. 


' Includes United States, United Kingdom, industrial Europe, 
Canada, and Japan. 
' Includes other Europe, AustraUa, New Zealand, and South Africa. 
' Includes Israel. Hong Kong, and Taiwan. 
' Includes Iran, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, and Kuwait. 

Note.— Data include Yugoslavia, but exclude U.S.S.R., other East 
European countries. Mainland China, and Cuba. 

SotJBCE: International Monetary Fund. 

disadvantage, since similar "border adjustments" are 
not permitted for direct taxes. This urgent problem is 
under intensive discussion with our trading partners. 

Work on other nontariff barriers is going forward 
in the GATT. Continuing and concerted efforts are 
necessary both for the United States and for its trad- 
ing partners. Meaningful negotiations require that the 
United States as well as foreign countries be prepared 
to make concessions. 

The barrier maintained by the United States that is 
of greatest concern to our trading partners is the 
"American Selling Price" provision. Under this prac- 
tice, applicable to certain benzenoid chemicals and a 
few other goods, tariffs are based on the prices of do- 
mestic products rather than actual prices of imports. 

During the Kennedy Round, conditional agreement 
was reached for the United States to eliminate this 
provision, in return for commitments by others to un- 
dertake additional reductions in tariffs on chemicals. 
In addition, Belgium, France, Italy, Switzerland, and 
the United Kingdom agreed, as part of the package, 
to modify certain of their nontariff barriers. Legisla- 
tion to eliminate the American Selling Price provision 
would permit this significant agreement to be carried 

Adjustment Assistance 

The Trade Expansion Act of 1962 provided for ad- 
justment assistance to those injured by tariff reduc- 
tions. It recognized that, because the gains from trade 
are widely distributed to the consuming public, the 
Nation as a whole should share the costs of adjust- 
ment associated with trade liberalization. In practice, 
however, the criteria of the Act have proved too rigor- 
ous. In no actual case has it been possible to demon- 
strate, as required, both that tariff reductions have 
been the major cause of an increase in imports and 
that the increase in imports has been the major cause 
of serious injury to an industry, firm, or group of 
workers. Legislative modification of these criteria Is 
required in order to establish an effective program of 
adjustment assistance. 


International trade and capital transfers have made 
important contributions to the growth of many less 
developed countries during the postwar period, and 
they will have a major role to play in the future. 

As shown in Table 13, less developed countries have 
not shared fully in the growth of world trade. Apart 
from a few countries which export manufactured goods 
or petroleum, exports of the less developed countries 
have grown only about half as rapidly since 1952 as 
those of developed nations. 

Most of the less developed countries depend heavily 
on export earnings from the sale of primary products. 
These products are subject to marked year-to-year price 
fluctuations and in some cases to declining price 
trends, making them a highly unreliable source of 
foreign exchange. Some experts have proposed formal 
international commodity agreements aimed at chang- 
ing market price behavior. While some commodity 
agreements are already in existence, they have not 
provided a complete solution, and few additional com- 
modities nppe.Tr suited to such agreements. Additional 
borrowing arrangements to compensate for shortfalls 
in export earnings, similar to the facility established by 



the International Monetary Fund (IMP) in 1963, have 
also been suggested. The staffs of the IMF and the 
World Bank have been studying the problem of volatile 
export receipts and are expected to report soon on the 
additional part these two institutions might play in 
arrangements to increase the stability of foreign 
exchange inflows to primary producers. 

Tariff Preferences 

In the long run, dependence of the less developed 
countries on primary products can be lessened through 
increased exports of manufactured goods. The ad- 
vanced countries can assist in this process by removing 
some of their current restrictions on imports of those 
manufactured and semimanufactured goods of par- 
ticular interest to less developed countries. Since 
further general tariff reductions seem unlikely in the 
immediate future, the granting of tariff preferences 
to less developed countries may represent a way of 
achieving a more rapid reduction of these barriers. 

The 1968 United Nations Conference on Trade and 
Development (UNCTAD) unanimously endorsed the 
early establishment of a system of generalized non- 
reciprocal tariff preferences for less developed coun- 
tries. The United States and other developed nations 
are now engaged in discussions to determine whether 
a mutually acceptable system can be devised. 

A generalized tariff preference system would help 
the less developed countries, but it would be only a 
modest step toward meeting their total foreign ex- 
change needs. The developed countries are likely to 
insist on excluding certain products from the prefer- 
ence scheme, and trade in other commodities will con- 
tinue to be restricted by quotas and other nontariff 
barriers. Furthermore, the initial benefits of the 
preference scheme would go largely to the minority of 
less developed countries that have already begun to 
export manufactured goods. 

Foreign, Aid 

The experience of the 1950's and the 1960's has dem- 
onstrated the value of foreign assistance in promoting 
economic development. Foreign capital and technical 
assistance from both public and private sources have 
been significant factors in the highly sueces.sful devel- 
opment efforts of such countries as Greece, Israel, 
Korea, Mexico, Pakistan, and Taiwan. 

While the total volume of foreign assistance has 
been growing during the 1960's, it has not kept pace 
with the rising ability of the less developed countries 
to make efficient use of such funds. Foreign assistance 
expenditures by the United States rose sharply In 
fiscal 1962 but have not increased significantly since 
then. Unless the recent declining trend in appropria- 
tions is reversed, expenditures must ultimately 

The International Development Association, an 
affiliate of the World Bank, was established in 1960 to 
make credits available to developing countries on lib- 
eral terms. It has been an effective channel of multi- 
lateral assistance, of which the United States has 
been a major proponent. However, its resources have 
been largely exhausted and replenishment is essential. 
It is important that the United States authorize its 
contribution promptly, because the contributions of 
other countries depend on the U.S. deci.sion. 

The Bretton Woods System 

The rapid growth in the world economy in the post- 
war period has been built on a greatly improved finan- 
cial base. At the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference, the 
major industrial countries created through the IMF an 
international monetary system based on pegged ex- 
change rates. The system has been strengthened by the 
great strides in cooperation in the IMF and in other 
institutions such as the Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the Bank 
for International Settlements (BIS). 

This cooperation has paid handsome dividends in 
times of crisis. International understanding, carefully 
nurtured during periods of calm, has permitted the 
multilateral assessment of problems and the determin- 
ation of mutually acceptable solutions. This was well 
illustrated in March 1968, when decisions taken with 
respect to the private gold market ended the immediate 
threat to stability and basically strengthened the sys- 
tem. At times of severe strain, such as the British 
devaluation in 1967, international cooperation has 
contained crises and prevented chain reactions. 

To be sure, the international monetary system has 
had its problems. Crises have occurred all too fre- 
quently. Yet the system has consistently been able to 
meet the needs of the day, it has evolved and adapted, 
and it can be strengthened further to meet the remain- 
ing strains. While con.serving proven arrangements, 
governments seem increasingly ready to consider addi- 
tional improvement.s. Proposed evolutionary changes 
require careful study and deliberation, based on wide- 
spread oflicial and public discussions. It is particularly 
important that these involve the bankers and traders 
who would be directly affected. The following discus- 
sion is intended to contribute to such a dialogue, rather 
than to make specific recommendations. 

International monetary disturbances have entered 
around three interrelated problems : adjustment, con- 
fidence, and liquidity. 

"Adjustment" is the process of reestablishing 
balance-of-payments equilibrium when a country is 
substantially out of balance. An adjustment problem 
exists when the relevant forces and policies are either 
too weak to reestablish equilibrium within a reason- 
able period or Involve domestic or international 
effects that are inordinately costly. 

"Confidence" refers to the willingness to hold mone- 
tary assets. A problem arises when holders either be- 
come dissatisfied with the safety of some of these 
assets or see the po.ssibllity of profit in switching them 
abruptly into a different form. This problem is re- 
lated to adjustment : dissatisfaction with a currency 
often reflects a lack of faith in the ability of the 
issuing country to eliminate its balance-of-payments 
difficulty without resort to a change in its exchange 

"Liquidity" relates to international monetary re- 
serves which are held by countries to finance tempo- 
rary balance-of-payments deficits. If world reserves 
are too low or too high, or if their rate of growth is 
inadequate or excessive, a liquidity problem exists. 
Liquidity needs are closely related to adjustment : the 
less rapidly and effectively the adjustment process 
works, the higher the level of reserves needed to 
finance temporary balance-of-payments deficits, and 
the less likely it is that any given level of reserves 
will be adequate. 

FEBRUAKY 3, 1969 


The Liquidity Problem 

A country incurs a balance-of-payments deficit 
when its payments to other countries exceed its re- 
ceipts from them, apart from "settlement items" 
required to square accounts. The immediate conse- 
quence of a deficit is that the foreign exchange market 
becomes unbalanced. More of the deficit country's cur- 
rency is supplied than demanded at the existing price 
of the currency, and this wUl depress the price — the 
exchange rate. Because of their commitment to a 
fixed exchange rate, however, central banks intervene 
to limit the fall In the rate. The floor on the exchange 
rate is within 1 percent of the official parity established 
by the country in agreement with the IMF. 

In order to prevent the exchange rate from dropping 
below thi.s floor, a country in deficit must use its for- 
eign exchange reserves to buy the excess supply of 
its own currency. If the coimtry has ample reserves, 
it will have sufficient breathing space to restore equi- 
librium — without resort to policies of excessive 
domestic restraint or direct intervention in external 
transactions. If reserves are scanty, however, pres- 
sures will develop to deal immediately with the deficit, 
even through undesirable means. If a general shortage 
of reserves should occur, economic growth could be 
retarded by widespread deflationary policies, and in- 
ternational trade and investment could be burdened 
by restrictions. On the other hand, excessive amounts 
of reserves could unduly weaken the incentives of 
deficit countries to adjust, thereby encouraging world- 
wide inflation. 


Existing stocks of world reserves include gold, 
foreign exchange, and IMF reserve positions. 

Gold is the largest component of reserves, but gold 
holdings have expanded very little for many years; 
most recently, they have declined. As was discussed 
In the Council's 1968 Annual Report, nonmonetary 
demand for gold seems to be absorbing a substantial 
and increasing share of current new production at 
existing prices. 

The value of oflScial gold reserves would be in- 
creased it the official price of gold were raised. This 
action is explicitly rejected for compelling reasons. 
Although it would immediately increase world re- 
serves, it could not provide the orderly growth of 
reserves needed by the world economy. It would grant 
unearned windfall gains to private speculators, to 
gold producers, and to countries holding their reserves 
mainl.v in gold ; it would encourage speculation ; and 
it would divert scarce resources into the production of 
a metal already adequately supplied for nonmonetary 

The foreign exchange component of reserves grows 
only if the major reserve currency countries, the 
United States and the United Kingdom, incur balance- 
of-payments deficits ; and if surplus countries are will- 
ing to hold more dollars and sterling. Thus, as the 
foreign exchange component of world reserves is ex- 
panded, the liquidity position of the reserve currency 
countries may be undermined. It is generally recog- 
nized that the United States should not run large 
deficits, and policies have been formulated and imple- 
mented for reaching an acceptable payments position. 
The United Kingdom also is determined not to run 
deficits and has in fact designed its economic policy 

to yield balance-of-payments surpluses in order to 
retire external debt. To some extent, such debt repay- 
ments will actually contract world reserves. 

Thus world reserves cannot be expected to grow 
substantially through expansion of official holdings 
of either gold or foreign exchange. Some limited ex- 
pansion through normal IMF lending is to be expected. 
Reserve positions in the Fund are expanded, however, 
only when countries draw on the Fund beyond their 
"gold tranche" or automatic drawing rights. In so 
doing, they accept obligations to repay. The natural 
reluctance of countries to become overeommitted to 
the Fund or to other countries through borrowings 
sharply limits the probable expansion of reserves in 
this form. 


In order to deal with the liquidity problem, steps 
have been taken to create a new international reserve 
asset, the Special Drawing Right (SDR), as discussed 
in the Council's 1968 Annual Report. SDR's will be 
allocated by the IMF to member countries. They will 
be a form of owned reserves, usable for balance-of- 
payments needs without an obligation of repayment. 
Their use is subject only to the reconstitution provi- 
sion, which requires that during the initial 5-year 
period a country's average holdings of SDR's should 
be at least 30 percent of its average net cumulative 
allocation over this period. 

A draft outline of the proposed arrangements for 
issuing SDR's was approved at the 1967 meetings of 
the IMF in Rio de Janeiro ° and subsequently trans- 
lated into legal form by the Executive Directors of 
the Fund. In March 1968, at a meeting in Stockholm 
of Ministers and Central Bank Governors of the major 
industrial countries,' a consensus was reached on an 
amendment to the IMP Articles of Agreement. The 
amendment was subsequently approved by an over- 
whelming majority of the Board of Governors of the 

The amendment was then submitted to member 
countries for ratification, which requires acceptance 
by 67 member countries (total membership is 111) 
having 80 percent of the voting power in the IMF. 
By January 1, 1969, the amendment had been accepted 
by 27 countries representing 47 percent of the voting 
power. Seven countries have taken the further re- 
quired step of depositing with the IMF instruments 
of participation indicating that they are prepared to 
carry out their obligations under the proposed amend- 
ment. The United States, acting with overwhelming 
bipartisan support in the Congress, was the first coun- 
try to complete both of these steps. When participa- 
tion has been certified by member countries having 
75 percent of total IMF quotas, the new facility will 
be established in the Fund. 

Resolving the world liquidity problem requires ac- 
tual creation of SDR's — a major step beyond legal 
establishment of the facility. The basic decisions lie 
ahead — namely when to activate the facility and in 
what amounts. These decisions will require collective 

■^ For background, see Bttlletin of Oct. 23, 1967, 
p. 523. 

'For background, see Buixetin of Apr. 22, 1968, 
p. 525. 



judgment concerning the desired growth of world re- 
serves and the portion of that growth which should 
take the form of Special Drawing Rights. 


The problem of estimating reserve needs has at- 
tracted much interest among economists and govern- 
ment officials in the last few years. The needed volume 
of reserves depends in part on the probable size of 
temporary balance-of-payments deficits which must be 
financed, because this affects the judgment of mone- 
tary authorities ns to the amounts of reserves they 
need to hold. According to findings by the staff of 
the IMF, the magnitude of deficits requiring financing 
has tended to increase at the same rate as the volume 
of world transactions. This suggests that the prospec- 
tive growth of world transactions might be a helpful 
guide to the required growth in reserves. Since trade 
in commodities makes up the largest portion of inter- 
national transactions and is the one mcst reliably 
reported in statistics, it is useful as an indicator of 

The historical relation between the growth of re- 
serves and the growth of trade (measured by imports) 
is depicted in Chart 9. Between 1950 and 1968 imports 
increased 7.6 percent a year, while reserves grew at 
only 2.5 percent a year. Thus, in the aggregate, re- 
serves declined quite substantially in relation to im- 
ports, and probably in relation to the average size of 
deficits. These over-all results are, however, heavily 
influenced by the large net decline in reserves of the 
United States, the world's largest holder. The United 
States was able to give up these reserves because of 
its excess holdings at the beginning of the period. But 
this loss cannot continue. No other country now ap- 
pears to have excess reserves sufiicient to replace the 
United States as a willing and able net loser of 

The relationship between growth of reserves and 
growth of imports is significantly altered when the 
United States is excluded from world totals. Between 
1950 and 1968, reserves of countries other than the 
United States grew 5.6 percent a year, on the average, 
while their imports grew at 7.8 percent. 

Some have suggested that reserves In the future 
should grow at essentially the same rate as world 
transactions — about 8 ijercent a year — to avoid any 
further decline in the ratio of average reserves to 
potential deficits. However, the world economy has 
been able to adapt to reductions in this ratio in the 
past. And a moderate further decline may be appro- 
priate, both because countries should have increasing 
access to borrowed reserves and because possible im- 
provements in the adjustment process may reduce the 
need for reserves. 

Some guidance might be derived from the 5.6 percent 
growth rate of reserves experienced between 1950 and 
1968 by countries other than the United States. In 
any case, a major increase from the very slow growth 
of the past 2 years is needed. Whatever the desired 
rate of growth of reserves, its achievement will depend 
mainly on the creation of Special Drawing Rights, 
since other components of total reserves, as noted 
above, are unlikely to expand significantly. 

While it is still too early to make a decision about 
the proper size of the initial issue of SDR's, amounts 

World Trade and Reserves 

BILLIONS OF DOLLARS (rolio scola] 




I I I I I I I I 


J I I I I L 



of $1 billion or $2 biUlon a year — which have been 
used as illustrative examples of SDR creation — appear 
to be inadequate. These amounts imply a rate of re- 
serve growth of only about 1.4 to 2.8 percent. With 
such slow growth, the SDR facility might fail to 
achieve its objective of avoiding a destructive compe- 
tition for reserves. 

The Confidence Problem 

Shifts in confidence can be reflected in two ways : 
through actions initiated in the private economy and 
through actions by governments. Private holders of 
liquid assets constantly adjust the composition of their 
holdings. When they decide to shift from the financial 
assets of one country to those of another — a process 
described for simplicity as shifting from one currency 
to another — either exchange rates or oflicial reserve 
holdings or both are affected. In addition, shifts by 
private holders between currencies and gold can have 
an impact on monetary stability, although the signifi- 
cance of such shifts has been substantially altered by 
the gold accord reached in Washington in March 1968. 


Some shifts by private holders out of one currency 
into another are merely responses to differentials In 
short term interest rates. Other shifts among cui-ren- 
cies may be induced by the expectation of, or anxiety 
about, a change in exchange rates — and thus can be 
viewed as reflecting changes in confidence. Such specu- 
lative movements occur when the payments and reserve 
positions of some countries create significant uncer- 
tainties that exchange parities will remain fixed. Specu- 
lative capital flows can result from direct sales of the 
suspect currency for stronger ones, or through the 
operation of the so-called "leads and lags" mechanism, 
under which normal commercial disbursements denomi- 
nated in foreign currency are accelerated while receipts 

FEBRTJAKT 3, 1969 


denominated in domestic currency are delayed. (This 
was an important element in the 1968 French crisis.) A 
crisis of confidence can severely deplete the monetary 
reserves of a nation. Flows of this kind can be very 
large — up to $1 billion in a .single day. 

Crises resulting from shifts of confidence have oc- 
curred from time to time. At different times in 1968, 
the Canadian dollar, the British pound, and the French 
franc were under downward pressures, and the Ger- 
man mark was subjected to upward pressures. As in- 
ternational businesses and financial institutions have 
matured, additional currencies have been brought into 
wide international use. Thus the number of currencies 
potentially subject to such crises has increased. 

It is quite appropriate that countries should borrow 
reserves, if neces.sary, to deal with temporary emer- 
gencies of this kind. The "swap network" has tradi- 
tionally provided lines of credit among central banks 
for this purpose ; it was expanded and enlarged during 
1968. Further improvements could be made in central 
bank borrowing procedures through a proposal where- 
by speculative funds would be immediately "re- 
cycled" — returned to countries suffering losses from 
countries experiencing gains. 

Even if generous Unes of short term credit are avail- 
able, they leave countries vulnerable, because crises 
may be long lasting. Lenders or borrowers may be re- 
luctant to renew loans, fearing overcommitment. 
Fortunately, in recent years, improvements in coopera- 
tion among the central banks and in the procedures of 
the IMF have reduced such fears. 

However generous borrowing facilities may be, they 
cannot deal fully with a crisis of private confidence 
that arises from a major disequilibrium in the under- 
lying balance-of-payments position of a country. In 
such circumstances, prompt and decisive measures to 
achieve a basic adjustment are the key to the restora- 
tion of confidence. But the requirements for adequate 
adjustment are aggravated when a loss of confidence 
imposes a heavy dizain on reserves. 


Private asset holders may respond to a loss of confi- 
dence in a currency by buying gold rather than other 
currencies, particularly when the choice of a "safe" 
foreign currency is not obvious. Gold speculation is 
rather common in many countries, although not in the 
United States where it is illegal. Private imports of 
gold can be an important channel for currency flight 
and thus become a claim on a country's reserves. 
Furthermore, because the price of gold in the private 
market is sometimes used by speculators as a barom- 
eter of confidence in currencies, increases in that price 
can intensify currency runs. 

While governments still retain some concern over 
private demands for gold, they are now much less di- 
rectly involved than prior to March 1968. For the pre- 
ceding 7 years, countries participating actively in the 
"gold pool" had stabilized the price of gold in the pri- 
vate market in London by buying and selling near the 
oflScial price of ,?3.5 an ounce. In March 1068, these 
countries agreed to discontinue their activities. 

Prior to 1966, the pool was a net purchaser of gold, 
and the resulting additions of gold to monetary re- 
serves strengthened the international monetary system. 
Subsequently, however, the pool became a substantial 
net seller, parting with gold out of monetary stocks to 

keep the price from rising. Following British devalua- 
tion in late 1967, and in the early months of 1968, the 
volume of net gold sales became a serious drain on 
international monetary reserves. Moreover, the market 
took on a highly speculative tone. Several large and 
irregular waves of gold purchases had destabilizing 
domestic monetary effects in certain countries and 
transmitted speculative fever to foreign exchange 

In March, the active gold pool countries agreed to 
cease selling gold in the private market, and agreed 
that purchases of gold from the private market were no 
longer necessary. They obtained the cooperation of 
other central banks in this decision. As a result, the 
international monetary system has been substantially 
insulated from the destabilizing effects of changes in 
the private demand for gold, and gold can no longer be 
drained from monetary stocks into private uses. 


Problems may arise if monetary authorities decide 
to shift their holdings abruptly among the various 
reserve assets. They may shift for political or other 
reasons, but they are often motivated by changes in 
the relative degrees of confidence attaching to the 
future values of these assets. For example, if official 
holders, fearing a sterling devaluation, were to shift 
into dollars, the United Kingdom would be forced to 
give up some of its international reserves. Likewise, if 
official holders of dollars decided to convert them into 
gold, the United States would lose some of its reserves. 
Crises of confidence may feed on themselves; for ex- 
ample, a significant decline in U.K. reserves could 
further weaken the confidence of both official and 
private holders of sterling. 

Shifts out of officially held sterling by sterling area 
countries became a serious problem following the 
British devaluation of November 1967. The great ma- 
jority of the sterling area countries did not devalue 
along with the British ; thus the purchasing power of 
the reserves of sterling holders was reduced in terms 
of their own currencies as well as in dollars. This loss 
led to a movement toward reserve diversification which 
became particularly pronounced in the spring of 1968. 

In recognition that the burden of such reserve diversi- 
fication should not be borne by the British alone, 12 in- 
dustrial countries, including the United States, together 
with the Bank for International Settlements, set up a 
new $2 billion loan facility in September 1968. It was 
designed to provide finance to Britain to replace re- 
serves lost as a result of the decline of sterling balances 
within the sterling area. The BIS will act as an inter- 
mediary and will obtain the required funds by borrow- 
ing in international markets, by accepting reserve 
deposits from central banks of the sterling area, and by 
calling upon standby lines of credit provided by the 
cooperating countries. The United Kingdom has given 
a dollar-value guarantee to the sterling area on eligible 
official sterling reserves, and the sterling-area coun- 
tries in return have Tindertaken to maintain an agreed 
proportion of their reserves in sterling. The new facility 
should go far toward moderating the sterling diversi- 
fication problem. 

Some observers have pointed to the possibility of 
large-scale conversions of dollars into gold by central 
banks. The likelihood of such an abrupt shift of pref- 




erences must, however, be viewed in perspective. There 
are several reasons why countries choose to hold dollars. 
Dollars are useful because they can be readily employed 
in exchange markets and are more easily put to use in 
emergencies than gold. Countries recognize that they 
can convert dollars to gold as they see fit, although they 
may at time.s refrain from gold conversions through a 
cooperative desire not to weaken the international mon- 
etary system b.v reducing total world reserves. Dollars — 
unlike gold — earn interest, and the eflicient American 
money and capital markets make investment easy. 
Thus there is and should continue to be a strong 
demand for dollars by central banks. 

Some central banks have a preference — arising 
mainly from tradition — in favor of gold as a reserve 
asset. They often appear unconcerned about earning 
interest on reserves, perhaps because their income is 
usually turned over to their national treasuries. 

When dollars are acquired by countries with a pref- 
erence for gold from countries with a preference for 
currencies as reserves, conversions into gold may occur. 
This could happen even with no increase in total dollars 
held abroad and no shift in general sentiment toward 
gold or away from the dollar. Furthermore, as world 
reserves grow, there would be a demand for added gold 
if countries attempted to maintain their "traditional" 
ratios of gold to total reserves. However, countries rec- 
ognize that gold will decline as a proportion of total 
world reserves. And as the SDK agreement indicated, 
they seem prepared collectively to adjust the composi- 
tion of their reserve holdings. 

Preferences that now exist among sterling, dollars, 
and gold could become more complicated as SDR's 
are added, thereby creating further possibilities for 
shifts in the composition of reserves. Certain safe- 
guards, however, were provided in the plan : the power 
given the IMF to direct SDR's to various holders was 
designed to prevent inadvertent destabilizing shifts 
from SDR's into other tyi)es of reserves. Furthermore, 
additional SDR's could be created to offset world 
reserve losses arising from shifts among reserve assets. 


It has been suggested that agreement on mutually 
acceptable rules of reserve management might help to 
avoid destabilizing changes in reserve composition. If 
deficit countries used each of their reserve assets in 
proportion to its share in their total holdings, and if 
surplus countries were willing to accept and hold 
different types of reserves in the exact proportions 
made available, the system would be internally con- 
sistent. Before such rules could be endorsed, their work- 
ings would need to be examined and agreed upon in 

A more sweeping suggested reform would be to elimi- 
nate the differences among reserve assets. Coimtries 
could combine all their reserves by depositing them in 
a joint account, which would be drawn upon when re- 
serves were used. Such a scheme was discussed in the 
September 1968 Report of the Subcommittee on In- 
ternational Exchange and Payments, of the Joint 
Economic Committee (JEC) of the Congress. In an 
examiuation of proposals of this kind, many questions 
arise which would require careful study : What would 
be the role of the United States? Would participation 
be voluntary or compulsory? Would countries be per- 

mitted to withdraw from the pool? In view of the 
progress already made in dealing with world liquidity 
and in strengthening international cooperation, how 
urgent is such a major reform? 

The Adjustment Problem 

The Bretton Woods system was designed to correct 
the weaknesses in the international monetary system 
that were apparent in the interwar years. Faced with 
domestic economic collapse during the 1930's, some 
countries attempted, by deliberately undervaluing their 
currencies, to stimulate exports, retard imports, and 
thus add to employment. But one country's gain was 
another country's loss. Competitive devaluations, and 
restrictions on exchange and trade, imposed a heavy 
toll on international commerce. 

The postwar economy was built upon the general 
understanding that full employment would be the tar- 
get of national economic policies, and that this goal 
would be sought primarily through domestic monetary 
and fiscal policies. It was also expected that excessive 
price increases would normally be avoided. In the ab- 
sence of both chronic deflation and chronic inflation, 
continuous balance-of-payments problems were viewed 
as unlikely. The IMF was to help in the adjustment 
process by granting credit to allow countries time to 
adjust without parity changes. 

Provisions were included to put pressure on surplus 
countries to take an appropriate part in the adjustment 
process — for example, the "scarce currency" clause, 
which permits discrimination in trade against persist- 
ent surplus countries whose currencies are formally 
declared to be scarce. Under these conditions, a system 
of stable exchange rates was expected to operate suc- 
cessfully and to stimulate international trade and capi- 
tal movements, while removing the temptation for 
governments to solve domestic problems by external 

Although pegged parities were made the normal oper- 
ating rule of the system, provision was also made for 
changing parities to correct fundamental disequilibria. 
The meaning of "fundamental disequilibrium" was not 
fully clarified, but the expectation at the time was that 
changes in parities would not be unusual. Actually, 
parity changes for developed countries have been rare. 
In part, this is because major countries have been 
reasonably successful in avoiding excesses of inflation 
and deflation ; but it also reflects concern about the 
serious economic and political consequences of 
changes in the parities of major currencies, including 
the possibility of a worldwide chain reaction. Further- 
more, greater freedom for international capital 
transactions has complicated the process of changing 


Despite the real accomplishments of stabilization 
policies, the international economy has been subject to 
disturbances. Some have been caused by the relatively 
mild cyclical fluctuations that have occurred, and 
others by differences among countries in long term 
trends of prices, economic growth, technological ad- 
vance, and import demand. Countries differ with 
respect to the maximum rate of price increase — or 
the maximum volume of idle resources — that they view 
as tolerable. In general, a country incurring price 

FEBRUARY 3, 1969 


increases greater than the average of other countries 
will find its exports becoming less competitive and its 
domestic market more accessible to imports. Countries 
whicii grow particularly rapidly tend to experience 
stronger increases in imports (although they may 
simultaneously improve the competitive position of 
their exports). Or a country may experience long term 
deterioration in its external position if its demand for 
imports is more responsive to income growth than is 
the demand for its exports. factors, singly and 
in combination, have led to some serious imbalances. 

Adjustment problems may reflect, in part, an 
insufBcient growth of global reserves. When over-all 
reserves are growing only slowly, there can be acute 
pressures on deficit countries to adjust. At the same 
time, surplus countries may find that their reserves are 
not accumulating too rapidly; hence they may have 
little incentive to correct their imbalances. A world 
shortage of reserves could particularly complicate the 
adjustment problem of the United States, subjecting it 
to intense pressures from other countries in weak pay- 
ments positions or from countries not satisfied with 
their reserve holdings. The United States might liter- 
ally be prevented from correcting its balanee-of-pay- 
ments deficit, because every improvement in the U.S. 
position would cause some other countries to take pro- 
tective actions to counter any weakening of their own 

There are a number of means open to a country for 
correcting balance-of-payments disequilibria without 
altering its exchange rate. These means differ in speed, 
in effectiveness, and in their side effects. They include 
internal measures such as fiscal and monetary policies, 
together with supporting incomes, manpower, and re- 
gional policies; and direct measures affecting 
international movements of goods, services, or capital. 


Often the domestic policies which would contribute 
to balance-of-payments adjustments are also desirable 
for domestic reasons. Thus if a country faces a bal- 
ance-of-payments deficit and rapidly rising prices, it 
should follow tighter monetary and fiscal measures, 
supported by incomes policy to help restrain wages and 
prices, both to improve its trade balance and to curb 
inflation. Indeed, one argument sometimes made in fa- 
vor of a system of fixed exchange rates is that balance- 
of-payments deficits stiffen the resolve of governments 
to achieve price stability. Conversely, if high levels of 
unemployment are accompanied by payments surpluses, 
expansionary domestic policies are clearly indicated. 

However, a country may face a balance-of-payments 
deficit at a time when domestic demand is not exces- 
sive. It will then be understandably reluctant to attack 
its payments problem by restrictive monetary and fis- 
cal policies. The opposite problem may arise if a pay- 
ments surplus occurs when the domestic situation calls 
for anti-inflationary policies. 

While the situations of surplus and deficit countries 
are symmetrical, incentives to adjust may not be 
equally strong in the two cases. There is no definite 
limit on the accumulation of reserves, so surplus coun- 
tries often are under little pressure to restore equi- 
librium. But for deficit countries whose freedom of ac- 
tion is constrained by a Umited supply of reserves, 
pressures to take corrective action may become inexo- 
rable. If real progress is to be made in achieving a bet- 

ter balance of world payments, it is crucial that surplus 
countries participate in the adjustment process, as was 
indicated in the 1966 Report on the Balance of Pay- 
ments Adjustment Process by Working Party No. 3 
of OECD. 

Changes in the Policy Mix 

There are some opportunities to mitigate conflicts 
between international and domestic goals by altering 
the mix of monetary and fiscal policies. By influencing 
interest rates, monetary policies have direct effects on 
capital flows as weU as on dome.stic demand. If a coun- 
try has a balance-of-payments deficit and a satisfactory 
or inadequate level of domestic demand, fiscal policy 
may be eased and monetary policy simultaneously 
tightened. This combination can, in principle, avoid any 
reduction of internal demand, and capture the benefits 
of tighter money in reducing capital outflows or at- 
tracting foreign capital. Thus it may be possible to 
improve the balance of payments without adding to 
unemployment. The reverse combination of policies 
may be used by countries facing the surplus-inflation 

While changes in the mix of monetary and fiscal 
policy have significant possibilities, and they can be 
reinforced by appropriate incomes and manpower poli- 
cies, such adjustments cannot always be relied upon 
as an escape from major conflicts in objectives. 

Some of the balance-of-payments gains resulting 
from interest rate adjustments may be temporary. A 
change in interest rates may initially cause investors 
to make large adjustments in the composition of their 
existing portfolios of financial assets. Once this initial 
stock adjustment is completed, however, further gains 
from this source may be quite small. 

There are limits on the willingness of countries to 
alter the mix of monetary and fiscal policies. A deficit 
country may hesitate to raise interest rates, fearing 
that such a move would deter capital formation and 
thereby curtail the improvement in productivity that 
may be a basic solution to its balance-of-payments diffi- 
culties. Or high interest rates may be objectionable be- 
cause of their uneven impact on the domestic economy. 
Or a growing level of foreign indebtedness may be un- 
desirable because it will increase the burden of service 

Finally, increases In domestic interest rates may lead 
to higher interest rates abroad. In that event, the dif- 
ferentials between foreign and domestic rates may 
diminish, weakening the impact on capital flow.s. In 
the absence of international coordination of monetary 
policies, efforts by deficit countries to tighten credit 
may lead to a worldwide escalation of interest rates. 
This may not only impede the immediate objectives of 
the deficit countries but may also dampen world eco- 
nomic growth. Clearly, the adjustment mechanism 
could benefit from a continued strengthening of inter- 
national cooperation in this area of policy. 

Thus there are often important limitations on the 
practical scope for adjustments in the monetary-fiscal 
mix as a means of reconciling domestic and interna- 
tional objectives. One important principle stands out. 
In a country with a serious balance-of-payments prob- 
lem, the use of monetary policy for expansionary do- 
mestic purposes may be .severely constrained ; and pri- 
mary reliance may therefore have to be placed on fiscal 
policy to pursue stabilization objectives. In the United 



states and in many other countries, this implies the 
need for greater speed and flexibility in the implemen- 
tation of fiscal measures. 


In the OECD Adjustment Process report, it was rec- 
ognized that fiscal and monetary policies, no matter 
how sliillfuUy combined, cannot always be relied upon 
as the exclusive means of balance-of-payments adjust- 
ment. Given the many goals of economic policy, numer- 
ous instruments are needed. Under some circumstances, 
the report suggests the use of measures directly affect- 
iug international transactions. 

Most countries do make use of specific measures af- 
fecting trade or capital movements as part of their ad- 
justment. These policies may help to reconcile domestic 
and international objectives. Such measures as import 
duties or quotas, export subsidies, changes in border 
taxes, and taxes and prohibitions on international 
capital movements offer opportunities for improving 
the payments balance while avoiding major effects on 
the domestic economy. Some of these measures, such as 
special tariffs and export subsidies, are prohibited by 
the GATT, but their use has at times been sanctioned, 
implicitly or explicitly, so long as they were considered 
temporary. Liliewise, exchange controls on current 
transactions are generally discouraged for countries 
accepting the full obligations of convertibility in the 
IMF, but specific authorizations have been granted 
under emergency conditions. 

Trade Measures 

The only trade measure explicitly condoned by the 
GATT for safeguarding the balance of payments is the 
use of temporary quantitative restrictions. Quotas on 
imports can be a very powerful instrument. But they 
can be very disruptive of normal commercial arrange- 
ments, troublesome to impose and administer, and difii- 
cult to abandon. Over the last few years, developed 
countries have shown a growing preference for the use 
of import surcharges, export subsidies, or combinations 
of the two. 

At times, countries change their normal pattern of 
tax adjustments at the border in an attempt to promote 
balance-of-payments equilibrium. When a deficit coun- 
try is taking only partial advantage of its opportunity 
under the GATT to make border adjustments for do- 
mestic indirect taxes, it can help itself by moving to 
full compensation. However, such action by a surplus 
country conflicts with the policies that should be fol- 
lowed for balance-of-payments adjustment. For ex- 
ample, on January 1 and July 1, 1968, in conjunction 
with an internal tax reform, the German government 
raised its rate of border adjustment. This tended to 
increase the German merchandise surplu-s — much as a 
small devaluation of the mark would have done — and 
at a time when Germany's balance-of-payments posi- 
tion was very strong indeed. 

Another example of a change in a domestic tax which 
permitted an increase in border adjustments was the 
action taken by the French government in November 
1968. A rise in value-added taxes, which are eligible 
under the GATT for border adjustments, was substi- 
tuted for the existing payroll tax, which was not 
eligible. In this case, the aim of the increase in border 

adjustments was to help restore over-all payments 

Also in November, the German government reduced 
by 4 percentage points its border charge on most im- 
ports and its tax rebate on most exports, without any 
corresponding domestic tax changes. This measure was 
taken deliberately to reduce the large German trade 
surplus and had effects somewhat similar to an up- 
ward valuation of the mark. 

When countries resort to trade measures to affect 
their balance-of-payments positions, efforts should be 
made to minimize distortions. General import charges 
imposed by themselves favor production for the do- 
mestic market, thus shrinking the volume of interna- 
tional trade, while general export grants alone undul.v 
favor production for export. When general import 
charges are combined with general export grants at 
the same rate, these two tendencies offset each other, 
with no more distortion of merchandise trade than 
would result from a devaluation. 

Even such a uniform and general combination of 
import charges and export grants would distort the 
choice between merchandise transactions and other in- 
ternational flows, such as tourism. Furthermore, seri- 
ous misallocations could occur if exemptions were 
given individual industries or classes of products. 
Finally, even under the best of circumstances, tem- 
porary trade measures may in practice become em- 
bedded and thus should be used with great caution. 
Nevertheless, this approach may be useful under some 
conditions. It should be explored further to determine 
whether proper safeguards can be established to en- 
sure that equal use is made by surplus and deficit coun- 
tries, and that the goals of liberal commercial policy 
are maintained. 

Capital Account Measures 

All major countries take actions at times to influence 
international capital flows. The techniques employed 
range from special incentives for domestic investment 
to exchange controls and capital issues committees. 
There is some rationale for concentrating on the capi- 
tal account, since fewer basic adju-stments in the allo- 
cation of real resources are required by shifts in finan- 
cial flows than by changes in trade. And measures to 
influence the capital account are generally more easily 
reversed in response to shifting balance-of-payments 

Sometimes, however, restraints on capital movements 
develop into a patchwork of controls that involve major 
administrative difficulties, bear down unevenly and 
inefiiciently on different types of capital flows, and 
create a search for loopholes. The distortions can be 
reduced to the extent that restraints can be applied 
more equally among categories of capital flows and 
interference can be minimized within any particular 

There may be opportunities to make greater use of 
the price system by applying variable taxes to capital 
flows or by auctioning permits to export capital. While 
the allocation of capital might be improved and ad- 
ministrative burdens eased by Innovations in the tech- 
niques of controlling capital flows, any system of major 
restraints is bound to be far from ideal. The possible 
need for temporary direct measures on the capital ac- 
count recognized, but so should the long term 

FEBRUART 3, 196 9 


benefits of greater freedom in capital flows among 


The difliculties of balance-of-payments adjustment 
for deficit countries are evident from the recent ex- 
perience of the United States. In the early 1960's, the 
United States was faced with a payments deficit at a 
time when its economy was operating far below 

The causes of the deficit were numerous. The United 
States was shouldering an extraordinarily large share 
of the burden of providing for the security of the Free 
World and of supplying aid to less developed countries. 
The United States possessed the only large and sophis- 
ticated capital market in which foreigners could bor- 
row freely, and the European countries had advanced 
to the point where they desired capital and could at- 
tract it. Moreover, because of Europe's general eco- 
nomic progress and the formation of the EEC and the 
European Free Trade Association, American companies 
had developed an intense interest in making direct in- 
vestments there. Finally, the U.S. competitive position 
had deteriorated during the 1950's. 

The Over-All Strategy 

In the early 1960's, U.S. domestic needs called for 
expansionary policies, while traditional balance-of- 
payments remedies would have required greater 
restraint on demand. To reconcile this conflict, a 
mixed strategy was followed. It emphasized those ele- 
ments in the domestic expansion which tended to 
improve international competitiveness, together with 
specific measures of a temporary nature to influence 
the external position. The selection of balance-of-pay- 
ments measures reflected several concerns : the deter- 
mination to maintain, as far as possible, liberal poli- 
cies with respect to international trade and capital 
flows ; the desire not to shift problems to countries in 
a weak balance-of-payments position ; and the need 
to maintain the stability of the international monetary 
system, which was so crucially dependent on the 
dollar. Further difficulties in designing appropriate 
balance-of-payments measures arose from uncertainty 
over how much correction was needed, from the unpre- 
dictability of the immediate quantitative impact of 
particular actions, and from the large and uncertain 
"feedback" effects Inherent in the large size of the 
United States. 

Some iwlicies were clearly desirable on all counts, 
such as improving knowledge with respect to export 
prospects, trimming unnecessary government expendi- 
tures abroad, encouraging other industrial countries 
to give larger amounts of aid to less developed coun- 
tries, pressing for a more equitable sharing of military 
burdens, and removing a tax penalty on foreigners 
trading in American securities. 

Reducing the Impact of Government Activities 

A further group of measures to reduce the foreign 
exchange costs of U.S. military and foreign aid 
required more difficult decisions. In principle, savings 
of foreign exchange in the military area could have 
been pursued through three alternative strategies: 
(1) reducing the level of security, (2) obtaining 
increased contributions of military forces from other 
countries, or (3) reducing, offsetting, or neutralizing 


the foreign exchange costs of a maintained level of 
U.S. military effort. The first alternative was ruled 
out. The second was pursued but with little immediate 
prospect of success. Thus the third became the 
approach emphasized in the short run. Domestic pro- 
ducers were given a preference over foreigners in 
supplying defense needs, at some added cost to the 
Federal budget. Foreign governments were urged to 
purchase more of their military equipment in the 
United States. In recent years, special U.S. Treasury 
bonds have been sold to countries to neutralize 
their balance-of-payments inflows from U.S. military 

Reducing the foreign exchange costs of U.S. aid 
presented an equally difficult choice. Either the amount 
of foreign aid had to be reduced, or a method had to 
be found to ensure that more of the money provided by 
the United States was spent in this country. The 
second alternative — aid-tying — was chosen. This tended 
to reduce the effectiveness of a given dollar amoimt 
of aid, but the alternative of slashing the volume of 
aid would have been even more costly to recipient 

Restraining Capital Outflows 

While gains were obtained through these measures 
in the early sixties, the over-all payments problem was 
intensified by a major increase in private capital out- 
flows. Faced with an apparently insatiable demand 
for capital abroad, the United States had the choice 
of raising domestic interest rates enough to price 
foreigners out of our market, of taxing foreign loans 
specifically, or of using direct controls to stop capital 
outflows. The first alternative was inconsistent with 
domestic needs for economic expansion. The second 
alternative was chosen when the Interest Equalization 
Tax (lET) was proposed in 1963. It substantially 
reduced foreign portfolio investments by Americans, 
except new security issues from Canada and invest- 
ments in less developed countries, which were 
exempted. But demand for capital shifted to Ameri- 
can banks, so the lET was extended to longer term 
loans of banks. Other types of bank loans and direct 
investment were not covered by the tax, and these 
forms of capital outflow kept expanding. 

In response to a large outflow of capital at the end 
of 1964, voluntary programs were initiated in February 
1965 to cover the major remaining capital flows. The 
American corporations which were large direct 
investors were asked to help by reducing their capital 
expenditures abroad, by relying on foreign financing 
for a greater share of their investments, or by expand- 
ing reflows of dividends to the United States. Banks 
and other financial Institutions were meanwhile asked 
to follow guidelines established by the Federal Reserve 
Board which suggested quantitative limits on foreign 

Most, if not all, of these measures have been success- 
ful in achieving the objectives for which they were 
designed. The basic balance-of-payments position 
improved through 1964 and 1965, and the liquidity 
deficit was sharply reduced. Further progress was 
interrupted in 1966 b.v the mounting foreign exchange 
costs associated with the vpar in Vietnam and by the 
reduced trade surplus resulting from overly rapid 
domestic expansion. 

Because the U.S. external position deteriorated 



sharply late in 1967 and the stability of the inter- 
national monetary system seemed in serious danger, a 
new set of measures was proposed by the President 
on January 1, 1968. This program included mandatory 
restrictions on foreign direct investment, further 
tightening of the guidelines on lending by banks and 
other financial institutions, and various other steps 
to reduce the deficit. The program was successful. As 
noted in Chapter 1, the balance of payments has 
improved. In particular, American direct investors 
have managed to finance a much greater proportion of 
their investments abroad by foreign borrowing, and 
there has been a net reduction in U.S. bank credit to 
the rest of the world. 

With the exception of more timely action to assure 
adequate domestic restraint in recent years, it is hard 
to see, even in retrospect, any preferable strategies in 
U.S. policies to correct the deficit. The eclectic, ad hoc 
measures that were taken involved certain costs. But 
they maintained the strength of the dollar and the 
health of the world economy. More basic improvements 
lie ahead — pending peace and the restoration of price 

Exchange Rate Adjustments 

An eflicient international adjustment mechanism 
should permit countries to choose their own domestic 
economic targets for growth, employment, and price- 
cost performance. Policies that restore balance at home 
should not lead to pressures on the international ac- 
counts — in the form of either excessive accumulation or 
rapid depletion of reserves. 

Suggestions have been put forward for amending the 
adjustment mechanism to lessen the conflict between 
domestic and balance-of-payments objectives. It is 
claimed by some that greater reliance on changes in 
exchange rates would work in this direction. 


Present IMF rules provide for adjustments of ex- 
change parities as a means of correcting a fundamental 
disequilibrium. In practice, however, the process of 
exchange rate adjustment may involve major difli- 
eulties ; and in consequence, there is often extreme 
reluctance to change exchange rates even when balance 
of-payments difiiculties are severe. 

To illustrate, the currency of a country with a large 
and persistent deficit will become widely recognized as 
a candidate for devaluation and this may touch off a 
crisis in private confidence, as discussed above. Specu- 
lation based on the prospect of devaluation will aggra- 
vate the initial balance-of-payments difficulties and 
increase the outflow of reserves. To discourage such 
speculation, governments tend to make categorical 
assertions that devaluation is not being considered ; 
once such assertions have been made, it becomes a 
matter of national pride and political reputation to 
maintain the parity. 

Furthermore, an actual adjustment in an exchange 
rate may generate the expectation of a further change ; 
once an exchange parity has been adjusted, a second 
adjustment seems less unthinkable. Fear of such a per- 
verse reaction may cause a country to depreciate by an 
excessive amount in the first instance. This may lead 
other countries to devalue also, thus reducing the poten- 

tial balance-of-payments gain of the initiating country. 
Such a chain reaction can severely disrupt foreign ex- 
change markets. Thus the difficulties associated with 
parity adjustments have at times driven countries to 
commit themselves to existing parities in all hut the 
most extreme situations. 


A number of suggestions — ranging from minor adjust- 
ments to far-reaching changes — have been made for 
altering the current exchange rate arrangements of the 

The most sweeping change, advocated primarily by 
some academic economists, would be to abandon the 
pegged exchange system in favor of "floating rates," 
completely free to fluctuate in response to market 

In contrast, other proposals call for a modest widen- 
ing of the existing 1 percent limit on fluctuations of 
rates on either side of parity. Still another type of pro- 
posal would provide for small but frequent changes in 

Each of the proposals is intended to make adjust- 
ments in exchange rates a more acceptable and effective 
means of correcting payments imbalances, and to re- 
duce the speculative disturbances that sometimes de- 
velop under the present system. Opinions differ widely 
over the probable effects of the various proposals; 
intensive study would be required before serious con- 
sideration could be given to the adoption of any of them. 
The dramatic advances in world trade and prosperity 
achieved under the present system provide a strong case 
for conservatism in considering innovations ; at the 
same time, the recurrence of financial strains has 
aroused widespread interest in possible amendments to 
the system. 

In general, the wider the latitude for changes in ex- 
change rates, the greater would be the amount of adjust- 
ment provided ; but also the greater would be the uncer- 
tainty of those engaged in international commerce and 
the possibility of a disturbance to trade and investment 

Floating Rates 

While a system of floating exchange rates would en- 
sure essentially automatic adjustment to balance-of- 
payments disturbances, serious questions arise about 
its operation. 

Advocates of flexible exchange rates are divided on 
whether official intervention in exchange markets 
should be permitted. A complete ban on official inter- 
vention would be a very radical change, obviating any 
need for central banks to hold international reserves. 
Exchange rates might fluctuate quite widely, causing 
substantial uncertainty. If, on the other hand, official 
intervention were permitted under a system of floating 
rates, it might smooth out transitory fluctuations in 
exchange rates, but it would open up the danger of ex- 
change rate manipulation. For example, a government 
might wish to drive down the price of its currency in 
order to strengthen the competitive position of Its 
exports. It is difficult to devise rules which would per- 
mit desirable smoothing and yet ban manipulation. 

In general, fluctuating exchange rates would require 
shifts of resources among industries that export, those 
that compete with imports, and others, as relative 

FEBRUARY 3, 19 69 


prices in world markets reflected changes in exchange 
rates. Moreover, uncertainty about future exchange 
rates would concern international traders and investors. 
The.v could obtain some insurance by entering forward 
exchange markets, buying or selling foreign currencies 
at definite prices for delivery at some specified future 
date. But such forward transactions might be quite ex- 
pensive and thus add to the costs of world trade. Fur- 
thermore, international investors might not be able to 
satisfy their needs for protection in forward exchange 
markets, given the long time horizon of many capital 

Advocates of floating exchange rates believe that the 
benefits outweigh the costs of these uncertainties. They 
point out that uncertainty about exchange rates is not 
unique to a system of floating rates. Indeed, no fea.sible 
international system can guarantee against exchange 
rate adjustments. Moreover, they emphasize that inter- 
national businessmen live with many uncertainties, 
both political and commercial. Finally, it is their con- 
tention — not universally accepted — that, under float- 
ing rates, there would be an easing of pressures for ex- 
change controls and trade barriers. 

The adoption of floating exchange rates would con- 
stitute a drastic change in the international monetary 
system. If the present system were functioning very 
badly and if no other possibility of reform were avail- 
able, there might be a compelling argument for adopting 
this one ; but such is not the case. 

Wider Bands 

Under present arrangements, day-to-day market pres- 
sures can be reflected in small fluctuations of each 
exchange rate within a narrow band. Central banks of 
countries other than the United States intervene in 
the market by buying and selling foreign exchange to 
keep the dollar prices of their currencies within 1 per- 
cent or less of established parities. The United States 
rounds out the system by selling and buying gold in 
dealings with central banks at $35 an ounce. Proposals 
have been made by the JEC Subcommittee on Interna- 
tional Payments and by others to introduce greater 
flexibility of rates by widening the permissible band of 
fluctuation around the par value. With a band of 2 
percent on either side of jiarity, the exchange rate be- 
tween two nondollar currencies could change by as much 
as 8 percent. Suggestions for a wider band, like other 
proposals for greater flexibility in exchange rates, are 
not directed at the oflicial price of gold. The latter is not 
an exchange rate. There is no need whatsoever for it 
to be altered to accommodate greater flexibility of 
exchange rates. 

A widening of exchange rate bands could contribute 
to the adjustment process. The currency of a country 
with an incipient deficit would fall in price, thus mak- 
ing imports more expensive and lowering the cost of 
exports to buyers in world markets. Imports would be 
discouraged and exports stimulated, strengthening the 
balance of payments. If the exchange rate approached 
the floor with its future course expected to be upward, 
the stimulus might be particularly strong ; there would 
be an incentive to take advantage of the temporary low 
price of the country's exports. 

Advocates of a wider band believe that it might deter 
speculative runs in two ways. First, the additional 
adjustment permitted by the wider band might make 
discrete changes in parities appear less likely, thus re- 

ducing uncertainty. Second, a wider band would in- 
crease the potential loss on a "wrong bet" against a 
currency. Under the present narrow band, the specula- 
tor has relatively little to lose if he bets against a ciir- 
rency and it is not in fact devalued. With a wider band, 
the risk of loss would be increased, because a currency 
that was initially under pressure could experience a 
larger rebound in price. There is, however, no con- 
crete basis for estimating the extent to which these 
features would deter speculation. 

The wider the band is made, the greater the potential 
uncertainty about the course of exchange rates, but 
also the greater the amount of balance-of-payments 
adjustment which may take place within the band. In 
an evaluation of a wider band, these conflicting con- 
siderations would have to be weighed in determining 
its optimum width. A very wide band comes close to a 
floating exchange rate and thus shares the shortcomings 
of this drastic reform. A small widening of the band, 
on the other hand, might not markedly reduce the need 
for, and the expectation of, discrete changes in parity. 

Gradual Adjustment of Parities 

The evolution toward greater exchange rate flexibil- 
ity could involve a gradual, limited adjustment of 
exchange parities. Two forms of the so-called "crawling 
peg" have been proposed, one discretionary and one 

Under the discretionary variant, a country in dis- 
equilibrium would no longer make one substantial 
change in its parity, but rather would announce a rate 
of increase (or decrease) in its parity of some specified 
small percentage per month, until further notice. Once 
the desired effect had been attained, the country would 
halt the process. This might make the transition to an 
equilibrium parity easier, and perhaps curb specula- 
tion. Its effect on the political ob.stacles to changes in 
parities is not entirely clear; governments might find 
it just as painful to announce a parity change in a 
series of small steps as in a single abrupt one. The 
discretionary crawling peg might therefore be used no 
more frequently than the present "adjustable peg." 

The automatic form of gradual adjustment would 
remove parities from the direct control of individual 
countries. Under one variant, the parity on any business 
day would be the average of the actual exchange rates 
over the preceding 12 months (or some other suitable 
period). The actual exchange rate would be within a 
band around the parity prevailing on that day, with 
oflicial intervention permitted only at the floor or ceil- 
ing. For a period of 1 year and a band of 1 percent, 
the largest possible change in the parity — attained only 
if a currency were continuously at its floor or ceiling — 
would be 2 percent a year. Larger or smaller potential 
changes could be permitted by adopting a different 
period for calculating the moving average, or by alter- 
ing the width of the band. Again an optimum choice 
would depend upon the importance of certainty about 
future exchange rates, on the one hand, and on the 
speed of balance-of-payments adjustment to be 
permitted through the crawling peg, on the other. 

Unlike fully flexible rates, the crawling peg would 
not be intended to offset all cyclical and random fluctu- 
ations in international transactions ; but, unlike a 
widening of the band, it would permit sizable changes 
in exchange rates over the long run. Thus it could 
coi)e with the problem of modest trends in the equi- 



librium values of currencies resulting from divergent 
national trends of prices, economic growth, export 
supply, import demand, or investment flows. 

It might seem that, if a currency showed fundamental 
weakness and was therefore expected to move down- 
ward for an extended period, speculation would become 
a problem because of the predictability of the exchange 
rate movement. This kind of speculation could, in prin- 
ciple, be avoided by raising interest rates above the 
otherwise prevailing level by an amount equal to the 
anticipated rate of downward crawl of the currency. 
The exchange gain from moving out of the currency 
would then be offset by the loss of interest. Such 
changes in interest rates might, however, necessitate 
offsetting adjustments in fiscal policy and, as discussed 
earlier, marked changes in the policy mix are some- 
times diflSeult to achieve. Limits on tolerable interest 
rate changes would thus be one constraint on the speed 
of parity adjustment which could be permitted in such 
a system. 

The various proposed modifications in the exchange 
rate system raise many difficult technical issues, and 
clearly a proper evaluation of these proposals must be 
preceded by a great deal of careful study. 


By far the most important attribute of the postwar 
international economy has been steady and rapid 
growth. The spectacular nature of recent international 
monetary disturbances should not obscure the mighty 
contribution that the international economic system 
has made to world prosperity. Worldwide flows of 
goods and investments have been the cornerstones on 
which the prosperity of many nations has rested ; at 
the same time, the growth of national economies has 
made possible the tremendous increases in world trade 
and international investment. 

Trade is the center of the international economic 
system, and it cannot prcsper in the face of highly 
restrictive national policies. Only a continuous chipping 
away at tariffs and other trade barriers can provide 
assurance against backsliding. Pressures for protection 
must be successfully resisted. 

The fruits of unprecedented prosperity are still not 
being fully shared by many nations in Africa, Asia, 
the Middle East, and Latin America. The future growth 
of these nations must be built primarily on the skills. 
Intelligence, and labor of their citizens. But the devel- 
oped countries must facilitate the process by providing 
technical assistance, capital resources, and access to 

The international monetary system established at 
Bretton Woods and developed through the years has 
made a major contribution to international economic 
growth. This system has served the world well, but it 
has increasingly been subject to serious strains. 

To ensure the continuing smooth operation of the 
monetary system, work must go forward on the prob- 
lems of liquidity, confidence, and adjustment. Great 
progress has been made in recent years as exemplified 
by the agreement creating Special Drawing Rights. 
This achievement required careful study and long 
negotiations. Similar extensive efforts will be needed in 
the future if progress is to be maintained, but the 
prospects for eventual success are bright. 

Annual Report on Foreign Assistance 
Program Transmitted to Congress 

President Johnson's Letter of Transmittal ^ 

To the Congress of the United States: 

I am proud to transmit the Annual Keport 
on the Foreign Assistance Program for Fiscal 
Year 1968. 

The year's most significant development was 
the sharpened focus of our aid program on the 
priority problems of food and population. 

During the 12 months covered by this report, 
major breakthroughs in food production oc- 
curred in the less developed coimtries. 

— Record harvests were achieved in Pakistan, 
Turkey, and the Philippines. In India food 
grain harvests jumped to nearly 100 million 
tons, 10 percent above the previous record. 

— Total food output in the developing coun- 
tries rose 7 percent, the largest increase on 

United States economic aid played a major 
role in this Green Revolution. Our programs 
encouraged more effective farm price policies, 
helped to extend irrigation and establish farm 
credit systems, and provided technical assist- 
ance, fertilizer, pesticides and tools that farm- 
ers need to take full advantage of the new 
"miracle" seeds. 

Many less developed nations are now estab- 
lishing family planning programs. During fis- 
cal 1968 the Agency for International Develop- 
ment committed $35 -million to help them carry 
out these programs. Tliis was nine times more 
than AID devoted to population programs dur- 
ing the previous year. 

This report records the continuing concentra- 
tion of American aid in relatively few covm- 
tries where it can be most effectively used to 
help others help themselves. Fifteen nations ac- 
counted for 84 percent of total economic com- 
mitments by AID during the year. They were 
Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Dominican Republic, 
India, Indonesia, Korea, Laos, Nicaragua, Ni- 
geria, Pakistan, Panama, Thailand, Turkey, 
and Vietnam. 

Another country, Iran, achieved self-support 

^ H. Doc. 91-23 ; copies of the 85-page report are for 
sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 (45 

FEBRXTAET 3, 1969 


during the fiscal year and the United States 
AID mission there was formally closed. 

Among the most helpful signs of our times 
are the breakthroughs being made by the less 
developed countries in food production, and the 
programs they have launched in the field of 
family plamiing. 

It is our responsibility — and the responsibil- 
ity of other more developed nations— to give 
their efforts firm support through our foreign 
assistance program. To do less would be to court 
catastrophe in a world gi-owing smaller day by 


Lyndon B. Johnson 

The White House, 
January 15, 1969. 

Annual Report of the Peace Corps 
Transmitted to Congress 

President Johnson's Letter of Transmittal ^ 

To the Congress of the United States: 

I take pleasure in transmitting to the Con- 
gress the Seventh Annual Report of the Peace 

The statistics of 1968 are impressive by 

— Volunteers began serving in seven new 
comitries, and plans have been set for programs 
in two more. 

— The number of volunteers increased to more 
than 12,000 men and women serving in 59 

But statistics tell only part of the tale. The 
two greatest achievements of 1968 were 

For the first time, host country nationals 
were integrated into the agency's overseas staff. 
They helped to recruit volunteers in the United 
States and to train abroad. They assured the 
pursuit of goals that they had established for 
themselves, not that we might have dictated to 
them. As a result, the Corps became a truly 

effective team effort for international under- 

This report also shows proof of the relevance 
of the Peace Corps to problems we face at home. 
When the Corps began, it boldly promised that 
those who flocked to it for experience abroad 
would return better able to direct the destiny 
of their own country. 

Of the 25,000 volunteers who have come 
home : 

— A third have returned to school for ad- 
vanced degrees. 

— Almost a third of those employed teach in 
inner-city schools, working in jobs that educa- 
tors find difficult to fill. 

— Another third work for Federal, State, and 
local governments. 

So a tour in the Peace Corps has become more 
than a two-year stint helping others ; it has en- 
couraged thousands of youngsters to pursue 
careers in public service. 

This report is a testimony to America's com- 
mitment to the future. I commend it to 3'our 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

The White House, 
January 7, 1969. 

U.S.-Japan Medical Science Program 
Report Transmitted to Congress 

President Johnson's Letter of Transmittal ^ 

To the Congress of the United States: 

I am pleased to send to you the second an- 
nual report of the U.S.-Japan Cooperative 
IMedical Science Program. 

This joint program, undertaken in 1965 fol- 
lowing a meeting between Japanese Prime 
Minister Sat« and myself, is directed against 
serious diseases still too prevalent in Asian 
countries: cholera, tuberculosis, leprosy, virus 
diseases, parasitic diseases, and malnutrition. 
Tliese are diseases which plague the people of 

' Transmitted on Jan. 7 (White House press release). 

'Transmitted on Jan. 16 (White House press re- 
lease) ; for text of the report, see H. Doc. 91-48, 91st 
C!ong., 1st sess. 



that great region, and which threaten our armed 
forces stationed in Southeast Asia. 

Although the Cooperative Medical Science 
Program is not yet tliree years old, we can 
point to substantial progress in research on lep- 
rosy, cholera, and nutrition. 

This report outlines that progress in detail. 

It is heartening testimony to all of us who 
are committed to a better life for the world's 
people, and who believe that in broader inter- 
national cooperation lies mankind's best hope 
for peace. 

Lyndon B. Johnson 

The White House, 
January 16, 1969. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

90th Congress, 2d Session 

Duty on Certain Articles of Alumina, Bauxite, Copper, 
and Cellulosie Plastics. Conference report to accom- 
pany H.R. 7735. H. Rept. 1950. October 3, 1968. 5 pp. 

Renegotiation Amendments Act of 1968, Etc. Confer- 
ence report to accompany H.R. 17324. H. Rept. 1951. 
October 3, 1968. 9 pp. 

Customs Conventions Relating to the Entry of Profes- 
sional Equipment, Containers, and Carnets. Report to 
accompany H.R. 18373. S. Rept. 1618. October 8, 1968. 
5 pp. 

Extension of Temporary Duty Suspension on Certain 
Classifications of Yarn of Silk. Report to accompany 
H.R. 15798. S. Rept. 1619. October 8, 1968. 2 pp. 

Twelfth Annual Report of the President of the United 
States on the Trade Agreements Program for 1967. 
H. Doc. 394. October 8, 1968. 79 pp. 

The Oceans: A Challenging New Frontier. H. Rept. 
1957. October 9, 1968. 128 pp. 

Operation of Article VII, NATO Status of Forces 
Treaty. S. Rept. 1630. October 9, 1968. 18 pp. 

Foreign Military Sales Act. Report to accompany H.R. 
15681. S. Rept. 1632. October 9, 1968. 6 pp. 

Global Communications Satellite System. Report to 
accompany H.R. 18486. S. Rept. 1652. October 9, 1968. 
4 pp. 

Tariff Treatment of Imports of Certain Racehorses, 
Motion Picture Films, and Curling Equipment. Re- 
port to accompany H.R. 15003. S. Rept. 1657. October 
9, 1968. 4 pp. 

Tax Provisions Relating to Distilled Spirits and Tariff 
Classification of Certain Sugars, Sirups, and Molas- 
ses. Report to accompany H.R. 11394. S. Rept. 1659. 
October 9, 1968. 11 pp. 

Increased U.S. Participation in the International De- 
velopment Association. Report to accompany S. 3378. 
S. Rept. 1670. October 11, 1968. 11 pp. 


Current Actions 



Convention on the settlement of investment disputes be- 
tween states and nationals of other states. Done at 
Washington March 18, 1965. Entered into force 
October 14, 1966. TIAS 6090. 
Ratification deposited: Nepal, January 7, 1969. 


Convention on the International Hydrographic Orga- 
nization, with annexes. Done at Monaco May 3, 

Ratification deposited: United Arab Republic, De- 
cember 13, 1968. 

Nuclear Weapons — Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washtngton, London, and Moscow July 1, 

Ratifications deposited at Washington: Cameroon, 
Canada, January 8, 1969. 

Safety at Sea 

Amendments to chapter II of the international conven- 
tion for the safety of life at sea, 1960 (TIAS 5780). 
Adopted at London November 30, 1966.' 
Acceptances deposited: Italy, December 9, 1968; 
Korea, December 6, 1968; Maldive Islands, De- 
cember 20, 1968 ; South Africa, December 2, 1968. 


Agreement on the rescue of astronauts, the return of 
astronauts, and the return of objects laimched into 
outer space. Opened for signature at Washington, 
London, and Moscow April 22, 1968. Entered into 
force December 3, 1968. TIAS 6599. 
Ratification deposited at Washington: Niger, 
January 15, 1969. 


Partial revision of the radio regulations (G«neva, 
1959), as amended (TIAS 4893, 5603, 6332), relating 
to maritime mobile service, with annexes and final 
protocol. Done at Geneva November 3, 1967. Enters 
into force April 1, 1969. TIAS 6590. 
Notifications of approval: Algeria, October 9, 1968 ; 
Austria, October 10, 1968 ; Laos, October 3, 1968 ; 
Luxembourg, November 6, 1968 ; Madagascar, 
October 28, 1968 ; Sweden, October 18, 1968. 
International telecommunication convention, with 
annexes. Done at Montreux November 12, 1965. En- 
tered into force January 1, 1967 ; as to the United 
States May 29, 1967. TIAS 6267. 

* Not in force. 

FEBRUARY 3, 1969 


Ratifications deposited,: Chad, October 30, 1968; 
Italy, October 28, 1968; Kenya, October 25, 1968; 
Morocco, October 17, 1968. 


Sixth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
the texts of the schedules to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 11, 
Acceptance: Nicaragua, November 28, 1968. 

Seventh protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
the texts of the schedules to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva November 30, 
Acceptance: Nicaragua, November 28, 1968. 

Protocol relating to negotiations for the establishment 
of new schedule III — Brazil— to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 
December 31, 1958.' 

Acceptances: Burma, November 14, 1968; Chile, 
September 9, 1968 ; Nicaragua, November 28, 1968. 

Eighth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
the texts of the schedules to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva February 18, 
Acceptance: Nicaragua, November 28, 1968. 

Ninth protocol of rectifications and modifications to 
the texts of the schedules to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva August 17, 
Acceptance: Nicaragua, November 28, 1968. 

Declaration on the provisional accession of the United 
Arab Republic to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. Done at Geneva November 13, 1962. En- 
tered into force January 9, 1963 ; for the United 
States May 3, 1963. TIAS 5309. 
Ratification deposited: Austria, October 9, 1968. 

Protocol amending the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade to introduce a part IV on trade and 
development and to amend annex I. Done at Geneva 
February 8, 1965. Entered into force June 27, 1966. 
TIAS 6139. 

Acceptances: Burma, November 14, 1968; Haiti, 

November 6, 1968 ; Nicaragua, November 28, 1968. 

Ratification deposited: Greece, November 18, 1968. 

Fourth proc^s-verbal extending the declaration on the 
provisional accession of Tunisia to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of November 12, 
1959 (TIAS 4498). Done at Geneva November 14, 
1967. Entered into force December 18, 1967; for the 
United States AprU 2, 1968. TIAS 6484. 
Acceptance: Denmark, December 10, 1968. 

Third procfes-verbal extending the declaration on the 

provisional accession of the United Arab Republic 

to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 

November 13, 1962 (TIAS 5309). Done at Geneva 

November 14, 1967. Entered into force December 27, 


Acceptance: Denmark, December 10, 1968. 

Ratification deposited: Austria, October 9, 1968. 

Fifth procds-verbal extending the declaration on the 
provisional accession of Tunisia to the General 
Agreement ou Tariffs and Trade of November 12, 
19.59 (TIAS 4498). Done at Geneva November 19, 

Entered into force: December 17, 1968. 
Acceptances: Denmark, December 10, 1968; Norway, 
Tunisia, December 17, 1968. 

Fourth proc^s-verbal extending the declaration on the 
provisional accession of the United Arab Republic 
to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 
November 13, 1962 (TIAS 5309). Done at Geneva 
November 19, 1968.' 

Acceptances: Denmark, December 10, 1968; Norway, 
December 17, 1968. 



Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, re- 
lating to the agreement of August 4, 1967 (TIAS 
6314). Signed at Washington January 17, 1969. 
Entered into force January 17, 1969. 


Agreement relating to the recruitment and employment 
of Filipino citizens by the United States military 
forces and contractors of military and civilian 
agencies of the United States in certain areas of the 
Pacific and Southwest Asia. Signed at Manila 
December 28, 1968. Entered into force December 28, 

Trinidad and Tobago 

Agreement extending the convention of December 22, 
1966, as extended (TIAS 6400), for the avoidance of 
double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion 
with respect to taxes on income. Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Port-of-Spain December 12 and 
30, 1968. Entered into force December 30, 1968. 

' Not in force. 

' Not in force for the United States. 



INDEX February 3, 1969 Vol. LX, No. UJ^S 

Colombia. Letters of Credence (Pastrana Bor- 
rero) 92 


Annual Report of the Peace Corps Transmitted 
to Congress (Johnson) 118 

Annual Report on Foreign Assistance Program 

Transmitted to Congress (Johnson) .... 117 

The Budget of the United States Government — 

Fiscal Year 1970 (Excerpts) 95 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 
Policy 119 

The International Economy (excerpts from the 
President's Economic Report and the Annual 
Report of the Council of Economic Advisers) . 101 

Reduction in Tariff Recommended on Reproc- 
essed Wool Fabrics (Johnson) 92 

The State of the Union (excerpts from Presi- 
dent Johnson's address to the Congress) . . 89 

Steel Industries of Japan and ECSO Offer To 

Limit Exports to U.S. (Rusk) 93 

U.S.-Japan Medical Science Program Report 
Transmitted to Congress (Johnson) . . . 118 

Disarmament. The State of the Union (excerpts 
from President Johnson's address to the 
Congress) 89 

Economic Affairs 

The Budget of the United States Government — 
Fiscal Year 1970 (Excerpts) 95 

The International Economy (excerpts from the 
President's Economic Report and the Annual 
Report of the Council of Economic Advisers) . 101 

Reduction in Tariff Recommended on Reproc- 
essed Wool Fabrics (Johnson) 92 

Report Completed on Future U.S. Foreign Trade 
Policy (White House announcement) ... 91 

The State of the Union (excerpts from Presi- 
dent Johnson's address to the Congress) . . 89 

Steel Industries of Japan and ECSC Offer To 
Limit Exports to U.S. (Rusk) 93 


The State of the Union (excerpts from Presi- 
dent Johnson's address to the Congress) . . 89 

Steel Industries of Japan and ECSC Offer To 
Limit Exports to U.S. (Rusk) 93 

Foreign Aid. Annual Report on Foreign Assist- 
ance Program Transmitted to Congress (John- 
son) 117 


Steel Industries of Japan and ECSC Offer To 
Limit Exports to U.S. (Rusk) 93 

U.S.-Japan Medical Science Program Report 
Transmitted to Congress (Johnson) .... 118 

Near East. The State of the Union (excerpts 
from President Johnson's address to the Con- 
gress) 89 

Peace Corps. Annual Report of the Peace Coriw 
Transmitted to Congress (Johnson) .... 118 

Presidential Documents 

Annual Report of the Peace Corps Transmitted 

to Congress 118 

Annual Report on Foreign Assistance Program 

Transmitted to Congress 117 

The Budget of the United States Government — 
Fiscal Year 1970 (Excerpts) 95 

The International Economy (excerpts from the 
President's Economic Report and the Annual 
Report of the Council of Economic Advisers) . 101 

President Johnson Welcomes Nevy Talks on Viet- 
Nam 91 

Reduction in Tariff Recommended on Reproc- 
essed Wool Fabrics 92 

The State of the Union (excerpts) 89 

U.S.-Japan Medical Science Program Report 
Transmitted to Congress 118 

Science. U.S.-Japan Medical Science Program 

Report Transmitted to Congress (Johnson) . 118 


Reduction in Tariff Recommended on Reproc- 
essed Wool Fabrics (Johnson) 92 

Report Completed on Future U.S. Foreign Trade 

Policy (White House annoimcement) ... 91 

Steel Industries of Japan and ECSC Offer To 
Limit Exports to U.S. (Rusk) 93 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 119 

U.S.S.R. The State of the Union (excerpts from 
President Johnson's address to the Congress) . 89 


President Johnson Welcomes New Talks on Viet- 
Nam 91 

The State of the Union (excerpts from President 
Johnson's address to the Congress) .... 89 

Name Index 

Johnson, President . . . .89, 91, 92, 95, 101, 117, 118 

Pastrana Borrero, Misael Eduardo 92 

Roth, WilUam M 91 

Rusk, Secretary 93 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 13-19 

Press releases may be obtained from the Of- 
fice of News, Department of State, Washington, 
D.C. 20520. 





General Services Administration 
concludes negotiations on site 
design and engineering of chan- 
cery enclave in Washington. 

•Not printed. 

•fr U.S. SOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1969 O — 330-949 

Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

washington, d.c. 20402 









Vol Lx, No. me 

February 10, 1969 



Statement by Ambassador Lodge 12^ 


Departm.ent of State Science Lecture by Rene Jules Dubos 127 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Dncuticnts 

rvlAR 5 1969 

For index see inside back cover 



Vol. LX, No. 1546 
February 10, 1969 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 


62 issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OP 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is Indexed In 

the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a tveekly publication issited by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service, 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
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The Inaugural Address of President Nixon' 

Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice 
President, President Jolinson, Vice President 
Humphrey, my fellow Americans — and my fel- 
low citizens of the world community : 

I ask you to share with me today the majesty 
of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, 
we celebrate the unity that keeps us free. 

Each moment in history is a fleeting time, 
precious and miique. But some stand out as mo- 
ments of beginning, in which courses are set 
that shape decades or centuries. 

This can be such a moment. 

Forces now are converging that make possi- 
ble, for the first time, the hope that many of 
man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. 
The spiraling pace of change allows us to con- 
template, within our own lifetime, advances 
that once would have taken centuries. 

In throwing wide the horizons of space, we 
have discovered new horizons on earth. 

For the first time, because the people of the 
world want peace and the leaders of the world 
are afraid of war, the times are on the side of 

Eight years from now America will celebrate 
its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the 
lifetime of most people now living, mankind will 
celebrate that great new year which comes only 
once in a thousand years — the beginning of the 
third millennium. 

What kind of a nation we will be, what kind 
of a world we will live in, whether we shape the 
future in the image of our hopes, is ours to 
determine by our actions and our choices. 

The greatest honor history can bestow is the 
title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons 
America — the chance to help lead the world at 
last out of the valley of turmoil and onto that 
high ground of peace that man has dreamed of 
since the dawn of civilization. 

If we succeed, generations to come will say of 

* Delivered on Jan. 20 (White House press release). 

US now living that we mastered our moment, 
that we helped make the world safe for 

This is our summons to greatness. 

I believe the American people are ready to 
answer this call. 

The second third of this century has been a 
time of proud achievement. We have made 
enormous strides in science and industry and 
agriculture. We have shared our wealth more 
broadly than ever. We have learned at last to 
manage a modem economy to assure its con- 
tinued growth. 

We have given freedom new reach. We have 
begun to make its promise real for black as well 
as for white. 

We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of 
today. I know America's youth. I believe in 
them. We can be proud that they are better 
educated, more committed, more passionately 
driven by conscience than any generation in our 

No people has ever been so close to the achieve- 
ment of a just and abundant society or so pos- 
sessed of the will to achieve it. And because our 
strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise 
our weaknesses with candor and to approach 
them with hope. 

Standing in this same place a third of a cen- 
tury ago, Franklin Delano Eoosevelt addressed 
a nation ravaged by depression and gripped in 
fear. He covild say in surveying the Nation's 
troubles : "They concern, thank God, only ma- 
terial things." 

Our crisis today is in reverse. 

We find ourselves rich in goods but ragged in 
spirit, reaching with magnificent precision for 
the moon but falling into raucous discord on 

We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are 
torn by division, wanting unity. We see around 
us empty lives wanting fulfillment. We see tasks 
that need doing waiting for hands to do them. 

FEERUAKT 10, 1969 


To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer 
of the spirit. 

And to find that answer, we need only look 
within ourselves. 

When we listen to "the better angels of our 
nature," we find that they celebrate the simple 
things, the basic things — such as goodness, 
decency, love, kindness. 

Greatness comes in simple trappings. 

The simple things are the ones most needed 
today if we are to surmount what divides us and 
cement what unites us. 

To lower our voices would be a simple thing. 

In these difEcult years, America has suffered 
from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric 
that promises more than it can deliver; from 
angry rhetoric that fans discontents into ha- 
treds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures 
instead of persuading. 

We cannot learn from one another until we 
stop shouting at one another — until we speak 
quietly enough so that our words can be heard 
as well as our voices. 

For its part, government will listen. We will 
strive to listen in new ways- — to the voices of 
quiet anguish, the voices that speak without 
words, the voices of the heart — to the injured 
voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have 
despaired of being heard. 

Those who have been left out, we will try to 
bring in. 

Those left behind, we will help to catch up. 

For all of our people, we will set as our goal 
the decent order that makes progress possible 
and our lives secure. 

As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to 
build on what has gone before — not turning 
away from the old but turning toward the new. 

In this past third of a century, government 
has passed more laws, spent more money, initi- 
ated more programs, than in all our previous 

In pursuing our goals of full employment, 
better housing, excellence in education; in re- 
building our cities and improving our rural 
areas; in protecting our environment and en- 
hancing the quality of life — in all these and 
more, we will and must press urgently forward. 

We shall plan now for the day when our 
wealth can be transferred from the destruction 
of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people 
at home. 

The American dream does not come to those 
who fall asleep. 

But we are approaching the limits of what 
government alone can do. 

Our greatest need now is to reach beyond 
govermnent, to enlist the legions of the con- 
cerned and the committed. 

What has to be done has to be done by govern- 
ment and people together or it will not be done 
at all. The lesson of past agony is that without 
the people we can do nothing, with the people we 
can do everything. 

To match the magnitude of our tasks, we 
need the energies of our people — enlisted not 
only in grand enterprises but, more impor- 
tantly, in those small, splendid efforts that make 
headlmes in the neighborhood newspaper in- 
stead of the national journal. 

With these, we can build a great cathedral of 
the spirit — each of us raising it one stone at a 
time as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, 
caring, doing. 

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do 
not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to 
join in a high adventure — one as rich as human- 
ity itself and exciting as the times we live in. 

The essence of freedom is that each of us 
shares in the shaping of his own destiny. 

Until he has been part of a cause larger than 
himself, no man is truly whole. 

The way to fulfillment is in the use of our 
talents. We achieve nobility in the spirit that 
inspires that use. 

As we measure what can be done, we shall 
promise only what we know we can produce; 
but as we chart our goals, we shall be lifted by 
our dreams. 

No man can be fully free while his neighbor 
is not. To go forward at all is to go forward 

This means black and white together as one 
nation, not two. The laws have caught up with 
our conscience. What remains is to give life to 
what is in the law : to insure at last that as all 
are born equal in dignity before God, all are 
born equal in dignity before man. 

As we learn to go forward together at home, 
let us also seek to go forward together with all 

Let us take as our goal : Where peace is un- 
known, make it welcome ; where peace is fragile, 
make it strong ; where peace is temporary, make 
it permanent. 

After a period of confrontation, we are enter- 
ing an era of negotiation. 

Let all nations know that during this admin- 



istration our lines of communication will be 

We seek an open world — open to ideas, open 
to the exchange of goods and people — a world 
in which no people, great or small, will live in 
angry isolation. 

We cannot expect to make everyone our 
friend, but we can try to make no one our 

Those who would be our adversaries, we in- 
vite to a peaceful competition — not in conquer- 
ing territory or extending dommion but in 
enriching the life of man. 

As we explore the reaches of space, let us go 
to the new worlds together — not as new worlds 
to be conquered but as a new adventure to be 

With those who are willing to join, let us 
cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to 
strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the 
poor and the hungry. 

But to all those who would be tempted by 
weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be 
as strong as we need to be for as long as we 
need to be. 

Over the past 20 years, since I first came to 
this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have 
visited most of the nations of the world. I have 
come to know the leaders of the world, and the 
great forces, the hatreds, the fears, that divide 
the world. 

I know that peace does not come through 
wishing for it — that there is no substitute for 
days and even years of patient and prolonged 

I also know the people of the world. 

I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the 
pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of 
a mother who has lost her son. I know these have 
no ideology, no race. 

I know America. I know the heart of America 
is good. 

I speak from my own heart, and the heart of 
my country, the deep concern we have for those 
who suffer and those who sorrow. 

I have taken an oath today in the presence of 
God and my countrymen to uphold and defend 
the Constitution of the United States. To that 

oath I now add this sacred commitment : I shall 
consecrate my Office, my energies, and all the 
wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace 
among nations. 

Let this message be heard by strong and weak 
alike : 

The peace we seek — the peace we seek to 
wm — is not victory over any other people but 
the peace that comes "with healing in its 
wings"; with compassion for those who have 
suffered ; with understanding for those who have 
opposed us; with the opportunity for all the 
peoples of this earth to choose their own 

Only a few short weeks ago we shared the 
glory of man's first sight of the world as God 
sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the 

As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's 
gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to 
us of the beauty of earth — and in that voice so 
clear across the Imiar distance, we heard them 
invoke God's blessing on its goodness. 

In that moment, their view from the moon 
moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write: 

To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and 
beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to 
see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers 
on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold — brothers 
who know now they are truly brothers. 

In that moment of surpassing technological 
triumph, men turned their thoughts toward 
home and humanity — seeing in that far perspec- 
tive that man's destiny on earth is not divisible ; 
telling us that however far we reach into the 
cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on 
earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts. 

We have endured a long night of the Amer- 
ican spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of 
the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the re- 
maining dark. Let us gather the light. 

Our destiny offers not the cup of despair but 
the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it not 
in fear but in gladness — and "riders on the 
earth together," let us go forward, firm in our 
faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the 
dangers, but sustained by our confidence in the 
wiU of God and the promise of man. 

FEBRUARY 10, 1969 


First Plenary Session of New Meetings on Viet-Nam Held at Paris 

Following is the text of the opening state- 
ment on January 25 hy Arribassador Henry 
Cabot Lodge, head of the U.S. delegation, at 
the first plenary session of the Paris meetings 
on Viet-Nam. 

Pressrelease 15 (revised) dated January 25 

Ladies and gentlemen : This is a unique mo- 
ment in history. Today, in this new meeting in 
Paris, the search for peace in Viet-Nam enters 
a new stage. Today we begin togetlier the search 
for an honorable and enduring settlement to the 
conflict which divides us. The world will be 
watching these proceedings with close attention. 
They will expect progress, not propaganda. 
They will expect agreement, not acrimony. The 
United States is determined to do everything 
it can to assure that these meetings will lead us 
to peace. 

Last Monday, a new President was inaugu- 
rated, committed to an honorable peace and 
dedicated to an equitable solution. Li his in- 
augural address he stated : 

. . . the peace we seek to win is not victory over 
any other people but the peace that comes "with heal- 
ing in its wings" ; with compassion for those who have 
suffered ; with understanding for those who have op- 
posed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples 
of this earth to choose their own destiny. 

I ask you to ponder these words. 

No purpose is served by repeating the list of 
familiar charges or to recite once more the 
chronology which brought us here. Our respon- 
sibility is to the future, not the past. The prob- 
lems we have settled have been procedural ; the 
bulk of our substantive work is still ahead. The 
United States will enter these talks with a pro- 
found sense of responsibility and an open mind. 
It will put forth carefully considered proposals 
and hopes that the other side will do the same. 

Undoubtedly we have many difficult sessions 
ahead of us. A good way to begin our task would 
be to deal with concrete proposals. The search 
for peace can begin in the DMZ. We believe that 
the demilitarized status of the zone between 
North and South Viet-Nam should be restored 

immediately. Specifically, the United States 
Government proposes that the DMZ should be : 

— Free of all regular and irregular military 
and subversive forces and personnel, military 
installations, military supplies and equipment. 

— An area in which, from which, and across 
which all acts of force are prohibited. 

— A zone temporarily separating North and 
South Viet-Nam pending their reunification 
through the free expression of the will of the 
people of the North and of the people of the 

— An area the same in size and definition as 
that provided in the 1954 Geneva accords. 

— Subject to an effective system of interna- 
tional inspection and verification. 

We therefore propose that each side publicly 
declare its readiness to respect the provisions of 
the 1954 Geneva accords relating to the DMZ, 
and abide by those provisions. 

We stand ready to begin today to work out 
the details for transforming this proposal for a 
DMZ into a practical move toward peace. We 
are prepared to give serious and openminded 
consideration to all proposals directed to this 
end by your side. Nothing could be more auspi- 
cious for our work here than an agreement today 
to begin urgent consideration of this matter. 

We will put forward other concrete proposals 
at subsequent meetings. Our proposal today 
with respect to the DMZ is advanced as a practi- 
cal first step on the road to peace. 

Of course, our real task is not a partial but a 
complete peace. The United States goal can be 
stated simply : to preserve the right of the South 
Vietnamese people to determine their own fu- 
ture without outside interference or coercion. 

For this reason, the United States believes 
that all external forces should be withdrawn 
from South Viet-Nam and that all military and 
subversive forces of North Viet-Nam must be 
withdrawn into North Viet-Nam. We are ready 
to work toward the implementation of the objec- 
tive of such mutual withdrawal. 

The United States Government seeks no 



permanent establishment of troops, no perma- 
nent militaiy bases, and no permanent military 
alliance. We have no desire to threaten or harm 
the people of North Viet-Nam or to invade that 
coimtry or to overthrow its government. What 
we do seek is a South Viet-Nam that is free 
from attacks or subversion from without. 

We seek peace not only in Viet-Nam but in 
the entire area of Southeast Asia. We believe 
that the Geneva agreements of 1962 on Laos 
must be observed. We consider it necessary that 
the sovereignty, independence, unity, and terri- 
torial integrity of Cambodia be fully respected. 

The United States has, on more than one 
occasion, expressed its conviction that the es- 
sential elements of the Geneva accords of 1954 
provide a basis for peace in Viet-Nam. We 
reaffirm this today. 

The Geneva accords provided for interna- 
tional supervision. Experience has demon- 
strated the shortcomings of existing methods. 
One of our principal tasks will be to work out 
more effective ways of supervising any agree- 
ment and to insure equitable and effective in- 
vestigation of complaints. We believe that the 
nations of the area, which have the most crucial 
interest in peace and stability in the region, 
should be involved in the system of m.onitoring 
of the agreement at which we may arrive. 

We seek the early release of prisoners of war 
on both sides so they can return to their homes 
and rejoin their families. We would be prepared 
to discuss this at an early date so as to arrange 
for the prompt release of prisoners held by both 

The United States is present here because we 
seek a permanent peace. The United States 
Government considers that it has a mandate for 
a fresh look. We know that peace cannot be 
achieved unless both sides can take part in its 

Ladies and gentlemen, we here will be judged 
ultimately by history, not tomorrow's headlines. 
Let us talk without rancor and recrimination. 
President Nixon in his inaugural address stated 
in another context : "We cannot learn from one 
another until we stop shouting at one another — 
until we speak quietly enough so that our words 
can be heard as well as our voices." And he 
added: "Let us take as our goal: Whei-e peace 
is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is 
fragile, make it strong; where peace is 
temporary, make it permanent." 

Ladies and gentlemen, in that spirit let us — 
together — take up the task of peace. 

The Formulation of Foreign Policy: 
Responsibility and Opportunity 

Follotoing is a message of January 22 from 
Secretary Rogers to officers and employees of 
the Department of State, the Agency for Inter- 
national Development, the United States In- 
formation Agency, the Arms Control and 
Disarmament Agency, and the Peace Corps. 

Press release 8 dated January 22 

In assuming today the responsibilities of the 
Secretary of State, I want all of you — Foreign 
Service and Civil Service, alike — to know how 
much I respect the dedicated contributions you 
make to our country's welfare. 

It is to the Department of State that the 
President looks for his primary advice in the 
formulation and execution of foreign policy. 
As we proceed into the last third of the 20th 
Century, this places on us both a sobering re- 
sponsibility and an exciting opportunity. For it 
is upon our judgment and the prudence with 
which we work — rather than on our institutional 
status — that our contribution to our country's 
well-being most depends. Such judgment and 
such prudence must come from deliberative 
evaluations based on the free flow of informa- 
tion and ideas. 

President Nixon made this observation last 
September when he said: 

We would bring dissenters into policy discussions, 
not freeze them out ; we should Invite constructive 
criticism, not only because the critics have a right to 
be heard, but also because they have something worth 

In this spirit I hope to lead a receptive and 
open establishment where men speak their 
minds and are listened to on merit, and where 
divergent views are fully and promptly passed 
on for decision. We must tap all the creative 
ideas and energies of this Department in the 
formulation of a foreign policy responsive to 
the needs of the future. Only if we do so can we 
systematically delineate meaningful alterna- 
tives from which the President can determine 
a considered policy course. 

To those in the levels of highest responsi- 
bility — the Under and Assistant Secretaries, 
and our Ambassadors — I look not only for your 
judgment but for stimulation of such a process 
and in particular your encouragement of the 
participation of our young people. 

We are all conscious, I am sure, that foreign 

FEBRUARY 10, 1969 


policy no longer consists merely of diplomatic 
relations among states. Those of you who serve 
with us in the Agency for International Devel- 
opment and in the Peace Corps, and those of 
you who are so closely ftssociated with the 
Department's work in the Arms Control and 
Disarmament Agency and in the United States 
Information Agency contribute fully and vi- 
tally to our foreign policy objectives, and I look 
forward to our association and the pleasure 
which comes from successful joint participation. 
Together I trust that we may serve well the 
interests of our nation abroad and that we may 
contribute to the formulation of policies that 
will be a proud reflection of a free and 
democratic people. 

International CofFee Agreement 


paeticlpatiorf in the international coffee 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by the 
Constitution of the United States of America, the Inter- 
national Coffee Agreement Act of 1968 (Title £11 of 
Public Law 90-634, approved October 24, 3968, 82 Stat. 
1348), hereinafter referred to as the Act, the Interna- 
tional Coffee Agreement, 1962, as continued by the 
International Coffee Agreement, 1968, ratified Novem- 
ber 1, 1968 and proclaimed November 18, 1968 (herein- 
after referred to as the Agreement), section 301 of 
title 3 of the United States Code, and section 1 of the 
International Organizations Immunities Act (22 U.S.C. 
288), and as President of the United States, it is 
ordered as follows : 

Section 1. Secretary of State. Subject to the provi- 
sions of this order, the powers of the President involved 
In the participation of the United States of America in 
the Agreement, including so much of the functions 
conferred upon the President by the Act as is neither 

reserved nor delegated to other officers herein, are 
hereby delegated to the Secretary of State. 

Sec. 2. Secretary of the Treasury. The functions 
conferred upon the President by subsections (1) (A) 
and (B) and (2) of section 302 of the Act, together 
vfith the authority to issue and enforce such rules and 
regulations as may be necessary to perform those 
functions, are hereby delegated to the Secretary of the 

Sec. 3. Secretaries of State, the Treasury, Agricul- 
ture, Commerce, and Lahor. The functions conferred 
upon the President by subsection (3) of section 302 
of the Act, together with the authority to issue and 
enforce such rules and regulations as may be neces- 
sary to perform those fimctions, are hereby delegated 
to the Secretaries of State, the Treasury, Agriculture, 
Commerce and Labor, severally. 

Sec. 4. Functions reserved. There are hereby re- 
served to the President the functions conferred upon 
him by sections 304, 305, 306 and subsections (1) (C) 
and (4) of section 302 of the Act. 

Sec. 5. Coordination. The functions assigned by the 
provisions of this order shall be performed under effec- 
tive coordination. The measures of coordination here- 
under shall include the following: 

(1) In effecting and carrying out the participation 
of the United States of America in the Agreement, the 
Secretary of State shall consult with the appropriate 
heads of Federal agencies, including the Secretary of 
the Treasury, the Secretary of Agriculture, the Secre- 
tary of Commerce, and the Secretary of Labor. 

(2) The delegates under section 3 of this order shall 
use the functions delegated thereunder as they and the 
Secretary of State shall mutually agree. 

Sec. 6. Redelegation. Each Secretary mentioned in 
this order is hereby authorized to redelegate within his 
Department the fimetions hereinabove assigned to him. 

Sec. 7. Prior orders, (a) Executive Order No. 11225 
of May 22, 1965 shall continue in force subject to the 
following amendment : Insert the phrase "as continued 
by the International Coffee Agreement, 1968" after the 
phrase "TIAS 5055)". 

(b) Executive Order No. 11229 of June 14, 1965 is 
hereby revoked. 

"■ No. 11449 ; 34 Fed. Reg. 917. 

The White House, 
January 17, 1969. 



The Defartment of State is sponsoring a series of science lectures 
designed to improve vmderstanding of social, economic, and foreign 
policy implications of the intei'national cooperative activities in 
science and technology in xohich the United States is now involved. 
The lectures are open to Department and Foreign Service officers, 
invited representatives of the Government science community, chiefs 
of mission and foreign science attaches I'esident in Washington, 
Members of Congress, and t/ie scientific press. 

On Decemher 9, in the Department Auditorium, Secretary Busk 
inaugurated the new series and introdiuied the first lecturer. Dr. Rene 
Jules Dubos, whose topic, '■''The Human Landscape,^'' reflects the 
growing international concern with the need to protect man and his 
global environment in our technological age. Dr. Dubos, a professor 
at the Rockefeller University, New York, N.Y., is a bacteriologist of 
international reputation. He was the 1966 winner of the Arches of 
Science Award of the Pojcific Science Center. 

The Human Landscape 


Advance text 

Distinguished guests and fellow officers : I am 
glad to welcome you to the first Department of 
State science lecture. 

On other occasions I have said that scientific 
and technological progress conditions the cli- 
mate of our foreign affairs. I remain deeply 
convinced that we in the Department and the 
Foreign Service must prepare ourselves to deal 
with the scientific and technical aspects of man's 
advance. Nearly 2 years ago, speaking before 
the House Panel on Science and Technology, I 
expressed my conviction that : ^ 

. . . the Foreign Service officer sliould be familiar 
with the ways, the concepts, and the purposes of science. 
He should understand the sources of our technological 
ciTilization. He should be able to grasp the social and 
economic implications of current scientific discoveries 
and engineering accomplishments. I think it is feasible 
for nonscientists to be, in the phrase of H. G. Wells, 
"men of science" with real awareness of this aspect of 
man's advance. 

That is why we are here today. 

The man who will head this Department in 
1988 — and his colleagues — must be prepared to 
cope with the cumulative force of tremendous 
scientific discoveries, technological applications, 
and the social and political consequences of both. 

" Bulletin of Feb. 13, 1967, p. 238. 

We can only guess as to the foreign policy prob- 
lems with which this combination will present 
us, but we do know that the complex future 
which casts its shadow over our own time cannot 
be held back. We must be ready for it. 

Let me be more specific. From the foreign 
policy viewpoint, we mvist prepare ourselves to 
cope with two facets of that future : What for- 
eign policy problems are inherent to a given 
technological breakthrough or scientific discov- 
ery? And what problems which we now face, 
or can be expected to face, are susceptible to 
technological solutions, at least in part ? 

It is increasingly within the capacity of Homo 
sapiens to make the rational selection of alter- 
native futures. We will either plan for the future 
or we will be stuck with it. 

Our international cooperative activities al- 
ready span a wide spectrum of science and tech- 
nology, from such pragmatic issues as increasing 
the quantity and quality of the world's food sup- 
ply to the more esoteric fields of outer space and 
high-energy physics. We are even now extend- 
ing our cooperative thinking and planning into 
such areas as greater utilization of the oceans 
and the seabeds and the polar regions for the 
benefit of mankind. Within this spectrum we 
have found virtually unlimited opportunities 
for cooperation with scientists and engineers 
from other countries to our common benefit. 

FEBRUARY 10, 1969 


Around the next comer I see mainly unan- 
swered questions. 

What of the "time bombs" ? 

What are the social and foreign policy impli- 
cations of reliable and cheap birth control meth- 
ods, of life extension, and of the modification of 
heredity ? 

"Wliat if a relatively cheap and easy method 
of producing nuclear weapons comes along? 
What would universal possession of nuclear 
weapons do to a world already teetering on the 

How can we estimate the far-reaching effects 
of ever-newer synthetic fibers, foods, and other 
materials on trade and international economic 
relationsliips ? 

What will widespread satellite communica- 
tions teclmiques and effective computer translat- 
ing devices do to the international concepts of 
education, culture, and language ? 

What about the speeding up of the learning 
process through computer teaching, earlier 
schooling, and chemical memory assistance? 

These are some of the technological "time 
bombs" ; but there are unpredictable horizons in 
other fields, too. We have not yet heard, in any 
comprehensive way, from the sociologists, the 
psychologists, the economists, the architects and 
urban planners, the lawyers, and many other 
expert groups; but in their fields, too, "tune 
bombs" are ticking away. 

There are, however, some foreseeable prob- 
lems which are amenable in large part to tech- 
nological solutions, provided that our approach 
is rational: for example, the food-population 
problem, the provision of better energy sources, 
and, more broadly, quickening the pace of eco- 
nomic development. 

Another of these foreseeable problems is that 
of the environment of man, with all of its physi- 
ological, psychological, social, ecological, and, 
inevitably, foreign policy ramifications. 

In this century man stands on the threshold 
of mastery over his environment. He already has 
demonstrated great capacity to damage and de- 
spoil its quality and to exhaust its resources. It 
is clear that he must not continue to be as callous 
in attitude or profligate in use as in the past. 
The en\nroimient squeeze is on. It is a global 
problem which will require global action. 

The choice as to the future is still open. I 
asked Dr. Rene Jules Dubos to come here today 
precisely because he is a believer in the future 

of man: a future, however, of responsibility 
exercised with foresight — and as a species, we 
are not especially noted for that. Dr. Dubos is 
a scientist of truly international stature. For 
many years he has applied his original and pro- 
ductive mind to the subject of man and his en- 
vironment. We are privileged indeed to have 
him here today as the inaugural speaker of this 
first Department of State science lecture series. 
Ladies and gentlemen. Dr. Dubos on "The 
Human Landscape." 


Department of State press release dated December 9 

I wish to thank you, Mr. Secretary, for having 
given me the honor to speak before such a dis- 
tinguished international audience. This honor 
is particularly meaningful to me, who was born 
and educated on the other side of the Atlantic, 
has spent his adult life in the United States, 
and knows how much his European and Ameri- 
can experiences have been enriched by countless 
human contacts in other parts of the world. 

In your letter inviting me to present this lec- 
ture you suggested, Mr. Secretary, that I discuss 
the impact of man on his environment and its 
likely effects on the future of the world com- 
munity. The importance of this topic for our 
times was poignantly expressed by Ambassador 
Adlai E. Stevenson in his last speech before the 
United Nations Economic and Social Council 
just a few days before his death. These were the 
words : ^ 

We travel together, passengers on a little spaceship, 
dependent on its vulnerable reserves of air and soil ; all 
committed for our safety to its security and peace ; pre- 
served from annihilation only by the care, the work, 
and, I wiU say, the love we give our fragile craft. 

At the turn of the I7th century, John Donne 
realized that no man is an island and that the 
bell tolls for us all. Picturesque as these images 
are, they were too parochial for so contemporary 
a man as Stevenson. He changed the parable to 
spaceship because he realized that we are all de- 
pendent not only on our neighbors but also on 
all other men and on the conditions prevailing 
over the whole earth. 

The expression "spaceship earth" is no mere 
catchphrase. Now that all habitable parts of the 

" For text, see Bulletin of July 26, 1965, p. 142. 



globe are occupied, the careful husbandry of its 
resources is a sine qua non of survival for the 
human species, more important than economic 
growth or political power. We are indeed like 
travelers bound to the earth's crust, drawing 
breath from its shallow envelope of air, using 
and reusing its limited supply of water. Yet we 
collectively behave as if we were not aware of 
the problems inherent in the limitations of the 
spaceship earth. 

It would be easy, far too easy, to conclude 
from the present trend of events that mankind 
is on a course of self-destruction. I shall not dis- 
cuss this possibility but shall instead focus my 
remarks on the certainty that the values and 
amenities identified with humanness are rapidly 

Some of the supplies on which man depends 
are rapidly being depleted ; even water will soon 
become scarce, not only in arid countries but also 
in the Temperate Zone. Most environments are 
being so grossly polluted that they may not long 
remain suitable for human existence. Smogs of 
various composition produced in urban and in- 
dustrial areas are now hovering over the coun- 
tryside and are beginning to spread over ocean 
masses. Sewage and chemical effluents are spoil- 
ing rivers, lakes, and coastlines and slowly but 
surely contaminating even the most carefully 
protected urban water supplies. Tin cans, plastic 
containers, discarded machines of all sorts, oil 
and other indegradable garbage, are accumulat- 
ing all over the landscape, and in many cas&s 
ruining the land. Excessive sensory stimuli, and 
especially the mind-bewildering noise so ubiqui- 
tous as to be imavoidable, threaten to destroy the 
human quality or urban agglomerations. 

The ancient words "soil," "air," "water," 
"freedom" are loaded with emotional content 
because they are associated with biological and 
mental needs that are woven in the fabric of 
man's nature. These needs are as vital today as 
they were in the distant past. Scientists and 
economists may learn a great deal about the in- 
tricacies of natural processes and of cost ac- 
counting. But scientific knowledge of environ- 
mental management will contribute little to 
health and happiness if it does not take into ac- 
count the human values symbolized by phrases 
such as "the good earth," "a brilliant sky," 
"sparkling waters," "a place of one's own." Fur- 
thermore, the increase in population densities 
and in social complexity inevitably spells social 

regimentation, loss of privacy, and other inter- 
ferences with individual freedom, which may 
eventually prove incompatible with the tradi- 
tional ways of civilized life. 

Man can, of course, invent devices and tech- 
niques to minimize the effects of environmental 
pollutants, but he cannot protect himself 
against everything all the time. He is so adapt- 
able that he can learn to tolerate many short- 
ages and environmental insults, but medical and 
social experience shows that such tolerances 
eventually have to be paid in the form of de- 
creases in the quality of life. 

We might take comfort from the fact that 
during its long biological history, mankind has 
become adapted to many different kinds of en- 
vironment and has been able to survive under 
very difficult conditions. However, this adap- 
tive process required thousands and thousands 
of years, whereas profound environmental 
changes now occur in the course of a few years — 
far too rapidly to allow for biological 

ITie fact that modern man is now moving into 
nonterrestrial environments might also be in- 
terpreted as evidence that he has escaped from 
the bondage of his evolutionary past and is be- 
coming independent of his ancient biological 
attributes. But this is an erroneous interpreta- 
tion. The human body and brain have not 
changed significantly during the past 100,000 
years, and there is no ground for the belief that 
they will change appreciably in the foreseeable 
future. The biological needs of modern man 
as well as his biological capabilities and limita- 
tions are essentially the same as those of the 
paleolithic himter and the neolithic farmer. 
Civilization provides man with techniques that 
greatly enlarge the scope of his activities, but 
it does not change his fundamental nature. 

Wherever he goes and whatever he does, in 
tropical deserts or arctic wastes, in outer space 
or ocean depths, man must maintain around 
himself a microenvironment similar to the one 
imder which he evolved. He can survive out- 
landish areas only by functioning within en- 
closures that almost duplicate a Mediterranean 
atmosphere, as if he remained linked to the 
surface of the earth by an umbilical cord. He 
may engage in casual flirtations with nonterres- 
trial worlds, but he is wedded to the earth, his 
sole source of sustenance. 

The strict dependence of the human organism 

FEBRUARY 10, 1960 
323-805—69 2 


on the narrow range of terrestrial conditions 
imposes inescapable constraints on civilized life. 
In practice, social and technological innovations 
are viable and humanly successful only to the 
extent that they are compatible with the un- 
changeable aspects of man's nature. Man 
can retain his biological and mental health 
only if his civilizations maintain a healthy 

As used in the preceding paragraph, the 
phrase "healthy environment" implies much 
more than the maintenance of ecological equilib- 
rium, the conservation of natural resources, 
and the control of the forces that threaten bio- 
logical and mental health. Man does not only 
survive and f miction in his environment ; he is 
shaped by it, biologically, mentally, and socially. 
To be really "healthy" the environment must 
therefore provide conditions that favor the 
development of desirable himian characteristics. 

The very process of living involves a constant 
feedback between man and his environment 
with the result that both are constantly being 
modified in the course of this interplay. Indi- 
vidual persons, and their social groups, acquire 
their distinctive characteristics as a consequence 
of the responses they make to the total environ- 
ment. The exciting richness of the human land- 
scape results not only from the genetic diversity 
of mankind but also and perhaps even more 
from the shaping influence that surroundings 
and ways of life exert on biological and social 

The New Pessimism 

Until a few decades ago, scientists and tech- 
nologists took it for granted that all aspects of 
their work enriched human life and made it 
healthier and happier. Most enlightened persons 
also realized that scientific research generates 
wealth and power, as well as better imderstand- 
ing of man's nature and of the cosmos. 

Confidence in the creative and predictive 
power of science is so great that several groups 
of scholars have now made it an academic pro- 
fession to forecast the technological and medical 
advances that can be expected for the year 2000. 
Naturally enough, they predict spectacular 
breakthroughs in the production of nuclear 
energy, the development of electronic gadgets, 
the chemical synthesis of materials better than 
the natural ones, the discovery of drugs and sur- 
gical techniques that will keep men healthy or 
save them from death. From permanent lunar 

installations to robot human slaves and to pro- 
gramed dreams, many are the scientific miracles 
that can be anticipated for the year 2000. In- 
dividual scientists would differ as to what theo- 
retical possibilities will be converted into reality 
during the forthcoming decades. But all of them 
would agree that scientific research is capable 
of providing very soon powerful new tecliniques 
for manipulating external nature and man's 

In view of the miraculous achievements of 
modem science and of the promise of many more 
to come, one might expect the general public 
to believe that life in the near future will be safe, 
abundant, comfortable, and exhilarating. Yet 
there prevails in modem societies — in particular 
among educated groups — a feeling of uneasi- 
ness and even hostility toward science and its 
technological applications. 

Most persons still trust that scientific research 
can increase the factual knowledge of man's na- 
ture and of the cosmos. Few are those who now 
believe, however, that such knowledge neces- 
sarily improves health and happiness. In fact, 
so many environmental values are being threat- 
ened by technological and social forces that the 
word "environment" has acquired almost a 
pejorative meaning which reflects public con- 
cern for the quality of man's relationship to the 
rest of creation. 

Early in the 20th century, the physiologist 
L. J. Henderson developed the view that the 
natural conditions peculiar to the planet earth 
are uniquely suited for the emergence and main- 
tenance of life. In liis classical book "The Fitness 
of the Environment," he stated : 

Darwinian fitness Is compovmded of a mutual rela- 
tionship between the organism and the environment. 
Of this, fitness of environment is quite as essential a 
component as the fitness which arises in the process 
of organic evolution. 

Today, the word "environment" is no longer 
identified with fitness, but rather with the bio- 
logical and social dangers arising from modem 
life — such as the degradation of nature, the ex- 
haustion of resources, the effects of pollution, the 
behavioral disturbances caused by crowding and 
excessive stimuli, the thousand devils of the 
ecological crisis. For most laymen and not a few 
scientists, the word "environment" evokes not 
fitness but nightmares. 

This atmosphere of anxiety, which has been 
called "the new pessimism" by Mr. James Eeston 
in a New York Times editorial, has several 
different manifestations. 



One is the feeling that science has weakened 
or destroyed many of the traditional values by 
wliich men function, yet has failed to provide a 
new ethical system. Science, the saying goes, 
gives man everything to live with but nothing to 
live for. 

Experience has shown, furthermore, that the 
advantages derived from scientific discoveries 
and technological achievements usually have to 
be paid for in the form of new dangers and new 
tlireats to human welfare. The fact that nuclear 
science promises endless sources of energy but 
also makes it possible to build ever more destruc- 
tive weapons symbolizes the two faces of the 
scientific enterprise. All too often, there exists a 
painful discrepancy between what man aims for 
and what he gets. He sprays pesticides to get rid 
of insects and weeds but thereby kills birds, 
fishes, and flowering trees. He drives long dis- 
tances to find unspoiled nature but poisons the 
air and gets killed on the way. He builds 
machines to escape from physical work but be- 
comes their slave and experiences boredom. 
Every week the pages of magazines bear witness 
to the public's somber anticipation that the 
legend of the sorcerer's apprentice may soon be 
converted from a literary symbol into a terrify- 
ing reality. 

The tactical triumphs and human failures of 
technological civilization call to mind the 
remark made to Hannibal by one of his officers 
at the end of the Second Punic War: "You 
know how to win victories, Hannibal, but you 
do not know how to use them." No one doubts 
the power of science, yet a characteristic aspect 
of the new pessimism is the feeling that the 
most distressing social problems generated by 
scientific technology are not amenable to scien- 
tific solutions. Many are those who believe, in- 
deed, that an environmental catastrophe is 

Fortunately, the word "catastrophe" can have 
two very different meanings, both applicable to 
the relationship between scientific technology 
and the future of the world community. In 
common usage, the word "catastrophe" denotes 
a disastrous event. In its etymological Greek 
sense, however, it means a change of course, an 
overturn not necessarily resulting in disaster. 
The disasters that threaten mankind are too 
obvious to need elaboration. But we can avoid 
these disasters if we keep in mind the etymologi- 
cal meaning of the word "catastrophe" and 
try to alter the present course of scientific 

In my judgment, scientists will contribute to 
the solution of the problems they create as soon 
as the scientific enterprise addresses itself in 
earnest to the present preoccupations of man- 
kind. From this point of view, the technologi- 
cal breakthroughs predicted for the year 2000 
are trivial and, indeed, irrelevant. They have 
no bearing on such problems as the raping of 
nature, environmental pollution, urban crowd- 
ing, the feeling of alienation, racial and na- 
tional conflicts, and other threats to decent 
life. The man of flesh and bone will not be 
much impressed by the fact that a few of his 
contemporaries can explore the moon, program 
their dreams, or use robots as slaves, if the 
planet earth has become unfit for his everyday 
life. He will not long continue to be interested 
in space acrobatics if he has to watch them 
with his feet deep in garbage and his eyes 
half-blinded by smog. 

Despite our boasts, we do not truly live in an 
age of science. What we have done is to develop 
techniques for exploiting the external world, 
usually without regard to real human needs, and 
for correcting a few disorders of the body and 
of the mind, often without much concern for 
the achievement of happiness. In many cases, 
we know next to nothing of the con- 
sequences — especially the indirect and long- 
range consequences — that eventually result 
from the manipulations of the external world 
and of man's nature in which we engage so 

Science and the technologies derived from it 
obviously exert profound effects on all human 
enterprises in the modem world. But we have 
not yet seriously applied scientific thinking to 
the creation of a desirable human life in the 
here and now, let alone in the future. 

Focusing on Human Problems 

Wlien Rabindranath Tagore first arrived in 
Europe from India as a student on his way to 
England, he immediately sensed that the qual- 
ity of the European landscape was a creation 
of human effort continued over many centuries. 
To him, the great adventure of European 
civilization had been what he called "the woo- 
ing of the earth." He saw in Europe a "great 
lesson in the perfect union of man and nature, 
not only through love, but through active 

Tagore's view of the human forces that have 
made the European land was rather sentimental 

FEBRUARY 10, 1960 


and sounds antiquated. Yet the phrase "woo- 
ing of the earth" is ecologically more sound 
than the assertion that we must "conquer" 
nature. There cannot be "perfect imion of man 
and natui'e" without some creative interplay 
between the two. 

Man inevitably changes nature, and inevi- 
tably also he is changed by the environmental 
forces that he manipulates and to which he 
exposes himself. Human societies have always 
manipulated nature — clearing forests, plowing 
prairies, developing irrigation or drainage sys- 
tems, then converting farmland into roads, 
dwellings, or industrial plants. The word 
"environment" now includes all the technologi- 
cal forces that modern man sets in motion and 
that in turn shape his biological and mental 
characteristics. Sir Winston Churchill ex- 
pressed this profound biological law in a pic- 
turesque sentence: "We shape our buildings, 
and afterwards our buildings shape us." 

I shall illustrate with a few examples how 
the scientific enterprise can provide the kind 
of information that will help in maintaining 
the earth in a state suitable for human life 
and in creating environments favorable for 
the more complete expression of human 

(a) Physicists have shown that nuclear tech- 
nologies could provide mankind with an end- 
less source of energy. On the other hand, any 
perceptive person knows that energy im- 
properly used contributes to the degradation 
of the environment. The so-called "conquest" 
of nature by the use of any form of energy is 
potentially dangerous if it is not carried out 
within the imperatives of certain ecological 
laws. Tagore's "wooing of the earth" means the 
achievement of a state in which man, other 
living things, and the physical environment 
can all survive and prosper. 

The wise use of nuclear technologies requires 
that we develop the kind of ecological sciences 
that will enable us to foresee the consequences 
of environmental manipulations, measured not 
so much in the terms of economics as in present 
and future human values. From this point of 
view, the creation and maintenance of sound 
ecological systems is more important than the 
"conquest" of nature. 

(b) Chemists and engineers will unquestion- 
ably produce more and more new materials and 
processes that will change many aspects of hu- 
man life. It is commonly assumed that man can 

and must adapt to these changes. But in fact 
human adaptability is not limitless. 

We know little of the thresholds and ranges 
of human adaptability. It is certain in any case 
that the ready acceptance of social and techno- 
logical changes does not mean that these are de- 
sirable. Past experience has shown for example 
that ionizing radiations and environmental pol- 
lution (of air, food, and water) have deleterious 
effects that manifest themselves very slowly; 
they behave like the pestilence that stealeth in 
the darkness. Similarly, social and technological 
innovations that appear to be readily tolerated 
may eventually ruin the quality of human life. 
The real limits of adaptability are not deter- 
mined by what can be tolerated for a certain 
period of time, but by future consequences. 
These consequences are essential factors to be 
considered in deciding what technological and 
social innovations are safe and desirable. 

(c) Medical scientists will certainly develop 
new teclmiqiies and new drugs for the treatment 
of the degenerative and chronic diseases that are 
now plaguing mankind. But such treatments 
will be increasingly expensive and, more im- 
portantly, will require highly specialized per- 
sonnel. They cannot solve the massive health 
problems of the general public. 

There is good reason to believe that most of 
the degenerative conditions that are becoming 
increasingly prevalent in the modern world 
need not have occurred in the first place. Greater 
knowledge of the environmental and social fac- 
tors that cause disease would go much further 
toward improving himian health than the dis- 
covery of drugs, surgical procedures, and other 
esoteric methods of treatment. Prevention is 
much less expensive than cure and always more 

(d) Parochial man could theoretically be 
replaced by global man because technical pro- 
cedures enable him to read, hear, and see any- 
thing that goes on in the world. But in practice 
communications technology is only a small part 
of the communication. 

We need more Icnowledge concerning the re- 
ceptiveness of sense organs and of the brain to 
the information that technology can provide. 
We need to learn also how to make information 
become really formative, instead of being 
merely informative. Only those influences that 
are formative contribute to human development. 

Pointing to some of the present inadequacies 
of science does not imply either a defeatist or an 



anti-intellectual attitude. It directs attention 
rather to the need for engaging scientific in- 
quiry into new channels. The solution to our 
social and environmental problems is not iu less 
science but in a kind of science which is sub- 
servient to the fundamental needs of man. 

The Fitness of the Environment 

Our societies are slowly realizing that many 
social and technological practices are threaten- 
ing human and environmental health; rather 
grudgingly, they are developing palliative meas- 
ures to control some of the most obvious dan- 
gers. This piecemeal social engineering will be 
helpful in many cases, but it will not solve the 
ecological crisis and its attendant threats to the 
quality of life. Technological fixes amount to 
little more than putting a finger in the dike, 
whereas what is needed is a comprehensive 
philosophy of man in his environment. 
L. J. Henderson's concept of the "fitness of the 
environment," quoted earlier, provides a frame- 
work for such a philosophy. 

Fitness implies that man has achieved some 
kind of adaptation to his environment. Many 
populations in the past have achieved a tolerable 
state of adaptation to their surroundings and 
ways of life, even when these were very primi- 
tive according to our own standards. In any 
case, however, adaptive fitness lasts only as long 
as conditions are stable. Changes that upset the 
equilibrium between man and environment are 
likely to disturb physical and mental health and 
thereby to generate imhappiness. 

More interestingly, fitness also implies that 
all aspects of human development reflect the 
adaptive responses made by the organism to en- 
vironmental stimuli. In the long run, most forms 
of adaptation involve evolutionary alterations 
of the genetic endowment. But in addition, the 
biological and mental characteristics of each 
individual person are shaped by his responses 
to the enviroimfiental forces that impinge on 
him in the course of his development. Genes do 
not determine the traits by which we know a 
person ; what they do is only to govern his bio- 
logical responses to environmental influences. As 
a result each person is shaped by his environ- 
ment as much as by his genetic endowment. 

The environmental influences that are ex- 
perienced very early during the formative 
phases of development (prenatal and early post- 

natal) have the most profound and lasting ef- 
fects. From early nutrition to education, from 
technological forces to esthetic and ethical at- 
titudes, countless are the early influences that 
make an irreversible imprint on the human body 
and mind. Most of the biological and mental 
characteristics that are assumed to be distinctive 
of the various ethnic groups — anywhere in the 
world — turn out to be the consequences of early 
environmental influences (biological and social) 
rather than of genetic constitution. 

Human beings actualize only a small part of 
the potentialities they inherit in their genetic 
code, because these potentialities become reality 
only to the extent that circumstances favor 
phenotypic expression. In practice, mental de- 
velopment is greatly facilitated if the person — 
especially the child — is exposed at a critical time 
to the proper range of stimuli and acquires a 
wide awareness of the cosmos. Science and tech- 
nology can play a crucial role in the shaping of 
mental attributes by making it possible to create 
environments more diversified and thereby more 
favorable for the expression of a wider range of 
human potentialities. 

All men are migrants from a common origin. 
They have imdergone biological and social 
changes that have enabled them to adapt to the 
different conditions they have encountered in the 
course of their migration. But as far as can be 
judged, all ethnic groups are similarly endowed 
with regard to biological and mental potentiali- 
ties. This fact is of enormous practical impor- 
tance because it justifies the belief that, given 
the proper opportunities, any population can 
shape its future and select the form it gives to 
its own culture by focusing its attention on the 
biological, technological, and social forces that 
affect human development. 

The Collective Search for Knowledge 

Programs of social betterment should be 
based on the ability to predict the effects that 
social and technological manipulations will 
exert on the human organism and on ecological 
systems, both the immediate and the long-range 
effects. Unfortunately, interest in scientific fore- 
casting has been concerned almost exclusively 
with the technological and social developments 
themselves, rather than with their effects on 
human life and on ecological systems. 

Needless to say, there exists some factual 
knowledge concerning man's interplay with his 

FEBRUARY 10, 1969 


environment ; but it is a highly episodic kind of 
knowledge, derived from attempts to solve a few 
special problems — for example, the training of 
combat forces for operation in the tropics or 
the Arctic, the preparation of men and vehicles 
for space travel, the planning of river basins for 
water and land management. 

Many scientific problems of relevance to hu- 
man life in the urban and technological world 
cry out for investigation. Three examples will be 
mentioned here merely as illustrations: 

(a) Everyone agrees that it is desirable to 
control environmental pollution. But what are 
the pollutants of air, water, or food that are 
really significant? Sulfur dioxide, carbon mon- 
oxide, and the nitrogen oxides generated by 
automobile exhausts are the air pollutants most 
widely discussed. But the colloidal particles re- 
leased from automobile tires and from the as- 
bestos lining of brakes grossly contaminate the 
air of our cities and may well be more dangerous 
than some of the gases against which control ef- 
forts are now directed. 

The acute effects of environmental pollution 
can be readily recognized, but what about the 
ciunulative, delayed, and indirect effects? Does 
the young organism respond as does the adult ? 
Does he develop forms of tolerance or hyper- 
susceptibility that affect his subsequent re- 
sponses to the same or other pollutants? 

Priorities with regard to the control of en- 
vironmental pollution cannot be established 
rationally until such knowledge is available. 

(b) Everyone agrees that all cities of the 
world must be renovated or even rebuilt. Tech- 
nologies are available for almost any kind of 
scheme imagined by city planners, architects, 
and sociologists. But hardly anything is known 
concerning the effects that the urban environ- 
ments so created will have on human well-being 
and especially on the physical and mental de- 
velopment of children. 

We know how to create sanitary environ- 
ments that permit the body to become large and 
vigorous. But what about the effect of the en- 
vironmental factors on the mind ? All too often 
housing developments are designed as if they 
were to be used as disposable cubicles for dis- 
pensable people. 

(c) Everyone agrees that all citizens should 
be given the same educational opportunities. 
But what are the critical ages for receptivity to 

various kinds of stimuli and for the develop- 
ment of mental potentialities ? 

We must develop a science concerned with 
the effects that the environmental influences 
created by massive urbanization and by ubiq- 
uitous technology exert on physical, physiolog- 
ical, and mental characteristics. We must learn 
how the effects of early deprivation or over- 
stimulation can be prevented and corrected. 

These three examples have been selected to 
illustrate that the environment must be consid- 
ered not only from the point of view of tech- 
nology but even more with regard to the re- 
sponses that the body and the mind make to the 
surroundings and ways of life. And the same 
could be said, of course, for the responses of 
the total environment to technological interven- 
tions. The distant consequences of these re- 
sponses both for human welfare and for ecolog- 
ical systems are the most important factors to 
be considered in social planning. 

Few if any universities or research institutes, 
in this country or abroad, are equipped to deal 
effectively with the organization of existing 
knowledge, and with the acquisition of new 
knowledge, relevant to the interplay between 
environmental forces and the world community. 
In fact, the use of existing knowledge and devel- 
opment of additional knowledge will certainly 
require a cooperative approach between institu- 
tions either at an international or regional level. 

Certain problems obviously involve the whole 
world community. For example : 

(a) Weather modification (T\nio will be de- 
prived of water if rain is made to fall on a given 
area ? ) 

(b) Control of epidemics (How fast and 
along what routes do the various strains of in- 
fluenza virus spread from one continent to 
another ? ) 

(c) The protection of endangered species 
(Certain species of primates are used on an 
enormous scale in American and European re- 
search laboratories ; what should be done to pre- 
vent the populations of these primates from 
being destroyed in their countries of origin?) 

(d) Brain drain and related problems per- 
taining to the education and utilization of 

Other problems are more regional in char- 
acter. For example : ni 



(a) The teclinical problems of agriculture 
and conservation are completely different in 
tropical, arid, and temperate areas. Soil man- 
agement, plant rotations, animal husbandry 
must be designed to fit the geological, climatic, 
and social conditions peculiar to each area. One 
cannot solve the problems of India by using 
knowledge and technologies developed for the 
conditions prevailing in Indiana. 

(b) Malnutrition may be due to shortage of 
calories in certain areas and to shortage of good 
quality protein elsewhere. The development of 
protein preparations that can serve as substi- 
tutes for animal and dairy products must be 
based on the kind of plant resources that can be 
economically produced. This in turn depends 
upon the geology and climate of the area under 

(c) A recent UNESCO [United Nations 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi- 
zation] conference urged the development of 
programs for monitoring pollutants in entire 
airsheds and water basins — but what pollutants? 
The chemical nature of air pollution on the 
United States Pacific Coast differs completely 
from what it is in Taiwan or in Northern 
Europe. Water and food are chiefly polluted 
with microbes in certain parts of the world and 
with chemicals in industrialized countries. 

(d) Cosmic rays at high altitude, radio- 
nuclides absorption in areas of high radioactive 
background, marine chemistry and biology on 
different types of shorelines are but a few of 
the many examples that may have great poten- 
tial important for different countries in a same 

Global and regional problems, whether fo- 
cused on man or on his enviromnent, necessarily 
deal with complex systems in which several 
interrelated factors interplay through feedback 
processes. The study of such multifactorial sys- 
tems demands conceptual approaches very dif- 
ferent from those involving only one variable, 
which are the stock in trade of orthodox aca- 
demic science. Furthermore, this kind of study 
requires research facilities that hardly exist at 
the present time and that few institutions or 
countries can afford — hence, the need for the de- 
velopment of a collective approach in the mis- 
sion-oriented institutions, either on a global or 
a regional level. 

Fortunately, there is enough experience to feel 

confident that supranational scientific centers 
can f miction and be effective. 

The World Health Organization and its mul- 
tifarious control and study programs; the 
World Meteorological Organization and its 
planned World Weather Watch are classical ex- 
amples of scientific research and action on a 
global scale. 

Even more promising, I believe, is the pros- 
pect for regional scientific centers. The Institute 
for Nutrition for Central America and Panama 
in Guatemala City, and the Satocholera labora- 
tory in East Pakistan can serve as examples of 
regional institutions devoted to problems of 
health. The Centre European pour la Recherche 
Nucleaire in Geneva and the International 
Center for Theoretical Physics at Trieste illus- 
trate what can be done for theoretical science. 
The success of these very different types of 
scientific institutes should encourage the crea- 
tion of other regional institutions throughout 
the world in order to deal with the problems 
that are common to a group of nations. 

The Diversity of Civilizations 

Certain general principles are valid for all 
environmental problems, because they are based 
on unchangeable and universal aspects of eco- 
logical systems, and especially of man's nature. 

The biological and mental constitution of 
Homo sapiens has changed only in minor details 
since the late Stone Age ; and despite progresses 
in theoretical genetics, there is no chance that 
it can be significantly or safely modified in the 
foreseeable future. This genetic stability defines 
the limits within which human life can be safely 
altered by social or technological innovations. 
Beyond these limits, any change is likely to have 
disastrous effects. 

On the other hand, mankind has a large re- 
serve of potentialities that have not yet been ex- 
pressed. By enlarging the range of experiences 
and increasing the numbers of options, science 
and teclinology can facilitate the actualization 
of these latent potentialities and thus bring to 
light much unsuspected richness in man's nature 
and in ecological systems. 

As more persons find it possible to express 
their innate endowments because they can select 
from a variety of conditions, society becomes 
richer and civilizations continue to unfold. In 
contrast, if the surroundings and ways of life 

FEBRUARY 10, 1969 


are liigUy stereotyped — whether in prosperity 
or in poverty- — the only components of man's 
nature that can flourish are those adapted to the 
narrow range of prevailing conditions. Mankind 
becomes actualized to the extent that we shun 
uniformity of surroundings and absolute con- 
formity in behavior. Creating diversified en- 
vironments may result in some loss of efficiency, 
but diversity is vastly more important than effi- 
ciency because it makes possible the gei-mination 
of the seeds donnant in the human species. In 
the light of these facts, the continued existence 
of independent nations may be desirable even 
though it generates political problems, because 
the cultivation of national characteristics prob- 
ably contributes to the cultural riclmess of 

Diversity, however, does not imply complete 
permissiveness. Individual man must accept 
some form of discipline because he can survive 
and, indeed, exist only when integrated in a 
social structure. For related ecological and social 
reasons, no group, large or small, can be entirely 
independent of the other groups within the con- 
fines of the spaceship earth. Total rejection of 
discipline is unbiologic because it would inevi- 
tably result in the disintegration of individual 
lives, of the social order, and of ecological 

In the final analysis, the interplay between 
man and his environment must therefore be 
considered from three different points of view : 

(a) The frontiers of social and technological 
changes are determined not by availability of 
power and technical prowess but by unchange- 
able aspects of man's nature and of ecological 

(b) The total environment must be suffi- 
ciently diversified to assure that each person can 
express as completely as possible his innate 
potentialities in accordance with his selected 

(c) The expressions of individuality can be 
allowed only to the extent that they are com- 
patible with the requirements of the social group 
and of the world community. 

The universality of mankind, the uniqueness 
of each person, and the need for social integra- 
tion are three determinants of human life that 
must be reconciled in order to achieve individual 
freedom, social health, and the diversity of 


United States and Singapore Sign 
New Cotton Textile Agreement 


The Department of State announced on De- 
cember 26 (press release 282) that letters had 
been exchanged in Singapore between the Gov- 
ernment of Singapore and the U.S. Embassy 
on a new bilateral agreement governing exporte 
of cotton textiles from Singapore to the United 
States. The new agreement replaces an agree- 
ment of August 30, 1966,^ which was due to 
expire on March 31, 1969. These agreements 
were negotiated in the context of the Long- 
Term Arrangements Regarding International 
Trade in Cotton Textiles.^ 

The Singapore Government has agreed that 
exports of cotton textiles to the United States 
will be restrained in accordance with a cotton 
textile industry restraint schedule. 

The new agreement differs from the old agree- 
ment in the following principal respects : exten- 
sion of the agreement to December 31, 1970, 
revision of various limits, elimination of the 
contingent allocation provision, and arrange- 
ment for compensation of overshipments. 


Letter From Singapore Government 

His Excellency 

Fbancis J. Galbeaith, 


Embassy of the United States of America, 


17th Decembeb, 1968. 
Deae Me. Ambassadoe : I refer to the cotton textile 
arrangement between our two Governments, signed at 
Singapore on August 30, 1966, and to recent discussions 
concerning the exports of cotton textiles from Singa- 
pore to the United States. I wish to inform you that 
in accordance with the arrangement reached during 

' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 6105. 
* For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 12, 1962, p. 431. 



the discussions, the Singapore Cotton Textile Industry 
will voluntarily restrain its exports to the United 
States in accordance with the Singapore Cotton Textile 
Kestraint Schedule attached to this letter. 

2. In view of this action by the Singapore Industry, 
I propose the following arrangement replacing the 
arrangement of August 30, 1966, to be effective as of 
January 1, 1968, concerning this trade : 

(1) The Government of the United States of 
America agrees not to invoke procedures under article 
6(C) and 3 of the Long-Term Arrangements Regard- 
ing International Trade in Cotton Textiles to limit 
cotton textile exports from Singapore to the United 
States during the term of this arrangement. 

(2) The Government of the Republic of Singapore 
undertakes that the exports of cotton textiles from 
Singapore to the United States will be restrained in 
accordance with the attached voluntary schedule. 

(3) The Government of the United States shall 
promptly supply the Government of the Republic of 
Singapore with data on monthly Imports of cotton tex- 
tiles from Singapore. The Government of the Republic 
of Singapore shall promptly supply the Government 
of the United States with data on monthly exi)orts of 
cotton textiles to the United States. Each government 
agrees to supply promptly any other available statisti- 
cal data requested by the other government. 

(4) The Government of the Republic of Singapore 
and the Government of the United States agree to con- 
sult on any question concerning trade in cotton tex- 
tiles between our two countries, including levels of ex- 
ports in categories not given specific limits in the at- 
tached schedule and in made-up goods or apparel made 
from a particular fabric. 

(5) If the Government of the Republic of Singa- 
pore considers that as a result of tie restraints speci- 
fied in the attached schedule, Singapore is being placed 
in an inequitable position, vis-a-vis a third country, the 
Government of the Republic of Singapore may request 
consultations with the Government of the United States 
with a view to taking appropriate remedial action such 
as consent of the Government of the United States to 
reasonable modification of this arrangement, Including 
the attached schedule. 

(6) Mutually satisfactory administrative arrange- 
ments or adjustments may be made to resolve minor 
problems arising in the implementation of this agree- 
ment including differences in points of procedures or 

(7) This arrangement shall continue in force 
through December 31, 1970, except that either govern- 
ment may terminate this arrangement effective at the 
end of any limitation year by written notice to the other 
government to be given at least 90 days prior to such 
termination date. Either government may at any time 
propose revisions in this arrangement including the 
attached schedule. 

3. If this proposal is acceptable to the Government 
of the United States, I would appreciate your letter of 
acceptance on behalf of your government.' 

Yours sincerely, 

GoH Keng Swee 
Minister for Finance. 

Singapore Cotton Textile Industry 
Restraint Schedule 

The Singapore Cotton Textile Industry will restrain 
its exports of cotton textiles to the United States as 
follows : 

1. During the period January 1, 1968 to Decem- 
ber 31, 1970 exports of cotton textiles from Singapore 
to the United States will be limited to aggregate, group 
and specific limits at the levels specified below. 

2. For the first limitation year, constituting the 12- 
month period beginning January 1, 1968, the aggregate 
limit shall be 36,000,000 square yards. 

3. Within this aggregate limit the following group 
limits shall apply for the first limitation year : 

In Square Yards 

Group I Apparel Categories 
(Categories 39-63) 
Group II All Other Categories 

4. Within the aggregate limit and 
group limits, the following specific limits 
the first limitation year: 





Apparel Categories 

(Group I) 


70, 000 


110, 000 


60, 000 


50, 000 


40, 000 


10, 000 


20, 000 


160, 000 


70, 000 


30, 000 


13, 000 


56, 000 


36, 000 


175, 000 



All Other Categories 

(Group II) 


1, 250, 000 


1, 000, 000 


2, 270, 000 

(of which not 

more than 

1, 500, 000 

syds. in 


31 Shoptowela 

15, 230, 000 

31 Other 




24, 000, 000 
12, 000, 000 

the applicable 
shall apply for 

In Square Yardi 

506, 380 

795, 740 

1, 331, 160 

1, 222, 850 
887, 440 
500, 000 
650, 000 

2, 847, 520 
1, 245, 790 

435, 900 

588, 900 

1, 400, 000 

1, 836, 000 

9, 093, 000 

506, 000 

1, 250, 000 

1, 000, 000 

2, 270, 000 

Pes. 5, 300, 040 

" 699, 828 

5. (a) Within the aggregate limit the limit for 
Group I may be exceeded by five percent, and the 
limit for Group II may be exceeded by 10 percent. 

(b) Within the applicable group Umit (as it 
may be adjusted under this paragraph) specific limits 
may be exceeded by five percent. 

' Ambassador Galbraith accepted the proposal on 
behalf of the U.S. Government in a letter dated Dec. 23. 

FEBRUARY 10, 1969 


6. (a) If it appears that cotton textile exports 
from Singapore to the United States in any category 
for which no specific hmit is applicable are Ukely to 
exceed the consultation level specified below for any 
limitation year, the industry shall notify the Govern- 
ment of the Repubhc of Singapore. Until the industry 
has been informed that the Government of the Repubhc 
of Singapore and the United States Government have 
consulted on the effect of such shipments on conditions 
of the United States domestic market in the category 
in question and have concluded such consultations on 
a mutually satisfactory basis, these exports shall be 
hmited to the consultation level. For the first limitation 
year, the consultation level for categories in Group I 
shall be 385,875 square yards, and for categories in 
Group II shall be 500,000 square yards. 

(b) In the event that the United States Govern- 
ment requests consultations with the Government of 
the Republic of Singapore concerning undue concentra- 
tion in exports from Singapore to the United States in 
made-up goods or apparel made from a particular fabric, 
these exports will be limited until the two Governments 
reach a mutually satisfactory solution. The limit shall 
be on the basis of the 12-month period beginning on 
the date the United States Government requests con- 
sultations under this paragraph and shall be 105 percent 
of the exports of such products from Singapore to the 
United States during the most recent 12-month period 
preceding the request for consultation and for which 
statistics were available to the two Governments on 
the date of the request. Any exports limited pursuant 
to this paragraph shall also be counted against all other 
applicable Umits specified in this schedule. 

7. In the second and succeeding 12-month periods 
that any limitation is applicable under this schedule, 
the level of exports permitted under that limitation 
shall be increased by five percent over the corresponding 
level for the preceding 12-month period. The correspond- 
ing level for the preceding 12-month period shaU not 
include any adjustments under paragraphs 5 or 8. 

8. (a) For any limitation year subsequent to the 
first limitation year and immediately following a year 
of a shortfall (i.e., a year in which cotton textile exports 
from Singapore to the United States were below the 
aggregate limit and any group and specific limits 
appUcable to the category concerned) exports may be 
permitted to exceed these limits by carryover in the 
following amounts and manner: 

(i) The carryover shall not exceed the amount of 
the shortfall in either the aggregate hmit or any 
apphcable group or specific limit and shall not exceed 
either 5 percent of the aggregate limit or 5 percent of 
the apphcable group limit in the year of the shortfall, 

(ii) in the case of shortfalls in the categories subject 
to specific Umits the carryover shall be used in the same 
category in which the shortfall occurred and shall not 
exceed 5 percent of the specific limit in the year of the 
shortfall, and 

(iii) in the case of shortfalls not attributable to 
categories subject to specific Umits, the carryover shall 
be used in the same group in which the shortfall 
occurred, shaU not be used to exceed any appUcable 
specific limit except in accordance with the provisions 

in paragraph 5 and shaU be subject to the provisions of 
paragraph 6 of this schedule. 

(b) The Umits referred to in subparagraph (a) 
of this paragraph are without any adjustments under 
this paragraph or paragraph 5. 

(c) The carryover shaU be in addition to the 
exports permitted in paragraph 5. 

9. Cotton textile exports from Singapore to the 
United States within each category shall be spaced as 
evenly as practicable throughout the limitation year, 
taking into consideration normal seasonal factors. 

10. In view of the special circumstances in 1968, 
including revision in the term of the schedule: (a) 
the quantity of 299,000 square yards shall be charged 
against the specific limit applicable to categories 22/23 
in 1968 as compensation for overshipments during the 
12 month period beginning April 1, 1967; and (b) 
Notwithstanding the limit provided for in paragraph 
4, exports in 1968 only, in categories 9/10, may be per- 
mitted to total 1,800,000 square yards, provided the 
aggregate limit and the Group II limit are not ex- 
ceeded. The provisions of paragraphs 5 and S shall not 
apply to categories 9/10 with regard to the year 1968. 

11. In implementing this schedule the system of 
categories and the rates of conversion into square 
yard equivalents listed in the annex hereto shall 
apply.* In any situation where the determination of an 
article to be a cotton textile would be affected by 
whether the criterion provided for in Article 9 of the 
Long-Term Arrangement is used or the criterion pro- 
vided for in paragraph 2 of Annex E of the Long-Term 
Arrangement is used, the chief value criterion used 
by the Government of the United States of America in 
accordance with paragraph 2 of Annex E shall apply. 

U.S., Trinidad and Tobago Extend 
Income Tax Convention 

Press release 7 dated January 22 

On December 12 and 30, 1968, notes were ex- 
changed between the United States Government 
and the Government of Trinidad and Tobago 
extending through 1969 the duration of the con- 
vention of December 22, 1966, for the avoidance 
of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal 
evasion with respect to taxes on income and the 
encouragement of international trade and 

In article 5(3) of the convention it was pro- 
vided in effect that the convention would termi- 
nate on December 31, 1967, unless the two con- 

' For text of the annex, see Department of State 
press release 282 dated Dec. 26. 
^Treaties and Other International Acts Series 6400. 



trading states, on or before that date, agreed 
by notes exchanged through diplomatic chan- 
nels to continue the convention in effect for the 
following year. Notes were exchanged on De- 
cember 19, 1967, whereby the two contracting 
states agreed that the convention would con- 
tinue to be effective during the year 1968. The 
notes exchanged in December 1968 have the 
effect of continuing the effectiveness of the con- 
vention through the year 1969. 

Current Actions 


Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency 
witti annex, as amended. Done at New York October 
26, 1956. Entered into force July 29, 1957. TIAS 3873, 
Acceptance deposited: Malaysia, January 15, 1969. 


Protocol on the authentic trilingual text of the con- 
vention on international civil aviation (Chicago, 
1944) (TIAS 1591, 3756, 5170), with annex. Done at 
Buenos Aires September 24, 1968. Entered into force 
October 24, 1968. TIAS 6605. 
Acceptance deposited; Switzerland, January 22, 1969. 


Customs convention regarding ECS carnets for com- 
mercial samples, with annex and protocol of signa- 
ture, as amended. Done at Brussels March 1, 1956. 
Entered into force October 3, 1957; for the United 
States March 3, 1969. TIAS 6632. 
Proclaimed hy the President: January 18, 1969. 

Customs convention on containers, with annexes and 
protocol of signature. Done at Geneva May 18, 1956. 
Entered into force August 4, 1959; for the United 
States March 3, 1969. TIAS 6634. 
Proclaimed iy the President: January 18, 1969. 

Customs convention on the international transport of 
goods under cover of TIR carnets, with nine an- 
nexes and protocol of signature, as amended. Done 
at Geneva January 15, 1959. Entered Into force 
January 7, 1960; for the United States March 3, 
1969. TIAS 6633. 
Proclaimed by the President: January 18, 1969. 

Customs convention on the temporary importation of 
professional equipment, and annexes A, B, and C. 
Done at Brussels June 8, 1961. Entered into force 
July 1, 1962; for the United States March 3, 1969. 
TIAS 6630. 
Proclaimed hy the President: January 18, 1969. 

Customs convention on the ATA camet for the tem- 
porary admission of goods, with annex. Done at 
Brussels December 6, 1961. Entered into force July 
30, 1963 ; for the United States March 3, 1969. TIAS 
Proclaimed ly the President: January 18, 1969. 

Nuclear Weapons — Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 

Ratification deposited at Washington: Mexico, Jan- 
uary 21, 1969. 


Treaty on principles governing the activities of states 
in the exploration and use of outer space. Including 
the moon and other celestial bodies. Opened for sig- 
nature at Washington, London, and Moscow Jan- 
uary 27, 1967. Entered into force October 10, 1967. 
TIAS 6347. 

Ratification deposited at Washington: El Salvador, 
January 15, 1969. 



Agreement concerning settlement of United States 
claims relating to Gut Dam. Effected by exchange 
of notes at Ottawa November 18, 1968. Entered into 
force November 18, 1968. 


Department Releases First Volume 
of New Compilation of Treaties 

Press release 6 dated January 21 

A new compilation entitled Treaties and Other In- 
ternational Agreements of the United States of America 
1116-19Ji9 is now being published by the Department 
of State. It has been compiled under the direction of 
Charles I. Bevans, Assistant Legal Adviser for Treaty 
Affairs. The first volume, released on January 21, covers 
multilateral agreements signed during the first 141 
years of the Nation's history. 

The 15-volume series will include the English texts 
or, in cases where no English text was signed, the 
official U.S. Government translations of treaties and 
other international agreements entered into by the 
United States from 1776 to 1950. ( Instruments brought 
into force after January 1, 1950, are published at regu- 
lar intervals in the series entitled United States 
Treaties and Other International Agreements (UST).) 
The compilation begins with four volumes of multilat- 
eral agreements, arranged chronologically, to be fol- 
lowed by approximately 11 volumes of bilateral 
agreements grouped alphabetically by country. The 
entire project will be completed within a year or two. 

The 88 agreements included in the first volume cover 
a wide variety of subjects— lighthouses, postal ar- 

' Not in force. 

FEBRUARY 10, 1969 


rangements, submarine cables, the Red Cross, sanitary 
regulations, telecommunication, opium, the Hague con- 
ventions of 1899 and 1907. The volume begins with an 
arrangement signed at Algiers March 21, 1826, by the 
consuls of 10 European povrers, in which they agreed 
to seek authorization from their governments to enclose 
the European cemetery in Algiers, "where the bodies 
of Europeans are exposed to insults by the public and 
to damage by the sea. . . ." It closes with an arrange- 
ment proposed by the Chinese Government and approved 
by the diplomatic representatives of 11 countries at 
Peking October 19, 1915, relating to claims to land 
along the Whangpoo River. 

It has been nearly 60 years since the compilation 
known as the "Malloy" series began to come off the 
press and more than 30 years since the fourth and last 
volume was published. The full title of that compila- 
tion, prepared under the direction of the Committee on 
Foreign Relations of the United States Senate, is 
Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols, 
and Agreements Between the United States and Other 

This new compilation is, in a sense, a replacement, 
an enlargement, and an updating of the "Malloy" 
volumes. It will be approximately four times the length 
of the earlier series because it will include some agree- 
ments not printed In "Malloy" and because there was 
a great increase in the number of treaties and other 
international agreements signed during the 1930's and 
1940's. The fact that all the multilateral agreements 
for the years from 1776 to 1917 are contained in one 
volume of about 900 pages, while those for the 4 years 
from 1946 through 1949 will require about 1,200 pages, 
provides visible evidence of the increased tempo and 
complexity of international affairs. 

Copies of volume 1 are for sale by the Superintendent 
of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington, D.C. 20402. The price is $8.50. 



The Senate on January 20 confirmed the nomination 
of William P. Rogers to be Secretary of State. (For 
biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 11 dated January 24.) 

The Senate on January 21 confirmed the nomination 
of Charles W. Yost to be the representative of the 
United States to the United Nations and the repre- 
sentative of the United States in the Security Council 
of the United Nations. 

The Senate on January 23 confirmed the following 
nominations : 

Elliot L. Richardson to be Under Secretary of State. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 12 dated January 24.) 

Richard F. Pedersen to be Counselor of the Depart- 
ment of State. (For biographic details, see Department 
of State press release 13 dated January 24. ) 


Clement E. Conger as Deputy Chief of Protocol, effec- 
tive January 22. (For biographic details, see Depart- 
ment of State press release dated January 22. ) 

Emil Mosbacher, Jr., as Chief of Protocol, with the 
personal rank of Ambassador, effective January 24. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 14 dated January 24.) 



INDEX Februai^ 10, 1969 Vol. LX, No. 1546 

Congress. Confinnatioris ( Pedersen, Richardson, 

Rogers, Yost) 140 

Department and Foreign Service 

Appointments (Conger, Mosbacher) .... 140 

Confirmations (Pedersen, Richardson, Rogers, 
Yost) 140 

The Formulation of Foreign Policy: Responsi- 
bility and Opportunity (Rogers) 125 

Economic AEFairs 

International Coffee Agreement (text of Execu- 
tive order) 126 

United States and Singapore Sign Nevif Cotton 
Textile Agreement (text of Singaporan 
letter) 130 

U.S., Trinidad and Tobago Extend Income Tax 

Convention 138 

Government Organization. International Coffee 

Agreement (text of Executive order) . . . 12G 

Health. The Human Landscape (Dubos, Rusk) . 127 

Presidential Documents 

The Inaugural Address of President Nixon . . 121 

International Coffee Agreement 126 

Publications. Department Releases First Volume 
of New Compilation of Treaties 139 

Science. The Human Landscape (Dubos, 
Rusk) 127 

Singapore. United States and Singapore Sign 
New Cotton Textile Agreement (text of 
Singaporan letter) 136 

Trade. United States and Singapore Sign New 
Cotton Textile Agreement (text of Singaporan 
letter) 136 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 139 

Department Releases First Volume of New Com- 
pilation of Treaties 139 

United States and Singapore Sign New Cotton 
Textile Agreement (text of Singaporan 
letter) 136 

U.S., Trinidad and Tobago Extend Income Tax 
Convention 138 

Trinidad and Tobago. U.S., Trinidad and Tobago 
Extend Income Tax Convention 138 

United Nations. Yost confirmed as U.S. Repre- 
sentative 140 

Viet-Nam. First Plenary Session of New Meet- 
ings on Viet-Nam Held at Paris (Lodge) . . 124 

Name Index 

Conger, Clement E 140 

Dubos, Ren4 Jules 127 

Johnson, President 126 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 124 

Mosbacher, Emil, Jr 140 

Nixon, President 121 

Pedersen, Richard F 140 

Richardson, Elliot L 140 

Rogers. Secretary 125, 140 

Rusk, Secretary 127 

Yost, Charles W 140 









Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: January 20-26 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

Release issued prior to January 20 which ap- 
pears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 282 of 
December 26. 


Department issues first volume of 
"Treaties and Other International 
Agreements of the United States of 
America 1776-1&49." 

Extension of income tax convention 
with Trinidad and Tobago. 

Rogers : message to ofiicers and em- 
ployees of State, AID, USIA, 
ACDA, and Peace Corps. 

Francis O. Wilcox to represent U.S. 
at dedication of John F. Kennedy 
College of Arts and Sciences, Port- 
of-Spain, Trinidad. 

Science agreement concluded with 
Republic of China. 

Biography of Secretary Rogers. 

Elliot Lee Richardson sworn in as 
Under Secretary (biographic de- 

Richard F. Pedersen sworn in as 
Counselor of the Department (bio- 
graphic details). 

Emil Mosbacher, Jr., sworn in as 
Chief of Protocol (biographic de- 

Lodge : Meetings on Viet-Nam at 

*9 1/23 

flO 1/23 

*11 1/24 
*12 1/24 

*13 1/24 
*14 1/24 

15 1/25 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

washington, d.c. 20402 










Vol. LX, No. 15i7 

February 17, 1969 



Statement and Remarks l>y Amiassador Lodge H4 


Smnmary hy the United States Mission to the United Nations 1J^7 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Docuwicnts 

r/iAR 1 2 1S69 

For index see inside hack cover 



Vol. LX, No. 1547 
February 17, 1969 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 


E2 Issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

Note: Contents of this publication .Tre not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OF 

ST.\TE BULLETIN as the .source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is indexed in 

the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the tcork of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interna- 
tional affairs and the functions of the 
Department. Information is included 
concerning treaties and internatioruil 
agreements to which the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative nuiterial in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

President Nixon's News Conference of January 27 

Following are excerpts from the tra/nscript 
of a news conference held hy President Nixon 
at the White House on January 27. 

The President: Ladies and gentlemen, since 
this is my first press conference since the inau- 
guration, I can imagine there are a number of 
questions. Consequently, I will make no open- 
ing statement and we will go directly to your 

Q. Mr. President, now that you are Presi- 
dent, what is your peace plan for Yiet-Nam? 

The President: I believe that as we look at 
what is happening in the negotiations in Paris, 
as far as the American side is concerned we are 
off to a good start. What now, of course, is in- 
volved is what happens on the other side. 

We find that in Paris, if you read Ambas- 
sador Lodge's statement,^ we have been quite 
specific with regard to some steps that can be 
taken now on Viet-Nam. Rather than submit- 
ting a laundry list of various proposals, we 
have laid down those things which we believe 
the other side should agree to and can agree 
to : the restoration of the demilitarized zone as 
set forth in the Geneva conference of 1954; 
mutual withdrawal, guaranteed withdrawal, of 
forces by both sides ; the exchange of prisoners. 
All of these are matters that we think can be 
precisely considered and on which progress can 
be made. 

Now, where we go from here depends upon 
what the other side offers in turn. 

Q. Mr. President, now that you are Presi- 
dent, could you he specific with us about what 
your plans are for improving relations with 
Communist China and whether you think they 
will he success fui or not? 

' For Ambassador Lodge's opening statement at the 
first plenary session of the meetings on Viet-Nam at 
Paris on Jan. 25, see Bulletin of Feb. 10, 1969, p. 124. 

Th^ President: Well, I have noted, of course, 
some expressions of interest on the part of 
various Senators and others in this country 
with regard to the possibility of admitting 
Communist China to the United Nations. 

I also have taken note of the fact that several 
countries — including primarily Italy among 
the major countries — have indicated an interest 
in changing their policy and possibly voting to 
admit Commiznist China to the United Nations. 

The policy of this country and this adminis- 
tration at this time will be to continue to op- 
pose Communist China's admission to the 
United Nations. 

There are several reasons for that : 

First, Communist China has not indicated 
any interest in becoming a member of the 
United Nations. 

Second, it has not indicated any intent to 
abide by the principles of the U.N. Charter and 
to meet the principles that new members ad- 
mitted to the United Nations are supposed to 

Finally, Communist China continues to call 
for expelling the Republic of China from the 
United Nations, and the Republic of China has, 
as I think most know, been a member of the in- 
ternational community and has met its respon- 
sibilities without any question over these past 
few years. 

Under these circumstances, I believe it would 
be a mistake for the United States to change 
its policy with regard to Communist China 
in admitting it to the United Nations. 

Now, there is a second immediate point that 
I have noted: That is the fact that there vnll 
be another meeting in Warsaw. We look for- 
ward to that meeting. We will be interested to 
see what the Chinese Communist representa- 
tives may have to say at that meeting, whether 
any changes of attitude on their part on major 
substantive issues may have occurred. 

Until some changes occur on their side, how- 
ever, I see no inamediate prospect of any change 
in our policy. 

FEBRUAKT 17, 1969 


Q. Mr. President., what frohlems that you 
have to cope with do you feel require your most 
urgent attention now? 

The President: Well, the major problems 
•with which I have been concerned in this first 
week have been in the field of foreign policy, be- 
cause there only the President can make some of 
the decisions. 

And consequently, the Security Council, as 
you ladies and gentlemen are aware, has had 
two very long meetings ; and in addition, I spent 
many long hours at night reading the papers 
which involve the foreign policy of the United 

This afternoon I will go to the Pentagon for 
my first major briefing by military officials on 
our military situation. 

Going beyond that, however, I would say that 
the problems of our cities, which have been dis- 
cussed at length at the Urban Affairs Council, 
and our economic problems, which were dis- 
cussed at the meeting we had in the new Cabinet 
Committee on Economic Policy, require urgent 

It is very difficult to single one out and put it 
above the other. There are a number of problems 
which this administration confronts; each re- 
quires urgent attention. The field of foreign 
policy will require more attention, because it is 
in this field that only the President, in many 
instances, can make the decisions. 

Q. Mr. President, on foreign policy, nuclear 
folicy particularly, could you give us your posi- 
tion on the Nonproliferation Treaty and on the 
starting of missile talks with the Soviet Union? 

The President: I favor the Nonproliferation 
Treaty. The only question is the timing of the 
ratification of tliat treaty. That matter will be 
considered by the National Security Coimcil, by 
my direction, during a meeting this week. I will 
also have a discussion with the leaders of both 
sides in the Senate and in the House on the 
treaty witliin tliis week and in the early part of 
next week. I will make a decision then as to 
whether this is the proper time to ask the Senate 
to move forward and ratify the treaty. I expect 
ratification of the treaty and will urge its ratifi- 
cation at an appropriate time and, I would hope, 
an early time. 

As far as the second part of your question, 
with regard to strategic arms talks, I favor 
strategic arms talks. Again, it is a question of 
not only when, but the context of those talks. 

The context of those talks is vitally important 
because we are here between two major, shall 
we say, guidelines. 

On the one side, there is the proposition which 
is advanced by some that we should go forward 
with talks on the reduction of strategic forces 
on both sides — we should go forward with such 
talks, clearly apart from any progress on politi- 
cal settlement — and on the other side, the sug- 
gestion is made that until we make progress on 
political settlements, it would not be wise to go 
forward on any reduction of our strategic arms, 
even by agreement with the other side. 

It is my belief that what we must do is to 
steer a course between those two extremes. It 
would be a mistake, for example, for us to fail to 
recognize that simply reducing arms through 
mutual agreement — failing to recognize that 
that reduction will not in itself assure peace. 
The war which occurred in the Mideast in 1967 
was a clear indication of that. 

What I want to do is to see to it that we have 
strategic arms talks in a way and at a time that 
will promote, if possible, progress on outstand- 
ing political problems at the same time — for ex- 
ample, on the problem of the Mideast and on 
other outstanding problems in which the United 
States and the Soviet Union, acting together, 
can serve the cause of peace. 

Q. Mr. President, do you or your administra- 
tion have any plan outside the United Nations 
proposal for achieving peace in the Middle 

The President : As you ladies and gentlemen 
are aware, the suggestion has been made that we 
have four-power talks. The suggestion has also 
been made that we use the United Nations as 
the primary forum for such talks. And it has 
also been suggested that the United States and 
the Soviet Union bilaterally should have talks 
on the Mideast. 

In addition to that, of course, the problem fi- 
nally should be settled by the parties in the area. 
We are going to devote the whole day on Satur- 
day to the Mideast problem, just as we devoted 
the whole day this last Saturday on the problem 
of Viet-Nam. 

We will consider on the occasion of that meet- 
ing the entire range of options that we have. I 
shall simply say at this time that I believe we 
need new initiatives and new leadership on the 
part of the United States in order to cool oif the 
situation in the Mideast. I consider it a powder 
keg, very explosive. It needs to be defused. I 



am open to any suggestions that may cool it off 
and reduce the possibility of another explosion, 
because the next explosion in the Mideast, I 
think, could involve very well a confrontation 
between the nuclear powers, which we want to 

Q. Mr. President, do you consider it possible 
to have a cease-fire in Viet-Nam so long as the 
Viet Cong still occupy Vietnamese territory? 

The President : I think that it is not helpful 
in discussing Viet-Nam to use such terms as 
"cease-fire" because cease-fire is a term of art 
that really has no relevance, in my opinion, to 
a guerrilla war. 

When you are talking about a conventional 
war, then a cease-fire agreed upon by two par- 
ties means that the shooting stops. When you 
have a guerrilla war, in which one side may not 
even be able to control many of those who are 
responsible for the violence in the area, the 
cease-fire may be meaningless. 

I think at this point this administration be- 
lieves that the better approach is the one that 
Ambassador Lodge, under our direction, set 
forth in Paris — mutual withdrawal of forces on 
a guaranteed basis by both sides from South 

Q. Mr. President, iach to nuclear weapons. 
Both you and Secretary [of Defense Melvin R.^ 
Laird have stressed, quite hard, the need for 
superiority over the Soviet Union. But what is 
the real meaning of that in view of the fact that 
hoth sides have more than enough already to 
destroy each other, and how do you distinguish 
between the validity of tJiat stance and the argu- 
ment of Dr. Kissinger [Henry A. Kissinger, 
Assistant to the President for National Security 
Ajfairs'\ for what he calls ^'' sufficiency"? 

The President: Here, again, I think the 
semantics may offer an inappropriate approach 
to the problem. I would say, with regard to Dr. 
Kissinger's suggestion of sufficiency, that that 
would meet certainly my guideline and, I think. 
Secretary Laird's guideline with regard to 

Let me put it this way : When we talk about 
parity, I think we should recognize that wars 
occur usually when each side believes it has a 
chance to win. Therefore, parity does not neces- 
sarily assure that a war may not occur. 

By the same token, when we talk about 

superiority, that may have a detrimental effect 
on the other side in putting it in an inferior 
position and therefore giving great impetus to 
its own arms race. 

Our objective in tliis administration — and this 
is a matter that we are going to discuss at the 
Pentagon tliis afternoon and that will be the 
subject of a major discussion in the National 
Security Council within the month — our objec- 
tive is to be sure that the United States has 
sufficient military power to defend our interests 
and to maintain the commitments which this 
administration determines are in the interest 
of the United States around the world. 

I think "sufficiency" is a better term, actually, 
than either "superiority" or "parity." 

Q. Mr. President, during the transition 
period in New York, several persons who con- 
ferred with you came away toith the impression 
that you felt the Viet-Nam, war might be ended 
within a year. Were these impressions correct, 

The President: I, of course, in my conversa- 
tions with those individuals, and all individ- 
uals, have never used the term "6 months," "a 
year," "2 years," or "3 years," because I do 
not think it is helpful in discussing this terribly 
difficult war, a war that President Johnson 
wanted to bring to an end as early as possible, 
that I want to bring to an end as early as 

I do not think it is helpful to make overly 
optimistic statements which, in effect, may im- 
pede and perhaps might make very difficult 
our negotiations in Paris. All that I have to 
say is this : that we have a new team in Paris, 
with some old faces, but a new team. We have 
new direction from the United States. We have 
a new sense of urgency with regard to the 

There will be new tactics. We believe that 
those tactics may be more successful than the 
tactics of the past. 

I should make one further point, however: 
We must recognise that all that has happened 
to date is the settlement of the procedural prob- 
lems, the size of the table, and who will sit 
at those tables. 

What we now get to is really that hard, tough 
ground that we have to plow: the substantive 
issues as to what both parties will agree to; 
whether we are going to have mutual with- 
drawal; whether we are going to have self- 

FEBRUAKT 17, 1969 


detennination by the people of South Viet- 
Nam without outside interference; whether we 
can have an exchange of prisoners. 

This is going to take time, but I can assure 
you that it will have my personal attention. It 
will have my personal direction. The Secretary 
of State, my adviser for national security af- 
fairs, the Secretaiy of Defense — all of us — wDl 
give it every possible attention and we hope to 
come up with some new approaches. 

The press: Thank you, Mr. President. 

Second Plenary Session 
on Viet-Nam Held at Paris 

Tlie second plenary session of the new meet- 
ing on Viet-Nam was held at Paris January 30. 
Following are texts of an opening statement and 
additional remarks made hy Ambassador Henry 
Cabot Lodge, hsad of the U.S. delegation. 


Press release 18 dated January 30 

Ladies and gentlemen : Last Saturday the new 
Paris meetings on Viet-Nam began. The eyes 
of the world were upon this meetingplace. The 
world will continue to watch and to hope for the 
success of our efforts. Let all of us do everything 
in our power to fulfill those hopes — for peace 
and for the reconciliation of those who now 
oppose each other. 

We have reviewed the record of our last meet- 
ing and have read carefully the remarks of the 
other side. We find a one-sided view of history 
and a great many broad and unsupported gen- 
eralities. But we have searched and have found 
no concrete or specific proposal that might bring 
us closer to peace. 

I again urge that we look ahead. 

President Nixon, in his inaugural address, 
said : "As we reach toward our hopes, our task 
is to build on what has gone before — not turning 
away from the old but turning toward the 
new." ^ 

The goal of the United States in Viet-Nam 
is simple and clear: to assure the right of the 

' Bulletin of Feb. 10, 1969, p. 121. 

people of South Viet-Nam to shape their own 
future in their own way without outside inter- 
ference or coercion. 

American and other Allied troops are in 
South Viet-Nam today because North Viet- 
namese troops are there. Our combat forces were 
sent there long after Hanoi's aggression against 
the South was clear to the entire world. More- 
over, our combat units were sent only after regu- 
lar units of the North Vietnamese Army had 
entered South Viet-Nam and fought on the soil 
of the South. 

Our military assistance, like that of the other 
allies, was given only upon the request of the 
legal and legitimate goverimaent of the Republic 
of Viet-Nam. Let it be remembered that the 
right to defend oneself — and to ask friends to 
help in that defense — is firmly established in in- 
ternational law and in the Charter of the United 
Nations. Recognizing this right, six nations have 
contributed forces to help defend the independ- 
ence of South Viet-Nam, to help the South Viet- 
namese people preserve their right to make their 
own future and to build their own political and 
economic institutions. More than 40 other na- 
tions have contributed economic assistance to 
help the people of South Viet-Nam. 

We can review endlessly the events of the 
past and why they occurred. And we would 
probably be as far apart at the end as at the 

Let us instead turn our attention to the future, 
to what must be done to bring an end to the 
fighting and to bring peace to the people of 

The key to that solution is to arrange the 
mutual withdrawal of all external forces from 
South Viet-Nam, and that involves the with- 
drawal of North Vietnamese military and sub- 
versive forces to North Viet-Nam. As that hap- 
pens, the withdrawal of Allied forces will 
commence. We are prepared to begin working 
now toward the objective of mutual withdrawal. 

I said last Saturday — and I repeat today — 
that a logical first step in the direction of peace 
is the restoration of the demilitarized zone. This 
zone was originally arranged in the Geneva 
agreements of 1954. You have said that you 
support the essential elements of these agree- 
ments. We have said the same. Let us move 
forward, therefore, with this important first 
step toward reestablishing peace. 

The demilitarized zone should be free of all 
regular and irregular military and subversive 



forces and personnel. It should contain no mili- 
tary installations. It should be free of military 
supplies and equipment. There should be no 
firing of artillery or any other act of force from, 
into, or across the zone. And these provisions 
should all be subject to an effective system of in- 
ternational inspection and verification. 

We are ready to start work on arrangements 
to this end. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I reiterate our desire 
to progress. Let us get down to the serious busi- 
ness of finding a road to peace. Let us begin 


Press release 19 dated January 30 

Once again I am constrained, as I was last 
Saturday, to reject the statements made by the 
other side concerning American relations with 
South Viet-Nam. In all essential respects, no- 
tably as regards aggression and neocolonialism, 
they are contrary to fact. It is typical propa- 
ganda of the kind that the world knows well 
and which cannot contribute to progress at these 

With respect to your remarks concerning al- 
leged B-52 bombing in North Viet-Nam, no 
B-52's have been targeted against North Viet- 
Nam since an attack on military targets in the 
DMZ on October 28, 1968. In answer to allega- 
tions raised since that date, a spokesman from 
the U.S. Department of Defense stated on Jan- 
uary 27 : "That is not true. We have not resumed 
the bombing of North Viet-Nam." 

As to reconnaissance — limited aerial recon- 
naissance, which is not an action involving the 
use of force, is being carried out over North 
Viet-Nam to assure that Allied forces in South 
Viet-Nam are not faced with imminent danger 
of military actions from the armed forces of 
North Viet-Nam. That reconnaissance does not 
threaten the security of North Viet-Nam. The 
only action which has been taken in North Viet- 
Nam by the United States has been to defend 
our reconnaissance planes and pilots when they 
have been fired upon. 

We persist in oirr desire to find a basis for 
peace in Viet-Nam based upon agreements as to 
the future rather than polemics concerning the 

The DMZ is presented as an issue for early 
substantive consideration in detail, because it is 

an important problem which readily lends itself 
to a solution. 

Our present problem is to find a practical 
point of departure for making some progress 
toward that ultimate objective. It is with this 
in mind that both the Republic of Viet-Nam 
and the United States have proposed early con- 
sideration of the demilitarized zone issue. Any 
progress we can achieve between the two sides 
in solving this problem will create a better at- 
mosphere, as well as a basis for solving the 
broader and more complex aspects which are 
involved in any settlement. 

Therefore, we hope that we may approach the 
question of the DMZ as a matter susceptible 
of being discussed specifically — a matter which 
will be, in effect, a pilot project which will 
enable us to form a pattern for constructive 
work together. 

Mass Public Executions in Iraq 
Deplored by United States 

Following is the text of a letter dated January 
29 from diaries W. Tost, U.S. Representative 
to the United Nations, to the President of the 
Security Council. 

U.S./U.N. press release 5 dated January 29 

Januakt 29, 1969 
His Excellency 
Mr. Max Jakobson 
President of the Security Council 

Excelienct: I have been instructed by my 
Government to draw to your attention the fol- 
lowing statement issued by Secretary of State 
William P. Rogers on January 27, 1969, when 
he learned of the public execution of 14 persons 
convicted for espionage in Iraq : ^ 

"We have had no United States representa- 
tion in Baghdad since the Government of Iraq 
broke relations in 1967. We are not, therefore, in 
a position to comment on the facts surrounding 
the trial. On humanitarian grounds [however] 
these executions are a matter of deep concern 
to us. The spectacle of mass public executions is 
repugnant to the conscience of the world. At my 

' Secretary Bogers' statement was issued as Depart- 
ment of State press release 16 dated Jan. 27. 

FEBRUABY 17, 1969 


request, Ambassador Yost has called Secretary 
General U Thant today to express our deep 
concern and to tell him that we share the expres- 
sions noted in liis statement issued earlier 

The Government of the United States rec- 
ognizes the legal right of any government to 
bring to trial and administer justice to any of its 
citizens. However, the manner in which these 
executions and the trials that preceded them 
were conducted scarcely conforms to normally 
accepted standards of respect for human rights 
and human dignity or to the obligations in this 
regard that the United Nations Charter imposes 
upon all members. Moreover, the spectacular 
way in which they were carried out seems to 
have been designed to arouse emotions and to 
intensify the very explosive atmosphere of 
suspicion and hostility in the Middle East. 

The United States hopes that the world-wide 
revulsion aroused by the reports of these trials 
and executions wUl induce those responsible to 
carry out their solemn Charter obligations to 
promote "universal respect for and observance 
of human rights and fundamental freedoms for 
all without distinction as to race, sex, language, 
or religion." Repetition of the recent tragic 
events would be bound to make more difficult 
efforts within and outside the United Nations 
toward the goals of peace, tolerance, and hu- 
man understanding among nations and peoples, 
in the Middle East and throughout the world. 

I respectfully request that this letter be 
circulated as a Security Council document. 

Charles W. Yost 

Letters of Credence 

Federal Refuhlic of Germany 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Federal Republic of Germany, Rolf Friedemann 
Pauls, presented his credentials to President 
Nixon on January 31. For texts of the Ambas- 
sador's i-emarks and the President's reply, see 
Department of State press release dated 
January 31. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Republic of Singapore, Ernest Steven Monteiro, 
presented his credentials to President Nixon on 
January 31. For texts of the Ambassador's re- 
marks and the President's reply, see Department 
of State press release dated January 31. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of the 
Oriental Republic of Uruguay, Hector Luisi, 
presented his credentials to President Nixon on 
January 31. For texts of the Ambassador's re- 
marks and the President's reply, see Depart- 
ment of State press release dated January 31. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

90th Congress, 2d Session 

Planning-Programming-Budgeting. Program Budget- 
ing in Foreign Affairs: Some Reflections. Memoran- 
dum prepared at the request of the Subcommittee 
on National Security and International Operations 
of the Senate Committee on Government Operations. 
November 27, 1968. 24 pp. [Committee print.] 

Postscript to Reports on Czechoslovakia, NATO, and 
the Paris Negotiations of September 1968. Report of 
Senator Mike Mansfield to the Senate Committee on 
Foreign Relations. December 1968. 7 pp. [Oommittee 

Measuring Hamlet Security in Vietnam. Report of a 
special study mission by Representative John V. 
Tunney of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
December 1968. 11 pp. [Committee print.] 

The Gulf of Tonkin, the 1964 Incidents. Part II. Sup- 
plementary documents to February 20, 1968, hearing 
with Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara. 
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Decem- 
ber 16, 1968. 14 pp. [Committee print.] 

The Future of United States Public Diplomacy. Re- 
port No. 6, together with part XI of the hearings 
on "Winning the Cold War: The U.S. Ideological 
Offensive" by the Subcommittee on International 
Organizations and Movements of the House Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs. December 22, 1968. 185 
pp. [Committee print.] 

Review of U.S. Military Commitments Abroad. Phase 
III — Rio and Anzus Pacts. Report of the Special 
Subcommittee on National Defense Posture of the 
House Oommittee on Armed Services. December 31, 
1968. IS pp. [Oommittee print] 



The 23cl Session of the United Nations General Assembly 

The ZSd session of the United Nations General 
Assembly was held September 2If-December 21. 
The following roundup was issued by the United 
States Mission to the United Nations on Janu- 
ary 13, not as a neto statement of policy hut as 
a sunvmary of developments during the session 
which are significant from the U.S. point of 

U.S. /U.N. press release 1 dated January 13 

General Debate and Security Council 


At the 23d General Assembly the overwhelm- 
ing majority of the members of the United Na- 
tions rejected the Soviet Union's rationale for 
its actions in Czechoslovakia and considered 
these actions to violate the principles of inter- 
national law and of the United Nations Charter. 

Barely in the history of the United Nations 
has a major power been so isolated in the Gen- 
eral Assembly on an important political issue 
involving its own actions. During the general 
debate, 76 speakers, led off by Secretary Rusk, 
criticized the Soviet action.^ Strongly critical 
statements came from representatives of all 
geographic areas. Of the eight speakers who de- 
fended the Soviet action, only one was from out- 
side the Soviet bloc. 

In defending his country's actions, Soviet 
Foreign Minister Gromyko invoked the concept 
of a "Socialist commonwealth,'' which he called 
"an inseparable entity." "Tlie Socialist states," 
he said, "cannot and will not allow a situation 
where the vital interests of socialism are in- 
fringed upon and encroachments are made on 
the inviolability of the boundaries of the Social- 
ist commonwealth." He said nothing about the 
boundaries of his ally Czechoslovakia, nor did 
he mention the U.N. Charter in tliis connection. 

This doctrine, also put forward in Pravda on 
September 25, recalls the old system of spheres 

' For a statement by Secretary Rnsk made in the 
General Assembly on Oct. 2, see Bulletin of Oct. 21, 
1968. p. 405. 

of influence, built upon domination of neighbor- 
ing states by the great powers. It runs contrary 
to the principles of sovereign equality, terri- 
torial integrity, and political independence 
which are at the heart of the charter and are 
essential to a stable, peaceful world. Like the 
Soviet actions in Czechoslovakia, this doctrine 
was rejected by nation after nation in general 

The Soviet actions in Czechoslovakia also 
figured prominently in the discussion of the 
definition of aggression in Committee VI and 
of Human Rights Year in Committee HI. 

The discussion in Committee VI stemmed 
from a 1967 Soviet initiative which boomer- 
anged on the Soviet Union because of Czechoslo- 
vakia. Speaking for the United States, Senator 
John Sherman Cooper denounced the Soviet oc- 
cupation and pointed out the futility of attempt- 
ing to elaborate a definition of aggression while 
the proponent of such a definition, the Soviet 
Union, was disregarding fundamental and clear 
principles of international law.'' He stressed that 
the invasion of Czechoslovakia had violated 
every one of the U.S.S.R.'s own proposed defi- 
nitions of aggression as weU as those embodied 
in the United Nations Charter. 

In Committee HI, the United States Repre- 
sentative stressed the suppression in Czechoslo- 
vakia of various rights guaranteed by the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, espe- 
cially those of freedom of expression, informa- 
tion, and peaceful assembly. 

Middle East 

Although the agenda item "the situation in 
the Middle East" was not brought up for debate, 
a number of significant U.N. developments 
bearing on the Middle East took place during 
the session. 

During the opening weeks the presence in 
New York of the Foreign Ministers of Israel, 
Jordan, and the U.A.R. provided the Secretary- 
General's Representative, Ambassador Jarring, 
with an opportunity for intensive discussions 

' BuiXETiN of Dec. 23, 1968, p. 664. 

FEBRUARY 17, 1969 


pursuant to his mandate under the Security 
Council resohition of November 1967.^ The 
willingness of the parties to exchange substan- 
tive views in writing through Ambassador 
Jarring was a positive and encouraging 

The mission of Ambassador Jarring repre- 
sents the best hoj^e for peace in the Middle East. 
Although major obstacles stiU confront him, we 
consider it highly important that this vital mis- 
sion should continue. 

The Security Council met in September and 
November to consider a nmnber of serious 
cease-fire violations. The Council reaffirmed the 
cease-fire and insisted that it be rigorously re- 
spected. In November, Ambassador Wiggins 
emphasized to the Council that scrupulous ob- 
servance of the cease-fire is necessary to the 
shaping and building of a just and lasting peace. 

The Council also met in September to con- 
sider the humanitarian plight of the civilian 
population in the area of the 1967 conflict. The 
United States favored the dispatch of a United 
Nations representative on the basis of previous 
Security Council action and in conformity 
with the mandate earlier defined by the Secre- 
tary-General for the mission in 1967 of Am- 
bassador Gussing, who had reported on the 
situation both of populations of the areas oc- 
cupied by Israel and of minority groups in the 
area of conflict. Unfortunately, this approach 
did not receive the necessary support, and the 
United States abstained when the Council acted 
to confine the representative's mandate to civil- 
ians in Israeli-occupied territories, thereby dis- 
sociating the Coimcil from the fate of Jewish 
minorities in the area of conflict. 


The problem of Viet-Nam was not on the 
agenda and created far less controvei-sy than 
in recent years. Criticism of United States 
policy, though still substantial, was markedly 

During the general debate, many member 
states welcomed the limited bombing halt and 
the talks then underway in Paris between repre- 
sentMives of the United States and North Viet- 
Nam. Following President Jolmson's announce- 
ment on October 31,* a number of delegations 
expressed their satisfaction to the United States 

' For text of the resolution, see Btjixetin of Dec. 18, 
1067, p. 843. 

' Bulletin of Nov. 18, 1968, p. 517. 

representatives that an agreement had been 
reached permitting a total bombing halt in 
North Viet-Nam and made clear their view that 
the preliminary talks in Paris should move as 
quickly as possible into expanded negotiations 
for an end to the conflict. 


The Security Council on December 10 ex- 
tended for 6 months the United Nations Force 
which has helped to keep peace on Cyprus since 
1964. The atmosphere on Cyprus has improved 
markedly since the crisis of 1967. While a num- 
ber of thorny problems remain, the United 
States hopes that the talks between Greek and 
Turkish Cypriot leaders now underway may 
soon show sufficient progress to make possible 
a withdrawal or substantial reduction of the 
United Nations Force. 

Items Considered Directly by Plenary 

Conference on the Human Environment {197£) 

With strong support from the United States, 
the General Assembly unanimously adopted a 
resolution introduced by Sweden to convene an 
International Conference on the Problems of 
Human Environment in 1972.° The resolution 
noted "the continuing and accelerating impair- 
ment of the quality of the human environment 
caused by such factors as air and water pollu- 
tion, erosion and other forms of soil deteriora- 
tion, waste, noise and the secondary effects of 
biocides, which are accentuated by rapidly in- 
creasing population and accelerating urbaniza- 
tion." It expressed concern about the effects of 
these phenomena "on the condition of man, his 
physical, mental and social well-being, his 
dignity and his enjoyment of basic human 
rights, in developing as well as developed 
countries." It expressed the conviction "that 
increased attention to problems of the human 
environment is essential for sound economic and 
social development" and that there is a need 
"for intensified action at the national, regional 
and international level in order to limit and, 
where possible, eliminate the impairment of the 
human environment and in order to protect 
and improve the natural surroundings in the 
interest of man." 

To further these objectives and "to encourage 
further work in this field and to give it a com- 

° For a U.S. statement and text of the resolution, see 
Bulletin of Dec. 30, 1968, p. 707. 



mon outlook and direction," the Assembly de- 
cided to convene the 1972 conference. 

In summing up the work of the 23d session, 
Ambassador Wiggins stated his belief that, "in 
the long view of history," the calling of the 
Human Environment Conference "will turn 
out to be the most momentous of all the deci- 
sions of this Assembly." ® 

Chinese Rejyresentation 

The General Assembly rejected, as it has con- 
sistently in past years, the attempt by some of 
the supporters of Peking to expel the Republic 
of China and to seat representatives of Com- 
munist China in the United Nations.' The vote 
of 44 in favor and 58 opposed represented, for 
the third year in a row, an increased margin in 
opposition to the resolution. The Assembly also 
reaffirmed by 73 to 47 — again an even wider 
margin than last year — the validity of its 1961 
decision that any proposal to change the repre- 
sentation of China in the United Nations is an 
important question requiring a two-thirds vote 
for adoption. 

The United States voted, as it has in the past, 
for an Italian resolution to appoint a commit- 
tee to study the Chinese representation question 
and report to the General Assembly. Ambassa- 
dor Wiggins made clear that in voting for this 
resolution and its predecessors we recognized 
that they did not in any way prejudge the out- 
come of the proposed study. However, as in 
previous years the proposal failed of adoption. 

New Members 

The General Assembly admitted two new 
members, Swaziland and Equatorial Guinea. 
This brings the membership of the United Na- 
tions to 126. 

Agenda Items Allocated to Committee I 


As in previous years, the Assembly adopted 
by a large majority a resolution reaffirming 
United Nations objectives and responsibilities 
in Korea.* The resolution, cosponsored by the 
United States and 14 other countries, was ap- 
proved by a vote of 71 to 25, with 20 absten- 

° For excerpts from Ambassador Wiggins' news con- 
ference of Dec. 20, see Bulletin of Jan. 27, 1969, p. 80. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Dee. 9, 1968, p. 609. 

'For U.S. statements and text of the resolution, see 
Bulletin of Jan. 13, 1969, p. 32. 

tions. It responded to the heightened tension and 
increased North Korean military pressure 
against South Korea in the last year by calling 
for cooperation in the easing of tensions in the 
area and for the avoidance of incidents and ac- 
tivities in violation of the 1953 armistice agree- 
ment. It also provided for more frequent reports 
to the Secretary-General and/or the General 
Assembly by the United Nations Commission 
for the Unification and Eehabilitation of Korea 

Resolutions again were introduced by sup- 
porters of the North Korean regime, accom- 
panied by vigorous, if stereotyped, propaganda 
efforts, calling (1) for the dissolution of 
UNCURK, (2) for the withdrawal of all United 
Nations forces from Korea, and (3) for an end 
to United Nations debate on Korean reunifica- 
tion. As Senator Stuart Symington, the United 
States Representative, observed, each of these 
proposals, in one way or another, sought "to 
remove Korea from the concern and protection 
of the United Nations." The three resolutions 
were decisively defeated in the First Committee 
by votes, respectively, of 27 in favor to 68 op- 
posed, 25 to 67, and 24 to 70. 


The General Assembly this year established a 
permanent committee to advance international 
cooperation in the exploration and peaceful 
uses of the deep ocean floor. This committee 
will carry further the work begun last year by 
the ad hoc committee established by the 23d 
General Assembly. 

After lengthy negotiation the size of the new 
cormnittee was fixed at 42 members, compared 
with 35 on the ad hoc committee. This increase 
reflects the desire of smaller and less developed 
members to gain greater influence in this and 
other continuing committees and agencies es- 
tablished by the Assembly or associated with 
the United Nations. 

We recognized that every nation has an in- 
terest — some a vital interest — in the peaceful 
uses of the deep ocean floor. Against this wide- 
spread interest must be weighed the practical 
importance of keeping working committees 
within manageable size, bearing in mind that 
committee work is subject to review in the full 
General Assembly. The composition of the sea- 
beds committee is a practical compromise be- 
tween these opposing principles. 

In addition to the resolution establishing the 

FEBRUARY 17, 1969 


seabeds committee, the Assembly also adopted a 
United States resolution embodying President 
Johnson's proposal for an International Decade 
of Ocean Exploration ° and a resolution spon- 
sored by Iceland, of which the United States 
was a cosponsor, calling for action to prevent 
pollution of the seabeds. 

The United States joined in efforts to work 
out in resolution form a set of principles for the 
exploration and use of the deep ocean floor to 
serve as guidelines for participating states until 
more permanent rules can be embodied in inter- 
national agreements.^" Although these efforts 
were not wholly successful, the above-mentioned 
resolutions did help to establish that there is 
an area of the ocean floor beyond national juris- 
diction which is of common interest to all states, 
in which international cooperation ought to be 
encouraged, and which ought to be reserved 
entirely for peaceful purposes. 


The Assembly's debates on disarmament this 
year took place in the wake of the Conference of 
Non-Nuclear-Weapon States last August, whose 
proceedings had tended at times to jjicture the 
interest of nuclear and nonnuclear states as es- 
sentially antagonistic. As against this tendency, 
the Assembly's decisions on disarmament were 
a significant accomplishment for the nations 
that support the Nonproliferation Treaty 
(NPT) in the belief that the nuclear and non- 
nuclear nations must work together. 

The Assembly gave expression to this view 
in a compromise resolution on the nonnuclear 
conference, emphasizing international coopera- 
tion in the peaceful uses of atomic energy. The 
resolution avoids establishing a new U.N. body 
which could have interfered with the work of 
existing bodies dealing with disarmament and 
atoms for peace and could thus have damaged 
the prospects for early ratification of the NPT. 
It asks the International Atomic Energy 
Agency, the World Bank, and the U.N. Devel- 
opment Program to study the proposals of the 
nonnuclear conference and report to the 24th 
General Assembly. The Assembly will consider 
further steps at that time and will also consider 
whether to call a meeting of the U.N. Disarma- 
ment Commission in 1970. 

In other resolutions on peaceful aspects of 

' For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 2, 1968, p. 574. 
" For a U.S. statement, see Bulletin of Nov. 25, 1968, 
p. 554. 

nuclear energy, the Assembly asked the Sec- 
retary-General to conduct a study of the 
contribution of atomic energy to international 
development and to report on procedures for 
providing nuclear explosive services to non- 
nuclear-weapon states. We hope the IAEA, as 
the most qualified agency, will have a leading 
role in the Secretary-General's study of atomic 
energy and development. We believe also that 
the IAEA is the right body through wliich to 
provide nuclear explosive services under the 
NPT, a matter which the Agency is already 
actively studying. We hope the Secretary-Gren- 
eral's report will promote and not compete with 
this work. 

In further Assembly resolutions in the arms 
control field, the Assembly urged that the 
United States and the U.S.S.R. begin talks at 
an early date on limitation of strategic arms, 
endorsed the principle of nuclear-free zones, 
asked the Secretary-General to make a study of 
the effects of chemical and bacteriological (bio- 
logical) warfare, called once again for a compre- 
hensive ban on nuclear weapons tests, and asked 
the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee 
to continue its work. 

The Soviet Union refrained from promoting 
its traditional propaganda items in this field 
and did not even press to a vote its resolution 
endorsing the Soviet disarmament proposals 
which had taken up a major part of Foreign 
Minister Gromyko's address to the Assembly. 

Peaceful Uses of Outer Space 

The General Assembly unanimously adopted 
a resolution commending the results of the 
Outer Space Conference held in Vienna in 
August 1968 and welcoming the entry into 
force on December 3 of the Agreement on 
Assistance to and Return of Astronauts. 

The resolution also asks the Outer Space 
Committee to examine, as a foUowup to the 
space conference, a proposal that a mechanism 
be established within the United Nations to pro- 
vide nations with analytical advice on advances 
in space technology which might have practical 
benefits and requests that the "draft agreement 
on liability for damage caused by the launching 
of objects into outer space," currently under 
negotiation in the Outer Space Committee, be 
completed in time to be considered by the 24th 
General Assembly. A working group was also 
established to study all aspects of the question 
of direct broadcasts from satellites. 



Agenda Items Allocated to Special Political 

UNRWA and Arab Refugees 

As in previous years, the Assembly adopted a 
United States resolution dealing with the work 
of the United Nations Eelief and Works 
Agency for Palestine (UNRWA) and appeal- 
ing for its continued support. This year the 
resolution extends the mandate of UNRWA 
for 3 years beyond its present expiration date 
of June 1969. The Assembly also adopted with- 
out dissent a Swedish resolution calling for 
continued and increased assistance to the new 
refugees uprooted by the Jmie 1967 war. 

The United States also supported a resolu- 
tion introduced by Turkey and adopted by an 
overwhelming majority, calling upon Israel to 
take effective and immediate steps to allow the 
newly displaced persons who fled the West 
Bank since the outbreak of the June 1967 war 
to return without delay. Speaking in the com- 
mittee, Ambassador Wiggins appealed to 
Israel on humanitarian grounds to permit 
these people to return to their homes and camps 
on the West Bank of the Jordan River before 
they have to face the rigors of another winter in 
tent camps.^^ Senator Cooper also developed 
these themes in a speech to the committee in 
which he suggested that the United Nations and 
interested governments prepare plans for eco- 
nomic development of the area which could be 
put into operation following the achievement 
of a just and peaceful solution in the Middle 

The committee rejected a resolution calling 
on the United Nations to appoint a custodian 
to administer and receive income on behalf of 
Arab refugees from property they left behind in 
Israel. The United States opposed this resolu- 
tion, believing that it raised serious problems 
relating to state sovereignty and the author- 
ity of the United Nations and that its adoption 
could jeopardize the search for an overall peace- 
ful solution which would bring justice to the 
more than 1 million Arab refugees. 


As in previous years, the Assembly adopted 
a resolution aimed against South Africa's policy 
of apartheid. The United States, despite our 

strong opposition to apartheid, again found it 
necessary to abstain because of certain objec- 
tionable provisions in the resolution, includ- 
ing paragraphs requesting the Security Council 
to take enforcement action under chapter VII of 
the charter and condemning the actions of na- 
tions which trade with South Africa. 

Senator Cooper made a statement during the 
debate reiterating this countiy's abhorrence of 
apartheid and pointing out that there was a 
body of opinion within the United States Con- 
gress that the United States should disengage 
from South Africa in trade and investment.^' 


The Assembly this year gave its approval to 
the first small area of agreement in the 4-year 
history of the Special Committee on Peacekeep- 
ing (Committee of 33). It did so by requesting 
that the documentation prepared for the Com- 
mittee of 33 by the Secretariat on military ob- 
servers established or authorized by the Security 
Council be made available to all members. It fur- 
ther requested that the Committee of 33 com- 
plete its study of observer operations before 
September 1969 and proceed with the documen- 
tation and study of other United Nations peace- 
keeping operations, including those involving 
military forces. 

The United States is continuing to press for 
a faster pace of work in the Committee on Peace- 
keeping and particularly for efforts within the 
committee to improve preparations and arrange- 
ments for United Nations peacekeeping 

Agenda items Allocated to Committee II 

Attempt To Expel South Africa 

The United Nations stepped back from the 
brink of a serious constitutional crisis when a 
resolution which would have excluded the Re- 
public of South Africa from the United Nations 
Conference on Trade and Development "until it 
shall have terminated its policy of racial dis- 
crimination" did not receive the necessary two- 
thirds vote in plenary. This resolution, which 
had earlier passed in the Second Committee 
by a vote of 49 to 18, received 55 votes in plenary, 
with 33 opposing and 28 abstentions ; but since 
the Assembly had first decided the resolution 

" Bulletin of Dec. 23, 1968, p. 677. 
" BtTLLETiN of Jan. 13, 1969, p. 39. 

" BtrLLETiN of Dec. 2, 1968, p. 582. 

FEBRUAKT 17, 1969 


■was an important question requiring; a two- 
thirds vote, it therefore failed of adoption. The 
"important question" proposal, cosponsored by 
the United States, was carried by 56 to 48, with 
13 abstentions. 

Although fully sharing the sponsors' opposi- 
tion to apartheid, the United States supported 
the opinion of the United Nations Legal Ad- 
viser that the Assembly did not have the right 
under the charter to exclude a member from 
a subsidiary body open to all. We consider that 
to have expelled South Africa from UNCTAD 
because the majority found its policies repug- 
nant would have seriously undennined the 
Charter of the United Nations and weakened 
the authority and prestige of the organization. 

As Ambassador Wiggins said in debate be- 
fore the vote in plenary on this resolution : ^* 

When we seek to deny to any member any of the 
rights that flow from membership in the United Na- 
tions, we thereby put In jeopardy all the rights of all 
members. An unlawful act against my neighbor — 
whether he be guilty or not — is an act against the 

Ambassador Wiggins also repudiated the 
Tanzanian representative's charge that those 
opposing the resolution were "racist" and 
"enemies" of Africa. He said : ^° 

. . . the United States, in this and every forum 
where It has had an opportunity to si)eak, has de- 
nounced and opposed apartheid in South Africa and 
has resisted every other form of racial discrimination. 
And I regret the inferences and the suggestions that 
the position taken on this issue on this occasion, out 
of a profound belief in the necessity of preserving 
the charter and the constitution, springs from racial 
discrimination or any species of racism. 

Development Decade II 

The Assembly's most unportant decision on 
an economic question was the establisliment of a 
mechanism to recommend an international 
development strategy for the Second Develop- 
ment Decade, beginning in 1970. Reconciling 
various points of view, the Assembly agreed to 
entrust the matter to the Economic Committee 
of the Economic and Social Council, enlarged 
from its normal size of 27 to 54 so as to permit 
the participation of members of the United Na- 

" Bulletin of Jan. 6, 1969, p. 9. 

"For a statement by Ambassador Wiggins made in 
plenary on Dee. 13 on the Canadian motion to post- 
pone debate on the proposal to expel South Africa 
from UNCTAD, see U.S./U.N. press release 247. 

tions or of other organizations in the United 
Nations system who are not members of 

Agenda Items Allocated to Committee III 

International Year for Human Rights 

The General Assembly reviewed the work of 
the International Conference on Human Rights 
held at Tehran in April and approved by ac- 
clamation a resolution endorsing the Procla- 
mation of Tehran.^** This proclamation, adopted 
unanimously at the Tehran conference, in- 
cludes a reaffirmation of the Universal Declara- 
tion of Human Rights. It thus constitutes the 
first major endoreement of the Universal Dec- 
laration by the Soviet Union and others that 
had abstained when it was adopted in 1948, as 
well as by many newly independent countries 
that were not members of the United Nations 
in 1948. A novel feature of the proclamation is 
its affirmation that it is a basic human right for 
parents to determine the number and spacing of 
their children. 

The Assembly adopted several other resolu- 
tions originating at the Tehran conference. 
These included a request to the Secretary-Gen- 
eral to report to the next General Assembly on 
the possible need for new or revised inter- 
national conventions for the protection of 
human rights in armed conflicts and another 
request to the Secretary-General to report to 
the Commission on Human Rights in 1970 on 
human rights problems arising from develop- 
ments in science and technology. 

As part of the International Year for Human 
Rights, the Assembly awarded the first six 
United Nations Human Rights Prizes to 
Manuel Bianchi of Chile, Rene Cassin of 
France, Mrs. Mehranguiz Manoutchehrian of 
Iran, Petr Nedbailo of the Ukrainian S.S.R., 
and posthumously to Albert Luthuli of South 
Africa and Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt of the 
United States. 

Capital Pv/nishment 

The United States welcomed a resolution not- 
ing the worldwide tendency toward reduction 
in the number of criminal executions and in the 
number of offenses for which capital punish- 

" For text of the proclamation, see Bulletin of 
Sept. 2, 1968, p. 258. 



ment might be imposed. The resolution seeks 
to encourage these tendencies by inviting mem- 
ber states to provide the most careful legal pro- 
cedures and safeguards for the accused in capital 
cases. It also requests the Secretary-General to 
report to ECOSOC in 1971 on the attitudes of 
member states toward further restriction of 
the death penalty or its total abolition. 

War Crimes and Crvmes Against Hwmanity 

The one new draft international agreement 
completed during the session was a draft con- 
vention banning time limits for the prosecution 
of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Al- 
though the United States was not opposed to 
the basic purposes of the convention, we voted 
against it because several provisions as finally 
drafted were not accurate statements of gener- 
ally accepted international law. Specifically, we 
objected to the use of this essentially teclinical 
convention to redefine crimes against humanity 
in a legally unsatisfactory way and we shared 
the concern of many delegations about applying 
the convention's prohibition of time limits retro- 
actively in some countries in which such limits 
have already expired. 

Committee To Investigate Practices Affecting 
Human Rights in Occupied Territories of 
the Middle East 

The General Assembly adopted a resolution 
calling for appointment of a new committee of 
three member states to investigate Israeli prac- 
tices affecting human rights in occupied terri- 
tories of the Middle East. The United States 
voted against this resolution. Although we rec- 
ognize Israel as an occupying power under the 
1949 Geneva Convention on the Protection of 
Civilian Persons in Time of War, we opposed 
establishing this new committee because the 
Middle East question is still before the Secu- 
rity Council, because the new committee could 
complicate the mission of Ambassador Jarring, 
and because it is most unlikely to contribute to a 
settlement of the issues between the countries 
concerned. This is all the more true since Israel 
made clear during the debate that it would not 
permit a committee with these terms of refer- 
ence to enter territory under its control. 

Social Development 

The Assembly adopted a resolution on social 
aspects of develojiment to be taken into accoimt 

during the Second Development Decade. Com- 
mittee III made progress on, but did not com- 
plete, a draft declaration on social progress and 

Agenda Items Allocated to Committee iV 

Colonial and Racial Issues 

The Assembly's proceedmgs on colonial and 
racial issues revealed two opposing tendencies. 
As in recent years, some resolutions were 
adopted which, however laudable their aims, 
called for impractical or unlawful methods 
wliich the United States and other concerned 
members could not support. Some members of 
the Afro-Asian group, on the other hand, realiz- 
ing that the Assembly's resolutions are only 
recommendations and must have the necessary 
support of governments in order to be effective, 
worked to achieve more reasonable and more 
widely acceptable resolutions on certain colonial 

This more moderate approach was evident 
particularly during the formulation of resolu- 
tions on Portuguese territories and Namibia 
(South West Africa). The sponsors showed a 
renewed readiness to consult in the drafting 
stage with the United States and other mem- 
bei-s, a practice which had unfortunately been 
neglected in the handling of earlier resolutions. 
A continuation of such consultation could con- 
tribute to more realistic and constructive resolu- 
tions commanding wider support. 

Unfortunately, despite such efforts, most of 
the Assembly's resolutions dealing with colonial 
and racial problems (originating both in 
Coimnittee IV and in the Special Political 
Committee) contamed provisions wliich were 
unsound in method, and the United States was 
maable to support them. This was true even of 
the above-mentioned resolutions on Portuguese 
territories and Namibia, although through con- 
sultation some of the most objectionable provi- 
sions were removed or modified." It was still 
more true of other resolutions, such as those on 
Southern Rhodesia and apartheid, both of 
which caUed for sweeping measures wliich im- 
der the charter are within the sphere of the 
Security Council. 

"For U.S. statement and text of the resolution on 
the question of Namibia, see BuiiETiN of Jan. 6, 1969, 
p. 11. 

FEBRUAHT 17, 1969 


Resolutions against activities of foreign eco- 
nomic and other interests said to be impeding 
the implementation of the Declaration on the 
Granting of Independence to Colonial Coun- 
tries and Peoples and calling for implementa- 
tion of that declaration by the specialized 
agencies were likewise unacceptable to the 
United States. The first resolution was based 
on false assumi^tions regarding private foreign 
investment; the second called upon the special- 
ized agencies and international institutions to 
take actions which in many cases are inconsist- 
ent with their own statutes and with their agree- 
ments with the United Nations. 

The United States continued to make clear 
its unswerving opposition to colonialism and 
racial discrimination in all of its forms. We re- 
main convinced, however, that the U.N. can best 
contribute to progress against these evils by 
actions which are intrinsically sound, widely 
supported, and within the capacity of the 
United Nations to carry out. 

Agenda Items Allocated to Committee V 

Repayment of V.N. Bonds 

The Assembly rejected a resolution calling 
into question the method of repayment of $170 
million in United Nations bonds, issued under 
a 1961 resolution to cover the deficits from 
peacekeeping operations in the Middle East and 
the Congo. This resolution, after passing the 
Fifth Committee by a one- vote margin, was re- 
jected in plenary on the closing day by a vote 
of 34 in favor to 51 opposed, with 33 absten- 
tions. Prior to the vote the Assembly decided, by 
a vote of 52 to 29, that the resolution was an im- 
portant question under the charter, requiring a 
two-thirds vote for adoption. The United States 
voted for this motion and against the resolution 

Although the resolution called only for a 
"study" of the established method of repay- 
ment, the clear intent of the sponsors was to 
remove the assessments for repayment of the 
bonds from the regular United Nations budget 
and to establish a special scale under which the 
developed countries would be assessed a greater 

The United States, which holds nearly half 
the bonds, argued that any move to alter the 
terms of repayment would be contrary to the 
conditions under which the bonds were sold 
and which are printed on the bonds them- 

selves.^^ We pointed out that under the law by 
which the U.S. Congress authorized purchase of 
the bonds, the amounts due to the United States 
for interest and repayment of principal are de- 
ducted in advance from the assessments which 
the United States pays as its share of the 
United Nations regular budget. We also made 
clear that we could not agree to contribute a 
larger percentage than we now do for retire- 
ment of the bonds. Thus a move to change the 
scale of assessments for the bond repayment 
could not in fact result in increased pajmaents 
by the United States but could only imdermine 
the credit of the United Nations and lead tr>- 
ward a new financial crisis. 

United Nations Budget 

Throughout the proceedings in Committee V 
the United States continued its longstanding 
pressure for economy and for improvements in 
the United Nations administrative and budget- 
ary practices." "Wliile our efl'orts were partly 
successful, the final budget of $154.9 million (an 
11 percent increase over 1968) contained a num- 
ber of provisions we considered excessive and 
unsound. We voted against one section of the 
budget and abstained on three others and only 
reluctantly voted for the budget as a whole. 
Among the defects of this budget are the failure 
to provide sound methods for dealing with 
unforeseen and extraordinary expenses, the 
failure to control the proliferation of United 
Nations conferences and documents, and a 50 
percent increase (to $9.7 million) in the budget 
of the U.N. Industrial Development Organiza- 
tion (UNIDO) with no adequate explanation of 
how the increase is to be used. 

Languages in the United Nations 

The Assembly made two new decisions involv- 
ing wider use of French, Russian, and Spanish 
in U.N. organs. 

Following a decision in principle by the 22d j 
General Assembly in favor of a bonus for Secre- 1 
tariat members who use two working languages, 
the French-speaking countries this year intro- 
duced a sounder resolution setting up a lan- 
guage incentive program in the Secretariat be- 
gmning in 1972. This proposal was adopted 
with United States support. 

" For a U.S. statement, see Bxn.LEnN of Jan. 20, 1969, 
p. 55. 

"■ For a U.S. statement, see Bulletin of Dec. 9, 1968 
p. 614. 



In addition, however, the Assembly took a 
step that is harder to justify when it approved 
a Soviet proposal that Russian (which only four 
members use as their principal language) be 
added to English, French, and Spanish as a 
fourth working language of the General Assem- 
bly. (All written records of the Assembly are 
translated and reproduced in all the working 
languages.) This step was clearly motivated 
by considerations of political prestige, not effi- 
ciency. Its ultimate cost, if it should be extended 
to all the principal U.N. organs, is estimated at 
$2.8 million a year. Moreover, it threatens to 
increase still further the already excessive 
physical and mechanical delays in U.N', docu- 
mentation. For these reasons a substantial num- 
ber of members, including the United States, 
opposed the Russian-language proposal. How- 
ever, it prevailed after having been amended to 
express the view that both Spanish and Russian 
should also become working languages of the 
Security Council. 

U.N. Headquarters Expansion 

Tlie General Assembly approved (102 to 11, 
with 6 abstentions) a first step toward badly 
needed new construction and expansion of the 
New York Headquarters. It appropriated 
$250,000 requested by the Secretary-General for 
engineering and technical studies of (a) con- 
struction of a new United Nations office build- 
ing immediately south of the present Head- 
quarters complex and (b) modifications to the 
present Headquarters Conference Building. 
This study, to be submitted to the 24th General 
Assembly next September, will contain the de- 
tailed cost estimates and other technical infor- 
mation which the Assembly will need in order 
to decide next year whether or not to proceed 
with the construction. 

The proposal for the new United Nations 
office building was prepared by a private group, 
the Fund for Area Development and Planning. 
It would respond to a longstanding need of the 
Secretariat for more office space and would 
eliminate rental charges for outside offices in 
New York, which will cost the U.N. approxi- 
mately $1.3 million in 1969. 

Agenda Items Allocated to Committee VI 

Definition of Aggression 

At the insistence of the Soviet Union, a spe- 
cial committee was established by the 22d Gen- 

eral Assembly to reexamine the old question of 
a "definition of aggression." Although the So- 
viet Union in 1968 lost much of its enthusiasm 
for the item, the report of the committee was 
discussed at length in the Legal Committee of 
the General Assembly. The debate provided an 
opportunity for an examination of recent So- 
viet actions in Czechoslovakia in light of the 
law of the United Nations Charter and of the 
definitions of aggression the Soviets themselves 
had proposed over the years. 

The debate also shed further light on the im- 
plications of the doctrine advanced by the 
Soviet Union to justify its invasion and occupa- 
tion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates from a nimi- 
ber of countries, including the United States, 
analyzed the legal implications of the Soviet 
doctrine and pointed out that, in its attempt to 
assert a right to intervene in the affairs of other 
Communist states, it ran afoul of such funda- 
mental provisions of the charter as the doctrine 
of sovereign equality. 

It was further pointed out that the nature of 
the intervention the Soviets were seeking to 
justify violated the charter's prohibition of the 
threat or use of force as well as the doctrine of 

The Assembly decided to continue the special 
committee for another year. The United States 
abstained on this proposal because of our doubts 
as to the utility of the exercise and because the 
mandate given to the Committee was ambiguous 
and unsatisfactory. 

United Nations Commission on International 
Trade Law {UNCITRAL) 

The Assembly received and approved the re- 
port of the first session of the new Commission 
dealing vdth private international law. At its 
next annual session in March the Commission 
will proceed with its work in light of the com- 
ments in the General Assembly, which included 
a recommendation that it establish shipping 
legislation as a priority topic. 

Special Missions 

The Sixth Committee made progress on, but 
did not complete, a draft convention on special 
diplomatic missions which would complement 
the existing Vienna conventions on Diplomatic 
and Consular Privileges and Immunities. The 
Committee expects to complete work at the next 
session on this important addition to the codifi- 
cation of international law. 

FEBRTTART 17, 1969 



Current Actions 



Convention on the settlement of investment disputes be- 
tween states and nationals of other states. Done at 
Washington March 18, 1965. Entered Into force Octo- 
ber 14, 1966. TIAS 6090. 
Ratification deposited: Finland, January 9, 1969. 


Articles of agreement of the International Finance 
Corporation. Done at Washington May 25, 1955. En- 
tered into force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620. 
Signature and acceptance: Eepublic of China, Janu- 
ary 15, 1969. 


Convention of the World Meteorological Organization. 
Done at Washington October 11, 1947. Entered into 
force March 23, 1950. TIAS 2052. 
Accession deposited: Southern Temen, January 28, 

Nuclear Weapons — Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 

Signatures at Washington: Italy, Turkey, Janu- 
ary 28, 1969. 


Protocol relating to the status of refugees. Done at 
New York January 31, 1967. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 4, 1967 ; for the United States November 1, 1968. 
TIAS 6577. 

Accession deposited: Netherlands,' November 29, 


Fifth proees-verbal extending the declaration on the 
provisional accession of Tunisia to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of November 12, 
1959 (TIAS 4498). Done at Geneva November 19, 
1968. Entered into force December 17, 1968." 


* Not in force. 

'Applies to the territory of the Kingdom of 
Netherlands situated In Europe. Reservations to con- 
vention relating to the status of refugees of July 28, 
1951, are applicable to the protocol. 

' Not in force for the United States. 

Acceptances: Australia, January 16, 1969; Austria 

(subject to ratification), December 30, 1968; 

India, December 31, 1968 ; Japan, December 27, 

1968; United Kingdom, January 15, 1969. 

Fourth proc^s-verbal extending the declaration on the 

provisional accession of the United Arab Republic 

to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 

November 13, 1962 (TIAS 5309). Done at Geneva 

November 19, 1968.' 

Acceptances: Australia, January 16, 1969; Austria 

(subject to ratification), December 30, 1968; 

India, January 3, 1969 ; Japan, December 27, 1968 ; 

United Kingdom, January 15, 1969. 

Geneva (1967) protocol to the General Agreement on 

Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva June 30, 1967. 

Entered Into force January 1, 1968. TIAS 6425. 

Acceptances: Federal Republic of Germany, Decem- 
ber 30, 1968 ; Netherlands, December 30, 1968. 
Agreement on implementation of article VI of the 

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 

Geneva June 30, 1967. Entered into force July 1, 

1968. TIAS 6431. 

Acceptance: Federal Republic of Germany, Decem- 
ber 30, 1968. 


Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 

Agreement relating to the agreement of December 14, 
1964 (TIAS 5703, 6409), relating to fishing opera- 
tions in the northeastern Pacific Ocean. Effected by 
exchange of letters at Washington January 31, 1969. 
Entered into force January 31, 1969. 

Agreement extending and amending the agreement of 
February 5, 1965, as extended (TIAS 5752, 6217), 
relating to fishing for king crab. Signed at Wash- 
ington January 31, 1969. Entered into force Jan- 
uary 31, 1969. 

Agreement extending and amending the agreement of 
February 13, 1967, as extended (TIAS 6218, 6409), 
on certain fishery problems in the northeastern part 
of the Pacific Ocean off the coast of the United 
States, with exchange of letters. Signed at Wash- 
ington January 31, 1969. Entered into force Jan- 
uary 31, 1969. 


The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call at- 
tention to an error which appears in the issue of 
January 20, 1969, p. 57. 

The vote shown in footnote 3 Is incorrect The 
U.N. General Assembly rejected draft resolution 
XI on the bond issue by a roUcall vote of 34 in 
favor to 51 (U.S.) against, with 33 abstentions. 



INDEX February 17, 1909 Vol. LX, No. 1547 

China. Tresident Nixon's News Conference of 

January 27 (excerpts) 141 

Congress. Congressional Documents Relating to 
Foreign Policy 146 

Germany. Letters of Credence (Pauls) . . . 146 

Iraq. Mass Public Executions in Iraq Deplored 
by United States (text of letter from Ambas- 
sador Yost to President of U.N. Security 
Council) 145 

Near East. President Nixon's News Conference 

of January 27 (excerpts) 141 

Presidential Documents. President Nixon's News 

Conference of January 27 (e.xcerpts) . . . 141 

Singapore. Letters of Credence (Monteiro) . . 146 
Treaty Information 

Current Actions 156 

President Nixon's News Conference of Janu- 
ary 27 (excerpts) 141 

U.S.S.R. President Nixon's News Conference of 

January 27 (excerpts) 141 

United Nations 

Mass Public Executions in Iraq Deplored by 
United States (text of letter from Ambassador 
Yost to President of U.N. Security Council) . 145 

The 23d Session of the United Nations General 

Assembly (U.S. Mission summary) .... 147 

Uruguay. Letters of Credence (Luisi) .... 146 


President Nixon's News Conference of Janu- 
ary 27 (excerpts) 141 

Second Plenary Session on Viet-Nam Held at 
Paris (Lodge) 144 

Name Index 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 144 

Luisi, Hector 146 

Monteiro, Ernest Steven 146 

Nixon, President 141 

Pauls, Rolf Friedemann 146 

Rogers, Secretary 145 

Yost, Charles W 145 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Jan. 27-Feb. 2 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

No. Date Subject 

*16 1/27 Rogers: statement on mass public 
executions in Iraq. (Included in 
letter from Ambassador Yost to tbe 
President of the U.N. Security 
Council. See p. 145.) 

1'17 1/30 Interim report on Great Lakes levels 
by International Joint Commission 
IS 1/30 Lodge : meetings on Viet-Nam at 

19 1/30 Lodge : additional remarks. 

20 1/31 U.S.-U.S.S.R. fishery talks concluded. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bui.r.ETi:f. 

Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

Washington, D.C. 2a*02 










Vol. LX, No. 15i8 

February 2^, 1969 



White Hoiise Announcement and Message From Secretat'y Rogers 163 


Text of Message to the Senate 162 

liojton Public Library 

MAR 18 iS69 

For index see inside hack cover 



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February 24, 1969 

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President Nixon's News Conference of February 6 

Following are excerpts from the transcript of 
a news conference held hy President Nixon at 
the White House on February 6. 

The President: Ladies and gentlemen, as you 
will note from a release from the Press Office, 
I will leave on the 23d of this month for a trip 
to Europe which will take me to Brussels, to 
London, to Berlin and Bonn, to Eome, and to 

I will be accompanied on the trip by the Sec- 
retary of State, Mr. Rogers, and by my adviser 
for national security aifairs, Dr. Kissinger. 

The purpose of the trip I will describe as 
being a working trip rather than a protocol 
trip. I plan to see in each of the countries I 
visit the head of government, and in addition to 
that, I will have a visit with the members of our 
United States delegation in Paris, headed by 
Ambassador Lodge, and will have a meeting 
with Pope Paul in Rome. 

While I am in Brussels, I will see leaders of 
the NATO community. As fas as the agenda is 
concerned for these meetings, it is wide open. 
I have some ideas about the future of the Euro- 
pean community which I will discuss, and I 
am sure that my colleagues in that cormnvmity 
have some ideas that they will want to discuss. 

I have requested that in addition to the usual 
group meetings which will take place, I have 
an opportunity to have an individual, face- 
to-face meeting with each head of government, 
with no one present except a translator 
when needed. 

As I look at this trip and what it may accom- 
plish, I want to make very clear that this is 
only a first step in achieving a purpose that I 
have long felt is vital to the future of peace 
for the United States and for the world. That 
is the strengthening and the revitalizing of the 
American-European community. 

This will be the first, I would hope, of several 
meetings of this type that will take place in 
the years ahead. I would trust that as a result 

of this meeting, and as a result of other meet- 
ings that will take place, this great alliance 
which, in my view, has been the greatest force 
for peace, to keep the peace, over the last 20 
years — this great alliance which was brought 
together by a common fear 20 years ago — will 
be held together now and strengthened by a 
common sense of purpose. 

I will now go to your questions. Mr. Smith 
[Merriman Smith, United Press Interna- 
tional] ? 

Q. Mr. President, in connection vnth your 
visit to Paris and your talks with Anibassador 
Lodge, do you see any possibility of your ha/o- 
ing any direct contact with the other side in 
these negotiations, specifically, the representa- 
tives of North Viet-Nam or the NLF {National 
Liberation Front'] ? 

The President: Mr. Smith, I do not see any 
possibility of that kind of conversation at this 
time. I would not rule it out at some later time 
if Ambassador Lodge and others who have 
responsibility for negotiation thought it were 

With Ambassador Lodge and his colleagues, 
I hope to get a complete report on the progress 
of the negotiations and also any recommenda- 
tions that he or they may have with regard to 
new initiatives that we might take to make more 
progress than we have made. 

I think we have made a good start in Paris, 
incidentally. I believe that we can now move 
forward to some substantive achievements. 

Sir. Cormier [Frank Cormier, Associated 
Press] ? 

Q. Mr. President, looJcing beyond this trip, 
could you give us a clue to your attitude toward 
the possibility of futu/re meetings with Soviet 

The President: I believe that a meeting with 
Soviet leaders should take place at a future 
time. I should make clear that I think that 

FEBRUARY 24, 1969 


President Nixon To Visit 
Western Europe 

statement iy President Nixon ' 

I am pleased to inform you that after consulta- 
tions with the heads of state and government 
concerned, I have decided to visit Western Eu- 
rope late this month. I plan to visit Brussels, 
London, Bonn, Berlin, Rome, and Paris in that 
order. The precise schedule will be made avail- 
able when it is completed. 

The purpose of this trip is to underline my 
commitment to the closest relationship between 
our friends in Western Europe and the United 
States. I would like to lift these relationships 
from a concern for tactical problems of the day 
to a definition of our common purposes. The al- 
liance, held together in its first two decades by a 
common fear, needs now the sense of cohesive- 
ness supplied by common purpose. I am eager 
for an early exchange of views on all the im- 
portant issues that concern us. I favor intimate 
and frank consultations, and I am delighted that 
it has proved possible to make this journey so 
early in my administration. I am going to dis- 
cuss, not to propose ; for work, not for ceremony. 

The future of the countries of the West can no 
longer be an exclusively American design. It re- 
quires the best thought of Europeans and Ameri- 
cans alike. I look on this trip as laying the 
groundwork for a series of meetings to be con- 
tinued over the months ahead. 

While in Paris, I intend also to review in- 
tensively the Paris peace talks. To this end, I 
have set aside a morning to meet with Ambassa- 
dor Lodge and his staff for a full review of the 

' Issued on Feb. 6 (White House press release). 

where summitry is concerned, I take a dim view 
of what some have called instant summitry, 
particularly where there are very grave differ- 
ences of opinion between those who are to meet. 

I believe that a well-prepared summit meet- 
ing, where we have on the table the various 
differences that we have on which we can per- 
haps make progress, would be in our interest 
and in their interest; and it will be my inten- 
tion after this trip is completed to conduct 
exploratory talks at various levels to see if 
such a meeting could take place. 

I should point out, incidentally, that one of 
the reasons that this trip takes precedence is 
that I have long felt that before we have meet- 
ings of summitry with the Soviet leaders, it is 
vitally important that we have talks with our 
European allies, which we are doing. 

Q. Mr. President, this morning South Viet- 
namese President Thieu said that the South 
Vietnamese Army is capable of relieving a 
sizable num,ber of American troops im, Viet- 
Nam. What is your understanding of sizable, 
and do you think there will actually be a reduc- 
tion of the number of American troops? 

The President: Well, speaking personally, 
and also as the Commander of the Armed 
Forces, I do not want an American boy to be in 
Viet-Nam for one day longer than is necessary 
for our national interest. As our commanders 
in the field determine that tlie South Vietnamese 
are able to assume a greater portion of the re- 
sponsibility for the defense of their own terri- 
tory, troops will come back. However, at this 
time, I have no announcements to make with 
regard to the return of troops. 

I will only say that it is high on the agenda 
of priorities and that just as soon as either the 
training program for South Vietnamese forces 
and their capabilities, the progress of the Paris 
peace talks, or other developments make it 
feasible to do so, troops will be brought back. 

Q. Mr. President, on your trip to Paris, do 
you plan to see the South Vietnamese negotia- 
tors there? In that connection, a general ques- 
tion on the talks themselves : Do you think you 
can continue to separate the military issues from 
the political issues and the political settlement 
of South Viet-Nam in the negotiations in Paris? 

The President: Well, Mr. Lisagor [Peter 
Lisagor, Chicago Daily News], that is one of 
the matters that I want to discuss with Ambas- 
sador Lodge, to get his judgment on that point. 
It is our view that at this time the separation 
of those two items is in our interest and in the 
interest of bringing progress in those talks. 

Now, as far as meeting with the South Viet- 
namese leaders is concerned, we have no present 
plans to do so. If Ambassador Lodge advises 
that it would be wise to do so, such meetings 
will be scheduled. There will be enough time in 
the schedule for a meeting if he does suggest it. 

Q. Mr. President, your nominee and ncnu 
your Ambassador to the United Nations, Mr. 
Tost, has been under attack from, some conser- 
vative groups, such as the Liberty Lobby, for 
his past associations with certain individuals, 
particularly including Alger Hiss. In light of 
your m/yre than passing familiarity with the 
Hiss case, would you cormnent on these attacks 



on Mr. Yost and whether they should he given 
any credence? 

The President: As far as Mr. Yost's back- 
ground is concerned, I am completely aware of 
it because, of course, all of these matters are 
brought to my attention before appointments 
are made. But what I am looking to now is his 
capability to handle the problems of the future 
and not events that occurred over 20 years ago. 

There is no question about his loyalty to this 
country. And I also think there is no question 
about his very good judgment on critical issues 
confronting the United States, particularly in 
the Mideast. 

As I pointed out, he is one of our prime ex- 
perts in the Mideast. He sat in on the National 
Security Council meetings when we discussed 
the Mideast and made some very valuable 

U.S. Policy on the Middle East 

Q. Mr. President, on the Middle East., now 
that you have completed your review with the 
NSC — you spoke of a need for new initiatives — 
can you tell us tuhat your policy is going to he 
now and what initiatives you do expect to take? 

The President: Mr. Bailey [Charles W. 
Bailey 2d, Minneapolis Star and Tribune], our 
initiatives in the Mideast, I think, can well be 
summarized by that very word that you have 
used. What we see now is a new policy on the 
part of the United States in assimiing the ini- 
tiative. We are not going to stand back and 
rather wait for something else to happen. 

We are going to assume it on what I would 
suggest five fronts : We are going to continue to 
give our all-out support to the Jarring mission ; 
we are going to have bilateral talks at the 
United Nations, preparatory to the talks be- 
tween the four powers; we shall have four- 
power talks at the United Nations ; we shall also 
have talks with the countries in the area, with 
the Israelis and their neighbors; and in addi- 
tion, we want to go forward on some of the 
long-range plans, the Eisenhower-Strauss plan 
for relieving some of the very grave economic 
problems in that area. 

We believe that the initiative here is one that 
cannot be simply unilateral. It must be multi- 
lateral. And it must not be in one direction. We 
are going to pursue every possible avenue to 
peace in the Mideast that we can. 

Latin America 

Q. Mr. President, would you please tell us 
how you plan to move in solving some of the 
problems of Latin America? Have you decided 
on your Assistant Secretary of State in that 

The President: I believe we have decided on 
the Assistant Secretary of State, but I am not 
yet prepared to make the announcement be- 
cause the necessary clearances have not taken 

May I make one thing very clear: I have 
noted news stories to the effect that the job was 
going begging and we were unable to find a 
qualified man. We have several qualified peo- 
ple, but the Secretary of State and I agree that 
this is an area of top priority. We think we need 
new initiatives with regard to the Alliance for 

I would describe that in this way : I think the 
difficulty in the past, a well-intentioned diffi- 
culty, has been that we have been putting too 
much emphasis on what we are going to do for 
Latin America and not enough emphasis on 
what we are going to do with our Latin Ameri- 
can friends. The new Assistant Secretary will 
attempt to remedy that, and we shall attempt to 
develop new policies. 

Q. Mr. President, the Pentagon annov/aced 
this morning that Secretary Laird had ordered 
a temporary halt in the construction of the 
Sentinel system, pending a high-level review. 
Does that represent a change in policy on our 
part? Does it indicate that mayhe we are getting 
somewhere with the Russians toward an agree- 
ment whereby neither one of us would have to 
luild it? 

The President: Mr. Kaplow [Herbert Kap- 
low, NBC News] , answering the second part of 
your question first, there has been no progress 
with regard to the arms control talks with the 
Kussians. I have made it clear in the appoint- 
ment of Mr. Smith to that position ^ that we are 
going to put emphasis on those talks, but I do 
believe we should go forward on settling some 
of the political differences at the same time. 

As far as the decision on the Sentinel is con- 
cerned. Secretary Laird and his colleagues at the 
Defense Department will make decisions based 

' On Jan. 31 President Nixon submitted to the Senate 
his nomination of Gerard O. Smith to be Director of 
the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. 

FEBRUARY 24, 1969 


on the security of the United States, and he will 
announce those decisions and justify them at 
this point. 

Q. Mr. President., there has teen some appre- 
hension., sir, in Asia tliat your reemphasis on 
U.S. relation's tcith Europe would mean a lessen- 
ing of U.S. interests in Asia. Would you com- 
ment on that., sir? 

The President: This gives me an opportunity 
to perhaps state my philosophy about emphasis 
on different parts of the world. 

The reason that we have been discussing the 
Mideast a great deal lately is that it is an area 
of the world which might explode into a major 
war. Therefore, it needs immediate attention. 
That does not mean, however, that we are not 
going to continue to put attention on Latin 
Ajnerica, on Africa, on Asia. 

I think you could describe me best as not 
being a "half worlder," with my eyes looking 
only to Europe or only to Asia, but one who 
sees tlie whole world. We live in one world, and 
we must go forward together in this whole 

Anti-Ballistic-Missile System 

Q. Mr. President, with regard to the ABM 
system, you know this was planned originally to 
protect us against the threat of a nuclear attach 
by Red China early in the 1970''s. Does your in- 
formation indicate that there is any lessening 
of this threat, or is it greater, or just where do 
we stand on that? 

The President: First, I do not buy the as- 
sumption that the ABM system, the thin Sen- 
tinel system as it has been described, was simply 
for the purpose of protecting ourselves against 
attack from Communist China. 

This system, as are the systems that the Soviet 
Union has already deployed, adds to our over- 
all defense capability. I would further say that 
as far as the threat is concerned, we do not 
see any change in that threat, and we are exam- 
ining, therefore, all of our defense systems 
and all of our defense postures to see how we 
can best meet them consistent with our other 

Q. Mr. President, as you are aware, I am sure, 
there has heen discussion on the Hill about 
trying to set up a Department of Peace to 
include the Peace Corps and the Disarmament 

Agency and other organizations. I wondered 
about your reaction to that idea. 

The President: In fact, one of my task forces 
recommended a Department of Peace. I think, 
liowever, that derogates and improperly down- 
grades the role of the Department of State and 
the Department of Defense. 

I consider the Department of State to be a 
Department of Peace. I consider the Depart- 
ment of Defense to be a Department of Peace, 
and I can assure you that at the White House 
level, in the National Security Council, that is 
where we coordinate all of our efforts toward 

I think putting one department over here as 
a Department of Peace would tend to indicate 
that the other departments were engaged in 
other activities that were not interested in peace. 

Q. Mr. President, there has been some con- 
fusion this weeh on the relationship between the 
National Security Council and the State Depart- 
ment — for example, the Assistant Secretary of 
State reporting to the NSC. Could you clarify 
that for us, please? 

The President: Yes. The Secretary of State 
is my chief foreign policy adviser and the chief 
agent of this Government in carrying out for- 
eign policy abroad. As one of my very close 
friends personally, he advises me independ- 
ently as well as through the National Security 

The question has also, I know, been raised 
as to who makes the policy and the decisions : 
Are they made in the National Security Coun- 
cil or are they made in the State Department? 

The answer is: neither place. The State De- 
partment advises the President. The National 
Security Council advises the President. The 
President has the authority to make decisions, 
and I intend to exercise that authority. 

Q. Mr. President, during the election cam- 
paign, sir, you said that you would seeh inter- 
national agreements to limit the import of cer- 
tain textiles. Can you tell us %ohen you pl<in to 
get around to doing that? Also, could you give 
us some idea as to what you feel about the grow- 
ing feeling of protectionism in Congress? 

The President: Let me start at the second 
part of the question first. I believe that the in- 
terest of the United States and the interest of 




the whole world will best be served by moving 
toward freer trade rather than toward protec- 

I take a dim view of this tendency to move 
toward quotas and otlier methods that may be- 
come permanent, whetlier they are applied here 
or by otlier nations abroad. 

Second, as far as the textile situation is con- 
cerned, that is a special problem which has 
caused very great distress in certain parts of 
this country and to a great number of wage 
earners, as well as those who operate our textile 

For that reason, exploratory discussions have 
taken place and will be taking place with the 
major countries involved to see if we can handle 
this on a volunteer basis rather than having to 
go to a legislation which would impose quotas 
and, I think, would turn the clock back in our 
objective of trying to achieve freer trade. 

invasion of Czechoslovahia. Can you tell me, 
sir, how you feel that situation has changed 
since then? 

The President: It has changed in the sense 
that the number of Soviet forces in Czecho- 
slovakia has been substantially reduced. 

It has changed also in the sense that the pas- 
sage of time tends somewhat to reduce the pent- 
up feelings that were then present with regard 
to the Soviet Union's actions. 

I want to make it very clear that in asking 
the Senate to ratify the treaty, I did not gloss 
over the fact that we still very strongly dis- 
approved of what the Soviet Union had done 
in Czechoslovakia and what it still is doing. But 
on balance, I considered that this was the time 
to move forward on the treaty and have done so. 

The press: Thank you, Mr. President. 

The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty 

Q. Mr. President, you have now asked the 
Senate to ratify the Nonproliferation Treaty. 
On your trip to Europe, do you have any hopes 
of trying to persuade particularly West Ger- 
many and France to move a little closer toward 
signing that treaty? 

The President: My view about asking other 
governments to follow our lead is this: They 
know what we think, and I am sure that that 
matter will come up for discussion. 

I will make it clear that I believe that ratifi- 
cation of the treaty by all governments, nuclear 
and nonnuclear, is in the interest of peace and 
in tJie interest of reducing the possibility of 
nuclear proliferation. 

On the other hand, I do not believe that we 
gain our objectives through heavyhanded ac- 
tivities publicly, particularly in attempting to 
get others to follow our lead. Each of these gov- 
ernments is a sovereign govenunent. Each has 
its own political problems. I think in the end 
most of our friends in Western Europe will fol- 
low our lead. I will attempt to persuade, but I 
will not, certainly, attempt to use any blackmail 
or arm twisting. 

Q. On the Nonproliferation Treaty again, 
last fall during the campaign, Mr. President, 
you opposed ratification because of the Soviet 

United States Agrees in Principle 
to Four-Power Talks on Middle East 

Secretary Rogers on February 5 handed to 
French Amhassador Charles Lucet the U.S. 
reply to the French Governmenfs note on the 
Middle East. Following is a statement read to 
neios correspondents on Fehi'uary 6 by Depart- 
ment spokesman Robert J. McCloskey. 

The United States Government informed the 
Government of France that it is prepared in 
principle to consider favorably a meeting of 
United Nations representatives of France, 
U.S.S.E., United Kingdom, and the United 
States within the framework of the Security 
Council to discuss ways and means to assist 
Ambassador Jarring to promote agreement be- 
tween the parties in accordance with the Secu- 
rity Council resolution of November 22, 1967.^ 

We suggested that there be prompt prelimi- 
nary discussions, in the first instance on a bi- 
lateral basis, for the purpose of developing the 
measure of understanding that would make an 
early meeting of the permanent U.N. represen- 
tatives of the four powers a fruitful and con- 
structive complement to Ambassador Jarring's 

' For text of the resolution, see Buixettn of Dec. 18, 
1967, p. 843. 

FEBRUARY 24, 1969 


President Nixon Urges Senate Action 
on Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty 

President Nixon's Message to the Senate ^ 

To tlie Senate of tlie United States : 

After receiving the advice of the National 
Security Council, I have decided that it will 
serve the national interest to proceed with the 
ratification of the Treaty on Non-Proliferation 
of Nuclear Weapons.^ Accordingly, I request 
that the Senate act promptly to consider the 
Treaty and give its advice and consent to 

I have always supported the goal of halting 
the spread of nuclear weapons. I opposed rati- 
fication of the Treaty last fall in the immediate 
aftermath of the Soviet invasion of Czecho- 
slovakia. My request at tliis time in no sense 
alters my condemnation of that Soviet action. 

I believe that ratification of the Treaty at this 
time would advance this Administration's 
policy of negotiation rather than confrontation 
with the USSK. 

I believe that the Treaty can be an important 
step in our endeavor to curb the spread of nu- 
clear weapons and that it advances the purposes 
of our Atoms for Peace program which I have 
supported since its inception during President 
Eisenliower's Administration. 

In submitting this request I wish to endorse 
the commitment made by the previous Admin- 
istration that the Unit«d States will, when 
safeguards are applied under the Treaty, per- 
mit the International Atomic Energy Agency 
to apply its safeguards to all nuclear activities 
in the United States, exclusive of those activi- 
ties with direct national security significance. 

I also reiterate our willingness to join with 
all Treaty parties to take appropriate measures 
to insure that potential benefits from peaceful 
applications of nuclear explosions will be made 

available to non-nuclear-weapon parties to the 

Consonant with my purpose to "strengthen 
the structure of peace," therefore, I urge the 
Senate's prompt consideration and positive ac- 
tion on this Treaty. 

RiCHAED Nixon 

The White House, 
February 5, 1969. 

Under Secretary To Supervise 
Prisoner of War Matters 

Defartment Statement ^ 

Secretary Rogers has asked Under Secretary 
Richardson to assume overall coordination and 
responsibility for Stat© Department actions 
concerning prisoners of war in Southeast Asia. 
This designation of the Under Secretaiy reaf- 
firms our Government's commitment at the 
highest levels to continue to do everything pos- 
sible to assist and protect Americans held by 
North Viet-Nam and the Viet Cong, to obtain 
their earliest possible release, and to encourage 
full compliance with the Geneva Convention 
of 1949 Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners 
of War. The Under Secretary will maintain 
close liaison on this subject with the White 
House, the Defense Department and the mili- 
tary services, and with Ambassador Lodge in 
Paris, who also is taking a close personal inter- 
est in our prisoners. 

Assisting the Under Secretary on prisoner of 
war matters as Special Assistant will be Frank 
A. Sieverts, who previously served as Special 
Assistant to Ambassador Harriman working 
particularly on prisoner of war matters. Ambas- 
sador Harriman had overall responsibility for 
our prisoners beginning in May of 1966. 

^ Transmitted on Feb. 5 (White House press release). 

' For bacliground, see Bulletin of July 29, 1968, p. 
126; for text of the treaty, see Bulletin of July 1, 
1968, p. 9. 

' Read to news correspondents by Department spokes- 
man Robert J. McCloskey on Feb. 4; also issued as 
press release 22. 



The National Security Council System: Responsibilities 
of the Department of State 

Following are texts of a White House an- 
nouncement of Fehruary 7 ; a message of Febru- 
ary 6 from Secretary Rogers to all officers and 
ennployees of the Department of State, the 
Agency for International Development, the 
U.S. Information Agency, the U.S. Arms Con- 
trol and Disarmament Agency, and the Peace 
Corps; and the text of a Department of State 
Foreign Affairs Manual Circular dated 
February 6. 


White House press release dated February 7 

During the past 2 weeks the President has set 
in motion a vigorous program for studying new 
approaches to pressing national security issues. 
These studies will be conducted in the frame- 
work of the revitalized National Security Coun- 
cil system which was urged by the President 
during the presidential election campaign. 

Since January 20 the President has moved 
to restore the National Security Council to the 
role set for it in the National Security Act of 

". . . to advise the President with respect to 
the integration of domestic, foreign, and mili- 
tary policies relating to the national security so 
as to enable the military services and other 
departments and agencies of the Govenmaent to 
cooperate more effectively in matters involving 
the national security." 

The steps which have already been taken to 
reinvigorate the Council include the following : 

— The President has indicated that the Coun- 
cil will henceforth be the principal forum for 
the consideration of policy issues on which he 
is required to make decisions. 

— The President has directed that the Na- 

tional Security Coimcil meet regularly (five 
meetings have been held in the first 2i/^ weeks 
and one meeting will be held each week for the 
next few months) . 

— At the President's direction, a series of sup- 
porting NSC committees and groups have been 
organized to prepare forward planning for the 
Council as well as to facilitate the handling of 
more immediate operational problems within 
the context of the NSC system. 

— The President has assigned to the support- 
ing NSC bodies a comprehensive series of stud- 
ies covering the principal national security 
issues now confronting the Nation or which are 
expected to be of importance in the months 
ahead. Several of these studies have already 
come before the Council, including ones dealing 
with Viet-Nam, the Nonproliferation Treaty, 
and the Middle East. 

As important as the regularity and strength- 
ened structure of the Council and its projected 
policy studies is the approach prescribed by the 
President for the examination of issues. The 
guidance to NSC study groups seeks to assure 
that all pertinent facts are established and all 
options presented — complete with pros, cons, 
and costs — so that decisions can be made with 
a clear understanding of their ramifications. 
The purpose of this procedure is to bring the 
full range of choices to the President and his 
principal advisers — not to bury them. 

An explicit aspect of the above arrangements 
was the President's designation of the Secretary 
of State as his principal foreign policy adviser. 
As such, the Secretary of State has been dele- 
gated by the President clear authority, to the 
full extent permitted by law, in interdepart- 
mental operations of the U.S. Government over- 

In order to provide the President and the 
Council with the strongest possible support, the 

FEBRUARY 24, 1969 


President has directed the reorganization and 
strengthening of the NSC staff. 

Tlie substantive components of the new staff 
and the personnel now or soon to be on board 
are as follows : 

National Secubity Council Staff 


Latin America 

Viron P. Vaky 

Arnold Nachmanoff 

Helmut Sonnenfeldt 

Donald R. Lesh 
East Asia 

Richard L. Sneider 

Dean Moor 
Near East and South Asia 

Harold Saunders 

John Foster 

Roger Morris 
International Economic Affairs 

Richard Cooper 

Fred Bergsten 

James P. McBaine 
Science, Disarmament and Atomic Energy 

Spurgeon Keeny 


Morton Halperin 
Laurence Lynn 
Robert Osgood 
Capt. Robert Sansom 
Lt. Col. Dale Vesser 
John Court 


Richard V. Allen 
Daniel I. Davidson 
John F. Lehman, Jr. 
Winston Lord 


Lawrence S. Eagleburger 
Richard M. Moose 
Col. Alexander Haig 
Robert Houdek 
Arthur McCafferty 


Press release 25 dated February 7 

You will soon be receiving a Department of 
State Foreign Affairs Manual Circular sum- 
marizing and explainmg decisions taken re- 
cently by the President which restructure the 
National Security Council system and bear 
upon the development and execution of our for- 
eign policy. The President's decisions place 

challenging responsibilities before all of us in 
the Department of State. 

The President has assigned to the Depart- 
ment of State authority and responsibility to 
the full extent pennitted by law for the overall 
direction, coordination and supervision of in- 
terdepartmental activities of the United States 
Govermnent overseas. (As in tlie past tliis as- 
signment does not include activities of United 
States military forces operating in the field 
where such forces are under the command of a 
United States area military conamander or such 
other military activities as the President may 
elect as Commander-in-Chief to conduct 
through military channels.) 

It is the President's intention that the De- 
partment of State will also play a central and 
dynamic role in the new National Security 
Council system. This role will be performed 
principally through the participation of the 
Secretary of State and the Under Secretary at 
all NSC meetings, the newly-constituted NSC 
Under Secretaries Committee chaired by the 
Under Secretary and in his absence the Under 
Secretary for Political Affairs, Department of 
State participation on the NSC Review Group, 
and through the Interdepartmental Groups of 
regional and functional composition which are 
chaired by Assistant Secretaries of State. These 
responsibilities provide the Department a role 
of leadership which will require imagination 
and energy to be asserted by all involved. 

The resources of the Department and its as- 
sociated agencies will provide the strongest pos- 
sible support to the President's desire to use the 
National Security Council system for an or- 
derly examination of our foreign policy 

The Department of State will energetically 
execute United States policy objectives overseas 
in accordance with the President's decisions. 
Ambassadors and our missions abroad will be 
depended upon for initiatives and support. 
Country Directors, under the guidance of their 
Assistant Secretaries, will exercise leadersMp in 
the Washington community m policy and pro- 
gram matters relating to the countries under 
their jurisdiction and in support of our missions 

The President's goal is to enhance and insure 
the security and peaceful progress of the United 
States. Our success in this objective will con- 
tribute to the well-being of free people 




Subject: Reorganization of the National Security 
Council System and Direction, Coordination 
and Supervision of Interdepartmental Ac- 
tivities Overseas 

1. Reorganization of the National Security Council 

To assist him in carrying out his responsibilities for 
the conduct of national security affairs, the President 
has designated the National Security Council as the 
principal forum for consideration of national security 
policy issues requiring Presidential decision. In addi- 
tion to utilizing the NSC itself he has reorganized the 
NSC system to constitute certain groups and commit- 
tees, and has designated responsibilities to the Depart- 
ment of State, as described below : 

a. NSC Interdepartmental Groups 

The previously existing Interdepartmental Regional 
Groups and the Political-Military Interdepartmental 
Group, have been reconstituted as Interdepartmental 
Groups in the NSC system, chaired by the appropriate 
Assistant Secretary of the Department of State. The 
membership of these Groups will include representa- 
tives of the Assistant to the President for National 
Security Affairs, the Secretary of Defense, the Direc- 
tor of Central Intelligence, the Chairman of the Joint 
Chiefs of Staff and other agencies at the discretion 
of the Chairman depending on the issue under 

The Interdepartmental Groups will : 

— discuss and decide interdepartmental issues which 
can be settled at the Assistant Secretary level, includ- 
ing issues arising out of the implementation of NSC 
decisions ; 

— prepare policy papers for consideration by the 

— prepare contingency papers on potential crisis 
areas for NSC review. 

b. NSC Ad Hoc Groups 

When appropriate, the President will appoint NSC 
Ad Hoc Groups to deal with particular problems, in- 
cluding those which transcend regional boundaries. 

c. NSC Review &roup 

An NSC Review Group has been established to ex- 
amine papers such as those coming out of the Inter- 
departmental Groups, NSC Ad Hoc Groups, or depart- 
ments prior to their submission to the NSC. The 
Review Group, chaired by the Assistant to the Presi- 
dent for National Security Affairs, will include rep- 
resentatives of the Secretary of State, the Secretary of 
Defense, the Director of Central Intelligence, the 
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and other agen- 
cies at the discretion of the Chairman, depending on 
the issue under consideration. The Review Group vnll 
review papers to assure that : 

— the issue under consideration is worthy of NSC 
attention ; 

—all realistic alternatives are presented ; 

—the facts, including cost implications, and all de- 
partments' and agencies' views are fairly and ade- 
quately set forth. 

The Review Group may assign action to the NSC 
Interdepartmental Groups or NSC Ad Boc Groups, as 
appropriate, and may refer issues to the Under Secre- 
taries Committee. 

d. The NSC Under Secretaries Committee 
An NSC Under Secretaries Committee has been es- 
tablished under the Chairmanship of the Under Secre- 
tary of State, assisted by the Under Secretary for 
Political Affairs who will also act as his alternate, con- 
sisting of the Deputy Secretary of Defense, the As- 
sistant to the President for National Security Affairs, 
the Director of Central Intelligence, the Chairman of 
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and, depending on the issues 
under consideration, ranking officers of other agencies 
at the discretion of the Chairman. The Under Secre- 
taries Committee will consider : 

(1) issues referred to it by the NSC Review Group; 

(2) operational matters pertaining to interdepart- 
mental activities of the U.S. Government overseas : 

—on which NSC Interdepartmental Groups have 
been unable to reach agreement, or which are of a 
broader nature than is smtable to any such group ; 

—which do not require consideration at Presidential 
or NSC level ; and 

—which are referred to it by the Secretary of State. 

(3) other operational matters referred to it jointly 
by the Under Secretary of State and the Assistant to 
the President for National Security Affairs. 

2. Authwity and ResponsiUlity of the Secretary of 

a. The President has affirmed the position of the 
Secretary of State as his principal foreign policy ad- 
viser and his responsibility, in accordance with 
approved policy, for the execution of foreign policy. 

b. He has assigned to the Secretary authority and 
responsibility to the full extent permitted by law for 
the overall direction, coordination and sui)ervision of 
interdepartmental activities of the United States Gov- 
ernment overseas. This authority includes continuous 
supervision and general direction of economic as- 
sistance, military assistance and sales programs, as 
provided in the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as 
amended. ( The authority does not extend to 

(1) the activities of United States military forces 
operating in the field where such forces are under the 
command of a United States area military commander, 

(2) such other military activities as the President 
elects to conduct through military channels, and 

(3) activities which are internal to the execution and 
administration of the approved programs of a single 
department or agency and which are not of such a 
nature as to affect significantly the overall U.S. over- 
seas program in a country or region.) 

c. Previously established responsibilities of the De- 
partment of State by virtue of law or Executive Order 
with respect to such matters as international educa- 
tional and xiultural affairs, information activities, 

FEBRUAET 24, 1909 


foreign assistance, food for peace, arms control and 
disarmament, supervision of programs authorized by 
the Peace Corps Act, social science research, immigra- 
tion and refugee assistance continue in effect. 

d. In the implementation of his responsibilities for 
the execution of foreign policy and for the direction, 
coordination and supervision of interdepartmental ac- 
tivities overseas the Secretary of State intends to 
utilize, in addition to the normal resources of the 
Department, the system of NSC Interdepartmental 
Groups and the Under Secretaries Committee outlined 
above. Within the purview of these responsibilities 
executive authority is delegated by the Secretary to the 
Chairmen of these Committees. 

e. Chiefs of Diplomatic Missions in foreign countries, 
as representatives of the President and acting on his 
behalf, continue to be in charge of all elements of the 
United States Diplomatic Mission and to exercise 
affirmative responsibility for the direction, coordina- 
tion and supervision of all activities of the United 
States Government in their respective countries. 

Third Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

The third plenary session of the nsw meetings 
on Viet-Nam wa^ held at Paris on February 6. 
Following are preliminary remarks and the 
opening statement made hy Anibassador Henry 
Cahot Lodge, head of the U.S. delegation. 


Press release 26 dated February 7 

Before presenting my prepared statement, I 
wish to say a few things about the remarks made 
on the other side. 

You continue to speak of American aggres- 
sion in South Viet-Nam and to present your 
distorted view of the origins of the war. What 
are the facts ? The facts are that Hanoi decided 
at least 10 years ago to resort to force to impose 
its will on the people of the South. With that 
decision it organized, supplied, and directed the 
Viet Cong, sent its own military and subversive 
forces to the South, and brought clown the hor- 
ror of war upon the people of South Viet-Nam. 
Terrorism became a tool of this policy and de- 
struction its result. Tlie misery and the loss of 
life that followed is the direct responsibility of 
the leaders in Hanoi and their agents in the 

The people of South Viet-Nam, by the mil- 
lions, have resisted this attempt to use force and 
terror to bend an entire nation to the will of 
a few. The United States and other allies stand 
by their side. The leader of the delegation of 
the Republic of Viet-Nam has answered you 
with the dignity and honesty of a people em- 
battled but determined to resist the heavy hand 
of your aggression. 

I do not accept your erroneous statements 
about the United States. 

While you of the other side reiterate your 
twisted version of past history, young men — 
young Vietnamese and young Americans — are 
dying. Innocent civilians are being killed. 

We should be thinking and talking about the 
future, not arguing about the past. 

We should be discussing the substance of a 
peaceful settlement of the war, toward which 
we have made a number of constructive and 
specific proposals. 


Press release 24 dated February 6 

Tlie purpose of these meetings on Viet-Nam is 
to bring a just and lasting peace. An essential 
element in such a peace must be the right of the 
people of South Viet-Nam to shape their own 
future without outside interference or coercion. 
The United States has stated many times that 
we are in Viet-Nam to help assure that the 
South Vietnamese people have that right. Our 
participation in these meetings is directed to 
that same end. You, too, have said you believe 
that a solution in Viet-Nam must rest upon the 
right of the South Vietnamese to self-determi- 
nation. You have also said you favor a settle- 
ment without external interference. If that is 
common ground, let us search together for ways 
to achieve that goal. Otherwise, we shall find 
ourselves only repeating differing views of his- 
tory and debating the philosophical and ideo- 
logical differences that separate us. 

Instead, let us come to grips with practical 
and concrete problems that lend themselves to 
solution. Let us look promptly and carefully 
for ways to separate the contending forces in 
Viet-Nam. Let us try to create conditions in 
which peaceful political processes can develop 
with no external interference. We find it hard 
to believe that it would be possible for the South 



Vietnamese to know true self-determination or 
to build peacefully their own political institu- 
tions while hundreds of thousands of men from 
outside South Viet-Nam are engaged in bitter 
conflict throughout the country. 

Because of this, we ask you once again to 
give serious consideration to our proposal that 
we start our discussions by directing our atten- 
tion to specific military problems. We do not, 
thereby, set aside the importance of political 
matters. We do underline two things in tliis 
regard: First, as we have repeatedly said, we 
consider that the settlement of political affaire 
must be a matter for determination by the South 
Vietnamese themselves; second, we believe that 
the separation of the contending military forces 
will help to create a climate in which the politi- 
cal process can go forward without external 

We have raised here as a first proposal the 
restoration of the demilitarized zone. We have 
made this suggestion for a number of reasons: 

First, we consider this an important step in 
the direction of separating the forces that now 
are in conflict. 

Second, it appears to be a limited and man- 
ageable problem which should be easier to ar- 
range than most of the other matters we may 
have to confront. 

Third, agreement on this limited measure 
could set a constructive tone for our considera- 
tion of other problems. 

Further, let me clear up one misconception 
expressed at the previous meeting. We do not 
regard the I7th parallel as a permanent politi- 
cal boimdary. The restoration of the demilita- 
rized zone does not in any way preclude the re- 
unification of Viet-Nam, if that is the freely 
chosen preference of the people of North Viet- 
Nam and of the people of South Viet-Nam. But 
that kind of free expression of choice can only 
come with peace. 

We also reject the charge made last week that 
we want to restore the DMZ so that we can 
maintain our military forces in South Viet- 
Nam. Indeed, the contrary is true. For we be- 
lieve that restoration of the DMZ should fa- 
cilitate the early withdrawal of external forces 
from South Viet-Nam. 

We believe that if the South Vietnamese peo- 
ple are to have the opportunity to shape their 
own destiny in their own freely chosen way, we 
must arrange the mutual withdrawal of all ex- 
ternal forces from South Viet-Nam. That 
means the withdrawal of all North Vietnamese 
military and subversive forces to North Viet- 
Nam. As that is happening, the withdrawal of 
American and Allied forces will commence. 

Once these steps are arranged, we shall be 
well on the way toward creating conditions in 
which the people of South Viet-Nam can exer- 
cise the self-determination we both insist we 
want them to have. Progress toward a political 
settlement based on self-determination must 
surely be based upon such changes in the present 
extensive military confrontation. Without 
agreement on military issues, there would be 
great difficulty in achieving the solution of in- 
ternal political problems. 

It is for all these reasons that we have made 
specific proposals on these military matters. We 
need to move forward in these meetings toward 
a solution of concrete problems. We are ready to 
do so. We urge you to do the same. 

White House Announces Appointments 
to U.N. Commissions 

Commission on the Status of WoTnen 

The Wliite House announced on January 29 
that the President had appointed Mrs. Eliza- 
beth Dimcan Koontz to be the representative of 
the United States on the Commission on the 
Status of Women of the Economic and Social 
Council of the United Nations. 

Hwirum Rights Commission 

The Wlaite House announced on February 3 
that the President had appointed ilrs. Rita 
Hauser to be the representative of the United 
States on the Human Rights Commission of the 
Economic and Social Council of the United 

FEBRUARY 24, 1969 


President Nixon Visits the Department of State 

Remarks hy President Nixon ^ 

Mr. Secretary, ladies and gentlemen: I am 
very honored and privileged to be here in this 
auditorium on my first official visit with tlie key 
personnel of one of the departments. 

I recall, incidentally, that on Inauguration 
Day the first building I visited was this one. 
We had then a prayer breakfast— not a break- 
fast, we had prayer without breakfast. 

Now that we have had the prayers, we are 
back here to get the advice so that I can go 
back to the Senate and get the consent for every- 
thing that we have to do from now on. 

I do want you to know, too, that in appearing 
here with the Secretary of State, I think his 
relationship with the President is of great inter- 
est to those in this Department. 

I have been reading some dope stories lately 
about the rivalries that may develop between 
the various departments in Government and 
particularly the traditional struggles for power 
that sometimes take place when tlie State De- 
partment is concerned and the White House 
staff is concerned when it delves into foreign 
policy. I liave often answered those who had 
concern in this point by saying that what really 
counts is not the table of organization but what 
really counts is the relationsliip between the two 
men — the President and his Secretai-y of State. 

I am sure that all of you know that my rela- 
tionship with Secretary Eogers goes back many, 
many years. We came into Government virtu- 
ally together ; as a matter of fact, we came into 
the service together — tlie Navy, when we were 
at Quonset Point in 1942. Since that time I have 
learned to respect his judgment, his courage, his 
basic intelligence, as I know and I am sure that 
you in this Department who have the oppor- 
tunity to know him will learn to respect it. 

I also am aware of the fact that in the pres- 

'Made in the Department of State Auditorium on 
Jan. 29 (White House press release). 

ence of a Secretary of State I may be in the 
presence of someone who may turn out to be my 
successor in this Office. 

I did a little historical research before coming 
over here, just as I did historical research before 
I went to the House yesterday and to the Senate 
today at noon. So in each place I pay proper 
tribute to the members of the body concerned. 

In the House of Kepresentatives, for example, 
I was able to point out that in a period between. 
1840 and 1880, 10 out of the 12 Presidents of the 
United States in that period had served in the 
House of Representatives. Then for a consider- 
able period of time, up until the time of the 
election in 1960, the Nation moved to other areas 
for their Presidents, except for the election of 
Harry Truman in 1948. 

I pointed out when I was at the Senate today 
that Andrew Johnson, in the 19th century, was 
the last President before John F. Kennedy who 
had served in both the House and the Senate. 
Then John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and 
now the present occupant of the Presidency, 
have served in both the House and the Senate. 

Now, as far as the State Department was con- 
cerned, my history had to go back a little 

I found, for example, that in days long gone — 
not gone, but long past — that in the past the 
Secretary of State was the office that was the 
logical one for anyone to seek in the event he 
wanted to be President. 

You will all remember that Jefi'erson was 
Washington's Secretary of State. Madison was 
Jefferson's Secretary of State. Monroe was 
Madison's Secretary of State. John Quincy 
Adams was Monroe's Secretary of State. And 
Martin Van Buren was Jackson's first Secre- 
tary of State. 

In fact, the tradition continued and I found 
ended in the passing of the office from Presi- 
dent Polk to President Buchanan. President 



Buchanan was the last who had been Secretary 
of State who became President of the United 
States. Now, whether that tells us something or 
not as to why it has not happened since, I do 
not know. 

President Buchanan, as some of you may re- 
call — if you were following me on inaugural 
night — was one who came to the Presidency at 
a time that he thought was much too late for 
that honor to be accorded him. As he was riding 
down from the White House to the Capitol, he 
turned to a friend and said that he didn't feel 
particularly happy about becoming President at 
this late stage in his political career because he 
found that all of his fi'iends that he wanted to 
reward had now died. And he said all of his 
enemies that he hated and wanted to punish 
were now his friends. 

Now, of course, we have Secretary Rogers. 

I should point out that there is another way 
that he can go up if he would like. He has been 
the Attorney General of the United States and 
consequently could qualify for the Chief Justice- 
ship. I am not suggesting that, incidentally, 
he will be Earl Warren's successor — not right 

But you will recall that the first Chief Justice 
of the United States, John Jay, started as Sec- 
retary to the Confederation before the United 
States became the Government that it was under 
the Constitution. And John Marshall had served 
as Secretary of State, too, as did Charles Evans 
Hughes. That is a great tradition. 

All that I am suggesting to you by these open- 
ing remarks is that those of you who may plan 
to be Secretary of State can look forward pos- 
sibly to being either President of the United 
States or Chief Justice. 

I will only add one further thought, however : 
that in each body, any House Member, naturally, 
who heard what I said could see himself becom- 
ing President someday, any Member of the 
Senate could see that if things worked out he 
might become President, and, of course, any per- 
son in this audience, with your foreign policy 
background and your futures, could see yourself 
becoming President. 

Which is the best way? I think perhaps the 
best answer I have for that is in a favorite anec- 
dote. An Episcopal priest was asked by a young 
parishioner who was very troubled about all of 
the theology he had heard about, asked that 
question that I am sure all leaders in religious 
thought are often asked. 

The young parishioner said, "Father, is the 
Episcopal Church the only true path to salva- 
tion ?" The priest smiled and answered. He said, 
"No, son, there are other ways, but no gentleman 
would choose them." 

I am sure the Secretary would say that there 
may be other ways to the Presidency than the 
Secretary of State but no gentleman would 
choose them. 

Now, may I speak to you quite directly about 
the work that you do and my association with it 
and what I hope would be our association in the 

As I look at this front row here, I see men 
whom I met 20 years ago when I first went to 
Europe with the Herter Committee. I can see in 
rows way back there people who have briefed 
me on my trips abroad during the period I was 
a Congressman, a Senator, the 8 years I was 
Vice President, and then in the period of 7 or 
8 years when I was out of Government. 

During that time, I have visited over 60 coun- 
tries. I always prided myself on trying to be well 
briefed before I made those visits, and conse- 
quently I became well acquainted with the 
career men and women in the State Department. 

Not just because I stand before you today but 
because I believe this — and I have often said it 
publicly and privately — I do thinli we have the 
best career service in the world. I think that was 
the case based on what I have seen, what I have 
heard, and on the advice that I have received. 

I think it is vitally important to the future 
of this country that the morale of that career 
service be kept at its highest level possible and 
that those who make the foreign policy of this 
country have the best possible advice that we 
can get from those who serve in the career 

That is one of the reasons why, when Sec- 
retary Rogers assumed his position and when 
the Under Secretaries as well as the Assistant 
Secretaries talked to me, I set forth a policy, 
a policy that I want followed throughout this 
administration, somewhat different from some 
of the policies of the past. 

Each President must work differently, of 
course, in developing his foreign policy deci- 
sions. That policy is this : I consider the Secre- 
tary of State to be my chief foreign policy 
adviser; and when we have a difficult decision 
and I ask him what should we do, I do not want 
him to come in and say, "You could do this or 
you could do that." I want him to say "You 

FEBRUARY 24, 1969 


could do this or you could do that," but I want 
him to give me his advice on what we should do. 

I have also told him, and as I understand it 
he has informed you, that where there is a 
strong minority view or where there may be two 
other viewpoints or more held by responsible 
people, I want to see that view, too. The reason 
I want to see the minority views as well as the 
majority views as well as his advice — which may 
be either one or the other, because he may not 
agree with the majority view, even in the De- 
partment — is that I have the conviction that a 
policy is improved by having the decisionmaker 
consider the options and consider the alterna- 
tives; even if he decides to reject one point of 
view that is strongly urged, he may develop 
from considering that point of view a more effec- 
tive and stronger position in the position which 
he eventually considers to be the preferable one. 

I say that, because as I have traveled 
throughout the world I have sometimes been 
concerned that people in the career service in 
various posts develop a sense of frustration 
that they have ideas with regard to the conduct 
of foreign policy that are quite relevant that 
ought to be considered, but there is some way 
they will never get to the top in the bureauc- 

Now, I recognize in the huge responsibilities 
we have around the world, and all the cables 
that come pouring in here, that every idea that 
anybody has in the world cannot always come 
to the President of the United States or even 
to the Secretary of State or even to the Under 
Secretaries or the Assistant Secretaries. But I 
do want to urge everyone here who has a respon- 
sibility for preparing any materials that come 
to my office, that I am interested in, and want 
to see, points of view that may differ from those 
that eventually become the policy of this 

I think the more that we have that kind of 
dialogue, that kind of sometimes debate, of con- 
sideration, which is not simply papering over 
differences, negotiating them out — and I know 
you are very skilled in that, too, you have to 
be — but I think when we have that kind of 
dialogue we can improve our policies. 

It will certainly be of very good assistance 
to me. I say that, too, because I realize that in 
this Department are so many who have varied 
backgrounds, who have done a great deal of 
thinking — a great deal more than I will ever 

have the opportunity to do — on special prob- 
lems and special areas. 

I will, therefore, appreciate the best that you 
can present, and I can assure you that to the 
extent my time permits those viewpoints will be 

Finally, as you may have noted if you read or 
heard my first press conference on Monday — I 
was glad the Secretary had read it, inciden- 
tally — you will note that I pointed out when one 
of the questioners said "What is the most im- 
portant decision that you have to make ? What 
is the greatest problem that you have to con- 
front T' I pointed out what is the fact, and that 
is that it is difficult to try to select priorities 
among the many problems that confront this 
nation at home and abroad, but I do know that 
there are certain decisions in foreign policy 
that only the President of the United States 
can make. It is here that he must devote that 
extra effort — if there is any extra effort he can 
devote to it — because if he makes a mistake in 
this area, it is a mistake that no one else is going 
to be able to correct. 

For that reason, I asked that the Secretary 
arrange this meeting, that I come here to say 
to those who have worked in the field — many 
of you I have met around the world, many of 
you I hope to meet during the course of my 
service in the present Office that I hold — to say 
to you that I appreciate what you have done. 
I respect the members of this Department, the 
career service, for the contribution you have 
made and are making to the foreign policy of 
this country. 

I hope that when this administration com- 
pletes its service in Washington we will have 
made real progress toward settling differences 
between nations, toward bringing the peace that 
we all want in the world. 

I know that if that comes, it will come only 
because of the quality of our State Department 
personnel. I know that I have to count on you. 
I can only say that as I stand here today, as 
I see you, I believe that I, as the chief executive 
officer of this nation, have the best advice of 
any chief executive officer of any nation in the 

Thank you. 

Before Mr. Rogers responds, I should say 
tliat in giving that little history I can also tell 
you about the last Attorney General who be- 
came Secretary of State. I am sure some of the 



veterans may remember it was President Taft's 
Secretary of State, Philander Ivnox. He was 
famous for a reason that I hope Mr. Rogers 
does not become famous for. He was a man who 
loved the good life. He used to arrive in the 
office about 10 o'clock to look over the cables. 
At 11:30 he would leave and go to the best 
club in town for a leisurely two-martini lunch. 
Then in the afternoon, if it was a good day, he 
would go out to Chevy Chase and play golf 
and that evening attend a diplomatic reception. 
I understand that things have changed, but that 
was one of your predecessors. 

U.S. Delegation Named 

to OECD Ministerial Meeting 

Tlie Department of State announced on Feb- 
ruary 7 (press release 29) that Under Secretary 
Elliot L. Richardson would head the U.S. dele- 
gation to the ministerial meeting of the Orga- 
nization for Economic Cooperation and Devel- 
opment at Paris February 13-14. 

This annual meeting of the top foreign and 
economic policy officials of the 22 member na- 
tions of the OECD will be devoted to a review 
of major economic issues facing the member 

The OECD, whose membersliip comprises the 
industrialized countries of Western Europe and 
North America, as well as Japan, has three 
major goals : 

1. To promote the highest sustainable eco- 
nomic growth and employment and a rising 
standard of living in its member countries ; 

2. To contribute to the sotmd economic ex- 
pansion of member nations and of nonmember 
nations which are in the process of development ; 

3. To further the expansion of world trade 
on a multilateral, nondiscriminatory basis in 
accordance with international obligations. 

The Under Secretary was assisted by Under 
Secretary of the Treasury for International Af- 
fairs Paul Volcker, Assistant Secretary of Com- 
merce for Economic Affairs William Chartner, 
Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Eco- 
nomic Affairs Joseph Greenwald, and U.S. Per- 
manent Representative to the OECD Philip H. 


Science Cooperation Agreement 
Concluded With Republic of China 

Press release 10 dated January 23 

An agreement for a cooperative program in 
science and technology was effected on January 
23 through an exchange of notes between the 
United States and the Republic of China in 

Under the program the two countries will seek 
new ways of increasing direct contacts and co- 
operation between scientists, engineers, and 
scholars and between institutions of research 
and higher education. The exchange of informa- 
tion, ideas, skills, and techniques in areas of 
common interest will be promoted, and special 
facilities will be made available by each nation 
to scientists of the other in joint research 

In scope the program will cover all branches 
of science and technology, including the social 
sciences. It will involve institutional coopera- 
tion, the exchange of personnel and informa- 
tion, the pursuit of joint research projects, 
consultations, and the planning of cooperative 

The agreement provides that each country 
will normally bear its own costs under joint 
programs, subject to the availability of funds. 
Each Government is to designate an "Executive 
Agency" to coordinate the imjalementation of 
the joint programs and to conduct a periodic 
review. For the United States, the National Sci- 
ence Foundation will carry out this function, 
and the National Science Council will be the 
counterpart agency for the Chinese side. The 
agreement is effective for a period of 6 years, 
with the possibility of extension by mutual 

This agreement with the Republic of China 
is the most recent of a series of bilateral ar- 
rangements with other countries with the objec- 
tive of the general advancement of science 
and the consequent strengthening of policy 

The text of the agreement was formalized in 

FEBRTTAKT 24, 1969 


an exchange between the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs for the Republic of China, Wei Tao- 
ming, and U.S. Ambassador to China Walter 
P. McConaughy. 

Current Actions 



Convention on offenses and certain other acts com- 
mitted on board aircraft. Done at Tokyo Septem- 
ber 14, 1963.' 
Signature: Colombia, November 8, 1968. 


International grains arrangement, 1967, with annexes. 
Open for signature at Washington October 15 
through November 30, 1967. Entered into force July 1, 
1968. TIAS 6537. 

Accession to the Wheat Trade Convention depos- 
ited: Costa Rica, January 28, 1969. 

Judicial Procedures 

Convention on the service abroad of judicial and extra- 
judicial documents in civil or commercial matters. 
Done at The Hague November 15, 1965. Entered into 
force February 10, 1969. TIAS 6638. 
Signature: Denmark, January 7, 1969. 

Nuclear Weapons-Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 

Ratifications deposited at Washington: Finland, Nor- 
way, February 5, 1969. 

Oil Pollution 

International convention for the prevention of pollu- 
tion of the sea by oil, with annexes, as amended 
(TIAS 6109). Done at London May 12, 1954. Entered 
into force July 26, 1958 ; for the United States De- 
cember 8, 1961. TIAS 4900. 

Acceptance deposited: Syrian Arab Republic, De- 
cember 24, 1968. 

' Not in force. 

Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at sea, 
1960. Done at London June 17, 1960. Entered into 
force May 26, 1965. TIAS 5780. 

Acceptance deposited: Syrian Arab Republic, De- 
cember 24, 1968. 

Satellite Communications System 

Agreement establishing interim arrangements for a 

global commercial communications satellite system. 

Done at Washington August 20, 1964. Entered into 

force August 20, 1964. TIAS 5646. 

Accession deposited: Jamaica, February 4, 1969. 
Special agreement. Done at Washington August 20, 

1964. Entered into force August 20, 1964. TIAS 5646. 

Signature: Cable and Wireless (West Indies) Lim- 
ited for Jamaica, February 4, 1969. 



Agreement relating to cooperation in science and tech- 
nology. Effected by exchange of notes at Taii>ei Jan- 
uary 23, 1969. Entered into force January 23, 1969. 


Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, relat- 
ing to the agreement of October 18, 1967 (TIAS 
6381). Signed at Washington February 3, 1969. En- 
tered into force February 3, 1969. 


Memorandum of agreement regarding the second re- 
scheduling of payments vmder the surplus property 
agreement of May 28, 1947, with annexes (TIAS 
1750). Signed at Djakarta Dec-ember 20, 1968. En- 
tered into force December 20, 1968. 

Memorandum of agreement regarding debt reschedtil- 
ing under the agricultural commodities agreement of 
June 28, 1966 (TIAS 6044), with annexes. Signed at 
Djakarta December 20, 1968. Entered into force 
December 20, 1968. 

Memorandum of agreement regarding debt reschedul- 
ing under the agricultural commodities agreement of 
April 18, 1966, as amended (TIAS 6016, 6033), with 
annexes. Signed at Djakarta December 20, 1968. En- 
tered into force December 20, 1968. 


Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, relat- 
ing to the agreement of March 13, 1967 (TIAS 6271). 
Signed at Saigon January 14, 1969. Entered into 
force January 14, 1969. 



INDEX February U, 1969 Vol. LX, No. 1548 

Asia. Under Secretary To Supervise Prisoner of 

War Matters 162 

Atomic Energy. President Nixon Urges Senate 

Action on Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty . 162 

Belgium. President Nixon To ^'isit Western 

Europe (statement by the President) . . . 158 


President Nixon's News Conference of February 
6 (excerpts) . 157 

Science Cooperation Agreement Concluded With 
Republic of China 171 

Congress. President Nixon Urges Senate Action 

on Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty . . . 162 

Czechoslovakia. President Nixon's News Conft-r- 
ence of February 6 (excerpts) .... 157 

Department and Foreign Service 

The National Security Council System : Respon- 
sibilities of the Department of State (White 
House announcement, Secretary Rogers' mes- 
sage, text of circular) 163 

President Nixon Visits the Department of State 

(remarks to key officials) 168 

Under Secretarj- To I'risouer of War 
Matters 162 


President Nixon's News Conference of Febru- 
ary 6 (excerpts) l.")7 

President Nixon Ur.ges Senate Action on Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Treaty 1G2 

Economic Affairs. U.S. Delegation Named to 
OECD Ministerial Meeting 171 

Europe. President Nixon's News Conference of 

February 6 (excerpts) 157 


President Nixon To Visit A\'('stern Europe 

(statement by the President) 158 

United States Agrees in Principle to Four-Power 
Talks on Middle East (Department state- 
ment) 161 

Germany. President Nixon To Visit Western 

Europe (statement by the President) . . . 158 

Government Organization. The National Se- 
curity Council System : Responsibilities of the 
Department of State (White House announce- 
ment, Secretary Rogers' message, text of cir- 
cular) 163 

International Organizations. U.S. Delegation 

Named to OECD Ministerial Meeting . . . 171 

Italy. President Nixon To Visit Western Europe 

(statement by the President) 158 

Latin America. President Nixon's News Confer- 
ence of February 6 (excerpts) 157 

Near East 

President Nixon's News Conference of Febru- 
ary 6 (excerpts) 157 

United States Agrees in Principle to Four-Power 
Talks on Middle East (Department state- 
ment) 161 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. President 
Nixon's News Conference of February 6 (ex- 
cerpts) 157 

Presidential Documents 

President Nixon's News Conference of Febru- 
ary 6 (excerpts) 157 

President Nixon To Visit Western Europe . . 158 

President Nixon Urges Senate Action on Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Treaty 162 

President Nixon Visits the Department of 
State 168 

Science. Science Cooperation Agreement Con- 
cluded With Republic of China 171 

Trade. President Nixon's News Conference of 

February (excerpts) 157 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 172 

President Nixon Urges Senate Action on Nuclear 

Nonproliferation Treaty 162 

Science Cooperation Agreement Concluded With 

Republic of China 171 

U.S.S.R. President Nixon's News Conference of 

February 6 (excerpts) 157 

United Kingdom. President Nixon To Visit 
Western Europe (statement by the Presi- 
dent) 1.58 

United Nations 

liiited States Agrees in Principle to Four-Power 

Talks on Middle East (Department statement) 1(51 

White House Announces Appointments to U.N. 

ConmiLSsions 167 


President Nixon's News Conference of Febru- 
ary 6 (excerpts) 157 

Third Plenary Session on Viet-Nam Held at 

Paris (Lodge) ico 

Under Secretary To Supervise Prisoner of War 

Matters 162 

yniiic Index 

Hauser, Mrs. Rita 167 

Koontz, Mrs. Elizabeth Duncan 167 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 166 

Nixon, President 157, 158, 162, 168 

Rogers, Secretary 163 







Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: February 3-9 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 

Release issued prior to February 3 which ap- 
pears in this issue of the Btji.letin is No. 10 of 
January 23. 


Jamaica becomes 64th member of 
Global Commercial Communications 

Under Secretary Richardson to coordi- 
nate actions on prisoners of war in 
Southeast Asia. 

U.S. and Australia to study feasibility 
of using nuclear explosions in har- 
bor development project. 

Lodge : third plenary session on Viet- 
Nam at Paris. 

Rogers : responsibilities of Depart- 
ment of State. 

Lodge : preliminary remarks at Paris 

Regional foreign jyolicy conference, 
Columbia, S.C, March 5. 

Regional foreign policy conference, 
Charlotte, N.C., March 6. 

OECD ministerial meeting, Paris, 
February 13-14 (U.S. delegation) 

t23 2/6 

24 2/6 

25 2/7 

26 2/7 
»27 2/7 
*28 2/7 

29 2/7 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

Superintendent of Documents 

u.s. government printing office 

washington. d.c. 20402 

postage: and fees paid 
u.s. government printing office 








Vol LX, No. 15^9 

March S, 1969 


The Eosenfield Lecture [Part I) 

Delivered at Grinnell College 


Olenn T. Sedborg, Chairman, U.S. Atomic Energy Commission 173 

Bo3ton Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

\ 2 1?-^0 

For index see inside hack cover 



Vol. LX, No. 1549 
March 3, 1969 

Tor sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 


62 issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

Note: Contents of this pubUcation are not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OF 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is indexed In 

the Readers' Ouide to Periodical Literature. 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
■with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service, 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by tlie 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interna- 
tional affairs and the functions of the 
Department. Information is included 
concerning treaties and international 
agreements to which the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international 

Publications of tlie Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

The International Atom — A New Appraisal 
The Past and the Promise 

iy Glenn T. Seaborg 

Chairman^ U.S. Atomic Energy Commission 

Among my many speaking engagements 
during the year — and in recent years they have 
averaged about one a week — few give me as 
much satisfaction as my talks to college audi- 
ences. I'm particularly pleased that you have 
invited me to give the Kosenfield Lecture here 
at Grinnell College, because it provides me 
with an opportunity to discuss with you a mat- 
ter which is vital to your future, to the future 
of the world : the development of nuclear energy 
and its relationship to international affairs. 

In spite of all that has been written and said 
about the atom, it is a subject that still gen- 
erates more heat than light. And it is one that 
needs more understanding on the part of the 
citizen if he is to properly influence his fellow 
citizens and his Government to follow the right 
path in these days of decisions often based on 
complex scientific and teclinical knowledge. In 
line with this, I find that many audiences I 
speak to about the activities and responsibili- 
ties of the Atomic Energy Commission are 
amazed at the scope of its work, the extent of 
its involvement with other Government pro- 
grams, and the many areas of people's lives that 
are directly or indirectly affected by it. 

In the international field, the AEC has a 
surprisingly broad range of activities, inter- 
twined with those of other Government depart- 
ments and agencies. It has an almost day-to-day 
involvement — in concert with the White House, 
the Department of State and its embassies 
throughout the world, the Arms Control and 
Disarmament Agency, the Agency for Interna- 
tional Development, the Export- Import Bank — 
with innumerable foreign governments and sev- 
eral international organizations. While I will 
not be reviewing aU this work in these talks, 
I hope to touch on enough of it to give you an 

idea of what we are doing and perhaps whet 
your interest enough to have you look further 
into those aspects of the nuclear age which do 
not make the daily headlines. 

A little over a quarter century ago, the birth 
of the nuclear age was announced by the cryp- 
tic message : "The Italian navigator has landed 
in the New World." On that now-historic date, 
December 2, 1942, Enrico Fermi and his cowork- 
ers first succeeded in releasing and controlling 
the energy in the nucleus of the atom. This new- 
ly released energy was first applied for military 
purposes, but the United States has sought to 
give meaning to the prophecy of Isaiah : "And 
they shall beat their swords into plowshares, 
and their spears into pruninghooks." This will 
be the theme of these lectures. This age-old 
hope of mankind — in its broadest sense, of 
course — was given dramatic reemphasis just 
9 days ago, when it was chosen by President 
Nixon as the passage to which his Bible was 
opened upon his swearing-in as President of the 
United States. 

Today nuclear energy has extended its influ- 
ence to almost all fields of man's endeavor. Last 
year over 70 power reactors in the United States 
and the rest of the world had a combined in- 
stalled capacity of over 10 million kilowatts of 

• Dr. Seaborg delivered the Rosenfield. 
Lecture at Grinnell College., Grinnell, 
Iowa. Printed here is part I of the lecture, 
delivered on January 29. Part II, '"''On 
Reefing the Peaceful Atom Peaceful^'' 
will appear in the March 10 issue of the 

UABCH 3, 1968 


electric power, and projections indicate that by 
1980 the figure will reach 300 million kilowatts. 
Literally thousands of medical institutions and 
doctors are using radioisotopes to diagnose and 
treat disease. Kadiation is being applied in 
countless ways to produce better crops and live- 
stock, to improve industrial products, to pre- 
serve food, and to eradicate harmful insect 
pests. Scientists of many countries are standing 
on the threshold of perhaps even more far- 
reaching developments in nuclear energy, such 
as economically competitive dual-purpose 
plants to produce electricity and to desalt water 
and nuclear reactors to supply energy in space. 

Scientists from many countries over a period 
of 50 years contributed to Fermi's remarkable 
achievement. It is only natural, therefore, that 
the listing of the transuranium elements curium, 
einsteinium, fermium, lawrencium, mendele- 
\dum, and nobelium reads like a roster of the 
towering figures of international science. It was 
United States initiative, however, that set in 
motion the program for international coopera- 
tion known as the Atoms for Peace program. 
History may well view this initiative, which re- 
sulted in imprecedented dissemination of scien- 
tific and technical information across national 
boundaries, as one of the greatest contributions 
the United States has made for the promotion 
of peace and the betterment of mankind. 

It was just 15 years ago last month, in Decem- 
ber 1953, that President Eisenhower made his 
historic address "Atomic Power for Peace" be- 
fore the General Assembly of the United 
Nations, proposing an Atoms for Peace program 
and establislmient of an international agency 
to promote peaceful applications of nuclear 
energy. On that occasion the President said : ^ 

I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the 
United States, and with every expectation of approval, 
any . . . plan (for international cooperation) that 
would : 

First — encourage worldwide investigation into the 
most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, 
and with the certainty that they had all the material 
needed for the conduct of all experiments that were 
appropriate ; 

Second — begin to diminish the potential destructive 
power of the world's atomic stockpiles ; 

Third — allow all lieoples of all nations to see that, 
in this enlightened age, the great powers of the earth, 
both of the East and of the West, are Interested in 
human aspirations first, rather than in building up 
the armaments of war ; 

Fourth — open up a new channel for peaceful discus- 
sion, and initiate at least a new approach to the many 
difficult problems that must be solved in both private 
and public conversations, if the world is to shake off 
the inertia imposed by fear, and is to make positive 
progress toward peace. 

Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the 
United States does not wish merely to present strength, 
but also the desire and the hope for peace. 

The coming months will be fraught with fateful 
decisions. In this Assembly ; in the capitals and mili- 
tary headquarters of the world ; in the hearts of men 
everywhere, be they governors or governed, may they 
be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear 
and into peace. 

To the making of these fateful decisions, the United 
States pledges before you — and therefore before the 
world — its determination to help solve the fearful 
atomic dilemma— to devote its entire heart and mind 
to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness 
of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but con- 
secrated to his life. 

The response to President Eisenhower's pro- 
posals, which received bipartisan support in the 
United States, was overwhelming; and discus- 
sions were begun that ultimately culminated in 
establishment of the International Atomic En- 
ergy Agency in 1957. I am certain that liistory 
will record this initiative as one of the principal 
successes of postwar foreign policy. Many meu 
of vision and foresight in both the executive 
and legislative branches of government shared 
in the conception and elaboration of these pro- 
posals. They are too numerous to list in tliis 
brief account, but surely history will record the 
roles of Lewis L. Strauss, then Chairman of the 
AEC, Congressman W. Sterling Cole, then 
chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic 
Energy, and Secretary of State John Foster 

Meanwhile, in order to initiate the U.S. Atoms 
for Peace program. President Eisenhower sub- 
mitted recommendations in February 1954 for 
amending the Atomic Energy Act of 1946, 
which had severely limited United States cooi^- 
eration with other nations in development of 
peaceful uses of the atom. At that time, the 
President noted that the recommended revisions 
of the Atomic Energy Act would enable "Amer- 
ican atomic energy development, public and pri- 
vate, to play a full and effective part in leading 
mankind into a new era of progress and peace." ^ 

The Congress shared the administration's 
views that the atom had moved into a new era 
of peaceful significance and enacted the Atomic 

' For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 21, 1953, p. 847. 

" For President Eisenhower's message to the Congress 
on Feb. 17, 1954, see Bulletin of Mar. 1, 1954, p. 303. 



Energy Act of 1954, which authorized broad do- 
mestic and international programs of peaceful 
nuclear development. On August 30 of that year 
the President stated : ^ 

As I sign this bill, I am confident that it will advance 
both public and private development of atomic energy, 
that it will thus lead to greater national strength, and 
that programs undertaken as a result of this new law 
will help us progress more rapidly to the time when this 
new source of energy will be wholly devoted to the 
constructive purposes of man. 

Tlie followmg month the ninth session of 
the United Nations General Assembly was con- 
vened. In line with the President's 1953 pro- 
posals, the United States submitted for the As- 
sembly's consideration a resolution looking to 
the development of an international cooperative 
program in the nuclear energy field. Secretary 
of State John Foster Dulles stated in an address 
before the Assembly on September 23 : * 

The United States is proposing an agenda Item which 
will enable us to report on our efforts to explore and 
develop the vast possibilities for the peaceful uses of 
atomic energy. These efforts have been and will be 
directed primarily toward the following ends: 

(1) The creation of an international agency, whose 
initial membership will include nations from all regions 
of the world. It is hoped that such an agency will start 
its work as early as next year. 

(2) The calling of an international scientific con- 
ference to consider this whole vast subject, to meet in 
the spring of 1955, under the auspices of the United 

(3) The opening early next year, in the United 
States, of a reactor training school where students from 
abroad may learn the working principles of atomic en- 
ergy with specific regard to its peacetime uses. 

(4) The invitation to a substantial number of medi- 
cal and surgical experts from abroad to participate in 
the work of our cancer hospitals — in which atomic en- 
ergy techniques are among the most hopeful approaches 
to controlling this menace to mankind. 

In November 1954 our Ambassador to the 
United Nations, Henry Cabot Lodge, gave a 
report to the United Nations on United States 
efforts to develop international cooperation in 
the nuclear field.° He discussed at length the 
United States proposals to establish a reactor 
training school, to provide courses in safety and 
other constructive applications of the atom, and 
to offer technical information and Atoms for 
Peace libraries to other countries. Ambassador 

' BtTLLETiN of Sept. 13, 1954, p. 365. 
* Bulletin of Oct. 4, 1954, p. 471. 

'' For background, see Bulletin of Nov. 15, 1954, p. 

Lodge noted that there were 10 such libraries 
available. That number has grown manyfold, 
as more and more coimtries have moved into the 
atomic age. At present such libraries, regularly 
supplied with the vast outpouring of informa- 
tion on the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, are 
located in more than 60 coimtries. But more of 
this later. 

Ambassador Lodge also referred to the 
United States interest in convening an interna- 
tional conference on the peaceful uses of nu- 
clear energy, which I shall also discuss later. 

The interest in promoting the peaceful uses 
of nuclear energy in the early years of the 
Atoms for Peace program led to a situation in 
which expectations sometimes exceeded techni- 
cal capabilities. Ambassador Morehead Patter- 
son [U.S. representative for IAEA negotia- 
tions] took note of tliis when he addressed the 
first class at the opening of the School for Nu- 
clear Science and Engineering at the Argonne 
National Laboratory in March 1955 : ® 

Freer exchange of scientific information between our 
countries — as represented by this school — will hasten 
the time of success. But we must all realize that great 
human and material effort must still be exerted before 
we can tap the atom's full potential. Even when we 
have succeeded, it wiU not be the answer to every 
problem in every comer of the earth. The Sahara Des- 
ert just cannot be made to bloom next year. The Si- 
berian rivers will not flow south the year after that. 
The North Pole need have no fear that man will be 
able, through the atom, to melt the icebergs of the 
Arctic Circle in 1958. Before we can run, we must learn 
to walk. 

Agreements for Cooperation 

The new Atomic Energy Act which Presi- 
dent Eisenhower signed on August 30 of 1954 
declared as one of its purposes : "... a program 
of international cooperation to promote the com- 
mon defense and security and to make avail- 
able to cooperating nations the benefits of peace- 
ful applications of atomic energy as widely as 
expanding technology and considerations of the 
common defense and security will permit." 

Early in 1955 the Department of State and 
the Atomic Energy Commission began negotiat- 
ing bilateral agreements for cooperation under 
the new act. By the end of 1955 some 25 such 
agreements had been negotiated. These agree- 
ments were undertaken to increase the world- 
wide level of peaceful nuclear energy activities, 
to provide an opportunity or a vehicle for mak- 

' Bulletin of Apr. 4, 1955, p. 553. 

MARCH 3, 1969 


ing available assistance to other countries, and 
to speed peacefiil nuclear applications in friend- 
ly countries to strengthen these countries eco- 
nomically and technologically. 

The first agreement was negotiated with 
Turkey, an indication that the program was in- 
tended from the start not just for our tech- 
nologically advanced partners in Europe but for 
nations all over the world which saw in science 
and teclmology one means to better the lot of 
their people. At one time, these agreements 
were in effect with more than 40 individual 
countries. With the development of the Inter- 
national Atomic Energy Agency and the Euro- 
pean Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), 
however, some of our bilateral partners agreed 
to let the bilateral agreements expire and to 
obtam the benefits available under the agree- 
ments from these two international organiza- 
tions. Today we have 33 agreements with 29 
nations, and with the IAEA and Euratom. 
Under the terms of these agreements, we have 
made available to our partners nuclear research 
tools, including research reactors, and nuclear 
fuels for both research and power reactors and, 
of course, information on the various peaceful 

We divide these agreements into two types : 
The research agreements are so named because 
they provide for the supply of nuclear ma- 
terials, especially enriched uranium, for re- 
search reactors. The amoimt of nuclear material 
supplied under these agreements is rather 
limited, and the term of the agreement is usu- 
ally only 5 to 10 years. 

The power agreements authorize a broad ex- 
change of unclassified technical information on 
power reactor technology and the application 
of nuclear energy to peaceful uses. These agree- 
ments, of duration up to 30 years, also provide 
for the sale of thousands of kilograms of ura- 
nimn-235 for use in power reactors. At the pres- 
ent time we have committed under these agree- 
ments over 500,000 kilograms of uranium-235 
to provide fuel for reactors constructed over- 

It is an important feature of both of these 
types of agreements that they include unique 
safeguards provisions against the diversion of 
this fissionable material to military uses. The 
importance of these safeguards is so great that 
I will devote much of my second lecture to this 

We have not negotiated a statutory bilateral 
agreement for cooperation with the Soviet 

Union. However, we have concluded three less 
formal Memoranda on Cooperation in the Field 
of Utilization of Atomic Energy for Peaceful 

My predecessor, Chairman John A. McCone, 
and his Soviet counterpart, V. S. Emelyanov, 
signed the first such memorandum on coopera- 
tion in November 1959. This memorandum pro- 
vided for reciprocal exchanges of visits and 
information in several unclassified fields of 
peaceful applications of nuclear energy. The 
McCone-Emelyanov memorandum became an 
addendum to the 1960-61 overall U.S.-U.S.S.K. 
exchanges agreement. Following conclusion of 
the memorandum. Chairman McCone and Pro- 
fessor Emelyanov led groups on reciprocal tours 
of nuclear energy laboratories and powerplants 
in the U.S.S.R. and United States, respectively. 
These were followed by more detailed exchanges 
of visits by scientists in the fields of high-energy 
physics and controlled thermonuclear reactions. 

On May 21, 1963, during my visit to the 
U.S.S.R. to tour Soviet nuclear energy facilities, 
I and my Soviet counterpart, AndronLk M. 
Petrosyants, signed the second memorandum on 
cooperation. This memorandum was later an- 
nexed to the 1964^65 overall agreement and 
provided for exchanges in eight unclassified 
fields of peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Under 
its terms, we completed a number of successful 
exchanges with the U.S.S.R. involving delega- 
tion visits, research assignments, and the trans- 
mittal of unclassified scientific and technical 
documents. It is an interesting historical foot- 
note that the return visit to the United States 
of Chairman Petrosyants and his delegation 
was in progress at the time of the tragic as- 
sassination of President Kennedy. During their 
stop in Washington, only a few days after the 
President's burial, the Soviet delegation asked 
for and received permission to visit his grave 
in Arlington National Cemetery. The grief 
which they felt on the loss of President Ken- 
nedy was quite apparent on this occasion. 

A new memorandiun on cooperation was 
signed in July 1968. However, its implementa- 
tion is being restricted because of the Soviet in- 
vasion of Czechoslovakia. 

My visit to the Soviet Union in 1963 confirmed 
my belief that science can successfully serve as 
a common meeting ground for East and West. 
The arrangements we have carried out in the 
past, I believe, have facilitated the freer ex- 
change of information and ideas. I hope that 
the future will allow subsequent exchanges of 



delegations and information and that these will 
lead to further contributions to the development 
of the peaceful atom as well as to a better imder- 
standing between our two countries. 

Research Reactor Grants 

In June 1955 at Pennsylvania State Univer- 
sity, President Eisenhower announced two new 
programs to implement the Atoms for Peace 
program. At that time he said : ' 

First: We propose to ofifer research reactors to the 
people of free nations who can use them effectively 
for the acquisition of the skills and understandiag es- 
sential to i)eaceful atomic progress. The United States, 
in the si)irit of partnership that moves us, will contrib- 
ute half the cost. We will also furnish the acquiring 
nation the nuclear material needed to fuel the reactor. 

Second: Within prudent security considerations, we 
propose to make available to the peoples of such friendly 
nations as are prepared to invest their own funds in 
power reactors, access to and training in the tech- 
nological processes of construction and operation for 
peaceful purposes. 

If the technical and material resources of a single 
nation should not appear adequate to make effective 
use of a research reactor, we would support a voluntary 
grouping of the resources of several nations within a 
single region to acquire and operate It together. 

Under this program, the United States of- 
fered half the cost of research reactors, up to 
$350,000, for one research reactor in each quali- 
fied country. Eesearch reactor grants were made 
to 26 nations under this program. 

To aid developing countries in making effec- 
tive use of their research reactors built with the 
help of U.S. grants, we have devised laboratory- 
to-laboratory cooperative arrangements. Re- 
ferred to as "sister laboratory" arrangements, 
the system works by placing a United States 
laboratory such as the Brookhaven National 
Laboratory, Argonne National Laboratory, or 
Oak Ridge National Laboratory in direct con- 
tact with the other country's laboratory. The 
United States laboratory gives advice and small 
items of equipment and generally guides its 
sister laboratory's work into productive lines of 
activity. There are now four such arrangements 
in effect. 

Of course, it was easier for the more tech- 
nically advanced countries in Western Europe 
to develop their own impressive nuclear re- 
search centers, such as those in Ispra, Italy; 
Mol, Belgium; Petten, in the Netherlands; and 
Karlsruhe, Germany. But in some respects it 
is even more impressive, however, to see how 

' Bulletin of June 27, 1955, p. 1027. 

countries such as Thailand, Korea, and the 
Republic of China have built institutions around 
these grant reactors. 

On my trips to more than 40 countries abroad 
I have been impressed with the way that re- 
search reactor facilities have become focal 
points for diverse scientific activity and how 
they serve to stimulate and to strengthen the 
general level of scientific activity. 

The lesson which this program teaches us, I 
believe, is primarily that we should not imder- 
estimate the need for supporting science in the 
developing countries. We often hear people ar- 
gue that it is a waste of money and effort to 
su^jport nuclear scientists in countries which 
seem in such dire need of the most basic things, 
such as more food, better roads, more schools. 
But while this argument may seem persuasive on 
the surface, it is shortsighted. If these strug- 
gling nations are ever to fully enter the main- 
stream of 20th century development, they must 
have a core of competent scientists from which 
to build for their future needs. If these scientists 
do not have support and encouragement they 
may well leave the coimtry — become part of 
the "brain drain" — and thus rob the emerging 
nation of its chances to someday take its place 
among the more advanced commimities of the 
world. A valuable research tool such as a reactor 
can do much to bolster the morale as well as the 
scientific knowledge of a small country and to 
keep badly needed scientific talent at home. 

Equipment Grants 

In our program, however, it was recognized 
that not every country could use a research re- 
actor. Therefore, we have over a period of years 
provided a series of equipment grants to a num- 
ber of organizations and countries. These equip- 
ment grants have not been limited to those coun- 
tries with which we have agreements for 
cooperation. Since 1962, moreover, we have 
made such grants to the IAEA for use in 
Agency-approved projects. Tliese grants have 
varied from two mobile radioisotope labora- 
tories provided the Agency, to small electronic 
devices, to complete laboratories and subcritical 

Wliile I have spoken first of the aspects of our 
program in its early stages which involved 
modest financial assistance by the United States, 
I want to emphasize that the Atoms for Peace 
program has not been fundamentally one of fi- 
nancial aid. Rather, it has emphasized the shar- 

M.VRCH 3, 1969 


ing of important assets already available to the 
U.S. AEC as a result of our domestic needs. 
These assets were of two kinds : first, the capa- 
bility to produce important nuclear materials, 
especially enriched uranium and heavy water, 
and second, the vast and rapidly growing body 
of information on peaceful uses of nuclear 

Supply of Materials Abroad 

The nuclear materials which we are com- 
mitted to provide under our agreements for co- 
operation are provided under sale in the case 
of power reactors but may be leased in the case 
of research reactors. The cornerstone of our 
supply policy has been the assurance of long- 
term supply of enriched uraniimi fuel and on the 
same terms as those accorded domestic reactor 
operators. As a result of amendments of the 
Atomic Energy Act in 1964, we have instituted 
the mechanism of "toll enrichment." This is sim- 
ply the process of converting privately owned 
natural uraniiun into a product containing an 
increased concentration of uranium-235 through 
the utilization of U. S. Government facilities. 
Nine toll enrichment supply contracts with 
foreign countries have already been signed, and 
seven more are being negotiated at this time. 

These materials which have been and will be 
provided and the equipment which has been sold, 
leased, or loaned are all subject to safeguards to 
assure against any diversion from peaceful to 
military purposes. As I indicated, I shall go into 
the safeguards situation more in my next 

Some have questioned the wisdom of distrib- 
uting materials to other nations and providmg 
other forms of help which may be employed for 
nuclear weapons or wliich can be used for the 
production of weapons material. This school of 
thought overlooks the fact that today many na- 
tions can embark on nuclear energy programs 
entirely on their own effoils or through help 
from countries other than the United States. 
By providing U.S. materials under careful safe- 
guards against diversion to militai-y purposes we 
help direct the inevitable nuclear interests of 
other nations into peaceful channels and at the 
same time achieve other important benefits for 
the United States. 

I was gratified by the public recognition of 
this important principle when in 1965 in con- 
nection with the International Cooperation 
Year activities the Citizens' Committee on the 
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy noted that : 

. . . the United States should continue to promote 
the sale and construction of power reactors abroad to 
help provide economical and abundant sources of elec- 
trical energy to peoples everywhere, to aid in the con- 
servation of reserves of conventional fuels, to aid the 
United States balance of payments position, and to 
assure that these reactors and the nuclear materials 
they produce will be subjected to appropriate 

At the end of fiscal year 1968 (June 30, 1968) , 
the AEC had distributed abroad, through sale, 
lease, and deferred payment sales, special nu- 
clear and other materials valued at approxi- 
mately $310 million, resulting in revenues to the 
United States so far of $220 million. 

Exchange of Technology 

Technical Libraries 

In the foregoing remarks I have frequently 
mentioned the exchange and provision of infor- 
mation. Since Ambassador Lodge made his an- 
nouncement at the United Nations in 1954, 
numerous depositories or teclinical libraries 
have been assigned to other countries. These li- 
braries have been continuously updated, and 
at the present time they contain several tens of 
thousands of documents. 


Another means by which we have provided 
great amounts of information to other countries 
is through conferences. Naturally, as in other 
fields of science, many different types of con- 
ferences are employed, depending on the scope 
of the subject matter and how widespread the 
interest in it is. However, the Atoms for Peace 
program pioneered a particular form of inter- 
national conference of such significance that it 
deserves special mention. Early in 1954 Chair- 
man Lewis L. Strauss annoimced : * 

... I am privileged to state that it is the Presi- 
dent's intention to . . . convene an international con- 
ference of scientists at a later date this year. This con- 
ference, which it is hojied will be largely attended and 
will include the outstanding men in their professions 
from all over the world, will be devoted to the explora- 
tion of the benign and peaceful uses of atomic energy. 
It will be the first time that any such body has been 
convoked, and its purpose, also in the words of the 
President, will be "to hasten the day when the fear 
of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds 
of people, and the governments of the East and of 
the West." 

As a result of this United States initiative. 

' For background, see Bulletin of May 3, 1954, p. 




the General Assembly approved the convening 
of the first United Nations International Con- 
ference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 
at Geneva in August 1955. Subsequent interna- 
tional conferences of this type were convened 
in 1958 and 1964. As you may know, the recently 
concluded 23d United Nations General Assem- 
bly approved the convening of a fourth such 
conference, to be held in 1971. 

The first conference was successful beyond 
all expectations. It was, at that time, the largest 
meeting that had been convened mider the aus- 
pices of the United Nations. Thirty-eight na- 
tions were represented. Over 1,000 papers were 
submitted, and over 2,700 participants attended. 
It was a dramatic conference, wide in scope, 
and a significant step in opening many interna- 
tional doors previously closed to the scientific 
know-how of the relatively new nuclear tech- 
nology. Both the United States and the U.S.S.R. 
made substantial contributions to the suc- 
cess of this conference by their exhibits and 
papers presented. 

In his assessment of the first conference. Pro- 
fessor Walter G. Wliitman, conference Secre- 
tary General, said : 

To laymen everywhere, the knowledge that the 
world's scientific elite was exchanging information 
and ideas about nuclear energy, with the purpose of 
developing its potential benefits to mankind, was most 
heartening. Here was long-delayed evidence of inter- 
national cooperation. 

The second conference in 1958 was even more 
dramatic and wider in scope than the first. 
Forty-sis nations and six international organi- 
zations were represented. Over 2,000 papers 
were submitted, and over 6,000 participants 
attended. This conference helped break down 
even further some of the formidable barriers to 
the open exchange of nuclear technology be- 
tween nations. Dr. Sigvard Eklund, Secretary 
General of the 1958 conference and presently 
Director General of the IAEA, said: 

Such a big international meeting held under the 
auspices of the United Nations was effective in a 
manner different from that of smaller meetings in 
that it stimulated governments to release and review 
material which otherwise might have remained un- 
digested or buried in sometimes inaccessible reports 
and documents. 

I commented as follows on both the 1955 and 
1958 conferences : 

Participants generally agreed that giant strides had 
been taken in both conferences toward informing people 
throughout the world of the many benefits to be de- 
rived from the peaceful uses of atomic energy. 

The First Conference, in 1955, dropped the shrouds 
of secrecy from many aspects of nuclear energy, and 
began a renewal of the channels of communication 
between nuclear scientists and engineers of the world. 
In the Second Conference, communications and inter- 
national cooperation were further expanded, and fusion 
research was removed from the pale of secrecy. 

I had the privilege of heading the U.S. dele- 
gation to the third international conference in 
1964 and of preparing and presenting the sum- 
ming up on behalf of all delegations at the 
conclusion of the conference. 

I reported to Secretary of State Rusk at the 
conclusion of the third conference that: 

The Conference was successful in many ways, the 
most important of which was that it presented a com- 
prehensive record of progress made in the development 
and use of nuclear power since the last Conference 
held in 1958. The major conclusion with regard to prog- 
ress since 1958 and, in my opinion, the most significant 
servation of reserves of conventional fuels, to aid the 
clear power had indeed come of age in many areas 
of the world. 


In the field of international information dis- 
semination we have also built and co-operated 
"Atoms in Action" Nuclear Science Demonstra- 
tion Centers. These centers have been unique 
in their contribution to the dissemination of 
information on nuclear energy and nuclear sci- 
ence. They go far beyond the typical exhibit in 
that they also serve as temporary schools and 
training centers for the host country. They are, 
in fact, small working nuclear energy centers. 

Since their primary objective is the stimula- 
tion of interest in and understanding of the 
peaceful uses of nuclear energy, they are tai- 
lored to the mterests, needs, and capabilities of 
the country where the exhibit is being shown. 
Local nuclear energy, university, scientific, and 
educational officials work side by side with 
American officials in the preparation of dem- 
onstrations, presentation of seminars, and ex- 
perimentation. Classes are held for local high 
school students in special classrooms right in 
the center building. The centers are equipped 
with gamma irradiation facilities ; and with the 
cooperation of the center staff, local scientists 
irradiate seeds, live tissue, insects, meat, vegeta- 
bles, and fish, and items of specific interest to 
their own research efforts. Another facility of 
the center is a technical information reference 
room which contains a comprehensive collection 
of books, periodicals, and reports. These are 
available to all interested professional person- 
nel and students. These "Atoms in Action" Nu- 

MAKCH 3, 1969 


clear Science Demonstration Centers have been 
shown in 31 countries and have been viewed and 
visited by over 6,800,000 peojile. 

Education and Training 

A great many individual training and re- 
search assignments have been and are being ar- 
ranged at AEC facilities to meet the particular 
needs of foreign scientists. Over 4,500 individ- 
ual assignments and assignments to formal 
courses at AEC facilities have been arranged to 
date. You may recall that I mentioned earlier 
the establishment of the School for Nuclear 
Science and Engineering at the Argonne Na- 
tional Laboratory. Courses were also given in 
reactor operations and the evaluation of reactor 
hazards at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory. 
As other coimtries developed their own pro- 
grams, and as both United States and foreign 
universities established centers to provide nu- 
clear trainmg, the need for formal courses of- 
fered by the United States has diminished, and 
the international schools at Argonne and Oak 
Ridge were closed in 1965. Courses in the use of 
radioisotopes are still offered at the Oak Ridge 
Associated Universities, however; and more 
comprehensive courses continue to be offered at 
the Puerto Rico Nuclear Center, which is oper- 
ated at the University of Puerto Rico under 
contract with the AEC. 

The Puerto Rico Nuclear Center is of partic- 
ular interest because of its regional importance. 
Its creation resulted in part from a proposal 
advanced by President Eisenhower at the con- 
ference of chiefs of state of the American Re- 
publics held in Panama in July 1966 to the ef- 
fect that efforts be made to hasten the develop- 
ment of beneficial uses of nuclear energy 
throughout the hemisphere. By the end of 1957 
a contract had been negotiated for the operation 
of tliis center, the objective of which was the 
development of a comprehensive program for 
research and training available to students 
throughout Latin America. The center, which 
has facilities at both the San Juan and Maya- 
giiez Campuses of the University of Puerto 
Rico, provides a spectrum of training opportu- 
nities for our Latin American neighbors. 

European Atomic Energy Community 

A specific example of how the Atoms for 
Peace program has helped advance other im- 
portant foreign policy objectives of the United 
States is found in our cooperation with the 
European Atomic Energy Community (Eur- 

atom). Following the signing of the U.S.- 
Euratom Agreement for Cooperation in 1958, 
the U.S.-Euratom Joint Power Reactor Pro- 
gram and the U.S.-Euratom Joint Research and 
Development Program were initiated. 

The technical purpose of the joint reactor 
program was to bring into operation within the 
Community large-scale powerplants using re- 
actors which had been developed to an advanced 
stage in the United States. Such a cooperative 
program would also serve to strengthen Eur- 
atom, one of the important institutions designed 
to further the goal of European integration as 
well as advance Em-ope teclmologically and 
economically. Tliree reactors were built under 
tliis program in Europe. The Joint Research 
and Development Program envisaged a 10-year 
research and development program keyed to the 
reactors built under the Joint Power Reactor 
Program. To date, the United States and Eur- 
atom have spent about $25 million and $26 mil- 
lion respectively on the Joint Research and 
Development Program. 

The United States and Euratom also have 
arrangements to exchange information on fast 
reactor programs and in certain other fields. 
United States supplies of special nuclear ma- 
terials for both commercial power programs 
and research projects have been made available 
through Euratom under lease, sale, and toll en- 
riclunent arrangements. 

International Atomic Energy Agency 

We consider that one of our most important 
activities in promoting the peaceful uses of nu- 
clear energy has been our support of the Inter- 
national Atomic Energy Agency. Tlie IAEA, 
an agency of the U.N., provides the best mech- 
anism through which all nations can avail them- 
selves of the benefits of the peaceful atom. It 
allows them to share scientific and teclmical 
knowledge and nuclear materials and do so 
openly, imder international agreements and 
safeguards. It acts as a world forum on nuclear 
knowledge and operates, among other things, its 
own radioisotope laboratory and institute of 
theoretical physics. First proposed by Presi- 
dent Eisenhower in 1953, the Agency was estab- 
lished in 1957 with headquarters in Vienna and 
now has 100 members. 

United. States support of the Agency has con- 
tinued through both Democratic and Republi- 
can administrations. In his message to the tenth 
general conference, held in 1966, President 
Johnson said : 



I should like to emphasize to you my country's dedi- 
cation to three principles which are of particular rele- 
vance to this organization. We are deeply committed 
to the principle of international cooperation for peace 
in every field of human endeavor. We believe strongly 
in sharing the benefits of scientific progress, and we 
have consistently acted on this belief. And we have 
worked, and will continue to work, toward the eco- 
nomic development of the world's less developed 

Over the years, the Agency has been involved 
in many areas, ranging from radiation applica- 
tions in medicine, industry, and agriculture to 
promotion of the effective use of research reac- 
tors, desalting studies, and establisliment of 
international standards in the transport of irra- 
diated materials. 

In the field of nuclear power, the Agency has 
sponsored the exchange of information on a 
global basis. Conferences organized by the 
Agency have been devoted to such important 
subjects as contaimnent and siting of nuclear 
power plants, safety problems related to fast 
reactors, comparison of nuclear power costs, and 
the use of plutonium as a reactor fuel, to 
mention only a few. 

We have strongly supported the Agency 
through financial contributions, providing fel- 
lowships, experts, equipment grants, technical 
information, special nuclear materials, and as- 
sistance in developing a safeguards inspection 

Since the beginning of the Atoms for Peace 
program, the United States has realized that the 
success of the program was dependent upon 
reasonable guarantees that the nuclear technol- 
ogy and nuclear material to be shared with other 
countries would not be diverted to any military 
purpose. Guarantees were needed so that none 
of this material or assistance would ever be a 
threat to international security. We also recog- 
nized that a multilateral control system would 
be more efficient and objective than bilateral 
safeguards and that it could contribute to the 
evolution of a broader system of arms limitation. 
Pending the establishment of such a system, we 
insisted, as I have stat