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Full text of "Department of State bulletin"

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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY' RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 






Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUL 23 1969 
DEPCSlTOPvY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXl, No. 1567 




July 7, 1969 



PRESIDENT NIXON'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF JUNE 19 1 

PRESIDENT NIXON AND PRESIDENT LLERAS OF COLOMBIA 
REVIEW COJVIMON GOALS OF THE AMERICAS 

Exchanges of Remarks 8 



For index see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1567 
July 7, 1969 



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U.S. Government Printing Office 

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STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is indexed In 

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The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a xceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
tcith information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the IFliite House and the Depart' 
ntent, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interrui- 
tional affairs and the functions of the 
Department. Information is included 
concerning treaties and international 
agreements to which the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international 
interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY 



President Nixon's News Conference of June 19 



Following are excerpts from the transcript of 
a news conference lield hy President Nixon in 
the East Room of the White House on June 19. 



Q. Mr. President, on the Midway trip we 
were told by an official of your administration 
that he felt the time had come for substantive 
negotiations to begin at Paris. Do you agree 
with this assessment, and if so, what evidence is 
tliere to point it up? 

The President: I agree with the conclusion 
that the time has come for some substantive 
negotiations in Paris. As far as evidence that 
such negotiations have begun, there is no sub- 
stantial evidence, publicly, to report. 

However, I am not pessimistic about the out- 
come. As you may recall, when these questions 
were first raised, when the talks in Paris were 
beginning, I pointed out that it would be a long, 
hard road after we got over the procedural 
points. 

When this administration came in, all that 
had been decided was the shape of the table. 
Now we are down to substance. The two sides 
are far apart. But we believe that the time has 
come for a discussion of substance, and we hope 
within the next 2 to 3 months to see some prog- 
ress in substantive discussions. 

Q. Mr. President, former Defense Secretary 
Clark Clifford has suggested that 100,000 Amer- 
ican troops ought to be out by the end of this 
year and we ought to say that all grou/nd troops 
will be out by the end of 1970. 1 wonder if you 
think that is a realistic timetable? 

The President: Well, I noted Mr. Clifford's 
comments in the magazine Foreign Affairs, and, 
naturally, I respect his judgment as a former 
Secretary of Defense. 

I would point out, however, that for 5 years 
in the administration in which he was Secretary 



of Defense in the last part, we had a continued 
escalation of the war; we had 500,000 Americans 
in Viet-Nam ; we had 35,000 killed ; we had over 
200,000 injured. 

And in addition to that, we found that in the 
year, the full year, in which he was Secretary 
of Defense our casualties were the highest of the 
whole 5-year period ; and as far as negotiations 
were concerned, all that had been accomplished, 
as I indicated earlier, was that we had agreed on 
the shape of the table. 

This is not to say that Mr. Clifford's present 
judgment is not to be considered because of the 
past record. It does indicate, however, that he 
did have a chance in this particular respect and 
did not move on it then. 

I believe that we have changed that policy. 
We have started to withdraw forces. We will 
withdraw more. Another decision will be made 
in August. I will not indicate the nimiber, be- 
cause the number wUl depend upon the extent 
of the training of the South Vietnamese, as well 
as developments in Paris and the other factors 
that I have mentioned previously. 

As far as how many wUl be withdrawn by 
the end of this year, or the end of next year, 
I would hope that we could beat Mr. Clifford's 
timetable, just as I think we have done a little 
better than he did when he was in charge of our 
national defense. 

Q. Mr. President, Mr. Clifford goes on to urge 
that you order our military commanders to 
ceojse the policy of applying maxim/um military 
pressure against the enemy and switch instead 
to a policy of reducing the level of confibat opera- 
tions. Do you intend to issue any such 
instructions? 

The President: Mr. Scali [John Scali, ABC 
News], I have checked the situation with re- 
gard to our operations as compared with the 
enemy's since this administration took over. I 
find that our casualties are in direct ratio to the 



JTTLT 7, 1969 



level of enemy attacks. We have not escalated 
our attacks. We have only responded to what 
the enemy has done. 

As far as Mr. Clifford's suggestion is con- 
cerned, it implies that the United States is at 
the present time responsible for the level of 
fighting. It takes two in order to reduce the 
level of fighting, and I would only siiggest that 
if the enemy now will withdraw forces, one- 
tenth of its forces, as we have withdrawn one- 
tenth of our combat forces, that would tend to 
reduce the level of fighting. 

As far as the orders to General [Creighton 
W.] Abrams are concerned, they are very 
simply this: He is to conduct this war with a 
minimtun of American casualties. I believe he is 
carrying out that order with great effectiveness 
in the field. 

Q. Mr. President, Juwe you had any response 
from the North Vietnamese or Viet Cong, either 
in Paris or on the tattle-field, to the withdrawal 
of the first 25,000 American troops? 

The President: No, we have not. 

Strategic Arms Limitation Talks 

Q. When and where do you expect to begin 
arms talks with the Soviet Union, and do you 
favor suspension of the testing of multiple war- 
heads in the meantime? 

The President: We are just completing our 
own strategic review; and as a matter of fact, 
the National Security Coimcil meeting dealing 
with our position on the SALT talks, as they are 
described — the first was held this last Friday, 
and the second will be held on Wednesday. Con- 
sultation with our allies will then proceed 
through the balance of June and through July. 

We have set July 31st as a target date for the 
beginning of talks, and Secretary Rogers has 
so informed the Soviet Ambassador. We have 
not had a reply from them. 

Assuming that our consultations are com- 
pleted and that the Soviets find this date is ac- 
ceptable to them, I would say that sometime 
between July 31st and the 15th of August there 
would be a meeting. As far as the place of the 
meeting is concerned, it could be Vienna, it 
could be Geneva. We are open on that question. 

Q. Mr. President, the Viet Cong and/or 
Hanoi recently announced the creation of a 
new provisional government for South Viet- 



Nam. There have been many interpretive re- 
ports of what that may mean for the political 
stability or instability of South Viet-Nam and 
its portent on the international scene for prog- 
ress toward peace. Could you give u^ an as- 
sessment of the new government? 

The President: The new government is sim- 
ply a new name for the same activity that was 
there previously, the NLF, or National Libera- 
tion Front, as it was called. There is no new 
blood ia it. It has no capital. As a matter of 
fact, I do not know where ambassadors would 
present their diplomatic credentials, because it 
has no major city or town which it controls in 
South Viet-Nam. 

As far as the changed situation is concerned, 
however, I would make this suggestion : Presi- 
dent Thieu has offered to have internationally 
supervised elections to let the people of South 
Viet-Nam determine whether they want his 
government or some other government. 

It would seem that if the provisional govern- 
ment, which also claims to represent the people 
of South Viet-Nam, really means that, they 
would accede to this request and agree to inter- 
nationally supervised elections. 

As far as the United States is concerned, we 
will accept any decision that is made by the peo- 
ple of South Viet-Nam, but we think that the 
provisional government should join with the 
Government of South Viet-Nam and any other 
political parties in South Viet-Nam in partici- 
pating in supervised elections. 

Testing of Multiple Warheads 

Q. Mr. President, referring to an earlier 
question by Mr. Valeriani [Richard Valeriani, 
NBC News'], do you regard further testing of 
MIRVs [multiple independently targeted re- 
entry vehicles] as an obstacle to reaching an 
arms control agreement? 

The President: I am sorry, Mr. Semple 
[Eobert B. Semple, New York Times], I forgot 
the last part of his question. I am glad you 
brought it back. 

As far as the further testing is concerned, this 
suggestion was made to me by Senator Brooke 
and by others in the Senate. I know that it is 
certainly a very constructive proposal insofar as 
they themselves are thinking about it. We are 
considering the possibility of a moratorium on 
tests as part of any arms control agreement. 



DEPAKTMENT OF STATE BUIXETIir 



However, as far as any unilateral stopping of 
tests on our part, I do not think that would be 
in our interest. Only in the event that the Soviet 
Union and we could agree that a moratorium on 
tests could be mutually beneficial to us, would 
we be able to agree to do so. 

Views on Cease-Fire in Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. President., several prominent Ameri- 
cans have urged you to frcpose a cease-fire in 
Viet-Nam as a means of reducing American 
casualties. Why does that idea not cormnend it- 
self to you? 

The President: Well, the idea of a cease-fire, 
Mr. Lisagor [Peter Lisagor, Chicago Daily 
News], does coromend itself to me. But I do not 
want us to cease and have the other side contiaue 
to fire, because, basically, as I have pointed out 
ia a previous press conference, where we have 
a conventional war, cease-fire is very relevant; 
then we know that the guns have stopped firing. 
In the case of a guerrilla war, unless you have 
an international force or some outside force to 
guarantee it, a cease-fire is a grave disadvantage 
to those forces that are in place. 

I should point out, however, that in my 
May 14th speech,' I advocated supervised cease- 
fires. That is the position of this administration. 
It is the position of Mr. Thieu. 

We want cease-fires, but we want them super- 
vised. We don't want us to cease fire and the 
other side to continue to kill our men. 



Support of Thieu Government 

Q. Mr. President, you expressed the hope 
earlier for substantive talks on Viet-Nam, per- 
haps in the next 3 months. I wonder, sir, in this 
process, and before elections are held in Viet- 
Nam, are we wedded, to whatever degree, to the 
government of President Thieu? 

The President: When you use the term 
"wedded to the government of President Thieu," 
I would not say that the United States, insofar 
as any government in the world is concerned, 
is wedded to it in the sense that we cannot take 
any course of action that that government does 
not approve. 

On the other hand, I do not want to leave any 



' Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



doubt on this score: President Thieu is the 
elected President of Viet-Nam. He is cooperat- 
ing with the United States in attempting to 
bring this war to a conclusion. He has made a 
very forthright offer and has supported our 
position that we have made — and I know will 
be making an ojffer of his own with regard to a 
political settlement. Under those circumstances, 
there is no question about our standing with 
President Tliieu. 

I would also say further that insofar as our 
offers are concerned, we are not going to accede 
to the demands of the enemy that we have to 
dispose of President Thieu before they wUl 
talk. That would mean a surrender on our part, 
a defeat on our part, and turning over South 
Viet-Nam to the tender mercies of those who 
have done a great deal of damage — to those in 
North Viet-Nam. 

Q. Mr. President, although not all of his 
recommendations were accepted, Mr. Clifford 
did reverse himself while in office, a rather rare 
thing for a public official to do. My question to 
you is perhaps somewhat philosophical: How do 
you heep from being loched in on a decision in- 
volving something as pressurized as Viet-Nam? 
How do you determine once a policy is adopted 
that it continues to be right? 

The President: This is one of my major con- 
cerns, and it is one of the reasons why I perhaps 
allow more controversy and, frankly, even open 
dissent — as I note from reading all the news- 
papers — witliin our administration than any in 
recent years. 

I beheve that a President must constantly re- 
examine the policies, and I am reexamining our 
policy on Viet-Nam every day. I am examining 
the military policy. I am examining the politi- 
cal policy, our diplomatic options, and I will 
not be frozen in. 

With regard to my comment on Mr. Clifford, 
I do not mean to suggest that because he, in a 
very difficult position, was imable to do anything 
about it, his words should not now be given 
some weight. They should be given some weight, 
and a man should be given credit for changing 
his mind if the facts have changed. 

But I am only suggesting that, as I make up 
my own mind at this time, I have to look at the 
facts as they are presented to me today; and 
as they are presented to me today I think we 
are on the right road in Viet-Nam. 

We have started toward the withdrawal that 



JtTLT 7, 1969 



Mr. Clifford has advocated; and I hope, as I 
said earlier, that we will be able to beat his time- 
table and that we will not be in Viet-Nam as 
long as he suggests we will have to be there. 

Q. Mr. President, your predecessor in oiJice 
ttsed to quite often solicit the advice of one of 
his predecessors, General Eisenhower, particu- 
larly with respect to foreign policy. Have you 
solicited Mr. Johnson's advice, and have you 
got any that is comparable to Clifford's, and 
does he hack your policy? 

The President: I have talked to Mr. Jolrn- 
son on the telephone, Mr. Potter [Philip Potter, 
Baltimore Sun], on two occasions, and he has 
been regularly briefed by members of the Na- 
tional Security Council, by Dr. Kissinger, and 
also by our economic advisers, and those 
briefings, of course, have provided an occasion 
for him to give his ideas to us. He has been very 
helpful in tenns of advice, and I think he will 
be more helpful in the future. 



Presidential Powers 

Q. Mr. President, what do you think of the 
Fulbright proposal that would limit the Presi- 
dential power to act militarily in an etnergency? 

The President : Well, I understand the senti- 
ment behind the jDroposal. When I was a Mem- 
ber of the Senate and a Member of the House, 
I will have to admit that I felt that there should 
be more consultation with the Senate and that 
Presidents should not have unlimited power to 
commit this nation, militarily as well as 
politically. 

On the other hand, as I now assume the re- 
sponsibilities of power, I of course see it from a 
different vantage point. And for the President 
of the United States to have his hands tied in 
a crisis in the fast-moving world in wliich we 
live would not be in the best interests of the 
United States. 

As President, I intend to consult with the 
Senate, with Senator Fulbright and with his 
colleagues on the Foreign Relations Committee 
and the Armed Services Conmaittee before tak- 
ing any action whenever I can. 

But look, for example, at President Eisen- 
hower in 1958. He had to move very fast in order 
to save the situation in Lebanon. There was no 



time to consult, and also it would have tipped 
off the enemy. 

Look at President Johnson when he sent in 
airplanes to save the missionaries in the Congo 
in 1964. He had to move fast. He had no time 
to consult. 

I don't think a President of the United States 
should be tied down by a commitment which will 
not allow him to take the action that needs to be 
taken to defend American interests and to 
defend American lives where there is no time 
to consult. 

Situation in the Middle East 

Q. Mr. President, 5 months ago at your first 
7iews conference you described the Middle East 
as a dangerously explosive situation in need of 
defusing. In the 5 months since that time, do you 
think there has been any defusing that you can 
nfieasure, or do you think tlie situatio7i has be- 
come acutely worse? 

The President: I would have to admit that I 
see very little defusing. The situation is better 
only from the standpoint that we do have some 
four-power talks going, and we would trust 
that from those talks we might get some basis of 
communication between the two sides and par- 
ticularly that we might get all parties involved, 
including the Soviet Union, to use their influ- 
ence to defuse a crisis. The talks will serve that 
interest if they serve no other interest. 

Also in that connection, I would like to say 
that I, as you know, have met already with the 
King of Jordan, and I am hoping to meet some- 
time within the next month with the Prime 
Minister of Israel. 

We intend to have bilateral talks, multilateral 
talks — anything that we can do to attempt to 
defuse the situation. 

Demonstrations in Latin America 

Q. Mr. President, due to Governor Rocke- 
feller\'? difficulties on his Latin Am-erican jaunt, 
do you see any usefulness coming out of the 
trips, and could you tell us what it might be? 

The President: A great deal of usefulness. 
For example, in my conversations with Presi- 
dent Lleras, the talking paper that President — 
Governor Rockefeller, a Freudian slip — ^the 
talking paper that Governor Rockefeller gave 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



me was extremely helpful, extremely helpful 
because it gave me the background of his con- 
versation with President Lleras. 

I -woidd say further that the very fact that 
there are these rather explosive demonstrations 
indicates that such a trip was necessary. The 
United States can't be penned up within our 
borders simply because of the fear of 
demonstrations. 

I remember very well when I planned my 
trip to Europe, there were several editorials 
to the effect that I shouldn't take the trip be- 
cause of the possibility of demonstrations. As 
those of you who were with me will remember, 
there were demonstrations in every major city 
I visited. Yet the trip was worthwhile. 

As far as I am concerned, I am very happy 
that Governor Kockefeller has made this trip. 
He is getting valuable information which we 
needed to get. 

I would add one further thought: We must 
not interpret these demonstrations as reflect- 
ing the will of the people of Latin America. 
The few demonstrators, violent as they are, in 
Latin America, no more represent the 200 mil- 
lion people of Latin America than the Black 
Panthers represent the 11 million law-abiding 
Negro citizens of this country. That is what we 
have to get across. 

Safeguard ABM System 

Q. Mr. President., wh^n you proposed the 
Safeguard antibaUistic system., you said it was 
vital to the interests of the United States. Nev- 
ertheless, reports persist that it is in trouble, 
the program is in trouble, in the Senate, and 
there is n&io talh of a possible compi'omise in 
our program. What is your position on Safe- 
guard, and what do you intend to do to loin 
passage for the program? 

The President: On March 8th, before I an- 
nounced my decision on Safeguard, a story ap- 
peared m the Washington Post indicating that 
the coimt at that time was 20 Senators for it, 
46 against it, with the rest undecided. 

The latest count I have seen indicates that 
there are 50 or 51 for it, 46 against it, and the 
rest undecided. We will win the fight on Safe- 
guard. It will not be necessary to compromise. 

I don't mean by that that every section of 
the bill as presented to the Armed Services 
Committee has to be kept as it is. That is up 



to the conunittee and to the chairman to work 
out. 

But in recommending Safeguard, I did so 
based on intelligence information at that time. 
Since that time new intelligence information 
with regard to the Soviet success in testing mul- 
tiple reentry vehicles — ^that kind of informa- 
tion has convinced me that Safeguard is even 
more important. However we may argue about 
that intelligence, as to whether it has an mde- 
pendent guidance system as ours will have, there 
isn't any question but that it is a multiple 
weapon and its footprints indicate that it just 
happens to fall in somewhat the precise area 
in which our Minutemen silos are located. 

This would mean that by the year 1973, in 
the event the Soviet Union goes forward with 
that program, that 80 percent of our Minute- 
men would be in danger. ABM is needed par- 
ticularly in order to meet that eventuality. 

The press: Thanh you, Mr. President. 



22d Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

Following is the opening statement made by 
Lawrence Walsh, deputy liead of the U.S. dele- 
gation, at the 22d plenary session of the new 
meetings on Viet-Nam at Paris on June 19. 

Press release 166 dated June 19 

Ladies and gentlemen : We have searched the 
record of the past several sessions of the Paris 
meetings for evidence of your side's readiness to 
engage in constructive negotiations. Despite 
your rhetoric about good will and serious at- 
titude, we find that on the major issues your 
side's positions remain inflexible. Moreover, you 
insist on prior conditions being met before seri- 
ous negotiations can begin. 

By adopting rigid positions and demanding 
preconditions before real negotiations can begin, 
you block progress here in Paris. At the same 
time, you step up your calls for military vic- 
tory. We can only interpret your attitude as 
meaning that you still seek to achieve your ob- 
jective in South Viet-Nam tlirough the use of 
force and terror and not tlirough negotiation. 

Let us look at the positions your side has 



JULY 7, 1969 



taken on the principal questions involved in a 
settlement. 

On tlie question of withdrawal of forces, you 
say U.S. and Allied forces must withdraw from 
South Viet-Nam unconditionally. You refer to 
the problem of Vietnamese forces in South Viet- 
Nam as one to be resolved by the Vietnamese 
parties among themselves. 

That position gets us nowhere. Why do you 
avoid stating whether North Vietnamese forces 
in South Viet-Nam are going to go back to 
North Viet-Nam? Vague reference that the 
Vietnamese parties will resolve that problem is 
not enough. 

Tliat position of the United States Govern- 
ment on the question of withdrawals must be 
clearly imderstood. We will not accept a one- 
sided withdrawal from South Viet-Nam. Tliere 
must be a withdrawal of all non-South Viet- 
namese forces. 

You reject the idea of mutual withdrawal be- 
cause you say it places the aggressor on the same 
level as the victim of aggression. 

We could, with more justification, argue that 
in reality it is your side which seeks to confuse 
the aggressor — North Viet-Nam — with the vic- 
tim of aggression — South Viet-Nam. This kind 
of argument, however, does not help to advance 
the negotiations. The practical fact is that 
North Viet-Nam, as well as the United States 
and its allies, has forces in South Viet-Nam. A 
negotiated settlement requires that all non- 
South Vietnamese forces be withdrawn from 
South Viet-Nam. 

Last week a spokesman of your side asked 
about the significance of the replacement of 
25,000 American troops announced at Midway. 
As President Nixon said on his return home 
from ilidway : ". . . we have opened wide the 
door to peace." ^ The President has invited the 
leaders of North Viet-Nam to walk with us 
through that door both by action in the field 
and by negotiation in Paris. He said: 

We believe this ia the time for them (the other side) 
to act. We have acted, and acted In good faith. And if 
they fail to act In one direction or the other, they 
must bear the responsibility for blocking the road to 
peace and not walking through that door which we 
have opened. 

Let me now turn to the question of political 
settlement. You call for the overtlirow of the 



'Bulletin of June 30, 1969, p. 553. 



Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam. You 
demand the formation of a coalition govern- 
ment. And you state that until these demands 
are met, progress cannot be made in the Paris 
meetings. This amounts to saying that you will 
not enter into meaningful negotiations with our 
side unless we accept in advance the outcome 
which you seek. That is a position which seems 
designed to block progress at these negotiations. 

Your side came t« tliese Paris meetings which 
were convened for the purpose of trying to 
bring the war in Viet-Nam to an end through 
negotiations in which the Government of the 
Republic of Viet-Nam would participate. Yet 
you now say that you will noi negotiate unless 
that Government is first eliminated. 

The Government of the Republic of Viet- 
Nam has indicated that it is prepared to dis- 
cuss all aspects of a political settlement. It has 
not demanded that your side accept any precon- 
ditions before negotiations can begin. Rather, 
the Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam 
has made clear that it is prepared to discuss a 
political settlement without preconditions. That 
offer still stands. 

The Government of the Republic of Viet- 
Nam is prepared to accept free elections under 
international supervision. It has offered guaran- 
tees and safeguards for free elections. There- 
fore, if you truly believe you have the support 
of the people of South Viet-Nam, you should be 
prepared to test your claims in genuinely free 
elections rather than trying to impose your 
views at these negotiations. 

Your side's unreasonable positions are omi- 
nously combined with your renewed calls for 
military victory in Viet-Nam. 

Your side charges the United States and the 
Republic of Viet-Nam with being bellicist. Yet 
what is tlie truth? Our side has stated flatly 
that we do not seek to impose a military solu- 
tion and that we seek no winners or losers. In 
contrast, your side makes hollow boasts of so- 
called "brilliant victories" since Tet of last year, 
and you continue to call for more military at- 
tacks and "greater victories." At the last 
plenary session, both spokesmen for your side 
called for a "glorious struggle" until "total vic- 
tory." These warlike declarations by your side 
are inconsistent with your claimed good will 
and serious attitude concerning a negotiated 
end to the war in Viet-Nam. 

The United States and the Government of 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLITrnT 



the Republic of Viet-Nam are determined to 
continue the search for a negotiated solution to 
the Viet-Nam problem. We regret that instead 
of engaging in the give-and-take process of 
true negotiation, you instead exhort your troops 
to try to compel a final solution by increased 
violence and terror. 

Ladies and gentlemen, we urge your side to 
drop its insistence that we accept your unreason- 
able preconditions before serious negotiations 
can begin. We urge you to turn away from the 
pursuit of military victory. A basis for true 
negotiations now exists in President Nixon's 
proposals for peace,^ in President Thieu's pro- 
posals, and in the NLF's 10 points. We should 
begin meaningful exchange immediately. 

Last week, your side accused us of not re- 
sponding seriously to your 10-point proposal. 
The truth is that we have at every plenary 
meeting since your side presented these pro- 
posals examined your points, asking for clarifi- 
cation of them, comparing them with our own 
proposals, and seeking common ground between 
your proposals and ours. 

At the 20th plenary session. Ambassador 
Lodge explained our proposals and asked a 
number of questions about your 10 points. He 
did this in the hope that clarification of your 
proposals would help to define the issues and 
would assist us in seeking common ground and 
eventual agreement between us. 



' For President Nixon's address to the Nation on 
May 14, see Buixetin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



We still await your response to our questions. 
Let me recall those questions : 

a. Does the first point of your side's 10-point 
program mean that in order to achieve the 
fundamental national rights of the Vietnamese 
people, North Viet-Nam is prepared to carry 
out the principles of the 1954 Geneva accords, 
namely, withdrawal of forces, noninterference, 
and reimification through free choice ? 

b. Are North Vietnamese forces prepared to 
withdraw from South Viet-Nam? 

c. Does your 10-point program mean that 
North Viet-Nam is prepared to withdraw its 
forces from Cambodia and Laos ? 

d. What are your views on international 
supervision of other aspects of a settlement 
beyond that mentioned in your 10th point ? 

e. Why does your side hesitate to enter into 
productive negotiations of a political settlement 
with the Government of the Republic of 
Viet-Nam? 

We hope that your replies to these questions 
and your clarification of other aspects of your 
10 points will show the flexibility necessary for 
the success of our negotiations here in Paris. 
We on our part will be glad to continue to 
answer questions that your side may have about 
President Nixon's eight points, which Ambas- 
sador Lodge introduced here at the 17th session, 
and to explore the common ground between your 
points and ours. We hope that you will join us 
in that endeavor. 



JULY 7, 1969 



President Nixon and President Lleras of Colombia 
Review Common Goals of the Americas 



President Carlos Lleras Restrepo of the Re- 
public of Colombia made a state visit to the 
United States June 11-18. During his visit in 
Washington June 12-14-, he met with President 
Nixon and Secretary Rogers. Following are 
texts of the exchange of greetings between 
President Nixon and President Lleras at a wel- 
coming ceremony on the South Lawn of the 
White House on June IS, their exchange of 
toasts at a dinner at the White House that eve- 
ning, and remarks exchanged at the conclusion 
of their meetings on June 13. 



EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS 

White House press release dated June 12 

President Nixon 

Mr. President, I am very honored to welcome 
you and the members of your party here to 
Washington today in three capacities: first, as 
the representative of your country, which I have 
had the privilege of visiting ; second, as the rep- 
resentative of a great continent; and, third, as 
an individual. 

As a representative of your country, it is very 
appropriate to note that you were the first state 
visitor to the United States from the American 
family to the south. It is very appropriate that 
you should be the first, coming as you do from 
Colombia, because we all recall the great events 
in which your country played such an important 
role in developing the organization which 
created the American family that we know 
today. 

It was in 1948 in Bogota that the Organiza- 
tion of American States was set up. It was in 
1960 that the Act of Bogota was adopted, which 
became the foundation for the Alliance for 
Progress. 



And just a month ago — and, incidentally, 
primarily through your leadership — the Andean 
Common Market had its birth in Bogota. 

So the role that Colombia has played in the 
greater problems of the hemisphere, in develop- 
ing the spirit of the American family, we honor 
today in receiving you in Washington, D.C. 

We also welcome you today in your capacity 
as an individual. We know your backgroimd, 
being back over many years in the field of gov- 
ernment, in the field of education, in the field of 
politics in the very broadest sense. 

And we know that you have contributed 
through your thought to the ideas, the exciting 
ideas, which we are going to need if we in this 
American Hemisphere develop the programs 
which are adequate to the tremendous challenges 
that we face. 

I am looking forward to the talks we will 
have, not only in the bipartisan and also bilat- 
eral context in which they will be conducted— 
because it is bipartisan in this country whenever 
we speak of foreign policy, but particularly 
whenever we speak of the American family — 
but also because, in the broader sense, we believe 
that you are one of the new voices speaking for 
the American family that needs to be heard. 

We know that your ideas will be ideas that 
should be considered in developing new policies 
which will meet the common goals that we all 
want to achieve for the Americas. 

So because you represent a great country, a 
country with which we have had such friendly 
relations, because you represent a great conti- 
nent, a continent so close to us not only geo- 
graphically but in our hearts, and because as 
an individual you represent ideas that we need 
to hear and that we want to discuss with you, 
we welcome you most warmly today to the 
United States. 



DEPAKTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



President Lleras 

Thiuik j'ou, iVIr. President, for your generous 
words of welcome. They are an admirable reflec- 
tion of the traditionally warm friendship that 
exists between Colombia and the United States, 
of your special interest in inter-American af- 
fairs, and your own personal awareness of the 
issues and problems pertinent to the common 
welfare of the hemisphere. 

Several years ago I had the honor of greeting 
you and Mrs. Nixon in Bogota. As Vice Presi- 
dent of the United States you were providing 
at that time ample proof of your desire to obtain 
firsthand information on all the foreign policy 
matters concerning your country. 

Today, as I arrive in response to your kind 
invitation, you are burdened with the full weight 
of the supreme responsibility for the direction 
of United States foreign policy as head of state. 

You have shouldered that burden, Mr. Presi- 
dent, with admirable decision and courage. You 
have imderstood that the leadei-ship role of the 
United States requires no less. You have con- 
sidered useful for the relations between our 
peoples and our Governments an exchange of 
ideas, and I greatly appreciate this opportunity 
to express to you, with frankness, my view- 
points. 

I am grateful for your kind references to the 
achievements of the Colombian Government, 
the Colombian people, and to my personal con- 
tribution in that task. I have tried to be con- 
sistent with my belief that a man that has 
chosen public service as a career must dedicate 
all his energy and all his time, as you have done, 
to the welfare of his fellow men. 

This is my only merit, and the words with 
which you have enhanced my efforts are, Mr. 
President, a further demonstration of your 
friendsliip. 

You have mentioned Colombia's contribution 
to the economic integration of the Andean 
countries. This is, I hope, another step toward a 
closer economic union of Latin America as a 
whole and to a more comprehensive economic 
relationship with the other countries of this 
hemisphere. 

I look forward to our talks with interest and 
hope, in the firm conviction that they will be 
fruitful. They will be inspired by our common 
ideals of fraternity between nations and my 



mutually shared awareness of the problems of 
mankind. 

The days which my wife, my companions, 
and myself will spend here will undoubtedly be 
very pleasant. I believe that they will also be 
useful for a more complete understanding of 
our problems and for the strengthening of the 
links which have traditionally existed between 
our countries. 

Please accept, Mr. President, the most cordial 
and friendly greeting on behalf of the people 
of Colombia. 



EXCHANGE OF TOASTS 
President Nixon 

White House press release dated June 12 

I suppose that many of you wondered, among 
the repertoire of Strolling Strings, what that 
delightful number was, the third one that they 
played, the second from the end. 

Senor Lleras tells me that is the Por un Beso 
de tu Boca, which is the great Colombian dance ; 
and in playing that number we were trying 
through music to express a sentiment that I 
will try to express in my very limited Spanish, 
a sentiment that everyone in this room feels. 

Mr. President, in this room, as you know from 
having met them in the receiving line, we have 
young and old, we have Republicans and Demo- 
crats, we have businessmen, we have people from 
government and other areas, but they are alike 
in one respect, in their affection for your coim- 
try, the people of your country, and their re- 
spect for you and your family who are with 
you. 

And we want you to know, as you come to 
this house today, that many distinguished 
visitors have come but none who receives a 
warmer reception from us, and the best way 
that I can express that sentiment is not through 
the way we would say it in English, "Slake 
yourself at home," but the way it is said in 
Spanish, when you arrive in a Spanish home: 
Haga usted esta su casa. 

And to everybody in this room we say : You 
are in your own house tonight. 

Mr. President, on this occasion I could speak 
of many things, of the matters that I spoke 
of when we welcomed you on the "\Yliite House 
lawn earlier today: the role that your country 



JULY 7, 1969 

354-259—69- 



and that you have played in the problems of 
this hemisphere and, particularly, in terms of 
the American family and the friendship that 
we want to develop Avithin that family among 
the nations that are members of it. 

But I think that our guests tonight^since 
this is truly a personal dinner in honor of you 
and of your wife and your family— that they 
would like for me to speak of you, what you 
stand for, what you stand for in your country, 
what you stand for in this continent, in this 
hemisphere. 

First, you have our respect because of your 
background. We know that at a very early age 
you entered the field of politics, and you were 
very successful in that area. 

You not only have been successful in the field 
of politics, but you are quite unusual among 
politicians. You are a scholar, also. I do not 
mean that politicians may not be scholars 
sometimes, but not always. 

We are aware of the fact that you are an 
economist and a very distinguished economist 
with a world reputation. And when we hear of 
that, we are reminded that the study of eco- 
nomics is called "the dismal science." 

I suppose it acquired that description because 
in the days of Malthus all economists had a dis- 
mal prediction about the future. They predicted 
then that population would outrun the produc- 
tion of food in the world. 

Well, several hundred years have passed and 
it has not yet happened, although we still have 
an enormous problem, both with regard to 
hunger in the world and in regard to 
population. 

But while you are an economist, I would say 
that you are an economist in a new tradition, 
the tradition of pragmatism coupled with ideal- 
ism and optimism, an economist with a philo- 
sophical view of the great problems of your 
country and the great problems of the world. 

And that is one of the reasons why you have 
been so successful in the political leadei-ship of 
your country, one of the reasons why j'our ideas 
about how we can better develop together with 
the great natural and human resources of this 
hemisphere, why your ideas have spread far be- 
yond your country, are respected all over this 
hemisphere, and are particularly respected here 
in the United States. 

That is one of the reasons why your coming 
here, as the first official visitor to this country 
from the Latin American area, I think, is par- 
ticularly appropriate, apart from the fact that 
your country has meant so much in terms of its 



background insofar as the development of the 
Latin American institutions is concerned : the 
development of the Organization of American 
States, the Act of Bogota, the other matters to 
which I referred earlier today. 

But speaking quite directly and simply to 
you, Mr. President, we respect you today as a 
man who has devoted your life to the service 
of your people, to the service of your country, 
and to the servdce of a cause that is bigger than 
either of our countries, as big as this whole 
hemisphere, as big as the whole world itself. 

We live in a very troubled time. We all know 
that, and the problems that you have are quite 
similar to the problems we have within our own 
country. 

And I was very interested to note that the na- 
tional motto of Colombia is "Liberty and 
Order." And I don't know of any man among 
the world leaders that it has been my privilege 
to meet who more symbolizes and represents 
that kind of leadership in the world than our 
guest of honor tonight. 

"Liberty and Order'' — we all know that that 
is the art of politics. We realize that liberty in 
itself and by itself, if we have it without order, 
means that we can have in effect anarchy. And 
we know that if we have order without liberty, 
we have dictatorship. 

And it is only that delicate balance between 
the two which you have maintained in your 
country and in your leadership which we try 
to maintain here. It is that liberty and order, 
liberty with order, that provides the basis for 
progress. 

So we respect you for that kind of leadership. 
We hope we can learn from you and that we will 
all profit from this visit that you have paid us. 

So tonight I know that all of you around 
this table will want to join me in raising your 
glasses to you ; and in doing so I am reminded 
of the crop that is very famous in Colombia, 
among many others, the crop of coffee and the 
advertisement that the Pan American coffee 
group had a few years ago. They said : "Coffee 
is like friendship. It is rich, and it is very strong 
and very warm." 

And I would like to reverse it by saying to- 
night that we speak to you in friendship, friend- 
ship between the United States and Colombia, 
friendship that is rich and warm and very 
strong. And your visit has helped to make it 
richer and warmer and stronger. 

So to the friendship of our two countries and 
to you and your family, I ask all of you to raise 
your glasses to the President of Colombia. 



10 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



President Lleras 

White House press release dated June 12 

I cordially thcank you, Mr. President, for your 
gi-acious toast. It expresses once more the friend- 
liness that has surrounded my wife and daugh- 
ter, my companions, and myself from the very 
moment of our arrival in this counti-y. It also 
shows your great interest in Latin America and 
the particular attention you give to those mat- 
ters concerning the relations between our two 
countries. In spite of the ponderous legacy of 
world conflicts and complex domestic situations 
that your Government has to confront, you 
have recognized that this hemisphere should 
have a high priority in the framework of United 
States foreign policy. Your invitation to me re- 
flects, I believe, tliis priority. It also shows your 
understanding of Colombia's internal and in- 
ternational policies: democratic, progressive, 
friendly, and independent. 

I have struggled, Mr. President, as you have, 
throughout a lifetime in the political arena, 
maintaining thereby close contact with public 
affairs. We belong to a generation that has wit- 
nessed miprecedented change, some of us as as- 
tonished spectators, some as victims, some as 
voluntary or as imwilling actors. Now, in one 
of the most contradictory moments of history, 
we feel bound to examine the world situation 
with an open mind, trying to see clearly through 
the clouds that encircle us, without any prej- 
udice and also without allowing ourselves to 
become bewitched followere of new myths or 
coward deserters from principles which are vital 
to organized society. 

It is not easy, indeed, to abandon ideas, at- 
titudes, aspirations that at one time or another 
were respected and cherished and that have be- 
come obsolete in the present erratic world. It is 
difficult sometimes to sacrifice certain economic 
interests that fight to survive even when they 
contradict the more essential needs of larger 
human groups or international solidarity. It is 
not easy either to know whether some beliefs 
and ideals must be considered as unrealistic or 
unattainable. Are we not often mistaking our 
o\vn human inconstancy and skepticism for an 
obsolescence of rightful social concepts ? Are we 
looking carefully enough to discover all the rich 
realities that are concealed behind some dis- 
couraging facts or apparent failures ? 

These reflections come to me as I review in 
my mind the history of the inter- American sys- 
tem and of the many efforts directed toward the 
achievement of a higher degree of cooperation 
in the hemisphere. 



Simon Bolivar's "Letter from Jamaica" ini- 
tiated the ideological process of union then con- 
fined to the Latin American countries. The 
circular letter addressed also by Bolivar, from 
Lima in 1824, already contained the main jurid- 
ical and political elements which we are still 
trying to apply after nearly a century of inter- 
American conferences. There that great man 
outlined the organization of an assembly that 
could give us its advice whenever a conflict 
should arise and arrange for consultation in 
case of danger, act as an arbiter or judge for 
the resolution of eventual differences, and pro- 
vide the proper interpretation of treaties. Co- 
lombia and Mexico then sought to associate the 
United States witliin the projected system, but 
without positive residts. 

The long evolution that followed is well 
laiowni, and its different aspects are too complex 
to be summarized tonight. They include such 
subjects as the relations between the regional 
organization and the United Nations; the na- 
ture of the inter- American system itself and the 
cooperation of all the members for the economic, 
social, and cultural development of the Ameri- 
cas, a cooperation considered essential for the 
common welfare and prosperity. No agreement, 
of course, can be so perfect as to cover the in- 
finite number of contingencies that may arise 
in the internal life or the international links of 
so many countries, living in great diversity of 
material and institutional conditions. Still, the 
Protocol of Buenos Aires, signed in 1967, leaves 
little room for new declarations of principles 
concerning relations between the member states. 
Almost all the matters that need to be agreed 
upon in general terms have already been dis- 
cussed, shaped, and stipulated in writing. We 
laiow, nevertheless, that neither today nor in 
the past have the great principles of the inter- 
American system been faithfully observed. 

No practical man, therefore, regards today 
the great questions of the continent simply 
through Alice's mirror of statutes and declara- 
tions. Of course, we do not want to break the 
miiTor. We will always have to base our daily 
conduct upon written rules, freely arrived at, 
inspired by equity and human solidarity. But 
now the most important task seems to be to 
advance further in the useful and effective im- 
plementation of already accepted policies. Let 
us translate into simple, day-to-day practices 
those images that still remain nebulous in the 
magic glass. 

We can not and shoidd not underestimate the 
magnitude and significance of what has already 



JULY 7, 1969 



11 



been achieved. Neither can we ignore the ex- 
istence of a system capable, if properly oriented, 
of gradually fulfilling the better part of our 
common hopes. The peaceful solution of polit- 
ical and juridical diiferences, the narrowing of 
the dangerous gaps that divide nations and 
societies, are well within tlie power of the pres- 
ent inter- American organization, provided all 
the necessary support from the member states 
is forthcoming. Unfortunately, no one could as- 
sert that this support has always been given 
with an identical degree of conviction and 
enthusiasm. 

I trust the inter- American system. It is the 
best instrument for the defense and promotion 
of what has been from the beginning the ideo- 
logical patrimony of this continent: liberty, 
equality, and justice. It constitutes the full 
recognition of human solidarity as the source 
of international law. The Americas were once 
called the "land of hope," and I am sure this 
title can and should be preserved as the symbol 
and guide of our common conduct. 

Still, Mr. President, we must not disregard 
the great material, psychological, and political 
obstacles already apparent and those that are 
emerging with dreadful implications. The fu- 
ture is full of ominous dangers, open to sudden 
eruptions. It could be disturbed by new and 
more serious misunderstandings. 

You, Mr. President, were already familiar 
with inter-American affairs when, during the 
Eisenhower administration, you played such a 
constructive role in the proceedings that led to 
the Act of Bogota. This document was the prel- 
ude to the Alliance for Progress. It is a well- 
known fact that in the following years you have 
maintained a lively interest in Latin American 
problems and in their possible solutions. 

During the presidential campaign, you 
pointed out some grim facts and disappointing 
figures concerning the pace of development in 
Latin America. You enunciated also some new 
means of action and attractive solutions. Re- 
viewing your speeches I find in them an objec- 
tive recognition of hard realities, coupled with 
a strong faith in our ability to change them. This 
is the same spirit with wliich 1 view the prob- 
lems of the hemisphere. 

Kecently the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, on 
behalf of the Latin American States, described 
some of these obstacles and enunciated jiractical 
rules to facilitate commercial and financial rela- 
tions in the hemisphere. The document signed 
in Vina del Mar, wliich collects the results of 



many experiences and technical studies, has 
already been delivered to you. 

I am sure you have received it as a positive 
contribution for the improvement of inter- 
American relations. Working together on the 
subjects contemplated therein, the Latin Amer- 
ican countries and the United States surely 
could generate new patterns of trade and remove 
harmful practices and irritating stipulations. 
We must avoid as much as possible whatever can 
disrupt tlie efforts to develop Latin America 
economically and socially within an atmosphere 
of understanding and cordiality. This common 
effort can influence also, in the right direction, 
the economic relations with other continents and 
put an end to the existing discriminations 
against Latin America. 

I would emphasize the importance of sharing 
science and technology for the development of 
the hemisphere, an issue which is also analyzed 
in the above-mentioned document. 

A new demonstration of the interest with 
which you want to study and to conduct a 
continental policy has been provided by the 
special mission entrusted to Governor Nelson 
Rockefeller. I can assure you that, in the case 
of Colombia, an almost unanimous welcome was 
extended to your representative. The fruitful 
exchange of information and opinions covered 
a wide spectrum and left behind a warm and 
friendly memory. I thank you for having given 
us this opportunity to discuss our common prob- 
lems with such an enlightened friend. 

Colombia is facing its great political, eco- 
nomic, and social challenges with resolution and, 
I venture to say, with a bold and comprehensive 
policy. The diagnosis of our specific situation is 
not difficult and is already well known, as are the 
factors that can be considered common to most 
of the developing countries. This is not the oc- 
casion to make a new analysis of matters that, 
furthermore, have been a part of our dialogue. 
But I should like to assert that Colombia is fid- 
filling the conditions that the Alliance for 
Progress requires from her. 

If these efforts have been great, so has the 
cooperation rendered by the United States and 
by the international organizations. I wish to 
reaffinn tonight that Colombia fully values and 
deeply appreciates that support. 

It is regrettable that this support, as well as 
our hard work, has been at times partiall}' frus- 
trated, mainly by the inequities of the world 
economic mechanism and by unjust patterns 
of trade. On the other hand, the views of the 



12 



DEP^VRTMENT OF STATE BXILLETIN 



Colombian Government and those of our part- 
ners in the Alliance have not always coincided. 
But, as the head of a nation determined to pro- 
mote its development, both through its own 
efforts and joint international action, my mes- 
sage is not one of complaint. I speak the lan- 
guage of resolute realism, a realism inspired by 
attainable goals but aware of the obstacles that 
must be overcome. 

If ever my perseverance should lag or my 
confidence in the future fail, I would look back 
upon your kind words tonight for encourage- 
ment and inspiration. 

Before raising my glass to propose a toast 
to the Government and the people of the United 
States, to our kind host and Mrs. Nixon, and 
to Colombian- American friendship, let me pray 
that, in the words of Whitman, democracy may 
sing in the future throughout the Americas: 
"Come, I will make the continent indissoluble." 



EXCHANGE OF REMARKS 

White House press release dated June 13 

President Nixon 

As you, Mr. President, complete your official 
visit here, I want you to know first how much 
we have enjoyed knowing you and your family 
personally and how much we have profited 
from the opportunity of exchanging views with 
you, not only on the bilateral matters which 
we have discussed and on which we have made 
considerable progress, I believe — as I under- 
stand you will cover some of those matters in 
your own statements, both here and when you 
return — but also in terms of the broader as- 
pects of the policies of the United States in the 
American Hemisphere. 

You are the first visitor, as we have pointed 
out, from Latin America during tliis new ad- 
ministration. "We recognize the urgency of this 
problem. We recognize the need for new ideas. 
We recognize the need for new programs; and 
we want those new ideas and those new pro- 
grams to be ones that we share together, in 
which we not just talk but in which we listen 
and in which we learn. 

In our wide-ranging discussions, not only of 
our bilateral problems but in a broader sense 
of the problems of the hemisphere, I cannot 
think of any leader in Latin America who could 
have contributed more to our own thinking. 

I think your visit will mark a major step 



forward m the development of new policies by 
the United States in its relationship with our 
friends in Latin America. I think that next 
week at the economic conference that is being 
held at Trinidad we will see some of the first 
fruits of those new directions, and certainly the 
credit for these new departures— they will be 
modest to begin with, but the promise for the 
future will be very great — the credit will go to 
you and to this visit. Without your visit we 
might not have moved as fast as we should have. 

President Lleras 

The talks which President Nixon and I held 
during my visit to Washington were fruitful 
and comprehensive. They have reaffirmed the 
traditionally warm friendship which exists be- 
tween Colombia and the United States. They 
have given us an opportunity to review the prin- 
cipal issues on the inter-American agenda. I 
believe they will contribute to the new era of 
hemispheric cooperation which Latin America 
as well as the United States is looking forward 
to. 

I have found an open and understanding at- 
titude everywhere, in the White House and at all 
levels of the United States Government, toward 
the problems that confront the hemisphere. 

Both President Nixon and I are convinced 
of the need to continue the inter-American 
dialogue in an atmosphere of cordiality and 
friendship and of the urgency of implementing 
adequate solutions. 

Our discussions covered such topics as the 
improvement of financial and commercial rela- 
tionships within the hemisphere ; basic commod- 
ities, with special references to coffee; the 
physical integration of the Americas, including 
the accelerated completion of the Pan American 
Highway; the transfer of science and tech- 
nology ; and, of course, the ways and means of 
working together in close collaboration on these 
issues. 

I am certain that this exchange between our 
two Governments on matters of mutual interest 
will strengthen our bilateral relations and will 
lead to the enhancement of the Americas' role 
in the world. 

I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to Presi- 
dent Nixon and the United States Government 
for the warmth and friendship extended to me, 
my family, and my fellow Colombians. 

Seldom in my public life have I encountered 
a comparable openmindedness or a more pleas- 
ant human relationsliip. 



JULY 



1969 



13 



Nigerian Relief Effort Improved 

by Agreement on New Surface Route 

Following is a statement read to news cor- 
respondents at the Department of State on 
June 18 by C. Clyde Ferguson, Jr., Special Co- 
ordinator on relief to civilian victims of the 
Nigerian civil war. 

The U.S. Government is pleased to note that 
the Federal Military Government and the 
Biafran authorities have agreed to a surface 
relief route into Biafra. This corridor has been 
the subject of intensive multilateral negotiations 
over the past 3 months. 

As a part of its relief effort in Nigeria, the 
International Committee of the Red Cross has 
undertaken to manage this new relief arrange- 
ment. Although some technical details remain 
to be worked out, it is expected that operations 
will conamence shortly. 

At the time of my appointment. President 
Nixon stated with regard to the problem of 
supplying relief to the Biafran enclave : ^ 

The major obstacle to expanded relief is neither 
money, food, nor means of transport. The main problem 
is the absence of relief arrangements acceptable to the 
two sides which would overcome the limitations posed 
by the present hazardous and inadequate nighttime 
airlift 

This problem has been the focus of my efforts. 
I have made two trips to each side of the battle 
lines, have met with representatives of both 
parties, both here and in other countries, with 
the representatives of other governments, the 
ICRC, private groups, and international orga- 
nizations in an effort to resolve the problem of 
obtaining a more secure relief route into the 
presently landlocked Biafran enclave. New ac- 
cess routes were necessary because the intensi- 
fication of the war had rendered a night airlift 
extremely dangerous. Moreover, due to inlierent 
logistic limitations, the airlift was incapable 
of carrying the tonnages necessary to assure an 
adequate level of food and medical supplies 
for the civilian victims of this very destructive 
and tragic war. 

The airlifts operated by the International 
Committee of the Red Cross and the Joint 



' For a statement by President Nixon on Feb. 22, see 
Bulletin of Mar. 17, 1969, p. 222. 



Church Aid organization have saved countless 
numbers of people in Biafra from death 
through malnutrition or actual starvation. This 
international effort has testifed to a magnificent 
spirit of humanitarianism. Tliese airlifts have 
delivered into Biafra tonnages of relief sup- 
plies which have run as high as 300 tons per 
day and are feeding well over 2 million persons. 
Tliis has dramatically alleviated starvation and 
suffering. At the same time, the relief effort by 
the Federal Military Government and the 
ICRC has been feeding over a million people on 
the Federal side. 

Throughout the period since the airlift came 
into being, a number of proposals were ad- 
vanced, either to assure maximum use of avail- 
able airlift capacity or to obtain more secure 
and larger capacity means of transport. These 
proposals included a daylight airlift to Uli air- 
strip, the use of Obilago airfield with a con- 
necting surface corridor into Biafra, a surface 
corridor from Enugu into the enclave, and a 
water route to Oguta. None of these proposals 
were acceptable for a variety of military and 
political reasons. 

A study of the available surface routes indi- 
cated that a corridor up the Cross River of- 
fered the greatest promise. Tliis route has suf- 
ficient year-roimd deptlis to permit the utiliza- 
tion of shipping equipment carrying large ton- 
nages and having shallow drafts. Moreover, the 
Cross River route has the major advantage of 
being out of the path of significant military ac- 
tivity and in its upper reaches provides a water 
barrier between the two sides. 

Two landing ships mediiun were located 
through the efforts of the United States Gov- 
ernment and were chartered by the Interna- 
tional Committee of the Red Cross. The first of 
these ships — the Dona Mercedes — will arrive at 
Lagos tomorrow [June 19]. The second is due 
there in a few days. Both of these sliips can 
navigate the Cross River to Biafran territory 
and on one voyage each of them can carry 
approximately 900 tons of general cargo, the 
equivalent of some 90 aircraft landings. 

The first ship, the Dona Mercedes, will be 
ready within a few days to proceed up the Cross 
River to the Biafran enclave. Its cargo will be 
limited for this voyage to urgently needed 
medical supplies. 

It should be stressed that for the present 
these two landing ships alone will not be able 



14 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BTJIXETIN 



to meet the fiill need for relief supplies. It is 
still necessary that some flights continue, and 
negotiations toward that end are underway. 
Furthermore, it is essential that agreement be 
reached on some of the teclmical details of the 
Cross Eiver operation. Nevertheless, we are 
greatly encouraged by the actions of the two 
sides in agreeing to this new relief corridor and 
believe it represents a major breakthrough. It 
will assure the continuation of the great 
humanitarian effort of saving the lives of in- 
nocent victims of this conflict. 



U.S. and Spain Extend 
Defense Agreement 

Press release 170 dated June 20 

JOINT STATEMENT 

Spanish Foreign Minister Castiella and Sec- 
retary of State Kogers today [June 20] ex- 
changed diplomatic notes extending the De- 
fense Agreement of September 26, 1953,^ until 
September 26, 1970. Under the terms of the 
extension the two Govermnents will use this 
period to determine the new relationship of 
cooperation between the two countries that 
would follow the present Agreement. Secre- 
tary Rogers has invited Spanish Foreign Min- 
ister Castiella to return to Washington about 
July 15 to continue the negotiation which 
opened today. 

In conjunction with this extension, the 
United States Government, as authorized by 
the Congress, will provide grant military as- 
sistance and credit facilities to Spain for the 
purchase of military equipment. 



TEXT OF U.S. NOTE 

June 20, 1969 
ExcELLENCT : I have the honor to refer to your note 
of today's date regarding the extension of the Defense 
Agreement between Spain and the United States dated 
September 26, 1953, which reads in translation as 
follows : 

"Mr. Secbetaet op State : I have the honor to refer 
to the recent negotiations between our two Govern- 
ments with respect to the extension of the Defense 



Agreement signed at Madrid on September 26, 1953. 

"I am pleased to confirm that the Government of 
Spain agrees with the Government of the United States 
that the Defense Agreement be extended from Septem- 
ber 26, 1968, to September 26, 1970, and shall, in the 
absence of any further agreement, terminate one year 
after the conclusion of the extension period, that is, 
on September 26, 1971. 

"This extension period will enable both Governments 
to determine through negotiation the nature, scope and 
form of any new relationship that may succeed this 
extension of the Defense Agreement of 1953. 

"The Defense Agreement will continue to be applied 
during the period of this extension in the spirit of the 
Joint Declaration of September 26, 1963," which we 
have agreed both Governments regard as continuing 
in effect. 

"If the foregoing is acceptable to the Government of 
the United States, I have the honor to propose that this 
note and Tour Excellency's reply note indicating con- 
currence shall constitute an Agreement between our 
two Governments on this matter. 

"Accept, Mr. Secretary of State, the renewed assur- 
ances of my highest consideration and personal 
friendship." 

I have the honor to confirm that the United States 
Government concurs in the terms of your note. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

WnxiAM P. Rogers 

His Excellency 

Fernando MABfA Castiella t MaIz, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain 



TEXTS OF RELATED U.S. LEHERS 



Letter on Military Assistance 

June 20, 1969 
Dear Mr. Minister: In connection with the ex- 
tension for a two-year period of the Defense Agree- 
ment of September 26, 1953, between our two Govern- 
ments, the United States Government confirms that, 
subject to authorizing legislation and to the provision 
of necessary funds by the Congress, the United States 
Government will continue to provide at an appropriate 
level during the period of this extension military as- 
sistance to contribute to the modernization of the 
Spanish armed forces and defense industries. 
Sincerely yours, 

William P. Rogers 

His Excellency 

Fernando Maria Castiella y MaIz, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain. 



' Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2850. 
' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1963, p. 686. 



JULY 7, 1969 



15 



Letter on Export-Import Bank Credits 

June 20, 1969 
Dear Mr. JIimster : I am informed by Mr. Kearus, 
the Chairman of the Export-Import Bank of the 
United .States, that, should the Spanish Government 
so desire, up to $35 million in new credits or guaran- 
tees of that Bank could be made available for the pur- 
chase in the United States by the Spanish Government 
of military equipment, reasonably spaced over the pe- 
riod of the two-year extension of the Defense Agree- 
ment. 

In addition, the Bank would expect to look with 



favor on requests from the Spanish Government re- 
ceived in the normal course for credits or guarantees 
to finance procurement of United States goods and 
services. 

Any credits or guarantees would, of course, be sub- 
ject to the normal terms and conditions of the Bank 
in effect at the time of their approval. 
Sincerely yours, 

WiLUAM P. Rogers 

His Excellency 

Fernando Maria Castiella t Maiz, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain. 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of International Conferences' 



Scheduled July Through September 

Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament (to be Geneva . 

resumed July 3). 

IMCO .(4d Hoc Working Group on Facilitation: 3d Session London . 

GATT Committee on Balance of Payments Restrictions Geneva . 

Inter- American Indian Institute: Executive Board Mexico City 

FAO/WHO Committee of Experts on Principles of Milk and Milk Rome . . 

Products: 12th Session. 

Sixth International Film Festival Moscow . 

World Health Organization: 22d Assembly Boston . . 

OECD Tourism Committee Paris . . . 

OECD Committee on Research Cooperation Paris . . . 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party II Paris. . . 

ITU/CCITT Working Party on Telegraph Regulations Geneva . 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 47th Session Geneva 

FAO Technical Conference on Fish Inspection and Quality Control . . Halifax . . 

International Rubber Study Group: 20th Assembly London 

ECOSOC Group of Rapporteurs on Packaging of Dangerous Articles Geneva . 

and Group of Experts on Explosives. 

U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space: Working Group on Geneva . 

Direct Broadcast Satellites. 



Mar. 14, 1962- 

July 1-4 
July 1-10 
July 2-5 
July 7-12 

July 7-22 
July 7-27 
July 8-9 
July 8-9 
July 9-10 
July 10-23 
July 14- Aug. 8 
July 15-25 
July 21-25 
July 21- Aug. 9 

July 28- Aug. 8 



'This schedule, which was prepared in the Office of International Conferences on June 16, 1969, lists inter- 
national conferences in which the U.S. Government expects to participate officially in the period July-September 
1969. Nongovernmental conferences and meetings are not included; these are listed in the World List of Future 
International Meetings, compUed by the Library of Congress and available from the Superintendent of Documents, 
U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402. 

Following is a key to the abbreviations: ANZUS, Australia, New Zealand, and United States Security Treaty; 
BIRPI, United International Bureaux for the Protection of Intellectual Property; CCIR, International Radio 
Consultative Committee; CCITT, International Telegraph and Telephone Consultative Committee; ECE, Economic 
Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social CouncU; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; 
GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; IMCO, 
Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; OECD, 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; PAHO, Pan American Health Organization; U.N., 
United Nations; UNCTAD, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; UNESCO, United Nations 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; WHO, World Health Organization; WMO, World Meteorological 
Organization. 



16 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BXTLLETIK 



Calendar of International Conferences — Continued 



Scheduled July Through September — Continued 

FAO Fertilizer Advisory Panel Rome . 

ICAO Technical Panel on Supersonic Transport Operations Montreal 

International Wheat Council London 

GATT CouncU of Representatives Geneva 

GATT Working Party on the Turkish Stamp Duty Geneva 

FAO Consultation on Forest Tree Breeding Washington 

ANZUS Council: 19th Meeting Canberra . 

U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea Bed and the Ocean New York 

Floor Beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction. 

Inter- American Port and Harbor Conferences: Permanent Committee Bogotd . . 

on Ports. 

U.N. Human Rights Commission: 22d Session of Subcommission on New York 

Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. 

UNCTAD Trade and Development Board Geneva. 

International Coffee Council London . 

International Coffee Organization: Executive Board London. 

Inter- American Travel Congresses: Permanent Executive Committee . Quito 

Inter- American Travel Congresses: Technical Committee on Facili- San JosS 

tation. 

PAHO Executive Committee: 60th Meeting Washington 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 10th Meet- Paris. . 

iug of Bureau and Consultative Council. 

Inter- American Special Conference on Human Rights San Jos6 

ECOSOC Committee on Housing, Building and Planning New York 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission: 6th Session. Paris. . 

ICAO Legal Subcommittee on Warsaw Convention Montreal 

ITU/CCIR Study Groups Geneva 

UNESCO Executive Committee of the International Campaign To Paris . 

Save the Monuments of Nubia: 18th Meeting. 

FAO Ad Hoc Technical Conference on Grassland Production and Fodder Nairobi 

Management in Africa South of the Sahara. 

IMCO Subcommittee on Marine Pollution: 7th Session London 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 20th Session London 

ITU/CCITT Plan Committee for Latin America , . . . Asunci6n 

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems Rome 

WMO Commission for Instruments and Methods of Observation: 5th Paris. 

Session. 

UNESCO Executive Board: 83d Session Paris. 

IMCO Subcommittee on Safety of Navigation: 8th Session London 

IMCO Subcommittee on Containers and Cargoes: 19th Session . . . London 

UNCTAD Committee on Manufactures Geneva 

U.N. General Assembly: 24th Session New York 

International Wool Study Group London 

FAO International Conference on Investment in Fisheries Rome . 

FAO/ECE Codex Alimentarius Group of Experts on Standardization Rome . 

of Quick-Frozen Foods: 5th Session. 

BIRPI Paris Union: Executive Committee Geneva 

IMCO Subcommittee on Carriage of Dangerous Goods by Sea: 16th London 

Session. 

ITU/CCIR Civil/Military Committee Athens . . 

UNESCO/BIRPI Working Party on Problems of International Copy- Washington 

right in Relation to Different Existing Multilateral Conventions. 

IMCO Subcommittee on Safety of Fishing Vessels: 9th Session . . . London 

U.N. Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space New York 

UNCTAD Development Decade II: 4th Session Geneva 

ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: Special Session Geneva 

ECOSOC Enlarged Committee for Program and Coordination .... New York 

WHO Regional Committee for Western Pacific: 21st Session .... Manila . . 

Inter-American Permanent Technical Committee on Labor Matters: undetermined 

4th Meeting. 

Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission Washington . 

Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission: Special Legal Committee. Rio de Janeiro 

OECD Economic Policy Committee Paris . . 

OECD Economic Policy Committee: Working Party III Paris . . 

OECD Trade Committee Paris . . 

South Pacific Commission: Informal Meeting Noumea 

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 57th Statutory Dublin . 

Meeting. 



July 

July 

July 

July 

July 

Aug. 7-16 

Aug. 8 (1 dav) 

Aug. 11-28 

Aug. 12-15 

Aug. 25-Sept. 12 

Aug. 26-Sept. 2 

August 
August 
August 
August 

August 
Sept. 1-2 

Sept. 1-13 
Sept. 2-12 
Sept. 2-13 
Sept. 2-22 
Sept. 3-Oct. 15 
Sept. 4-5 

Sept. 7 (1 day) 

Sept. 8-12 
Sept. 8-12 
Sept. 15-26 
Sept. 15-26 
Sept. 15-30 

Sept. 15-Oct. 10 
Sept. 16-19 
Sept. 16-19 
Sept. 16-Oct. 3 
Sept. 16-Dec. 19 
Sept. 17-18 
Sept. 18-24 
Sept. 22-26 

Sept. 22-27 
Sept. 23-26 

Sept. 25-26 
Sept. 29-Oct. 3 

Sept. 30-Oct. 3 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 

September 
September 
September 
September 
September 
September 
September or 
October 



JULY 7, 1969 



17 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Antarctica 

Measures relatiBg to the furtherance of the principles 
and puri)oses of the Antarctic treaty of December 1, 
1959 (TIAS 4780). Adopted at Paris November 29, 
1968.' 

notification of acceptance: United States, recom- 
mendations V-5 and V-6. 

Atomic Energy 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to tlie bilateral 
agreement between the United States and Turkey of 
June 10, 1955, as amended (TIAS 3320, 4748, 5828, 
6040 ) , for cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic 
energy. Signed at Vienna September 30, 1968. 
Entered into force: June 5, 1969. 

Aviation 

Protocol on the authentic trilingual text of the conven- 
tion on international civU aviation, Chicago, 1944, 
as amended (TIAS 1591, 3756, 5170), with annex. 
Done at Buenos Aires September 24, 1968. Entered 
into force October 24, 1968. TIAS 6605. 
Signature: Saudi Arabia, June 19, 1969. 

Coffee 

International coffee agreement, 1968, with annexes. 
Open for signature at United Nations Headquarters, 
New York, March 18 through March 31, 1968. 
Entered into force December 30, 1968. TIAS 6584. 
Accession deposited: Japan, May 28, 1969. 

Customs 

Customs convention on containers, with annexes and 
protocol of signature. Opened for signature at 
Geneva, May 18, 1956. Entered into force August 4, 
19,59; for the United States, March 3, 1969. TIAS 
6634. 
Accession deposited: Malawi, May 24, 1969. 

International Court of Justice 

Statute of the International Court of Justice (59 Stat 
1055). 

Declaration recognizing compulsory jurisdiction de- 
posited: Swaziland, May 26, 1969. 

Postal Matters 

Constitution of the Universal Postal Union with final 
protocol, general regulations with final protocol, and 
convention with final protocol and regulations of 
execution. Done at Vienna, July 10, 1964. Entered 
into force January 1, 1966. TIAS 5881. 
Ratifications deposited: Burundi, May 9, 1969; 
Romania (with a declaration), April 28, 1969. 

Trade, Transit 

Convention on transit trade of land-locked states. Done 



at New York, July 8, 1965. Entered into force June 9, 
1967 ; for the United States, November 28, 1968. TIAS 
6592. 

Accessions deposited: Lesotho, May 28, 1969 ; Swazi- 
land, May 26, 1969. 

Whaling 

International whaling convention and schedule of 
whaling regulations. Done at Washington Decem- 
ber 2, 1946. Entered into force November 10, 1948. 
TIAS 1849. 

Cancellation of notice of rcithdrawal: Panama, 
June 13, 1969. 

Women — Political Rights 

Convention on the political rights of women. Done at 
New York March 31, 1953. Entered into force July 7, 
1954.' 
Higtuiture: Luxembourg, June 4, 1969. 



BILATERAL 

France 

Agreement amending the air transport agreement of 
March 27, 1946, as amended (TIAS 1679, 2106, 2257, 
2258, 4336, 5135). Effected by exchange of notes at 
Paris May 28 and 29, 1969. Entered Into force 
May 29, 1969. 

Ghana 

Agreement for sales of agricultural conunodities, relat- 
ing to the agreements of March 3, 1967 (TIAS 6245), 
and January 3, 1968 (TIAS 6453). Signed at Accra 
June 9, 1969. Entered into force June 9, 19C9. 

Mexico 

Agreement concerning broadcasting in the standard 
broadcasting band (535-1605 kHz), with annexes. 
Signed at Mt^xico December 11, 1968.' 
Senate advice and consent to ratification: June 19, 
1969. 

Agreement concerning the operation of broadcasting 
stations in the standard band (535-1605 kHz) during 
a limited period prior to sunrise ("presunrise") and 
after sunset ( "postsunset" ) , with annexes. Signed at 
Mexico December 11, 1968.' 

Senate advice and consent to ratification: June 19, 
1969. 

Spain 

Agreement extending the defense agreement of Sep- 
tember 26, 1953, as extended (TIAS 2850, 5437). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Washington June 20, 
1969. Entered into force June 20, 1969, effective from 
September 26, 1968. 

Agreement extending the agreement of March 9, 1957, 
as amended and extended (TIAS 3789, 5096), for 
the loan of certain vessels to Spain. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Washington June 20, 1969. 
Entered into force June 20, 1969. 

Sweden 

Agreement relating to the reciprocal granting of au- 
thorizations to permit licensed amateur radio c^)era- 
tors of either country to operate their stations in 
the other country. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Stockholm May 27 and June 2, 1969. Entered into 
force June 2, 1969. 



' Not in force. 

^ Not in force for the United States. 



18 



DEPAETMENT OF STATE BUIiLEmN 



PUBLICATIONS 



Volume VIII in Foreign Relations 
Series for 1945 Released 

On May 19 the Department of State released 
Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic 
Papers, 1945, Volume VIII, The Near East and Africa 
(vii, 1,339 pp.). The volume includes documentation on 
United States policies toward the Near East as a 
whole and on American relations with individual 
states of the area. 

Of particular interest to historians and students of 
foreign policy and diplomacy in the immediate postwar 
period are the compilations reflecting American con- 
cern for the recovery of Greece and the preservation 
of its independence and integrity. Similar concern for 
the survival of Iran is Ukevrise fully documented, as 
are the efforts of the United States to support Turkey 
in its determination to resist Soviet demands for 
revision of the regime of the Turkish Straits. 

The volume also includes documents on American 
involvement in the Arab-Zionist controversy over the 
future status of Palestine, as well as on United States 
relations with Egypt, Iraq, Liberia, Morocco, Saudi 
Arabia, Syria and Lebanon, and Yemen. 

Copies of volume VIII (Department of State pub- 
lication 8427) may be obtained from the Superintendent 
of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, 
Washington, D.C. 20402, for $6.50 each. 



United States Treaties and Other International 
Agreements (UST).) 

Volume 2 covers the period of the First World War 
and contains many documents relating to the war and 
its aftermath. Although the United States never be- 
came a party to the Treaty of Versailles, the editors 
have included the text of that historic docu- 
ment because of its great interest to scholars and 
other researchers. Among the agreements printed in 
volume 2 are those adopted by the Conference on the 
Limitation of Armament, which met at Washington 
from November 12, 1921, to February 6, 1922, and 
dealt with two groups of questions : those having to 
do with limitation of armament and those relating 
to Paciflc and Far Eastern problems. There were also 
three full-scale inter-American conferences in the 
1920's which produced numerous agreements dealing 
with matters of particular concern to the nations of 
the Western Hemisphere. In the slavery convention 
of September 25, 1926, countries undertook to sup- 
press the slave trade and to bring about as soon as 
possible the complete abolition of slavery In all its 
forms. In the city of Geneva on July 27, 1929, pleni- 
potentiaries representing 47 countries signed the 
widely acclaimed prisoners-of-war and Red Cross con- 
ventions. One of the last documents in volume 2 is the 
London Naval Treaty of 1930. 

Copies of volumes 1 and 2 are for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing 
Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 (price: vol. 1, $8.50; 
vol. 2, $10.25). 



Recent Releases 



Department Releases Second Volume 
of New Compilation of Treaties 

Press release 160 dated June 16 

The second volume of the new compilation entitled 
Treaties and Other International Agreements of the 
United States of America 1776-1949 was released on 
Jime 16 by the Department of State. The first volume, 
covering multilateral agreements from 1776 to 1917, 
was released in January; this second volume con- 
tinues with multilateral agreements and covers the 
period from 1918 to 1930. The two remaining volumes 
of multilateral agreements (1931^5 and 1946-49) will 
be completed in the next few months. There wiU then 
follow approximately 10 volumes of bilateral agree- 
ments arranged by country in alphabetical order. 

The series, which is being compiled under the di- 
rection of Charles I. Bevans, Assistant Legal Adviser 
for Treaty Affairs, will include the English texts or, 
in cases where no English text was signed, the 
official United States Government translations of 
treaties and other international agreements entered 
into by the United States from 1776 to 1950. (Instru- 
ments brought into force after January 1, 1950, are 
published at regular intervals in the series entitled 



For sale t>y the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments. A 25-percent discount is made on orders of 100 
or more copies of any one puhlication mailed to the 
same address. Remittances, payable to the Superin- 
tendent of Documents, must accompany orders. 

Achievements and Problems of the Central American 
Common Market. A report prepared under contract 
for the Office of External Research, Department of 
State, describing the operations of the Central Ameri- 
can Common Market and discussing the more impor- 
tant problems it confronts. Pub. 8437. Inter-American 
Series 95. 46 pp. 50(S. 

NATO : Protection-Peace-Progress — 20th Anniver- 
sary 1949-1969. Leaflet smnmarizing background, pur- 
pose, and organization. Pub. 8439. International Or- 
ganization and Conference Series 84. 10^. 

A Report on Our Foreign Relations. Text of President 
Nixon's televised press conference of March 4, 1969, 
held in the East Room of the White House following 
his visit to Western Europe. Pub. 8445. General Foreign 
Policy Series 230. 26 pp. 25^. 

Inter-American Development Bank. Amendment to the 
agreement of April 8, 1959. TIAS 6591. 2 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Re- 
pubUc of Korea. TIAS 6595. 5 pp. 10^. 

Investment Guaranties. Agreement with St. Chris- 
topher, Nevis and Anguilla. TIAS 6596. 3 pp. 10<? 



JTJLY 7, 1969 



19 



Fisheries— Certain Fishery Problems on the High 
Seas in the Western Areas of the Middle Atlantic 
Ocean. Agreement with the Union of Soviet Socialist 
RepubUcs. TIAS 6603. 13 pp. 10«. 

Trade in Cotton Textiles. Arrangement with Singapore. 
TIAS 6607. 8 pp. 10^. 

Double Taxation— Taxes on Income. Agreement with 
Trinidad and Tobago extending the agreement of 
December 22, 1906, as extended. TIAS 6609. 3 pp. 10«f. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreements with Poland 
amending certain agreements. TIAS 6610. 14 pp. 10(S. 

International Institute for the Unification of Private 
Law (UNIDROIT). Amendments to articles 5, 16 and 18 
of the Institute Statute. TIAS 6611. 5 pp. 10«;. 

Customs — Free Entry Privileges in the Philippines to 
Dependents of United States Personnel Assigned to 
South Viet-Nam. Agreement with the Philippines. 
TIAS 6612. 2 pp. 10<(. 

Earth Resources — Cooperative Research in Remote 
Sensing for Earth Surveys. Agreement with Mexico. 
TIAS 6613. 8 pp. 10(^. 

Extension of Loan Vessels — Eeermann, Dortch and 
Stcmbcll. Agreement with Argentina. TIAS 6614. 
3 pp. 10(f. 

Weather Stations — Continuation of Cooperative Mete- 
orological Program. Agreement with Colombia. TIAS 
6615. 12 pp. 10(J. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Tunisia. 
TIAS 6616. 4 pp. 100. 

Relief Supplies and Packages. Agreement with India. 
TIAS 6617. 2 pp. 100. 

Surplus Property — Second Rescheduling of Payments 
Under Agreement of May 28, 1947. Memorandum of 
agreement with Indonesia. TIAS 6618. 4 pp. 100. 

Defense — Ballistic Missile Early Warning Station at 
Fylingdales Moor, Yorkshire. Agreement with the 
United Kingdom amending the agreement of February 
15, 1960. TIAS 6619. 2 pp. 100. 



Agricultural Commodities — Sales Under Title IV. 

Agreement with Yugoslavia modifying the agreements 
of April 21, 1962, as amended April 27, 1964, March 16, 
1965, and July 16, 1965. TIAS 6620. 4 pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Ghana. 
TIAS 6621. 4 pp. 100. 

Alien Amateur Radio Operators. Agreement with 
Monaco. TIAS 6622. 5 pp. 100. 

Transfer of Vessel — U.S.S. Geronimo. Agreement with 
the RepubUc of China. TIAS 6623. ,6 pp. 100. 

Settlement of Claims Relating to Gut Dam. Agreement 
with Canada. TIAS 6024. 3 pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Israel. 
TIAS 6625. 6 pp. 100. 

Telecommunications — Pre-sunrise Operation of Cer- 
tain Standard (AM) Radio Broadcasting Stations. 

Agreement with Canada amending the agreement of 
March 31 and June 12, 1967. TIAS 6626. 3 pp. 100. 

Defense — Release of Certain Lands from the Leased 
Areas at Goose Bay, Newfoundland. Agreement with 
Canada. TIAS 6627. 3 pp. 100. 

Technical Cooperation. Agreement with Afghanistan 
extending the agreement of June 30, 1953, as extended. 
TIAS 6628. 3 pp. 100. 

Load Lines. Procfes-verbal of rectification to the con- 
vention of April 5, 1966, and its annexes. TIAS 6629. 
16 pp. 150. 

Customs — Temporary Importation of Professional 
Equipment. Convention, with annexes, done at Brus- 
sels Jime 8, 1961. TIAS 6630. 25 pp. 200. 

Customs — A.T.A. Carnet for the Temporary Admission 
of Goods. Convention, with annex, done at Brussels 
December 6, 1961. TIAS 6631. 62 pp. 300. 

Customs — E.C.S. Carnets for Commercial Samples. 

Convention, with protocol of signature and annex. 
TIAS 6632. 64 pp. 300. 

Customs — Containers. Convention, with annexes and 
protocol of signature. TIAS 6634. 33 pp. 200. 



20 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



INDEX July 7, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1567 



Colombia. President Nixon and President Lleras 
of Colombia Review Common Goals of the 
Americas (exchanges of remarks) .... S 

Disarmament. President Nixon's News Confer- 
ence of June 19 (excerpts) 1 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Calendar of International Conferences ... 16 

Latin America 

President Nixon and President Lleras of Co- 
lombia Review Common Goals of the Americas 
(exchanges of remarks) 8 

President Nixon's News Conference of June 19 
(excerpts) 1 

Military Affairs. U.S. and Spain Extend Defense 
Agreement (joint statement, U.S. note, related 
U.S. letters) 15 

Near East. President Nixon's News Conference 
of June 10 (excerpts) 1 

Nigeria. Nigerian Relief Effort Improved by- 
Agreement on New Surface Route (Fergu- 
son) 14 

Presidential Documents 

President Nixon and President Lleras of Co- 
lomliia Review Common Goals of the 
Americas 8 

President Nixon's News Conference of June 19 
(excerpts) 1 

Publications 

Department Releases Second Volume of New 

Compilation of Treaties 19 

Recent Releases 19 

Volume VIII In Foreign Relations Series for 

1945 Released 19 

Spain. U.S. and Spain Extend Defense Agree- 
ment (joint statement, U.S. note, related U.S. 
letters) 15 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 18 

Department Releases Second Volume of New 

Compilation of Treaties 19 

U.S. and Spain Extend Defense Agreement 

(joint statement, U.S. note, related U.S. 

letters) 15 

U.S.S.R. President Nixon's News Conference of 
June 19 (excerpts) 1 

Viet-Nam 

President Nixon's News Conference of June 19 

(excerpts) 1 

22d Plenary Session on Viet-Nam Held at Paris 

(Walsh) 5 



Name Index 

Ferguson, C. Clyde, Jr 14 

Lleras Restrepo, Carlos 8 

Nixon, President 1, 8 

Walsh, Lawrence 5 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: June 16-22 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 
20520. 

No. Date Subject 

*159 6/16 Popper sworn in as Ambassador 

to Cyprus (biographic details). 
160 G/16 Second volume of new treaty series 
released. 

♦161 6/17 Keating sworn in as Ambassador to 
India (biographic details). 

*162 6/17 Vance sworn in as Ambassador to 
the Congo (Kinshasa) (bio- 
graphic details). 

*163 6/18 Gould sworn in as Ambassador to 
Luxembourg (biographic details). 

*164 6/18 Elbrick sworn in as Ambassador to 
Brazil (biographic details). 

*165 6/18 Toon sworn in as Ambassador to 
Czechoslovakia (biographic de- 
tails). 
166 6/19 AValsh : 22d plenary session on 
Viet-Nam at Paris. 

*167 C/19 Looram sworn in as Ambassador to 
Dahomey (biographic details). 

*168 6/19 Davis sworn in as Ambassador to 
Switzerland (biographic details). 

tl69 6/19 Representatives to meeting of Joint 
United States-Canadian Com- 
mittee on Trade and Economic Af- 
fairs, Washington, June 25-26. 

170 6/20 Extension of defense agreement 
with Spain. 

tl71 6/20 Meyer : Inter-American Economic 
and Social Coimcil, Port-of- Spain. 

•Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 

BULLETIN 



Vol LXI, No. 1568 




July H, 1969 



INTER-AMERICAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAi COUNCIL 
JMEETS AT PORT-OF-SPAIN 

Statement hi/ Assistant Secretar-y Meyer 
and Text of the Declaration of Port-of -Spain 21 

THE ALTERED SHAPE OF WORLD POWER 

Address hy Under Secretary Richardson. 27 

THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 

by Allen V. Astin, Director, National Bureau of Standards 32 



For index see inside hack cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1568 
July 14, 1969 



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Inter-American Economic and Social Council 
Meets at Port-of-Spain 



The sixth ministerial meeting of the Inter- 
American Economic and Social Council teas 
held at Port-of-SjJain, Trinidad and Tohago, 
June 20-23. Folloxoing is a statement made in 
plenary session on June 20 l>y Assistant Secre- 
tary for Inter-American Affairs Charles A. 
Meyer, the head of the U.S. delegation, together 
with the text of the Declaration of Port-of- 
Spain, which was adopted hy the Council on 
June 23. 



STATEMENT BY MR. MEYER 

Before you, you see one of you who is proud — 
not prideful in the sense of the deadly sins, but 
rather one Noith American who has had the op- 
portunity to redirect his attention to the service 
of his country. 

This man before you is also proud of serv- 
ing in the American community of nations and 
of his nation's partnersliip in that community. 
This estadounidense is proud of President 
Nixon's commitment to the hemisphere, recently 
demonstrated by his request to the Congress for 
funds to carry on the U.S. portion of the Al- 
liance for Progress during the next fiscal year. 

And I am proud for all of you, proud for the 
progress — never adequately rapid when human 
beings and historic cultures are involved — 
which has been achieved under the Alliance for 
Progress. 

Particularly, perhaps, I am proud to have 
been a part of the last week in Washmgton, D.C. 
It was an exciting week for mter- American re- 
lations. Foreign Minister Valdes of Cliile and 
the Ambassadors of your coimtries called on 
President Nixon June 11 to present the Consen- 
sus of Vina del Mar. My President made clear 
that he took tliis as a major and constructive 
step. In the next 3 days, my wife and I were also 
privileged to participate in the program of Co- 
lombian President Carlos Lleras Eestrepo, his 



wife, and his family. He was received with ex- 
ceptional warmth ; and as you may know from 
the U.S. press, he made a deep unpression on 
my countrymen. 

The first time, and imtil now the only time, 
that I was privileged to attend a conference 
such as this was in Buenos Aires in August 
1957 — almost 12 full years ago. I have reviewed 
the declaration of that conference, and I re- 
spectfully suggest that this review is significant. 
Twelve years have passed, and we are once again 
preoccupied with substantially tlie same subject 
matter, not, I submit, because there has been a 
lack of good will on anyone's part but because 
the process of development — which, after all, is 
what we have been, are here, and in the future 
will be concerned with — is a difficult, complex 
process. 

I have no magic solutions to offer. I doubt 
anyone has. But with resolve, determination, 
and the cooperation and mutual assistance of all 
the nations of the hemisphere, we can neverthe- 
less offer our peoples the promise of a better life 
that will be theirs all the sooner, the harder we 
work and the more effectively we cooperate. 
There is, nevertheless, an essential ingredient to 
which President Lleras referred last Saturday 
at the Pan American Union: "Imagination." 
Although our problems are great, so are our 
resources and so is our determination. With 
imagination and good will, our task will not be 
insuperable. 

I know that in any family circle, from your 
family or mine to a family of nations, there will 
always be disagreement; yet we can disagree 
with each other without being disagreeable to 
each other. We all have had challenges to our 
internal societies and our external relationships. 
Change is upon us, most of it good and most of 
it, of coui-se, uncomfortable for some among us. 

Change and imagination must go together. To 
manage them, we need the clearest vision ever 



JULY 14, 1969 



21 



President Nixon Sends Greetings 
to lA-ECOSOC 

Following is a message from President Nixon 
which xcas read by Assistant Secretary Meyer in 
plenary session of the Intcr-Amcrican Economic 
and Social Council on June 20. 

I am pleased to have this opportunity to ex- 
press through Assistant Secretary Meyer my best 
wishes for the Sixth Meeting of the lA-ECOSOC 
and to thank its executive orjjan, CIAP [Inter- 
American Committee on the Alliance for Prog- 
ress!, for its contributions to the strengthening 
of the development efforts of member states. 

I am well aware that your countries are faced 
with the immense task of speeding up economic 
and social development over the next decade. 
Demands on United States resources from grow- 
ing domestic needs and our continuing world- 
wide obligations are great. I assure you, however, 
that my country is prepared to continue to assist 
your efforts in a significant and meaningful way, 
based on our belief in the close interdependence 
of Latin America and the United States. Our 
cooperation will naturally take into account your 
views as expressed to Governor Rockefeller, in 
CECLA [Special Committee for Latin Ameri- 
can Coordination] and during your current 
discussions. 

I am confident that this meeting will focus on 
approaches that will move all of us toward our 
common goals in the quickest and most eflicient 
way. 



and perhaps the hardest work in modern his- 
tory. 

Here let me express some thoughts drawn 
from my experience with a variety of people : 

First, recognize that quality of leadership is 
the difference between success and failure. 

Second, remember that money is vital, but 
only when its investment in people or projects 
is ably managed. 

Tliird, accept the fact that instant success is 
impossible. Given the human cost of our prob- 
lems, speed in solving them is essential; but 
speed must not be at the expense of soundness. 

Fourth, search for hidden human talents and 
capacities, and then delegate authority and re- 
sponsibility. 

No one man nor group of men can plan suc- 
cessfully for all men. Our job in government is 
to create and maintain an environment in which 
men and women can prosper. And this thought 
is inherent in the purpose of the Alliance for 
Progress. 

So here we are — and now what? 



22 



Gentlemen, I suggest that we must do better. 
I suggest that we must build, and build solidly, 
and accept the respoiLsibility for what we do. 

Landmarks such as the Act of Bogota, the 
Charter of Pimta del Este, the Protocol of 
Buenos Aires, and the Punta del Este Declara- 
tion of Presidents affirm the inter-American 
community's basic conviction that the status quo 
must give way to constructive, peaceful change. 
Building on the foundation of these landmarks, 
we are still trjdng to fulfill all our hopes. In 
striving now to give substance to our ideal, we 
dare not, liowever, break down the institutions 
on which we have labored over many difficult 
years: the institutions of freedom and democ- 
racy in the Americas, the heritage of a hemi- 
sphere in which each nation respects the rights 
of others, the indispensable mechanism of a com- 
munity that affords equal respect and attention 
to the wishes of large and small, wealthy and 
poor, developed and underdeveloped. 

If political democracy is to be meaningful, 
after all, it must function within the framework 
of an economic democracy that offers every man, 
woman, and child the realistic expectation of 
sharing in the opportunities and attaimnents of 
our day. In the final analysis, economics must be 
the servant of the people, one that advances 
their hope and goals and brings about needed 
social refonns and justice. This is our pui-pose 
here today, and it is in this context, I believe, 
that we must approach the task before us. It is 
in this context that we must look at our past 
record. 

If we look for dramatic gains in the areas 
of economic and social development, it is all 
too clear that we have not accomplished all that 
we should or all that we could. It is also clear 
that the people of the Americas are impatient, 
that they want to see more in terms of concrete 
results and not merely hear more in the terms of 
new promises. 

Recognizing these inescapable facts for what 
they are — and they are without doubt the most 
crucial ones confronting this hemisphere — we 
can nonetheless point to some very positive 
achievements. 

Indeed, there is much in the record to give 
us reason for satisfaction in the partnership 
for development we have forged in the Americas 
during this decade of the sixties. 

It is a partnership that now reaches into every 
aspect of our inter- American life. 

Its impact is evident on economic growth 
charts in many areas of the hemisphere, 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BITLLETIN 



although — this point camiot be emphasized too 
strongly — it is entirely true that this impact has 
not reached the level we hoped it would by 
this time. 

But economic growth must be seen in perspec- 
tive with growth and progress in areas such as 
school enrollment, numbers of teachers and 
classrooms, health and life exjoectancy, science 
and teclinology, regional integration, and bat- 
tles against inflation. 

I will not tell you of statistics or facts j^ou 
already know. What it comes down to is that 
good j^rogress has been made in some areas, 
insufficient progress is all too evident in others, 
and we are all in agreement that we must do 
better. 

I believe we should look upon the decade of 
the sixties as a decade in which we built sound 
economic and institutional bases for develop- 
ment. Now we must build on those bases. I 
think we have also established an awareness of, 
a mentality toward, development that will con- 
tinue to lead us in the future. 

U.S. Commitment to Hemispheric Development 

I know there have been many questions put 
forward in the past months about where the new 
United States administration stands on the pur- 
poses and objectives of the Alliance for Prog- 
ress. Therefore, to anyone who asks if we will 
stick with them, I am here to tell you that our 
answer is an unequivocal "Yes." 

Requests now before the Congi-ess in support 
of these purposes and objectives total ahnost $1 
billion. As you know, President Nixon requested 
the United States Congress to approve an ap- 
propi'iation of $605 million for United States 
economic assistance programs in Latin America. 
He has also requested the Congress to approve 
an appropriation of $300 million for our sched- 
uled contributions to the Fund for Special 
Operations of the Liter- American Development 
Bank. 

Supplementing these are the programs and 
resources we make available to all developing 
countries through the bilateral and multilateral 
channels. The programs of the Organization of 
American States, for instance, are becoming in- 
creasingly important. 

I could mention other items, and so could 
each of you, but my intention is not to compose 
a catalogue. I do want to demonstrate that this 
administration is determined to continue and 
improve our efforts in hemispheric develop- 



ment. Such continuity is basic to our foreign 
policy. 

The United States, after all, is an integral 
part of the Americas. Even as we believe in our 
own national future, we believe in the future of 
a hemisphere in which all nations are economi- 
cally viable, socially conscious, and politically 
responsive to the will of their peoples. 

President Eisenhower affirmed this principle. 
President Kennedy did likewise, as did Presi- 
dent Johnson. Now, as the decade of the sixties 
draws to a close, I am here to tell you that Presi- 
dent Nixon has given liis solemn pledge that 
his administration will do all within its power 
not only to continue working toward this goal 
but, in concert with the other nations of the 
Americas, to help revitalize and give new direc- 
tions to the effort needed to achieve it. 

In short, what it comes down to is that United 
States policy toward Latin America is in the 
fullest sense a bipartisan policy in our national 
political life, a policy subject — correctly — to 
deep procedural review, but not to a relaxation 
of commitment. As we have seen in the decade 
of the sixties, there is wide agreement in the 
United States over the high priority attached 
to our relationship with Latin America. There 
is also wide agreement that the priority must 
find more effective expression. 

The reports now before this Council under- 
score what is all too clear: that the major part 
of the job is yet before us. It is the extent to 
which we will get on with it in the seventies, 
and how we will get on with it, that we must 
now search out. 

And if we determine that the seventies will be 
both a decade of consolidation and implementa- 
tion, a decade in which we will seek ends as well 
as beginnings, we have a chance to write an un- 
paralleled chapter of achievement. 

Continuing the Dialogue 

I paint no glowing picture, nor do I imply 
that we have but to wish to make it so. I do 
mean to urge that, in the months ahead, we con- 
tinue our earnest dialogue. 

Governor Eockefeller is contributing to the 
dialogue by carrying out liis mission for the 
President, learning what you believe should be 
the methods and procedures of our future part- 
nership. Through this mission we are learning 
facts, and though the learning process may be 
difficult, we are determined — here, too — to stick 
with it. 



JTJLY 14, 1969 



23 



The Consensus of Vina del Mar is another 
part of tliis dialogue. I believe everyone present 
understood, even before our meeting, that we 
would not be ready to respond to all of the points 
it touches on a week after it was presented to 
us, but we consider it a constructive and im- 
portant contribution to today's agenda and to- 
morrow's work. 

Even at this early stage in this portion of 
our dialogue, there are several points iu the 
Consensus of Vina del Mar to which we can 
respond. 

1. Additioncdity and Aid Conditions 

In our aid program we wish to reduce to the 
extent possible requirements and practices ex- 
traneous to develojjment which can impair the 
quality of our assistance. In this regard the 
President has authorized me to say that, effec- 
tive immediately, the present practice of apply- 
ing so-called "additionality" requirements to 
U.S. aid will be discontinued. This action re- 
flects the earnest desire of the President and his 
administration to improve the effectiveness of 
our assistance in doing what it is supposed to 
do : promote development. 

Moreover, the President will set up a task 
force of distinguished citizens to make a com- 
prehensive review of U.S. assistance programs. 
One of the questions it will consider is the ap- 
propriateness of the other special conditions at- 
tached to our assistance that are mentioned in 
the Consensus of Viiia del Mar. 

2. Preferences 

We were, of course, well aware of Latin Amer- 
ica's interest in the trade preference issue, which 
has been before UNCTAD [United Nations 
Conference on Trade and Development] for 
some time. 

Nevertheless, this interest was dramatically 
miderscored for the Secretary of State and my- 
self when, recently, 22 Latin American cliiefs 
of mission in Waslungton called on the Secre- 
tary to express the great importance which the 
American Republics attach to the establishment 
of a system of generalized preferences. The 
President a few days later authorized us to in- 
form you that although our study of the prefer- 
ences issue had not been concluded, he had 
authorized the preparation of illustrative lists 
for submission to the OECD [Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development] group 
in Paris. We have now reached a point in our 



work where it is clear that we can submit these 
lists to the OECD in July, which will facilitate 
preparations for early discussion in the 
UNCTAD Special Committee on Preferences. 

3. Coffee Diversification Fund 

Consonant with the call in the Consensus of 
Vina del Mar for broadening the sphei-e of ac- 
tion of existing commodity agreements, I can 
reaffirm the pledge of the United States for a 
$15 million loan to the Diversification Fimd of 
the International Coffee Organization. My Gov- 
ernment looks forward to entering into negotia- 
tion of this loan with the Fund at the meeting 
of the International Coffee Council in August 
of this year. We remain prepared to make a fur- 
ther loan of up to $15 million to match contri- 
butions of other consumer members of the coffee 
agreement. 

4. Multilateralization of Aid 

President Nixon has already made clear his 
deep pei-sonal interest in the Inter- American 
Bank as an embodiment of the multilateral con- 
cept in Western Hemisphere develoj^ment. In 
a message read by Treasury Secretary Kennedy 
to the Bank's Board of Governors at their 10th 
annual meeting in Guatemala City, President 
Nixon said : "The Inter- American Development 
Bank stands as an outstanding example of 
multilateral financial cooperation among the 
nations of the Americas." 

Still more recently, in his message to the Con- 
gress on foreign assistance,^ President Nixon 
said that we would direct our efforts to : 

— Increasing jointly our contributions to in- 
ternational development banks. 

— Increasing jointly our contributions to the 
United Nations technical assistance program. 

— Acting in concert with other advanced 
countries to share the cost of aid to individual 
developing comitries. 

One of his early acts as President was also to 
endorse fuUy and urge congressional authoriza- 
tion for the U.S. contribution of $480 million 
to the second replenislmient of IDA [Interna- 
tional Development Association]. Congress has 
now granted that authorization. Moreover, as 
the level of IDA operations increases, the United 
States will support appropriate efforts leading 
to a larger share of IDA resources for Latin 
America. 



^ For text, see Buixetin of June IC, 1969, p. 515. 



24 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLimN 



5. Technical Cooperation 

The cogent sections of the Consensus of Vina 
del Mar on teclmical cooperation and scientific 
and teclmological development include much of 
the new direction President Nixon is giving to 
U.S. teclinical assistance efforts. "We intend to 
fit our teclinical cooperation to the national ob- 
jectives of tlie host coimtry, to use and 
strengthen host country technical agencies, to 
increase multilateral teclmical cooperation. 

6. Scientifio and Technological Development 

In his message to last week's very fruitful 
meeting of the Inter- American Cultural Coun- 
cil, which considered a number of the problems 
referi'ed to in the Consensus of Vina del Mar, 
President Nixon said : 

The United States has consistently advocated a vig- 
orous approach to developing the ideas on education, 
science, and technology that were expressed by the 
Heads of American States In the Declaration of Punta 
del Este. We continue to support the multinational 
plans which will permit education, science, and tech- 
nology to contribute even more fully to the development 
of Latin America. 

In consonance with this positive attitude, the 
U.S. delegation to the lACC, as you know, 
pledged full support to the Coimcil's programs 
for the coming year. It is, moreover, the inten- 
tion of the United States to improve methods 
for the transfer of advanced teclmology to 
Latin America and other regions of the devel- 
oping world. 

Contribution of Private Investment 

At this point I would also like to reiterate 
that my Government does not believe that pri- 
vate investment can be the only vehicle for the 
transfer of teclmology to the developing world, 
just as we do not believe that such investment 
can be the sole means of transferring resources. 

In saying this, however, I am not saying that 
private investment is unimportant. Such invest- 
ment represents by far the largest source of 
capital, teclmological, and managerial resources 
available ; and as such its potential contribution 
to development cannot be surpassed. 

It is said that private investment results in a 
net outflow of resources from the recipient coun- 
try. To me this is like trying to capture a moving 
situation with a still camera. Investment cannot 
be considered simply as an accounting proce- 
dure in which the direct inflow of new invest- 



ment is measured against the direct outflow of 
remittances. What must be considered is the 
overall contribution in terms of increased pro- 
duction, added employment, new exports 
created, and impoits replaced. In short, it is the 
continuing effect on economic activity and wel- 
fare and not the short-term and partial effect 
on the balance of payments in a fixed period 
that is the true measure of the contribution of 
investment 

Objectives of Inter-American Cooperation 

There are many more areas of cooperation 
covered in the Consensus of Vina del Mar. Our 
initial response after having the document such 
a brief time necessarily must be incomplete. But 
the most valuable proposal of the document is 
its invitation to a new dialogue — which the 
United States accepts. 

And it is with tliis in mind that we have come 
here prepared to agree that an ad hoc commit- 
tee be established under the aegis of the lA- 
ECOSOC, in which all member governments 
would participate to review urgently the prin- 
ciples, objectives, and methods of inter- 
American cooperation to see if the process of 
economic and social development in the area can 
be accelerated through the adoption of new 
policies, approaches, and programs. 

I would anticipate that we could agree that 
this ad hoc committee would begin its work in 
October of this year and meet as frequently or 
as long as necessary so that it can prepare rea- 
soned, mature recommendations for eventual 
adoption by the highest organ of our Organiza- 
tion of American States next year. 

For our part, my Government wiU plan to re- 
examine all aspects of its policies. In the course 
of this examination we wiU have very much 
in mind the various positions set forth in the 
Latin American Consensus of Vina del Mar, the 
discussions we are having at this meeting, as 
well as the observations your governments will 
have made to Governor Rockefeller and the 
report and recommendations that he will be 
making to President Nixon. 

I anticipate, too, that when we meet once 
again in this ad hoc committee, fundamental 
to the work of that committee will be the under- 
standing that the economic and social develop- 
ment of Latin America is a process that must 
be conceived and carried out exclusively by the 
peoples of Latin xVmerica in keeping with the 



25 



decisions that they adopt in accordance vdth 
freely established national and regional objec- 
tives. There can, of course, be no doubt that it 
is a national responsibility to create domestic 
conditions that will make possible an equitable, 
rapid, and efficient economic and social devel- 
opment ; and, I submit, imless this national re- 
sponsibility is recognized and accepted, external 
cooperation will be of little avail. 

Finally, one last thought: As we go about 
our work, here and in the future, let us be 
guided by the words that greet us each time 
we step from the elevator into the lobby of 
this upside-down hotel — "Together we aspire, 
together we acliieve." I am sure you will rec- 
ognize this as the motto of Trinidad and 
Tobago, our hosts here at this sixth annual 
meeting of the Inter-American Economic and 
Social Council, 



DECLARATION OF PORT-OF-SPAIN = 

Whereas : 

The governments of the American states, inspired 
by the principles of inter-American solidarity and 
cooperation contained in the Declaration to the Peo- 
ples of America, the Charter of Punta del E«te, the 
Economic and Social Act of Rio de Janeiro, the 
Declaration of the Presidents of America, and the Plan 
of Action of Villa del Mar, pledged themselves, through 
programs of common action, to a united effort to en- 
sure social justice and dynamic and balanced economic 
development for their peoples ; 

As we near the end of the present decade, there is 
still a serious disparity between aspirations and 
achievements in meeting the economic and social needs 
of the developing countries of the hemisphere, and 
more rapid progress is needed in removing obstacles 
to attainment of the goals enunicated in the inter- 
American instruments mentioned above ; 

There has been recognition of the urgent need to 
define a new approach to hemispheric cooperation and 
to seek new policies, objectives, and programs leading, 
in the decade ahead, to balanced economic and social 
development of the region at a significantly more rapid 
pace. This development must be accelerated and must 
respond to the legitimate aspirations of the peoiJles of 
Latin America ; 

The countries of the inter-American system are pre- 



' Adopted on June 23. 



paring themselves for a fruitful exchange of views 
within the framework of that system aimed at ex- 
panding the prospects for hemispheric cooperation. 
As part of these preparations, the member countries 
of the Special Committee for Latin American Coordi- 
nation (CECLA) agreed upon a common position in 
the Consensus of A'ina del Mar, a document of basic 
importance as their contribution to the formulation of 
new bases for inter-American economic and .social 
cooperation. For the same puri)ose the United States 
of America is carrying out the consultations and the 
studies required for a review and reformulation of its 
hemispheric policies ; 

Any review of the policy of inter-American coopera- 
tion must be based upon the understanding that: 

a. The economic and social development of Latin 
America is a process that must be conceived and 
decided upon exclusively by its peoples ; 

b. It is a national responsibility to create domestic 
conditions and determine national and regional objec- 
tives that will make possible an equitable, rapid, and 
efficient economic and social development ; and 

External cooperation has an essential complementary 
function in economic and social development, w.hich 
should evolve within a framework of solidarity and 
mutual respect for the particular political, economic, 
and cultural characteristics of each state. 

The Sixth Annual Meeting of the Inter-American 
Economic and Social Council at the Ministerial Level 

Resolves : 

1. To establish a Special Committee of the Inter- 
American Economic and Social Council, on which all 
its members will be represented, for the purpose of 
preparing the bases and proposing suitable instru- 
ments of action, in coordination with the Inter-Ameri- 
can Cultural Council whenever appropriate, of a new 
policy to strengthen hemispheric cooperation. 

2. Based on the principles and objectives already 
defined within the inter-American system, this new 
policy shall be adapted to the Latin American pro- 
posals contained in the Consensus of Vliia del Mar 
and to the proposals to be presented by the United 
States of America. 

3. The Special Committee shall meet at the head- 
quarters of the General Secretariat of the Organiza- 
tion of American States, on October 20 of this year. 

4. The conclusions and recommendations of this 
Committee shall be submitted to a special meeting of 
the Inter-American Economic and Social Council at 
the ministerial level to begin on December 1, 1969, in 
the Republic of Venezuela, in order to consider and 
decide on these conclusions and recommendations. Also 
the Council will establish or promote the establishment 
of such mechanisms within the inter-American system 
as may be necessary for their implementation. 



26 



DEPAKT31ENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



The Altered Shape of World Power 



hy Under Secretary Elliot L. Richardson ^ 



Seeing so many heads of large organizations 
here is very impressive. However, we think that 
the Department of State does pretty well when 
it comes to organization, too. However, some- 
times people say exaggerated things about us. 
Professor Galbraith, for example, has called the 
State Department the "most ornate bureaucracy 
since the Ming Dynasty." 

Well, we do have a Secretary, two Under 
Secretaries, two Deputy Under Secretaries, 10 
Assistant Secretaries, 35 Deputy Assistant Sec- 
retaries, and assorted administrators, office di- 
rectors, executive directors, directors general, 
inspectors general, counselors, advisers, coordi- 
nators, chairmen, chiefs, ambassadors, consuls, 
and ministers, not to mention vast coveys of spe- 
cial assistants, executive assistants, and liaison 
officers. But to compare the Department of State 
to the Ming Dynasty is a gross exaggeration. 

Someone once said that doing busmess with- 
out advertising is like winldng at a girl in the 
dark. You know what you're doing, but nobody 
else does. 

Sometimes we feel a little bit like that here 
in the Department. The requirements of di- 
plomacy cause us to do most of our winking 
in the dark. It is only when some crisis comes 
along or some goof is exposed that the liglits 
go on and everyone sees us thrashing about. 

Today, rather than concentrating on crises 
or mistakes I would like to speak rather broad- 
ly about our apjDroach to foreign affairs and 
to tell you what we think the changes that are 
going on in the international political situation 
mean for American foreign policy. 

One of the more common human failings is 
man's tendency to react to new phenomena with 
old reflexes. We develop a set of attitudes and 

^ Address made before the Advertising Council at 
Washington, D.C., on June 9 (press release 157 dated 
June 13). 



way of seeing things — a gestalt, the psycholo- 
gists call it — wliich makes us squeeze new or 
unfamiliar information into precast and often 
inappropriate conceptual molds. 

Frequently we do not even realize that our 
responses are so geared. "Practical men," Lord 
Keynes wrote, "who believe themselves to be 
quite exempt from any intellectual influ- 
ences are usually the slaves of some defunct 
economist." 

Similarly, generals are often the slaves of 
strategies designed for other wars and diplo- 
mats are prone to retain postures and policies 
based on conditions of a world that has passed. 

But in today's rapidly changing world, tliis 
kind of perceptual lag can be dangerous and 
costly. 

For the world of 1969 is not the world of 
1959, and it certainly is not the world of 1949. 
Two decades ago the cold war was at its peak. 
The alliance formed in the Second World War 
had come apart. In the familiar words of Win- 
ston Churchill: From Stettin in the Baltic to 
Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain de- 
scended across the Continent of Europe. Com- 
munism had taken over Poland, Bulgaria, Ro- 
mania, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. Greece, 
Turkey, and Finland were under serious threat. 
The world was polarized into two camps, armed 
aiad hostile. 

Today the situation has improved. The viru- 
lent hostility that marked the Stalin era has 
diminished, and we and the Soviet Union are 
seeking accommodation in areas of mutual in- 
terest. Power alignments are more confused, 
and the world is generally less polarized. 

Let me outline for you what I believe to be 
some of the most significant elements of the 
emerging situation : 

First, the driving force of political ideologies 
is receding. Nationalism, which seemed on the 



JULY 14, 1969 



27 



wane 20 years ago, has not only proved its dura- 
bility but has shown itself as perhaps the major 
political motivating force of our time. National 
interests continue to bo the primary influence in 
determining international behavior. At times 
even subnational interests appear the strongest 
driving force. The tribal warfare that has 
ripped apart Nigeria, the racial, religious, 
ethnic, and linguistic quarrels that have caused 
periodic eruptions in nations as diverse as 
Canada, Belgium, Northern Ireland, and 
Malaysia, are examples. 

Secondly, the unity of Communist discipline 
or dogma is increasingly a phenomenon of the 
past. In fact, the term "Commmiist" now covers 
such a multiplicity of states, parties, and tend- 
encies as to have little usefulness. 

Last year's invasion of Czechoslovakia by the 
Soviet Union and five of the eight "Warsaw 
Pact nations rocked the Communist movement 
and pro\dded a striking illustration of the wide 
divergencies that now exist. Condemnation by 
Communist parties in Western Europe was 
almost universal, and several of them became 
embroiled in bitter internal disputes with ele- 
ments remaining loyal to Moscow, Romania 
and Yugoslavia publicly criticized the invasion. 
The Chinese Communists and the Albanians also 
blasted the move with their usual vociferous 
polemics. In his rather mimitable fashion Fidel 
Castro managed the feat of being at odds with 
both Communist China and the Soviet Union, 

The break between Peking and Moscow pro- 
vides a vivid example not only of the split in 
the Communist world but also of the priority 
given to national interests over the require- 
ments of ideology. As border conflict and ten- 
sions have built up, both Moscow and Peking 
have cast aside ideological niceties for consider- 
ations of security and self-interest. Moscow is 
showing interest in Nationalist China, A Soviet 
journalist believed to have high governmental 
connections recently journeyed to Taiwan and 
conferred at length with Chiang Kai-shek's son 
Chiang Ching-kuo. 

Meanwhile, Peking, when it is not alleging 
dark schemes of collusion between Moscow and 
Washington, has been making friendly noises 
toward Yugoslavia, which until recently it had 
pictured as the blackest of all the black revision- 
ist states. In March it signed a trade agreement 
with Belgrade, the first in over 10 years. 

Along with the decline in the unity of the 
Communist world has come a decline in com- 
mumsm's appeal to the underdeveloped coim- 
tries. Two decades ago there was widespread 



fear that conamunism would sweep Africa and 
Asia like a brushfire. The strong demand for 
economic development, it was thought, would 
make the central j^lanning aspects of commu- 
nism appealing, if only on the grounds of 
efficiency. Not only have these fears proved 
unfounded, but communism has made surpris- 
ingly little headway anywhere in the under- 
developed world. Both the Russians and Chinese 
have been rebuffed by many Afi'ican countries 
in their attempts to gain influence. Commu- 
nism was also rejected by Indonesia. The desire 
of the new countries to preserve their hard- 
won national independence caused them to fend . 
off any aid or influence which looked as if it 
might limit their freedom. Many nationalist 
revolutions have occurred, but Commimists have 
been unable to take them over. During the past 
year two of Africa's better known Communist 
parties have even resorted to changing their 
names to enhance their appeal, 

I might add, parenthetically, that the decline 
of ideology in international affairs seems to be 
matched by a parallel decline in domestic poli- 
tics. Today's electorate often cares less about a 
man's views than about such intangibles as 
"style" or "subliminal appeal." The dissatisfied 
or confused voter seems often to be more im- 
pressed by the fact that a candidate offers ac- 
tion, change, excitement, or movement than by 
the ideological content of what he espouses. He 
may back the man even if he is opposed to the 
direction he advocates or does not understand 
what it is. One of the puzzling political phe- 
nomena of last year, for example, was that 
some backers of Robert Kennedy turned to sup- 
port George Wallace after Kennedy's death. 

Finally, the resurgence of nationalism has 
been accompanied by a decline in the ability of 
the great powers to impose their will and en- 
force their authority on their allies. The physi- 
cal strength of the great powers is greater than 
ever, but their authority is not commensurate 
with that strength. Witness, for example, the 
difficulties the Soviet Union has had in keeping 
its satellites in line. 

Theodore Draper puts it this way: 

Power that cannot be used or can be used only in 
rare, special and self-destructive circumstances is 
a different kind of power from the one on which he- 
gemonies have traditionally been based. . . . The 
smaller powers have not become so much stronger ; the 
great powers have become somewhat weaker. 

The large powers have found it increasingly 
difficult to determine the appropriate response 
to small-power provocation. The strategic con- 



28 



DEPAKTMENT OF STATE BtJtX.ETrN' 



cept of a graduated response has been under- 
mined by the Viet- Nam experience. If the large 
power voluntarily abstains from using its full 
power or feels the strategic situation to be such 
that it cannot do so, it in effect loses the ad- 
vantages of being a big power. 

In its brutal occupation of Czechoslovakia, 
the Soviet Union was forced to revert to a tra- 
ditional massive use of power far exceeding the 
need at the cost of international prestige and 
good will. Even then, it was not able to force all 
its demands. 

What do tliese metamorphoses in the world 
situation mean for United States policy? They 
mean, I believe, some readjustment of our 
sights. 

Our objectives must be reshaped and brought 
into line with current realities. In the more 
fluid, less polarized world that is emerging, it 
is necessary to stay more loose and act more 
pragmatically. The criteria for judgment are 
more subtle. Doctrinaire analysis and categori- 
cal assumptions are less useful. More than ever 
the assumptions which guide international po- 
litical life are impressionistic and empirical 
rather than highly determinate or ideological. 

For this reason, historical analogy is more 
dangerous than ever. I question, for instance, 
the relevance of Munich to Viet-Nam, but I 
also question whether our experience in Viet- 
Nam should preca.st future decisions for differ- 
ent situations under different circumstances. 

We must also be mindful of the fact that we 
cannot accomplish everything both at home and 
abroad that we might like to accomplish. Nor 
are all our objectives equally important. We 
must weigh the benefits of foreign involvement 
in relation to their costs more carefully than we 
have done in recent years. 

In his last state of the Union message. Presi- 
dent Eisenhower said : "We must not return to 
the crash-program psychology of the past when 
each new feint by the Communists was re- 
sponded to in panic." ~ 

This is advice it would be well to heed. 

It is especially important that we not react 
precipitously. Any new American responsibili- 
ties overseas must be undertaken only with 
great care and upon sober study and reflection. 
We must avoid sliding into any foreign com- 
mitment through neglect, by inadvertence, or 
by rash or overquick response. 

Greater emphasis must also be put on the use 
of influence and example as opposed to the di- 



' Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1961, p. 139. 



rect instruments of power. In the last analysis, 
the influence we can-y in the world will derive 
not from the power of our weapons but from 
the worth of our example. How persuasive we 
are will to large extent depend on how well 
we heal our own divisions and how effectively 
we carry out our work. 

The altered shape of world power requires 
that we judge each threat or crisis carefully 
and on its merits, without regard to rigid pre- 
conception. Such a workmanlike, quiet, nondoc- 
trinaire approach is, I believe, the best way to 
strengthen the foundations of peace in the era 
we now enter. 



23d Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

Following is the opening statement made hy 
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, head of the 
U.S. delegation, at the 23d plenary session of 
the new meetings on Viet-Nam at Paris on 
June 26. 

Press release 175 dated June 26 

Ladies and gentlemen : The United States is 
participating in these Paris meetings because 
it wants the war in Viet-Nam to come to a 
negotiated end. Our country will examine every 
avenue that may lead to peace. 

It is unfortunate, therefore, that your side 
persistently distorts the meaning of our words 
and of our actions. It is unfortunate that while 
we search for common ground, you reject, as 
you did last week, our efforts to build a base for 
progress in these negotiations. 

Last week a spokesman for your side depre- 
cated our effort to find common ground between 
us. He argued that it was not possible to find 
such common ground. To prove his point, he 
once again levied unreasonable unilateral de- 
mands. He demanded that we withdraw our 
forces unconditionally from South Viet-Nam. 
He insisted that we simply accept the formation 
of a so-called provisional coalition government, 
trying to create the impression — which must be 
described as misleading — that the imposition of 
such a government on the South Vietnamese 
people would preserve their right of self-deter- 
mination even though it would be imposed with- 
out either consulting the people or obtaining 
their approval. Finally, he continued to charge 
us with intensifying the war. This was your 



JULY 14, 1969 



29 



side's answer to our continuing search for com- 
mon ground and a path to progress. It must be 
described as negative. 

To us, "common ground" involves negotia- 
tions and compromise, examination and ex- 
change of views. At Midway, President Thieu 
and President Nixon carefully reviewed their 
own proposals as well as your side's 10 points.' 
The two Presidents indicated their conviction 
that their proposals represent a reasonable basis 
for peace. They also observed that despite the 
fact that your side's 10-point proposal con- 
tained certain unacceptable provisions, there 
were certain points which appear not too far 
from the positions taken by the Government 
of the Eepublic of Viet-Nam and the United 
States. 

We will continue to search for common 
ground on the key issues of self-determination 
of the South Vietnamese people. You claim that 
you seek self-determination for the people of 
South Viet-Nam. If in fact you mean what you 
say, there is no reason why the South Vietnamese 
themselves cannot get together to discuss and 
determine their political future. I remind you 
once again that the President of the Republic 
of Viet-Nam has long since made clear his will- 
ingness to talk directly with your side on these 
matters. As President Nixon said in his press 
conference of June 19 : - 

. . . President Thieu has offered to have inter- 
nationally supervised elections to let the people of 
South Viet-Nam determine whether they want his 
government or some other government. 

It would seem that if the provisional government, 
which also claims to represent the people of South 
Viet-Nam, really means that, they would accede to 
this request and agree to internationally supervised 
elections. 

Your side came to these Paris meetings know- 
ing they had as a purpose negotiations with the 
Government of the Rei^ublic of Viet-Nam. 

President Nixon also stated in iiis press con- 
ference on June 19 : 

As far as the United States is concerned, we will 
accept any decision that is made by the people of South 
Viet-Nam, but we think that the provisional govern- 
ment should join with the Government of South Viet- 
Nam and any other political parties in South Viet-Nam 
in participating in supervised elections. 



' For remarks by President Nixon and President 
Thieu and text of a joint statement issued following 
their talks at Midway Island on June 8, see Bulletin 
of June 30, 1969. p. 549. 

'■' Bulletin of July 7, 1969, p. 1. 



Instead of a genuine effort to achieve freedom 
of choice for the people of South Viet-Nam, 
your side unfortunately continues to demand the 
replacement of the legitimate government in 
South Viet-Nam before serious negotiations can 
begin. This cannot be described as a sincere ef- 
fort to find common ground or to negotiate ; it 
is an effort to predetermine the outcome of the 
negotiation before it has begun. It must be char- 
acterized as an unreasonable position which 
delays progress at these meetings. As President 
Nixon made clear in his press conference on 
June 19, we categorically reject your demand 
that we "replace" the legitimate Government of 
the Republic of Viet-Nam. 

At the 18th plenary session, I reviewed sev- 
eral issues on which there appeared to be some 
common ground between us. President Nixon, 
in his address on May 14, said : ^ 

We have no objection to reunification, if that turns 
out to be what the people of South Viet-Nam and the 
people of North Viet-Nam want ; we ask only that the 
decision reflect the free choice of the people concerned. 

Your point 7 states that the reunification of 
Viet-Nam will be achieved step by step, by 
peaceful means ; through discussions and agree- 
ment between the two zones, without foreign 
interference. If your position is that the people 
of North Viet-Nam and the people of South 
Viet-Nam should decide this question, there is 
considerable common ground between our posi- 
tion and yours. 

Another such issue is the question of relations 
between North and South Viet-Nam pending 
reunification, which is a matter for North Viet- 
Nam and South Viet-Nam to decide. 

Another issue is restoration of the demili- 
tarized zone and respect for the provisional mili- 
tary demarcation line. Your point 7 states that 
the military demarcation line is only provisional 
and does not constitute a permanent political 
boundary. We agree to that. We also agree that 
precise arrangements should be worked out re- 
garding the status of the DMZ and movements 
across the provisional military demarcation line. 

Another issue on which there seems to be com- 
mon groimd is that of prisoners of war. Presi- 
dent Nixon's proposals call for arrangements to 
be made for the earliest possible release of pris- 
oners of war on both sides. Your point 9 states 
that the parties will negotiate the release of 
prisoners captured in the war. 



' For text, see Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



30 



DEPARTSIENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



President Nixon's proposals provide that all 
parties would agree to observe the Geneva ac- 
cords of 1954 regarding Cambodia and the Laos 
agreements of 1962. Your side's 10-point pro- 
gram calls for respect for the 1962 Geneva 
agreements on Laos and for Cambodia's inde- 
pendence, sovereignty, neutrality, and terri- 
torial integrity. Wliile your program states that 
this is a policy wliich South Viet- Nam should 
carry out, we believe it is necessary that North 
Viet-Nam also follow the same policy. In fact, 
North Viet-Nam is already a party to the 1954 
Geneva accords relating to Cambodia and to the 
1962 Laos agreements. 

We also support the principles of independ- 
ence, sovereignty, unity, and territorial integ- 
rity, as recognized by the 1954 Geneva accords 
and which you mention in your first, point. 

There seems to be common ground on a num- 
ber of other military questions. For example, 
President Nixon has stated that we seek no bases 
in Viet-Nam and that we insist on no military 
ties. We have also said in the past that we seek 
no permanent military establishment in Viet- 
Nam. In this connection it is to be noted that 
your program would prohibit foreign military 
bases, foreign troops, and foreign military 
alliances for North and South Viet-Nam. 

We also will continue to search for common 
ground on the key military issue: the with- 
drawal of all non-South Vietnamese forces. I 
continue to regret that on these major military 
questions your side distorts not only our words 
but our deeds. 

Last week, for example, you termed the 
planned replacement of 25,000 U.S. troops by 
the end of August as opening a "door to war." 
This is a complete and irresponsible misrepre- 
sentation of a major initiative taken by Presi- 
dent Nixon and President Thieu. As President 
Nixon said at Midway June 8, the decision 
"marks a significant step forward in achieving 
our goal of protecting the right of self-determi- 
nation for the people of South Viet-Nam and 
in bringing lasting peace to the Pacific." As he 



has said since Midway, fm^ier reductions will 
take place, and their niunbers will depend upon 
any or all of three factors: the training and 
equipment of the South Vietnamese armed 
forces, the military situation in South Viet- 
Nam, and the progress which can be made in the 
Paris talks. 

If you join us in a mutual withdrawal of non- 
South Vietnamese forces, movement toward 
peace — toward an end to the suffering and de- 
struction in South Viet-Nam — could be quick. 
As we said last week, tlie simplest solution is for 
the United States and the DEV both to with- 
draw their armed forces. We have agreed to do 
this if you will. We are readj' to withdraw our 
armed forces from South Viet-Nam as the forces 
of the DEV are withdrawn from South Viet- 
Nam, Cambodia, and Laos to North Viet-Nam. 
Meanwhile, the war goes on. You have accused 
us of intensifying it. The truth, as President 
Nixon made clear in his press conference 
June 19, is that United States forces have not 
intensified their military operation but have 
only responded to what the other side has done. 
The United States is not responsible for the 
present level of fighting. President Nixon said : 

It takes two in order to reduce the level of fighting, 
and I would only suggest that if the enemy now will 
withdraw forces, one-tenth of its forces, as we have 
withdrawn one-tenth of our combat forces, that would 
tend to reduce the level of fighting. 

The President also said in that press conference 
that we want supervised cease-fires. 

Ladies and gentlemen, we are here to seek 
a negotiated settlement of the war in Viet-Nam. 
By concrete actions the United States and the 
Eepublic of Viet-Nam have shown that our side 
seeks peace. Further, we will continue to search 
at these meetings for common ground between 
the positions of your side and the positions of 
ours. If you will not join us in this search, then 
the responsibility for the continuation of the 
war will rest with you. We in this room have an 
obligation to move toward peace. It is in that 
spirit that we should proceed. 



JtTLY 14, 1969 



31 



The Scientific Community and International Cooperation 



Jy Allen V. Astin 

Director, National Bureau of Standards ^ 



Throughout history men have struggled to 
overcome their distrust and control their ag- 
gressiveness in order to work cooperatively with 
their neighbors. Because acts of defense and 
aggression are usually more dramatic than those 
of cooperation, they receive primary emphasis 
in the history books; but it is acts of coopera- 
tion which have brought us out of savagery 
into today's advanced and highly interdepend- 
ent society. 

We still have disadvantaged nations, and in 
the more fortunate nations we have entirely too 
many millions of disadvantaged people. We now 
stand in the shadow of nuclear catastrophe, and 
if we avoid that trap we still will be confronted 
by the population "bomb," which may be just 
as threatening to the world as we know it. But 
as the TV advertising jingle puts it, we've "come 
a long, long way." 

As a man who has devoted his life to the 
work of science, it pleases me to look about and 
see that the example and the determination of 
the scientific community have been important 
factors in promoting international understand- 
ing and cooperation. Even when nations have 
been unable to cooperate on anything else, there 
has been international cooperation in scientific 
research and the dissemination of scientific 
knowledge. 

It is not that scientists as individuals are 
unusually free from emotional bias or that they 
necessarily see more clearly than others as they 
look ahead toward the improvement of the qual- 
ity of life. I think the explanation lies in the 



' Address made before the Beta Epsilon Chapter of 
Phi Lambda Upsilon at the Drexel Institute of Tech- 
nology, Philadelphia, Pa., on Apr. 8. 



nature of science itself. Since science is con- 
cerned with external phenomena which are usu- 
ally measurable and whose manifestations are 
demonstrable and repeatable, there is less cause 
for disagreement, for controversy, than there 
is, say, in politics or even economics. Further- 
more, the preoccupations of the scientists are 
usually less charged with emotion than are those 
of the politician or the economist. The con- 
sideration of political or economic plans or 
policies tends to arouse the passions; whereas 
deliberations on the origin of cosmic rays, the 
structure of the atomic nucleus, or the weight 
of a cubic centimeter of water tend to proceed 
more calmly. 

One of the earliest examples of international 
cooperation in science, however, came about 
largely as the result of an economic pressure: 
the need for a uniform system of weights and 
measures which would bring convenience and 
honesty to commercial transactions. 

As late as the middle of the 19th century, the 
measurement systems in the various countries 
engaged in international commerce added up to 
a state of considerable confusion. Encouraged 
by men of science, who were beginning to need 
uniformity in measurement far more than did 
the merchants, governments were seeking to im- 
prove the measurement systems, and basic meas- 
urement standards were being made more pre- 
cise. But it was not until 1872 that the French 
Government brought together delegates from 
26 states to form the Commission Internationale 
du Metre. It was the work of this body which, 
in 1875, brought fortli the Convention du Metre 
and established the permanent International 
Bureau of Weights and Measures. 

This action accelerated the already growing 



32 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



spread of the metric system throughout the 
world, until today approximately 90 percent 
of the world's population uses or is com- 
mitted to the metric system in its commerce 
and the United States is virtually isolated. The 
use of the metric system was made legal in this 
country in 1866, but 102 years passed before the 
Congress authorized a study to determine if 
it should be our dominant or sole system of 
measurement. A major study is now underway 
at the National Bureau of Standards to evalu- 
ate the pros and cons of conversion. The results 
of that study may well determine this coun- 
try's course of action. 

In the world of science, however, the metric 
language is the universal language. In the 
United States, as well as in Great Britain and 
the U.S.S.R., the meter and the gram have long 
since displaced units such as the yard and the 
ounce in scientific measurement and communi- 
cation. As we shall see, this tendency toward 
cooperation despite all obstacles is a character- 
istic of the international scientific community. 

The International Bureau of Weights and 
Jleasures, which is maintained at the common 
expense of the cooperating nations, has its head- 
quarters in the beautiful Pavilion Breteuil and 
functions as a tiny international enclave within 
French territory. Its primary function has been 
to provide the basis for compatible measure- 
ments tliroughout the world. It also serves to 
encourage the development of more precise 
standards of measurement and to coordinate the 
improvements in both technology and methods 
of measurement as they are developed by such 
agencies as our National Bureau of Standards. 



International Council of Scientific Unions 

The success of the International Bureau of 
Weights and Measures encouraged scientists to 
seek other and broader avenues of cooperation. 
As the early decades of the 20th century un- 
folded, it was increasingly obvious that science 
was becoming a new and immensely powerful 
force in the world. National scientific acade- 
mies and national institutes or councils for sci- 
entific research were proliferating, numbering 
on their rosters a large percentage of the scien- 
tists of the world. 

To avoid duplication of efi'ort, and to serve 
as a nucleus for the promotion of large interna- 
tional scientific projects, a central body made 



up of representatives of the various national 
bodies was needed. The International Council of 
Scientific Unions was created for this purpose. 
ICSU has grown until it now includes in its 
membersliip some 51 national academies of 
science or national councils for scientific re- 
search and 14 international unions. 

"Wlien scientists from several countries are 
interested in projects which call for collabora- 
tion of several disciplines, joint committees are 
formed under the umbrella of ICSU. The Joint 
Commission on Applied Eadioactivity, for 
example, brought together members of the 
Unions of Geodesy and Geophysics, Pure and 
Applied Physics, Pure and Applied Chemistry, 
Biology, Physiology, and Biochemistry to study 
problems arising in the use of basic research in 
techniques of radioactivity. 

When ICSU is faced with a project which 
is very large, drawing from a number of na- 
tions and disciplines, requiring large amounts 
of money and manpower, and presenting com- 
plex problems in logistics, a special committee 
is formed whose sole charge is to carry forward 
this particular project. Certainly the most fa- 
mous of these was the Comit« Special Annce 
Geophysique Internationale, which was respon- 
sible for the International Geophysical Year 
(IGY). I'll have some comments about IGY 
in a moment. 

Scientific committees are also set up for con- 
tinuing work in areas of great international 
interest. For example, the Scientific Committee 
on Oceanic Research was set up to undertake 
studies such as the influence of the oceans on 
world climate, the fertility of the sea, and the 
disposal of radioactive wastes. The Scientific 
Committee on Antarctic Research was set up 
to continue scientific activities in the Antarctic 
begun during the IGY. The Scientific Commit- 
tee on Space Research was created in 1960 to 
promote the use of satellites in scientific re- 
search and to arrange for the exchange of data 
derived from satellite research. 

Success of the International Geophysical Year 

The IGY, wliich was organized under ICSU 
auspices, began on July 1, 1957, and extended 
through December 1958. It was an important 
milestone on the road to international scientific 
cooperation. Some 50,000 scientists, teclinicians, 
and observers f I'om more than 60 nations made 



JULY 14, 1969 



33 



simultaneous worldwide observations of the 
earth and its immediate cosmic environment and 
carried out a broad program of experimentation. 
United States participation was planned and 
directed by the U.S. National Committee, which 
was organized by the National Academy of 
Sciences and the National Kesearch Council. 
The National Bureau of Standards was respon- 
sible for the ionospheric data program in the 
"Western Hemisphere. 

Long before ICSU was formed, IGY had two 
antecedents. In 1882-1883 some 20 coimtries 
joined forces in the first International Polar 
Year. This was a program of observation and 
experimentation carried out in the high north- 
em latitudes and was concerned principally 
with surface meteorology, geomagnetism, and 
the aurora borealis. The second International 
Polar Year, 50 years later, involved scientists 
from 40 countries, and the range of experiments 
was broadened to include ionospheric studies. 

IGY, building upon these two previous pro- 
grams, was a success probably far exceeding the 
dreams of its originators. Experimenters or ob- 
servers worked at more than 4,000 stations rang- 
ing from icepacks in the Arctic to the South 
Pole in Antarctica; from underwater trenches 
in the Pacific Ocean to satellites in space orbit. 
Among its offspring are the Antarctic research 
program, the World Magnetic Survey, the In- 
dian Ocean Survey, the International Year of 
the Quiet Sun, and a variety of research projects 
in connection with the space program. 

The Antarctic Treaty 

IGY had one other result which may, in the 
long run, prove to be of even greater impor- 
tance : the Antarctic Treaty. Encouraged by the 
cooperative attitude of the various nations en- 
gaged in the IGY program, the United States 
took the initiative in suggesting a permanent 
arrangement for international research in Ant- 
arctica and a guarantee that this great frontier 
region would be used for peaceful purposes 
only. 

An international conference on Antarctica 
was held in "Washington in 1959, with 12 nations 
attending. The outcome of the conference was 
the Antarctic Treaty, which was signed, subject 
to ratification by the governments concerned, 
on December 1, 1959.^ It provides that in the 
Antarctic area there shall be freedom of scien- 



tific investigation and that the area shall be 
used for peaceful purposes only. It bans nuclear 
explosions and the disposal of radioactive 
wastes in Antarctica, pending general interna- 
tional agreement on the subject, but does not 
prohibit the use of nuclear reactors. It grants 
to the signatories the right of inspection and 
aerial observation in all areas of Antarctica and 
obligates the parties to ensure that no one en- 
gages in activities conti-ary to the principles or 
purposes of the treaty. For the duration of the 
treaty it prohibits the making of new territorial 
claims, the enlarging of existing claims, and the 
use of activities in Antarctica as a basis for as- 
serting, supporting, or denying territorial 
claims. Finally, the treaty provides for periodic 
meetings among the signatories and includes an 
accession clause permitting members of the 
United Nations or other countries unanimously 
agreed upon to acquire the rights and obliga- 
tions set forth in the treaty. 

The United Kingdom was the first state to 
ratify the treaty. The United States was the 
fifth. The treaty entered into force on June 23, 
1961, after Argentina, Australia, and Chile de- 
posited their instruments of ratification. 

Since that time the signatories have demon- 
strated that nations can work together in a 
permanent arrangement which requires a high 
degree of cooj^eration and mutual trust. Nations 
send official representatives on one another's 
relief and supply expeditions, exchange person- 
nel and information on their Antarctic proj- 
ects, and participate in joint research projects. 
Despite some early apprehensions of possible 
difficulty, numerous inspections have been car- 
ried out under the provision of the treaty with 
complete cooperation of everyone concerned. 

Thus it appears that valid and unportant 
scientific goals can lead governments away from 
narrow nationalistic rigidities toward free and 
constructive international cooperation. 

The results of these activities culminating in 
the IGY and the Antarctic Treaty were spec- 
tacular. For the first time, the way was open 
to coordinated and continuing investigations 
in the atmospheric and earth sciences on a global 
scale. Instead of limited bilateral cooperation 
in developing and exchanging information, we 
now began to enjoy true mternational coopera- 
tion in a wide range of activities. 



'For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 21, 1959, p. 914. 



34 



DEPARTirENT OF STATE BULLETIN 



Standard Reference Data 

Fundamental to the advancement of science 
and technology is the compilation, evaluation, 
and dissemination of data; for example, on the 
properties of matter and materials. In June 
1963, the United States Government established 
the National Keference Data System (NEDS) 
under the administration of the National 
Bureau of Standards. The Office of Standard 
Reference Data was formed within the Bureau 
and assigned coordination and contracting 
responsibility for the NEDS. 

Data collected include nuclear, atomic and 
molecular, solid state, crystallographic, ther- 
modynamics and transport, chemical kinetics, 
colloid and surface properties, and mechanical 
properties. Eaw data result from measure- 
ments made by scientists in any part of the 
world. Critical evaluation varies widely from 
project to project but normally includes a re- 
view of the experimental teclinique and the 
accuracy of calculations, a check on the values 
and measurement bases used, and an assess- 
ment of the limits of experimental uncertainty. 

International cooperation in standard refer- 
ence data activities is of long standing. The In- 
ternational Critical Tables, produced mainly in 
the 1920-1930 decade, contain contributions 
from scientists all over the world. The Tables of 
Landolt-Bornstein, once a German effort, now 
are produced through the cooperative effort of 
scientists from many countries. 

Bilateral arrangements relating to standard 
reference data involve the United States with 
the United Kingdom, Japan, France, and the 
U.S.S.E. But perhaps the most promising de- 
velopment came in 1966 when the International 
Council of Scientific Unions established a Com- 
mittee on Data for Science and Technology 
(CODATA). This committee serves as a chan- 
nel of communication among various standard 
reference data projects around the world, en- 
courages scientists to partake in projects of this 
type, and makes recommendations about needs 
and priorities. 

Membership in CODATA at this time in- 
cludes representatives from the United States, 
United Kingdom, U.S.S.E., France, Germany, 
and Japan, plus representatives of scientific 
unions which want to participate. 

Several standard reference data projects 
which began unilaterally have become bases for 



international cooperation. An example is the 
reception whicli the recent Madrid Conference 
on Molecular Spectroscopy gave to recommen- 
dations on applications of computers to digiti- 
zation, storage, and retrieval of spectral data. 
The presentation was derived from conclusions 
reached previously at the ad hoc Conference on 
Computer Utilization in Spectroscopy, orga- 
nized for the Office of Standard Eeference Data 
by the National Academy of Sciences-National 
Eesearch Council. These recommendations pro- 
vided the basis for a voluntary set of contribu- 
tions and eventual exchange of high-quality 
infrared spectra. 

Calibration of Instruments 

Another approach to accuracy in interna- 
tional measurements is through dependable and 
precise instriunent calibration. Each comitry 
has its own system, and these systems are inter- 
connected through a pyramidal network termi- 
nating at the International Bureau of Weights 
and Measures. But even though this system has 
improved the compatibility of measurements, 
frequent loss of accuracy at different levels of 
the pyramid and the delays and inconveniences 
associated with packing and shipping instru- 
ments to and from calibration centers leave 
much to be desired. 

A partial solution is the growing use of 
Standard Eeference Materials. These materials 
provide a reference point for calibration 
through a certifiable physical or chemical prop- 
erty of a particular material and permit on-site 
calibration. 

A program to furnish such Standard Eefer- 
ence Materials has been operated by the Na- 
tional Bureau of Standards for over 66 years. 
It now has over 650 SEM's in more than 70 
different categories in stock. Last year alone 
saw 66 new SEM's produced, certified, and is- 
sued ; 74 renewed ; 146 started as renewal items ; 
and 54 discontinued. 

Of the 40,000 imits which have been sold to 
customers, about 10,000 have been purchased by 
other comitries. These materials occupy almost 
a unique position of recognition and acceptance 
throughout the world. 

In pursuit of the goal of broadening the in- 
ternational scope of the Standard Eeference 
Material program, the National Bureau of 



JTJIiT 14, 1969 



35 



Standards is holding an international meeting 
at Gaithersburg, Maryland, in 1969. Partici- 
pants will include representatives from coun- 
tries which at present make available Standard 
Reference Materials for industrial use. The 
sponsor for the meeting will be the Interna- 
tional Committee on Weights and Measures. 
Tlie meeting will focus on ways and means to 
establish a coordinated international program 
in Standard Reference Materials. 

International Standards Organizations 

As the world's technology and commerce be- 
came more complex, it was increasingly appar- 
ent that the establishment of standards — 
engineering, product, safety — was vital to prog- 
ress. To meet this need, three international 
groups have been formed: the International 
Organization for Standardization (ISO), the 
International Electrotechnical Commission 
(lEC) , and the Pan American Standards Com- 
mission (COPANT). National standards orga- 
nizations work with and through these interna- 
tional organizations to develop voluntary 
standards which are mutually acceptable and 
which bring order to the marketplace. 

In the United States, the original national 
group was formed in 1918 as the American En- 
gineering Standards Committee. It was expand- 
ed in 1928 to become the American Standards 
Association; and in 1966, under a new consti- 
tution and bylaws, it became the USA Stand- 
ards Institute. USASI is a federation of more 
than 100 technical, professional, and trade orga- 
nizations. The voluntary standards developed 
by these groups are used nationally after the 
institute determines that they have been devel- 
oped in accordance with its procedures. 

USASI also represents the United States in 
ISO, lEC, and COPANT. In view of the fact 
that ISO has some 55 member countries, and 
lEC approximately 40, the importance of this 
representation becomes apparent. Standards 
which are in conflict with U.S. standards can 
seriously interfere with sales of our goods and 
services abroad. Standards which are compati- 
ble with U.S. standards improve the acceptabil- 
ity of our products and services. 

Unfortunately, our participation in the de- 
velopment of international standards has not 
been as active as it might have been. Currently, 
in the approximately 122 committees active in 
ISO, the United States holds only 13 secretar- 
iats; in the 66 committees of lEC we have 19 



secretariats. However, efforts are underway to 
correct this situation, and I think we can expect 
considerable progress in the near future. 

International Meteorological Programs 

The all-pervasive importance of weather is 
opening up another major area of international 
scientific cooperation. In the weather satellites, 
the airborne instrument packages, the ground- 
based stations, the ships and buoys dotting the 
oceans, and high-speed digital computers we 
have the technology for observing, collecting, ■ 
and interpreting comprehensive weather data 
for the entire globe. But this system for 
accurate, worldwide weather prediction can- 
not be implemented by any single nation. 
It can be achieved only through international 
cooperation. 

An increasing spirit of cooperation in the 
meteorological field during the past century, 
coupled with the rapid advances in technology 
since World War II, prompted the President 
of the United States in 1961 to propose to the 
United Nations a new and stronger effort to 
solve the world weather prediction problem. 
The response was two resolutions which called 
upon the World Meteorological Organization 
and the ICSU to develop measures to improve 
weather forecasting and to advance our knowl- 
edge of the forces that determine climate. 

The WMO developed the concept of the 
World Weather Watch, a system designed to 
bring the global atmosphere imder continuous 
surveillance and provide for rapid collection 
and exchange of weather data, as well as the 
dissemination of weather reports and warnings 
from centralized processing centers. 

The WMO, along with ICSU, recognized the 
need for a program of intensified investigations 
of the physical processes governing atmospheric 
motions, and their formulation in mathemati- 
cal models. The resulting program, formulated 
by the ICSU, is called the Global Atmospheric 
Research Program. The World Weather Watch 
and the Global Atmospheric Research Pro- 
gram together constitute the World Weather 
Progi'am. 

U.S. participation in this progi-am involves 
a number of agencies, but the principal respon- 
sibility falls upon the Environmental Science 
Services Administration in the Department of 
Commerce. Through the Office of World 
Weather Systems, ESSA coordinates our na- 
tional efforts, implements those service improve- 



36 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BULLETTN 



ments in the existing international weather 
system for wliich the United States assumes re- 
sponsibility, develops new technology, and co- 
operates with the National Science Foundation 
to stimulate general research in weather-related 
areas. 

The plan approved by the "WlIO Congress 
for the years through 1971 is to increase the 
density of conventional observation networks 
o\ cr land areas and oceans and to increase the 
use of weather satellites. 

World Meteorological Centers located in 
Wasliington, Moscow, and Melbourne will pre- 
pare weather analyses and predictions on a 
global basis; Regional Meteorological Centers 
will prepare analyses and predictions within 
national boundaries. A reliable global weather 
communications system is under development 
linking all continents, and regional and national 
systems are being upgraded. 

The Global Atmospheric Research Program is 
concentrating on two broad thrusts : theoretical 
research on physical processes in the atmosphere 
and the development of mathematical models 
which simulate atmospheric activity with 
greater accuracy ; and field observational proj- 
ects which will provide the data needed for 
theoretical research and the development of 
computer models. 

ESSA's Environmental Survey Satellite Sys- 
tem uses paired satellites. One stores its cloud 
photographs and transmits them to ground sta- 
tions in the United States, providing daily cov- 
erage of global cloud cover. The other carries 
Automatic Picture Transmission (APT) equip- 
ment which transmits photographs of regional 
cloud cover to anyone having the necessary re- 
ceiving equipment within range. 

Satellites are also improving the accuracy of 
geodetic surveys, the foimdation of positional 
accuracy upon which most of the world's en- 
gineering works depend. Satellite geodesy is 
beginning to bridge the oceans and link up the 
geodetic networks of continents and islands 
around the world. 

Space Research 

Space research has opened up valuable areas 
of cooperation and collaboration in addition to 
the weather satellite program. U.S. cooperation 
with the European Space Research Organiza- 
tion has led to the launching of nme interna- 
tional scientific satellites. Seven experiments 
proposed and developed by foreign scientists 



JtTLY 14, 1969 



have been successfully flown on U.S. spacecraft, 
and 11 more are scheduled. Joint ventures with 
19 foreign coimtries have resulted in the launch- 
ing of more than 400 sounding rockets, seeking 
data not only in meteorology and aeronomy but 
also in ionospheric physics and astronomy. 

One of the most fruitful areas of cooperation 
has been in global communications. In 1960, 
using the passive Echo satellite, scientists were 
able to achieve successful transmissions between 
the United States and Jodrell Bank at Malvern, 
England, and Issy-les-Molineaux, France. When 
Telstar I opened the active repeater satellite 
program, other nations were invited to partici- 
pate, including Brazil, Italy, Germany, Japan, 
Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Spain, and Canada. 
Virtually all of these nations took part in ex- 
periments involving the transmission of tele- 
phone and telegraph communications, high 
speed data, and television programs. 

Out of this experience came the Intelsat agree- 
ment of 1964, the first major step toward a global 
communications system. The Intelsat concept 
and structure is now under review, and it is my 
hope that it will be strengthened and made a 
permanent foundation upon which to build an 
international communications system adequate 
to the needs of tomorrow's society. 

Tliis brief summary has covered only a few of 
the more visible cooperative progi'ams now un- 
derway. The fields of science and technology are 
broad, and international cooperation is grow- 
ing throughout the entire range of work. And 
that is a good omen for the future. As the dis- 
ciplines grow more complex, the meeting of 
minds among top scientists and engineers — or as 
one scientist puts it, "the rubbing of brains" — 
is coming to be of crucial importance. 

The remaining decades of this century will be 
more exciting and challenging than any that 
have gone before — and more dangerous. They 
wiU strain our adaptability as well as our in- 
genuity, our patience as well as our courage, our 
wisdom as well as our knowledge. Our survival 
will depend upon our ability to temper the de- 
mands of traditional nationalism with the hard 
realities of the era of hydrogen weapons and 
biological warfare. As individuals must learn to 
compromise and work together in order to live 
at peace within the family group, so individual 
nations must learn to compromise and work to- 
gether in order to live at peace within the family 
of nations. It may well be that the rich expe- 
rience now being accumulated in international 
scientific cooperation will point the way. 



3T 



U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee 
Holcis 12th Meeting 

Following is the text of a communique is- 
sued at WwiUngton on June 26 at the close of 
the 12th meeting of the Joint United States- 
Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs. 

Press release 176 dated June 26 

The Joint United States-Canadian Commit- 
tee on Trade and Economic Affairs held its 
twelfth meetinfr in Washington, D.C., Jmie 25 
and 26, 1969. This Committee was established 
in 1953 to provide a forum for consultations at 
Cabinet level between the United States and 
Canadian Govenunents. The most recent meet- 
ing of the Committee was in Montreal in Jmie, 

1967. 

2. The members of the Conunittee reviewed 
the international political and economic sit- 
uation. They reaffirmed the support of the two 
Governments for policies aimed at expanding 
world trade. The Committee recognized the im- 
portance of efforts to achieve a smoother func- 
tioning of the international monetary system 
and agreed on the desirability of an early 
activation of the plan for Special Drawmg 
Eights within the International Monetary 
Fund. It confirmed the concern of both Govern- 
ments for the economic growth of developing 
countries and their willingness to participate 
with other countries in exploring ways of ex- 
panding trade opportunities of developing 
countries. 

3. The Committee noted with concern cur- 
rent developments in international wheat mar- 
keting wliich have placed serious pressure on 
the price provisions of the International Grains 
Arrangement. The members emphasized their 
readiness to consult bilaterally and with the gov- 
ernments of other countries concerned to seek 
to overcome these difficidties and restore stabil- 
ity in world markets, in conformity with the 
objectives of the International Grains Arrange- 
ment, an important outcome of the Kennedy 
Kound. 

4. The Committee reviewed the extensive 
trade and economic relationships between the 
two countries. Ministers reaffirmed the desire 
of the two Governments to cooperate closely in 



strengthening these relationships. They em- 
phasized the importance of close consultation 
on matters of mutual interest. 

5. The Committee agreed that inflation and 
the need to cool their overheated economies were 
serious problems facing both countries. They 
reviewed their fiscal and monetary policies, 
which in both countries are directed towards 
ending inflation and reversing expectations of 
its continuance. 

6. The Committee discussed important 
bilateral trade and economic matters including 
energy, developments mider the Automotive 
Agreement, and specific agricultural commod- 
ity problems. 

7. The Committee noted the impressive con- 
tribution made to world trade by the St. Law- 
rence Seaway, the 10th Anniversary of which 
will be celebrated tomorrow by President Xixon 
and Prime Minister Trudeau in joint cere- 
monies at Massena and Montreal. 

8. The United States Delegation was headed 
by the Honorable William P. Eogers, the Sec- 
retary of State, and included the Honorable 
David M. Kennedy, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
the Honorable Walter J. Hickel, Secretary of 
the Interior ; the Honorable Clifford ]M. Hardin, 
Secretary of Agriculture; the Honorable 
Maurice H. Stans, Secretary of Commerce; the 
Honorable Paul W. McCracken, Chairman, 
Council of Economic Advisers; the Honorable 
Carl J. Gilbert, Special Eepresentative Desig- 
nate for Trade Negotiations; the Honorable 
Nathaniel Samuels, Deputy Under Secretary 
[of State] for Economic Affairs; the Honorable 
Harold F. Linder, United States Ambassador 
to Canada, and advisers. 

9. The Canadian Delegation was headed by 
the Honorable Mitchell Sharp, Secretary of 
State for External Affairs, and included the 
Honorable Edgar J. Benson, ISIinister of Fi- 
nance; the Plonorable Jean-Luc Pepin, Minis- 
ter of Industry, Trade and Commerce; the 
Honorable Horace Andrew Olson, ISIinister of 
Agriculture; the Honorable Otto E. Lang, 
Minister without Portfolio; ]SIr. Louis Easmin- 
sky. Governor of the Bank of Canada; the 
Honorable A. Edgar Eitchie, Canadian Ambas- 
sador to the United States, and advisers. 

10. Further details of the discussion are set 
forth in the attached Annex. 



38 



DEPAETMENT OF STATE BULLETnT 



Annex 

(1) As background to the discussions on 
trade and economic matters, the United States 
Secretary of State and the Canadian Secretary 
of State for External Affairs reviewed major 
recent international developments. 

(2) United States members pointed to the 
substantial deterioration of the global United 
States trade balance in recent years and noted 
that appropriate world payments equilibrium 
would require that the United States rebuild a 
substantial surplus on current account and that 
this would entail adjustments in the pattern 
of world payments. Canadian Ministers re- 
ferred to Canada's longer term objective of 
greater balance in its overall current account 
which would reduce Canada's dependence on 
net inflows of cajDital. 

(3) The Committee reviewed the operation 
of the international monetary system. The mem- 
bers agreed that an important step in its further 
evolution should be the early activation of the 
Special Drawing Eights facility in the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund in adequate amounts. 

(4) The United States members noted with 
satisfaction the fact that Canada has accelerated 
its Kennedy Round tariff reductions, putting 
them into effect immediately and that Canada 
is liberalizing its tourist allowances. 

(5) The Committee examined post Kemiedy 
Round trade problems. They noted the encour- 
aging progress being made in the GATT [Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] 
examination of non-tariff barriers and discussed 
possible approaches toward the multilateral re- 
duction of these barriers. They reviewed world 
developments affecting agricultural trade and 
noted that serious distortions have resulted from 
price support policies and subsidy practices in 
other areas of the world. The two Governments 
agreed to coordinate their efforts to reduce dis- 
tortions and unpediments to agricultural trade. 

(6) United States members reviewed the 
problem caused by rising textile imports into 
the United States and the desirability of an 
international solution for it. Canadian mem- 
bers expressed concern about tlie possible impli- 
cations of the United States proposals and ex- 
pressed the hope that a solution would be found 
which would not be prejudicial to the develop- 
ment of world trade. 



(7) The Committee reviewed the trade and 
development problems of the developing coun- 
tries. It recognized the importance of revitaliz- 
ing the common aid effort. Special reference 
was made to the importance of expanding pri- 
vate investment and to the growing problem 
of debt repayment. It was noted that Canada 
had increased its aid appropriations at a time 
of Iieavy demands on its resources. 

The Committee agreed that improvement in 
the trade of developing countries requires a 
concerted effort by both industrialized and low 
income countries. The Committee discussed the 
current examination in the Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development of a 
generalized scheme of preferences. The Cana- 
dian delegation referred to its submission to the 
OECD on this subject. In this context. United 
States members said tliat the United States 
had not completed its policy review of the sub- 
ject of preferential access for developing coun- 
try exports. Nevertheless, they affirmed the 
United States intention to contribute illustra- 
tive lists m July to the study of a generalized 
preference system now in progress in the Orga- 
nization for Economic Cooperation and Devel- 
opment. 

( 8 ) The Committee considered problems that 
from time to time arise in cross-border trade in 
certain agricultural commodities and agreed 
that early consultations should take place to 
achieve an understanding on how to deal with 
these problems. 

(9) The Committee examined achievements 
under the Automotive Agreement of 1965 wliich 
they recognized had led to a greater rationali- 
zation of the industry and to an increased flow 
of trade. The Committee agreed that there 
should be consultations in the fall on ways and 
means of making further progress towards the 
full objectives of the Agreement. 

(10) The Committee discussed trade in 
energy resources and the current oil export sit- 
uation between the two countries. They re- 
viewed progress of arrangements for discussions 
and studies pursuant to the meetmg of Presi- 
dent Nixon and Prime Minister Trudeau in 
March. They recognized the importance of tliis 
subject for the two countries and agreed that 
officials should meet to discuss current problems 
and longer range prospects. In this connection, 
the United States members described the inten- 



JULT 14, 1969 



39 



sive review being undertaken of United States 
oil import policies. 

(11) The Committee discussed developments 
relating to the Law of the Sea and agreed to an 
early negotiation on the delineation of United 
States-Canada continental shelf boundaries. 

(12) The Committee agreed tliat the limita- 
tions on immigration into the United States 
which became effective a year ago have given 
rise to problems of concern to both Govern- 
ments. Accordingly, they agreed to consult 
together with a view to resolving these 
problems. 

(13) The unportant role of the International 
Joint Commission in seeking solutions to water 
and air pollution problems along the common 
frontier was recognized. The Committee dis- 
cussed certain common water pollution prob- 
lems, especially in the Great Lakes, and agreed 
that the two Governments should strengthen 
their efforts to safeguard these vital water 
resources. 



Partial revision of the radio regulations, Geneva, 1959, 
as amended (TIAS 4803, 5603, 0332), relating to 
maritime mobile service, with annexes and final pro- 
tocol. Done at Geneva November 3, 1967. Entered into 
force April 1, 19G9. TIAS 6590. 
Notification of approval: India, April 7, 1969. 



BILATERAL 

Argentina 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington June 25, 1969. 
Enters into force on the date on which each Gov- 
ernment shall have received from the other written 
notification that it has complied with all statutory 
and constitutional requirements for entry into force. 

Italy 

Agreement confirming a memorandum of understand- 
ing regarding the launching of NASA satellites from 
the San Marco Range. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Rome April 30 and June 12, 1969. Entered into 
force June 12, 1969. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



PUBLICATIONS 



Recent Releases 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Disputes 

Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done at 
Washington March 18, 1065. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 14. 1966. TIAS 6090. 
Signature and ratification: Mauritius, June 2, 1969. 

Nuclear Weapons — Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 
1968.' 
Ratification deposited: Austria, June 27, 1969. 

Telecommunications 

International telecommunication convention, with an- 
nexes. Done at Montreux November 12, 1965. Entered 
into force January 1, 1967; for the United States 
May 29, 1967. TIAS 6207. 

Ratifications deposited: Malta, May 9, 1969; Monaco, 
April 22, 1969 ; Union of Soriet Socialist Republics 
(with declarations contained in final protocol), 
April 16, 1969. 



• Not in force. 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.G. 
20402. Address requests direct to the Superintendent 
of Documents. A 25-percent discount is made on orders 
for 100 or more copies of any one publication mailed 
to the same address. Remittances, payable to the Su- 
perintendent of Documents, must accompany orders. 

The Organization of African Unity. A pamphlet con- 
taining information on the structure, activities, and 
future prospects of the OAU. Pub. 8444. International 
Organizations Series 2. 8 pp. 10^. 

Atlantic Consultation — President Nixon in Europe 
February 23-March 2, 1969. Excerpts from the principal 
statements made on the trip by the President and by 
the foreign government officials with whom he con- 
ferred. Pub. 8447. European and British Common- 
wealth Series 71. 44 pp. 75^. 

Customs — International Transport of Goods Under 
Cover of T I R Camets. Convention, with annexes and 
protocol of signature. TIAS 6633. 118 pp. 70«^. 

Fisheries — King Crab. Agreement with the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics amending and extending the 
agreement of February 5, 1965, as amended and ex- 
tended. TIAS 6635. 6 pp. 10(J. 

Fisheries — Northeastern Part of the Pacific Ocean off 
the United States Coast. Agreement with the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics amending and extending the 
agreement of February 13, 1967, as amended and ex- 
tended. TIAS 6636. 18 pp. 15^. 



40 



DEPARTMENT OF STATE BXJLLETIN 



INDEX July H, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1568 



Canada. U.S.-Oanadian Economic Committee 
Holds 12th Meeting (communique) .... 38 

Communism. The Altered Shape of World Power 

(Richardson) 27 

Diplomacy. The Altered Shape of World Power 

(Richardson) 27 

Economic Affairs 

Inter-American Economic and Social Council 
Meets at Port-of-Spain (Meyer, Declaration 
of Port-of-Spain) 21 

U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee Holds 12th 
Meeting (communique) 38 

Foreign Aid. Inter-American Economic and 
Social Council Meets at Port-of-Spain (Meyer, 
Declaration of Port-of-Spain) 21 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Inter-American Economic and Social Council 
Meets at Port-of-Spain (Meyer, Declaration of 
Port-of-Spain) 21 

President Nixon Sends Greetings to lA- 

ECOSOC 22 

Latin America 

Inter-American Economic and Social Council 
Meets at Port-of-Spain (Meyer, Declaration 
of Port-of-Spain) 21 

President Nixon Sends Greetings to lA- 
ECOSOC 22 

Presidential Documents. President Nixon Sends 
Greetings to lA-ECOSOC 22 

Publications. Recent Releases 40 

Science. The Scientific Community and Inter- 
national Cooperation (Astin) 32 

Trade. U.S.-Canadian Economic Committee 
Holds 12th Meeting (communique) .... 38 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 40 

Viet-Nam. 23d Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris (Lodge) 29 



'Name Index 

Astin, Allen V 32 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 29 

Meyer, Charles A 21 

Nixon, President 22 

Richardson, Elliot L 27 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: June 23-29 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 
20520. 

Release issued prior to June 23 which appears 
In this issue of the Bulletin is No. 157 of June 13. 

No. Date Subject 

*172 6/24 U.S.-Japan civil aviation consulta- 
tions at Washington. 

*173 6/24 McBride sworn in as Ambassador to 
Mexico (biographic details). 

*174 6/24 Funkhouser sworn in as Ambassador 
to Gabon (biographic details). 

175 6/26 Lodge : 23d session on Viet-Nam at 

Paris. 

176 6/26 Communique of Joint U.S.-Cana- 

dian Committee on Trade and 
Economic Affairs. 
tl77 6/26 Four new U.S. members designated 
to Permanent Court of Arbitra- 
tion (rewrite). 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



DSD DEC F 

DOS TON PUDLI C LI DRARY 

SERIALS - RECEIPTS 

p OOA c'-36 

DOSTON, MASS 02117 



Superintendent of Docume 

u.s. government printing of 

washington. d.c. 20402 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 





POSTAGE AND FEES PAID 
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFII 




N AVT a 

20YEARS OF PEACE 



THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 

BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1569 




July 21,1969 



SECRETARY ROGERS' NEWS CONFERENCE OF JULY 2 4I 

UNDER SECRETARY RICHARDSON INTERVIEWED 
ON CBS TELEVISION W 

U.S. DEPLORES MINORITY RULE IN SOUTHERN RHODESLA 

Statements hy Ambassador Yost in U.N. Security Council 55 



For index see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI. No. 1569 
July 21, 1969 



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The Department of State BVLLETllS, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
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Secretary Rogers' News Conference of July 2 



Press release 181 dated July 2 

Secretary Rogers: Ladies and gentlemen, I 
have a couple of brief announcements to make. 

First, I am pleased to announce that the 
United States Govermnent and the Royal Cam- 
bodian Government have agreed to the imme- 
diate resumption of diplomatic relations. I be- 
lieve that the normalization of our diplomatic 
relations with the Kingdom of Cambodia is a 
positive step looking toward peace in Southeast 
Asia. It symbolizes our overall policy in that 
area of favoring the independence and terri- 
torial integrity of all countries in Southeast 
Asia. 

I will shortly be receiving Mr. Thay Sok, 
who has been designated by the Royal Cam- 
bodian Government as its Charge d'Affaires in 
Washington. We expect very soon to designate 
an American Charge d'Aifaires in Plmom Penh. 
Pending his arrival and reception by the Cam- 
bodian Government, the Australian Embassy 
will continue to represent the United States 
interests in Cambodia. 

Turning now to the SALT talks, I want to 
lay to rest speculation by some that this admin- 
istration has been dragging its feet on the 
strategic arms limitation talks. This is not the 
fact. The United States will enter into the 
strategic arms limitation talks with the hope 
that they will provide an opportunity for prog- 
ress in halting the arms race, in limiting inter- 
national tension, and, most hopefully, building 
an international structure aimed at a more 
peaceful and secure world. 

By the same token, since the terms of refer- 
ence of the arms limitation talks go to the heart 
of the security of the American people and 
that of our allies, the administration has the 
responsibility to approach the talks carefully 
and after a thorough review of the issues at 
stake. This has been our approach and will con- 
tinue to be our approach. 

We do believe, though, that there may be a 
mutuality of interest between the United States 
and the Soviet Union in halting the arms race ; 
and in that hope and with the thought that we 



may be presented with an unusual opportunity 
to make progress in this area by negotiations 
rather than confrontation, we are looking for- 
ward to the beginning of these talks. 

Turning just for a moment now to the Middle 
East, I have been giving the problem of the 
Middle East a good deal of my time lately. Al- 
though the four-power talks in New York have 
recessed for a while, we are going to continue 
consultations with the other three major powers. 
I expect the U.S.-Soviet bilateral talks to re- 
main particularly active in the immediate 
future. We intend to persist in our efforts, since 
we are convinced that peace in that area of 
the world is of such vital and overriding 
importance. 

As you know, we believe that a permanent 
peace should include an agreement covering 
borders, withdrawal from occupied territories, 
respect for the sovereignty of every state in the 
area, and freedom of navigation, a solution of 
the difficult refugee problem, and practical se- 
curity arrangements. 

In short, peace should be based on all the 
elements of the U.N. Security Council resolu- 
tion of November 1967.^ 

We recently received some proposals from 
the Soviet Union in response to some concrete 
plans which we gave them in May — concrete 
points, actually, which we gave them in May. 
There are some advances in these proposals, but 
there are, without any doubt, very substantial 
remaining difficulties. 

We intend to continue these talks with the 
Soviets in the hope that these difficulties could 
be resolved. Our objective is to get Ambassador 
Jarring [Gunnar Jarring, U.N. Secretary Gen- 
eral's special representative to the Middle East] 
back to work with the parties on a possible 
settlement based on the Security Council 
resolution. 

I hope that we can avoid adding up the box 
score on these talks. This is a tough and intrac- 
table problem which has escaped solution for 
nearly 20 years. We want to help the parties 

^ For text, see Bulletin of Dec. 18, 1967, p. 843. 



July 21, 1969 



41 



move toward a permanent peace as quickly as 
we can. But in the last analysis, the views of 
the parties principally concerned in the area 
are going to determine whether these efforts 
will succeed or fail. 

As I say, in the months ahead we are going 
to be very actively pursuing these bilateral 
talks. 

The President's Trip to Asia and Romania 

Q. Mr. Secretai-y^ I wonder^ if you donH 
mind my changing tlie subject for one 
moment — President Nixon's trij) around the 
world and to Roinania has intrigued many of 
us. I wonder if you would explain to us in some 
detail hoto Romania was included in that trip 
and whether., at the end of tlie trip., there is any 
chance that Nixon will take Senator Mansfield'' s 
suggestion and fly from Bucharest to Moscow 
for talks there? 

A. Well, President Nixon and I talked about 
the trip several weeks ago ; and he discussed the 
fact that the trip to the moon by the American 
astronauts would be one of the most historic 
events, certainly in our lifetime, and suggested 
then that he thought he might, on the way back 
from that trip that he plans to take to watch 
the splashdown, visit some countries in Asia. 

He knew that I was going to Indonesia and 
to the Philippines and Japan and other coun- 
tries there — Taiwan, Korea, Australia, and New 
Zealand — and he asked about whether we could 
combine the trips to Indonesia and the Philip- 
pines without too much difficulty. And I said, 
"Yes," that the scheduling turned out to be 
very fortmiate. 

He also talked about other stops he might 
make on the way back to the United States. And 
he talked about his interest in Asia — continu- 
ing to show our interest, particularly after the 
war in Viet-Nam is ended — and he talked about 
some of the places that I had gone on my 
trip. 

In connection with that, we talked about 
Romania. As you know, he had been in 
Romania as a private citizen and received a 
very warm welcome from the Government. 
They extended an invitation to him to return 
and to pay another visit as President very early 
in the administration. 

In discussions that I have had with the 
Romanian Ambassador, he extended such an 
invitation. So the President thought that he 
would stop to accept the invitation, because it 
had been extended, it was a convenient time to 



go to Romania, and he wants to do what we 
can to improve our relations with the East bloc. 
He wants to do all we can to improve, to make 
our relations m that area of the world more 
friendly. 

Now, he plans to discuss with Romanian lead- 
ers the East- West problems. He will be inter- 
ested to hear their views on other international 
matters. I am sure he will talk about trade, be- 
cause they are interested in improving their 
trade relations with us. 

I don't think he intends to make any decisions 
on the spot. I think it is more a trip wliich will, 
we hope, make our relations more friendly, give 
us a better understanding of the Romanian at- 
titude on some of these problems; and, hope- 
fully, in later trips he may be able to cover other 
countries. 

Now, insofar as the last part of your question 
is concerned, the President, I do not think, has 
any intention of going to the Soviet Union on 
this trip. 

Relations With the Soviet Union 

Q. Mr. Secretary., of your first three state- 
ments, txoo stress the importance of relations 
with the Soviet Union. There has been a lot of 
speculation that the President's visit to RovuLnia 
might somehow he construed hy tlie Soviet Un- 
ion as a challenge or as antagonistic to them. 
The specific question I have in mind is tohether 
the United States., as a m,atter of diplomatic 
courtesy., informed the Soviet Union tliat the 
President was planning to visit Romaniaf 

A. No, we did not inform the Soviet Union 
of that plan. But we do not think there is any- 
thing inconsistent with this trip and with 
friendly relations with the Soviet Union. We 
have said from the beginning of this adminis- 
tration that we intend to do what we can to 
improve relations, to make relations more 
friendly, with all countries in the world. And 
we also have said we did not intend to exploit 
any differences that might exist between the 
Soviet Union and Communist China. So we 
don't think that this trip should do anything to 
exacerbate relations between us and the Soviet 
Union. 

Q. Sir, do we know whether the Soviet Union 
has been informed of this visit hy the 
Romanians? 

A. No, we do not. 

Q. Mr. Secretai'y, there has heen in recent 



42 



Department of State Bulletin 



weeks a great deal of speculation about the So- 
viet announcef)ient that they would like an 
Asian collective security ar'rangejnent, and this 
has aroused tlie interest among Asians. Could 
you, say wliat the United States knmos ahout it 
and how you regard this? 

A. Yes. "We don't know much more about it 
tlian wliat has appeared in the speech itself, 
and so we are not really in a position to make 
a very thoughtful comment on it. We have at- 
tempted to find out what Mr. Brezhnev [Leonid 
I. Brezhnev, First Secretary of the Soviet Com- 
miuiist Party] had in mind by inquiring from 
other representatives of the Soviet Union, and 
so far they have not given us any assistance. 
They have all said they were not too sure of 
what he meant ; they were interested in our re- 
action to his comments, and we said we were 
also interested in any kind of arrangements that 
added to the security and peace in the world. 

Q. Mr. Secretary — 

A. Chal [Chalmers Eoberts, "Washington 
Post] ? 

Q. The Vice President seems to give the im- 
pression that the negotiations in Paris on Viet- 
Nam are in a deep-freeze. But Under Secretary 
Richardson this morning is giving a much more 
hopeful view. Would you tell us your view of 
whether, in fact, anything is happening in 
Paris and- the general state of the negotiations 
at this point? 

A. "Well, I, as you know, have hesitated to 
try to characterize our feelings from day to day 
on the Paris negotiations. I will say we are 
happy that they are still in jjrogress. "We think 
they are a useful forum, and I would merely 
say that I agree with what Under Secretary 
of State Eichardson said this morning on 
television.- 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Vice President also 
said yesterday that criticism of Viet-Nam pol- 
icy im.pedes those negotiations. Do you agree 
with that? 

A. I think that in a coimtiy that believes, as 
we do, in free speech and freedom of the press, 
we have to expect criticism. 

Now, I think it's up to everyone in his own 
conscience to think about how he is going to 
criticize the Government before he does it. I 
think it is true that a constant barrage of criti- 
cism, sometimes almost before the leaders have 



United States and Cambodia 
Resume Diplomatic Relations 

Press release ISO dated July 2 

The United States Government and the Royal 
Cambodian Government have agreed upon the 
immediate resumption of diplomatic relations 
between their two countries, Secretary Rogers 
announced on July 2. 

Mr. Thay Sok, who has been designated by 
the Royal Cambodian Government as its Chargg 
d'Affaires in Washington, will be received by the 
Secretary shortly. 

The United States Government expects very 
shortly to designate a Charge d'Affaires ad in- 
terim in Phnom Penh. Pending his arrival and 
reception by the Cambodian Government, the 
Australian Embassy in Phnom Penh will con- 
tinue to represent United States interests in 
Cambodia. 

As a step in the process of reopening, a For- 
eign Service officer, Elden B. Erickson, has been 
directed to proceed to Phnom Penh to make pre- 
liminary administrative arrangements for the 
reopening of a United States diplomatic mission, 
such as locating suitable premises and arrang- 
ing for communications facilities. 



See p. 49. 



had a chance to think about the proposal that is 
being made, probably is not helpful in our ne- 
gotiations. 

On the other hand, I am sure that a lot of 
people who speak on the subject of "Viet-Nam 
do it because they feel very deeply on the sub- 
ject and do it because they think they are being 
helpful and constructive in attempting to per- 
suade the Government to adopt a policy which 
they think is sound. 

So I don't like to make any blanket condem- 
nation. I would hope that eveiyone who is 
tempted to criticize the Government would be 
quite thoughtful about it and ask himself 
whether he is really just heckling us or whether 
he thinks it's a constructive criticism. 

Level of Combat Activity in Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there liave ieen reports 
from Viet-Nam over the past few days that 
show a dropoff in enemy -initiated attacks, and 
this has occurred at a time tvhen there appears 
to he a falloff in enemy infiltration from the 
North. Do you see this in any way as a signal 
that the other side might he interested in a de- 
escalation of the ground fighting? 

A. John [John Hightower, Associated 



July 21, 1969 



43 



Press], we just don't know what it means. I 
talked to the Secretary of Defense just before 
I came to this press conference and he told me, 
as I suspected from our briefings, that during 
the last week we have had the lowest level 
of combat activity in Viet-Nam for a long time, 
possibly during the whole war. 

Now, whether this has any meaning along 
the lines of your suggestion or not, I don't know. 
We will have to wait and see. Certainly we hope 
that it has some significance. We hope that it's 
a response to the statement by President Nixon 
and President Thieu at Midway. 

But it's possible it has no relationship to that 
at all. It's possible that they are just withdraw- 
ing and regrouping for another attack. Or it's 
possible that the losses that they have sustained 
lately have seriously affected their combat capa- 
bilities. So we will just have to wait and see 
what the facts show in the next few weeks. 

Q. Mr. Secretary^ there has heen some sug- 
gestion in various speculative reports that the 
Soviets may he less eager to go ahead with 
SALT talks now. In that connection, some have 
mentioned the possibility that the President's 
trip to Romania may he taken a7niss hy them. 
How do we know? How can we he sure? 

A. Well, I guess the only way we can be sure 
is by what they say. So far they have not indi- 
cated anything along that line at all. As a matter 
of fact, Mr. Dobrynin [Soviet Ambassador Ana- 
toliy F. Dobrynin] seemed to be very pleased 
when we talked about the beginning of the talks. 
I think he talked to some of the press about his 
pleasure. And we have seen nothing since that 
time that would suggest that there is any lack 
of interest on their part to proceed with the 
talks. 

Q. Have we had any response yet to the sug- 
gestion that we would he ready as of July 31st? 

A. No, we have not yet. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, if the reduction in the level 
of combat continues, is it the intention of the 
United States also to reduce its level of combat? 

A. As you know, in the three criteria which 
the President has set forth for detemiining 
troop replacements and the schedule of troop 
replacements, one of those is the level of hostili- 
ties by the enemy. So, obviously, if the level of 
hostilities decreases and it's significant, other 
than just as part of their short-term strategy, 



that would affect our decisions on the question 
of troop replacements. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have heen North Viet- 
namese charges, and these have been answered 
hy fears in the United States, that American 
combat troops, ground combat troops, are in- 
volved in Laos. How deeply are we involved 
and committed in Laos? 

A. We have no combat troops in Laos. So I 
think their fears are false. Ajid I tliink they 
are probably just saying that for propaganda 
purposes. 

East-West Trade 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you metitioned trade as one 
of the topics ivhich might come up in Bucha- 
rest. Now, ifs safe to assume that they will 
ask of the President when they can expect MEN 
[most-favored-nation] treat?nent for their ex- 
ports and also they will ask when they can ex- 
pect relaxation of the Export Control Act 
a-ffecting their imports. What will the President 
answer? 

A. Of course, I don't want to tell you what 
the President is going to answer. 

Q. Wh at is his policy on this ? 

A. Well, I will tell you what I think our 
policy in this area is. Our policy in connection 
with East- West trade is that we want to do 
whatever we can sensibly to liberalize it. We 
want to increase trade with Eastern Europe 
in matters and goods that are not of any mili- 
tary importance. 

But in order to do that we have to have some 
mutuality. Our interests have to be favorably 
affected, too. So that in discussing trade with 
the Eastern European countries, we want to 
consider specifically what we are going to send 
to them and what they are going to send to us. 

Now, there has been some suggestion in the 
press to the effect that we are not following 
that policy because we favor the enactment of 
the Export Control Act of 1949 — the reenact- 
ment. That is not the case. We think that the 
present law does permit considerable liberali- 
zation of trade ; and if we find in our discussions 
with Eastern European countries that it is in 
the best interests of the United States to in- 
crease trade, then we can ask for legislation 
which would give them most- favored-nation 
treatment. 



44 



Department of State Bulletin 



Key Issues in the Middle East 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on the Middle East, you 
said that you had detected some advances in 
our talks with the Soviets. 

A. Yes. 

Q. And yet the public picture that we have 
is that on the Tcey issue of the territories, ques- 
tion and on the refugee question, we are about 
as far apart as we were when we started the 
conversations hack in February. Can you share 
with us some of the reasons why you sense ad- 
vances here when the public picture seems to 
be quite the opposite? 

A. Well, as I said, Mr. Smith [Hedrick L. 
Smith, New York Times], it's difficult to con- 
duct negotiations and keep a public box score 
about how you're making out. When you say 
the key issue is borders — there are a lot of key 
issues. That is one of them. The refugee prob- 
lem is another. Withdrawal of troops is an- 
other. Status of Jerusalem is another. 

So there are a lot of key issues. And it is true 
that in some of these issues, very little progress 
has been made. But in other issues, it seems to 
us that some progress has been made. And we 
are going to proceed in that belief, certainly in 
that hope that we can make further progress. 

Q. Well, without going into the details, can 
you indicate the areas where there is some 
progress? 

A. I don't think I will. [Laughter.] 

Question of Cease-Fire in Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been some sug- 
gestions that the administration is reexamining 
the possibility of a standstill cease-fire in Viet- 
Nam. In the light of what you just said about 
perhaps the level of fighting has lowered to the 
lowest level of the war, do you think it makes 
it feasible now for a proposal for a standstill 
cease-fire? 

A. No. I think that the comments that the 
President has made in his press conference on 
cease-fire still apply.' 

As you know, in his May 14 speech he did 
refer to cease-fires.* But we don't want to pro- 



' For President Nixon's news conference of June 19, 
see Bttlletin of July 7, 1969, p. 1. 
* BuiiETiN of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



pose something that just is a gimmick that 
doesn't have any practical application. And we 
think at the moment a proposal for a cease-fire 
without some sort of an overall agreement prob- 
ably is impractical. 

Now, obviously, if the other side withdraws 
its forces and we continue to reduce our troop 
strength in Viet-Nam, that will inevitably de- 
escalate the war. So we would hope that would 
continue. But insofar as a proposal at the 
moment for a cease-fire, in the absence of an 
agreement we don't think it's very practical. 

Deescalating tlie War 

Q. Can I come back to that point that was 
raised earlier, which you didn't really answer, 
if I may say so? 

A. That's all right. I know you do, Chal. 

Q. If it is true, as Secretary [of Defense 
Melvin R.^ Laird indicates, that the level of 
violence is at this low level and it goes on, you 
said that would have an effect on our troop 
tvithdrawals. But would it possibly lead to the 
United States reciprocating by lowering its 
military activity? Is that a possibility? 

A. Well, I never have understood quite what 
you mean by our lowering our activity. The last 
week or so, as I said, it has been the lowest com- 
bat activity for some time. Now, our military 
plans haven't changed. So something the enemy 
has done is different. 

Now, as far as we are concerned, if the other 
side wants to deescalate the war, the best way 
to deescalate the war is to withdraw troops. It's 
very difficult to conceive of how troops can be 
near each other and be engaging in warfare and 
not attempt to kill the enemy. 

Now, I have never quite imderstood the ques- 
tion. I tliink the way to deescalate tliis war is 
to do what the President has suggested : to have 
troop replacements. If the enemy wants to de- 
escalate the war, have him withdraw his troops 
to North Viet-Nam ; then the war is deescalated. 

Q. I think it comes to the question of the 
orders to General {Creighton TF.] Abrams, 
which under the last administration were to 
keep the pressure on the enemy, and that those 
orders, the President has told us, have been 
continued. The question really is: Is there a 
possibility of changing those orders, if in fact 
the other side has reduced its level of violence? 



July 21, 1969 



45 



A. Well, as you remember, Mr. Roberts, the 
President said at his press conference that the 
orders to General Abrams were to conduct the 
■war in such a way that the American casualties 
and the casualties of our allies would be the 
lowest possible. 

Now, there seems to be a school of thought 
that says the way to lower our casualties is to 
let the enemy make the initial attacks. Military 
authorities say that that is the way to increase 
our casualties. 

And also tlie argument has been made that 
the reason the war has continued at a fairly 
high level of activity is because of our activity. 
But the fact of the matter is that the level is 
reduced, as it has been for the last week, because 
of the enemy's change of plans apparently. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., in that connectiov, what is 
your reaction to Senator McGovern's speech 
today disclosing his private meeting with the 
NLF [National Liheration Front] and Hanoi 
representatives in Paris and his conviction from 
his conversations with them that the negotia- 
tions are going to go no place without a com- 
plete unilateral withdraioalf 

A. When had he made the speech ? 

Q. Today. 

A. When? This afternoon? 

Q. Tes. 

A. I haven't heard it yet. [Laughter.] 

Q. Mr. Secretary., would — 

A. Well, let me say, obviously I don't mean 
to make a wisecrack here, but I just haven't 
seen the speech. I gather it hasn't been made 
yet. 

Q. Pardon? 

A. That the speech hasn't been made yet? 

Q. No. It will he made in the Senate today. 

A. Well, I haven't seen it. 

I don't think there is anything unusual about 
that. No matter which American talks to the 
other side, they are going to tell that American 
what they say publicly. That is their propa- 
ganda line. 

So I don't think there is anything imusual 
about the fact that they tell Senator McGovern 
that. They tell everyone they see that. 



Political Future in South Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary., in his press conference.. 
President Nixon said that he expected that 
President Thieu would he putting forth some 
concrete proposals on a political program in 
the near future. Can you tell us what the pros- 
pects are for that now? There are these reports 
out of Saigon that he has backtracked on this. 

A. Well, we haven't had any such reports, 
George [George Sherman, Washington Eve- 
ning Star] . Wlien the President and President 
Thieu met at Midway, they did talk about this. 
The decision, of course, is up to President Tliieu 
when he makes it. It's a decision that he has to 
make, and it's one he will make, and I don't 
think there is any reluctance on his part to do 
it. The political future in South Viet-Nam has 
to be decided by the people in South Viet-Nam, 
and that was the discussion. 

Now, we expect that there will be some pro- 
posals made by President Thieu in the near 
future, and we haven't seen any change of mind 
on liis part. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the last administration 
always looked toward the Soviet Union to he 
helpful in negotiating an end to the Viet-Nam 
war. Is this administration satisfied with 
Russian help in that direction? 

A. Well, we are never satisfied on this point 
until the war is ended. We have had some dis- 
cussions with the Soviet Union representatives 
about the war. I don't think I'd want to make 
any further comment at this time about it. ■! 

Q. Mr. Secretm^, to return to another un- 
finished topic, you say we have no combat troops 
in Laos. Wlmt is the extent of our commitment, 
and is there a point at which toe would put in 
combat troops — if Laos were threatened by the 
North Vietnamese, for example? 

A. I don't foresee any possibility of putting 
combat troops in Laos. 

Q. Pursuing this one step further, Mr. Secre- 
tary, lohat is our air activity over Laos, if at 

all? 

A. Well, I think Mr. McCloskey [Robert J. 
McCloskey, Department press spokesman] has 
gone into that subject with you on several 
occasions, and I don't have anything to add to 
that. 



46 



Department of State Bulletin 



Q. Mr. Secretary, Pd like to make one more 
attempt to see if I can clarify this point on the 
level of comhat. Is the reverse of what yoii're 
saying that if there is a reduction of comhat on 
the Commtinist side, that the United States 
position is that it will only respond hy with- 
drawal? Are you saying that the United States 
will not change its orders on the level of com- 
hat until there is an agreement, tacit or formal, 
on the withdrawal question? 

A. Well, I think what I attempted to say to 
Mr. Roberts is this: that we don't tliink the 
orders, as they now exist, are responsible for 
the level of combat activities. 

Now, if the other side withdraws its troops 
to North Viet-Nam, we will withdraw our 
troops. 

Secondly, if the other side reduces its ag- 
gressiveness and its combat activities, then that 
will be a factor which the President will con- 
sider in the number of troops that we withdraw 
and the timing of that withdrawal. 

Now, insofar as the last part of your question 
is concerned, if the rate of combat falls off to 
a very small level, then obviously our plans will 
change. How they will change will depend on 
what the enemy's activity is. 

Drop in Infiltration Into South Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary, a clarifying question. One 
of the earlier questions asked on this paint re- 
ferred to a reported drop in infiltration. "We 
have understood there were reports, at least, to 
that effect. This, of course, could have the ef- 
fect — with a high level of enemy casualties — 
of reducing the number of enemy troops in the 
country if sustained. I wondered what your 
judgment was. Also, can you give us some 
indication of the range of magnitude that Secre- 
tary Laird is talking about? Do you mean that 
the American casualties in the last reportable 
week have fallen substantially below 100? 

A. Oh, no. I think probably the casualty 
rate — the reported casualty rates will be some- 
what ia the same neighborhood as they have been 
in the past. 

First, as you know, they reported on Thurs- 
day, but they included what happened the pre- 
vious week from Saturday to Saturday. I'm 
talking about the engagements, the number of 
engagements. So that the combat activity in that 
sense, the nimaber of engagements between the 



enemy forces and ours, is considerably reduced. 

Insofar as your question on infiltration is 
concerned, wo do have evidence that the infiltra- 
tion in the last 2 or 3 months has been at a 
fairly low level. "Wlien I say "infiltration," I'm 
talking about troops from North Viet-Nam, men 
from North Viet-Nam. At the present time, or 
at least when I was in Viet-Nam, it was believed 
that the ratio of North Vietnamese troops to 
the Viet Cong was about 70 : 30. It was 70 per- 
cent North Vietnamese troops and about 30 per- 
cent Viet Cong. So the replacement problem for 
the North Vietnamese is a difficult problem. 

Whether the fact that the infiltration has 
declined in the last 2 or 3 months has any sig- 
nificance or not, we are not sure. It's too early, 
I think, to say. 

Now, there have been cycles in the past when 
the infiltration has gone down. Sometimes it's 
a weather problem. Sometimes it's because of 
their planning of future activities. So we are not 
sure what it means, except that we know pretty 
conclusively that there has been a reduction in 
the infiltration in the last 2 or 3 months. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been the sugges- 
tion made, I think by the Russians, that the So- 
viet-Amei^an talks be moved to Moscow, at 
least temporarily. How do you feel about that? 

A. Well, that is one of the things we have 
imder consideration. When we started these 
talks with Ambassador Dobrynin, we did say 
that there might come a time when we would 
talk with them in Moscow in return for the dis- 
cussions they have had here. They have asked 
that we do that. 

So it's possible that we will, at least for a 
short period of time, have some talks there — 
either we might send someone for a short period 
of time or we might do it through our Ambas- 
sador in Moscow. But I would not say that we 
will make any permanent move in that direc- 
tion. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you state that there has 
been this diminution in input into the infiltra- 
tion in the last 2 or 3 months. Have you in- 
quired as to the meaning of that of the repre- 
sentatives of the enemy in Paris at all, cur- 
rently? And have you talked to the Russians 
about that, whether it has any meaning or sig- 
nificance? 

A. Well, as I say, I'm not sure they would 
admit it. And we have to pick it up from differ- 



July 21, 1969 



47 



ent sources. We get some of this information 
from jjrisoners. "We get some of it from cap- 
tured dociunents and other ways. 

We -will talk to them about it when the right 
time comes, but we want to be sure that it's as 
significant as we think. And I have attempted 
to point out here that we do not attach too much 
significance to it at tlais time. 

Election Commission for South Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary, at your last news confer- 
ence,^ you put forward a suggestion for a mhsed 
commission to supervise free elections in South 
Viet-Nam. Does that idea have the support of 
President Thieuf And have the Communhts 
shoton any interest at all in that suggestion? 

A. Well, I think that suggestion does have 
the support, of President Tliieu. And I am sure 
that in the days ahead there will be some 
further reference to a composition of a mixed 
commission. 

So far, the other side has been very unrespon- 
sive, as you know. They have used what we tliink 
are reasonable proposals by the President, by 
President Thieu, for propaganda purposes. So 
they have not, up to the present time, responded 
in an affirmative way on that suggestion. 

Q. They haven't asked for any clarification 
in the Paris peace talks of what we had in mind 
hy sv^h a mixed commission? 

A. Well, they haven't, certainly, in the public 
sessions made any such requests. And, as you 
know, I am not going to make any conmients 
about aiiy other talks that might or might not 
have been held. 

U.S. Policy on Nigeria-Biafra 

Q. Mr. Secretary, yesterday the President's 
Special Consultant on Hunger [Jean Mayer\ 
said tluit 2 inillion Biafrans will die in the 
next few weeks of starvation. Is the central 
Nigerian Government going to take over the 
relief effort? I have two or three questions. The 
first is : Is the United States willing to support 
any independent relief missions aside from the 
central Nigerian Government? And, secondly, is 
our tacit support of that government on this 
question irrevocable? 

" For Secretary Rogers' news confereace of June 5, 
see Bulletin of June 23, 1969, p. 529. 



A. Well, we have never given any support to 
the government on this question. Let me explain 
our policy on the Nigeria-Biafra matter. 

We have — we the United States — have pro- 
vided about $60 million worth of food and medi- 
cines to Biafra, and the private organizations 
in this country have supplied about $10 million 
worth. 

Tlie prospect of mass starvation is so abhor- 
rent and so almost incomprehensible in this day 
and age that we are going to do everything we 
can to attempt to get further food and supplies 
to people who are faced with starvation. 

Now, we have a lot of irons in the fire. We 
have discussions that are taking place with 
the Nigerian Government in Lagos. We are go- 
ing to talk further with the International Eed 
Cross people. We have Dr. Ferguson [C. Clyde 
Ferguson, Jr., Special Coordinator on relief to 
civilian victims of the Nigerian civil war], who 
is working full time on it. We have attempted 
to get two shiploads of food down the. Cross 
River, which would relieve the situation con- 
siderably. We are trying to get interim night 
flights started. We are working on the possi- 
bility of getting daylight flights out of Lagos 
with some proper inspections so that the 
Biafrans would accept the food. 

Now, we consider it extremely serious. We 
deplore the thought that mass destruction 
should be used as an instrument of warfare and 
we are going to do everything we can to help 
prevent this mass starvation. 

Q. Are we willing to do it even if the Nigerian 
Government protests vehemently and says we 
are interfering? Are we willing to do it? 

A. I don't want to add anything to what I 
just said. We are going to do everytliing that 
we can to relieve this mass starvation. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there is a school of thought 
that advocates tlmt vie should read the hest into 
what the other side has to offer. And, indeed, 
in Paris Ambassador Lodge has tried to pick 
out those points that the other side has indi- 
cated they would like to talk about — that we 
would like to talk about. Would you, as Secre- 
tary of State, advocate that we read into the 
lower level of fighting a significance and take 
whatever risk is involved to cut down the fight- 
ing and see if this would in fact lower the level? 

A. Well, we are certainly willing to take 
some risk to end the war. Now, we will watch 



48 



Department of State Bulletin 



the military activity in Viet-Nam very care- 
fully, and we will try to be sure that we inter- 
pret it correctly. I don't think I can say more 
than that. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you saying tliat if the 
other side — if North Viet-Nam orders its troops 
to drop the level of fighting, that toe will not 
change the orders to oxir troops in response to 

that? 

A. No, I didn't say that. I say if we find that 
the other side is not fightuig as they have been, 
then -we will have to review our military plan- 
ning; but it depends on what happens. And 
if that hapi^ens, if the other side stops fighting 
or almost stops fighting, ob%aously we will have 
to review our planning. 

Q. Thanh you, sir. 



President Nixon To Visit Asia 
and Romania 

White House Announcement 

White House press release (New York, N.T.) dated June 28 

The President will travel to the Pacific to ob- 
serve the Apollo 11 splashdown and recovery on 
board the U.S.S. Hornet. He will depart from 
Washington on the morning of July 23. 

From the Apollo 11 recover}' area, the Presi- 
dent will proceed to the Pliilippines, Indonesia, 
Thailand, India, and Pakistan. The Secretary 
of State will accompany the President to the 
Philippines and Indonesia and will then go on 
to Japan, Korea, the Republic of China, Aus- 
tralia, and NeAv Zealand. 

The President's objective is to reemphasize 
his longstanding concern with peace and prog- 
ress in Asia. In his meetings with Asian lead- 
er, the President plans to explore problems and 
opportunities related to securing and sustain- 
ing a lasting peace in Asia, as well as measures 
for enhancing progi-ess and human well-bemg. 
As was the case on his European trip, the Presi- 
dent is looking fonvard to frank and intimate 
consultations. Most of liis time in each country 
will be allocated to face-to-face discussions with 
heads of government and other leaders. 

He will arrive back ui Washington on or 
about August 3. The pi-ecise schedule is cur- 



July 21, 1969 

356-^85—69- 



rently being discussed with the governments of 
the countries to be visited and will be made 
available when it is completed. 

Mrs. Nixon will accompany the President. 



At the in\atation of the President of the State 
Council of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, Presi- 
dent Nixon will pay an official visit to Romania 
at the begimiing of August this year. 



Under Secretary Richardson 
Interviewed on CBS Television 

Following is the transcript of an interview 
with Under Secretary Elliot L. Richardson on 
the Colunib'ia Broadcasting System's morning 
news program on July 2. Interviewing the Un- 
der Secretary was Marvin Kalh of CBS News. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the President has said that 
the major problem that the administration faces 
i^s trying to win the war in Viet-Nam. In the 
5 months that this administration has been in 
power, have you made progress toivard ending 
the war? 

A. Well, I think we have, yes. It has been 
slow and more frustrating in many respects 
than we had hoped it would be, and yet I think 
there have been signs that point the way toward, 
hopefully, an end of the war. Certainly the 
announcement at Midway about the reduction 
of U.S. forces in Viet-Nam was a major turning 
point.^ 

Q. What are some of these signs? What are 
the points that we should look for? 

A. Well, of course, the most important single 
factor about the current situation is that talks 
dealing with substance are at least luiderway 
in Paris. The troop reduction and Vietnamiza- 
tion of the war is a significant step. Beyond 
that, I think we can look f oi-ward at least to the 
possibility that the discussions of political set- 
tlement will get underway between the South 
Vietnamese parties. There have been indications 



' For exchanges of remarks and a joint statement 
issued by President Nixon and President Tliieu of the 
Republic of Viet-Nam at Midway Island on June 8, see 
Bui>LETiN of .Tune 30, 1969, p. 549. 



49 



at least that they were edging to a point where 
tliey would be ready to do this. 

Q. The South Vietnamese farties being the 
Tiew revolutionary govemmsnt and the Saigon 
government themselves, lolthout Hanoi? 

A. Hopefully, without Hanoi, since — I say 
"hopefully," because in our Tiew the question of 
political settlement within South Viet-Nam is 
a question for the South Vietnamese themselves 
to deal with in negotiations among themselves. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, if there are issues of sub- 
stance being discussed in Paris, why do we con- 
tinually get these reports of stenle stalemate 
and nothing happening? 

A. Well, when I say "substance," I mean that 
the parties, even though they have reiterated 
their positions again and again in the public 
sessions, are talking about the elements that 
would have to enter into a settlement. The 
points that were set forth, for example, by 
the President in his May 14 speech - and the 10 
points of the NLF [National Liberation Front] ; 
these points deal with substance, even though 
substantial gaps remain in the negotiating con- 
ditions of each side. 

Q. So tJiat, at this point, it^s fair to say that 
the President's plan and the NLF proposals are 
the basis now upon which discu,ssions of sub- 
stance are taking place? 

A. Yes. I thint this is true, and I tliink, of 
course, there have been statements by President 
Thieu himself and undoubtedly there will be 
other statements in the course of time which will 
help to fill in the position of both sides. 

Q. Gould you help us understand the main 
jnirpose of the Presidenfs trip out to Asia? 

A. I tliink the jjurpose was to lay founda- 
tions for our own thinking, as well as theirs, 
about the future of Southeast Asia, looking to 
the day wlien tlie war in Viet-Nam has been 
concluded one way or another. 

Q. When the President finishes his trip in 
the Far East, he goes on to Romania. I liave 
txoo qusstions: Why Romania? And why the 
beginning of August? 

A. Well, the beginning of August part is 
accounted for by the fact that he will be on his 
way back from the Far Eastern trip, and it 
makes a convenient stopover more or less half- 



' For text, see Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



way between. Why Romania? The country has 
extended an invitation to him, back around 
February or March. I think he felt that this 
was a — ^that this was an opportunity to begin 
to open up a dialogue with a country of Eastern 
Europe which in ttirn might lead to a broader 
base of closer relations between the United 
States and Eastern Europe. 

Q. I ash the question about '■''Why the begin- 
ning of August" because it has been said that by 
the middle of August the administration was 
hoping to enter into missile limitation talks. 
Do you believe that the Presidential visit to 
Romania — which is a maverick in the Com- 
munist world and has done definitely what 
Mosco-io does not wish it to do — is conducive to 
creating the right atmosphere for missile talks? 

A. I don't believe that it will affect the 
atmosphere for missile talks one way or another, 
really. The Soviet Union, I'm sure, recognizes 
that the United States can and should develop 
its relationship with other sovereign countries 
on an independent basis — certainly, this is the 
manner in wliich they conduct their relation- 
sliips with other countries — and I would not 
look for any connection between the stopover in 
early August and what we still hope will be the 
start of missile talks on or about the middle of 
August. 

Q. Do we have reason to believe that they 
tvill get going in the middle of August? Have 
you heard from the Russians? 

A. No, we haven't. We haven't gotten any 
definite response yet to our suggestion that we 
be prepared to start sometime between July 
31st and the middle of August. 

Q. The President has said often that he 
wishes to replace the policy of confrontation 
loith accommodation. Have you noted — can you 
give us illustrations of any success in that 
policy? 

A. Well, I think it would be premature to try 
to rack up successes. I think the most we could 
do at this stage is to point to efforts underway, 
of which certainly a notable example is our 
attempt to bring about a negotiated settlement 
in the Middle East. 

Q. Whafs going on? 

A. Well, as you know, there have been con- 
versations both at the four-power level and also 
between representatives of the United States 
and the Soviet Union. We liave submitted vari- 



50 



Department of State Bulletin 



ous suggestions for principles that might form 
the basis of a settlement, so that the Soviet 
Union has given us their responses to these sug- 
gestions. We have their responses under study, 
and we anticipate that there might be another 
roimd of discussions which could take place in 
Moscow. 

Q. What do you mean iy that? Why Moscow? 

A. Well, it was suggested at the beginning of 
our convei-sations with the Soviet Union that 
there be some shifting back and forth, that not 
all the conversations on the subject take place 
in Washington, and we recognize that it may 
be appropriate at this time to change tlie 
base with this in view. We would expect, 
perhaps, that thereafter they would revert to 
Washington. 

There is real reason to be concerned that the 
situation is, if anji^liing, deteriorating, and of 
course, this lends urgency to the talks. On the 
other hand, we are hopeful while the talks are 
underway that we, on the one side, and the other 
three powers associated u\ discussions with us 
can exercise a moderating influence which may 
help to contain the process — at least keep it 
from getting out of hand. 



U.S. Seeks Resumption of Relief 
to Victims of Nigerian Civil War 

Statement hy Secretary Rogers ^ 

In view of the present seriousness of the 
relief problem arising from the Nigerian civil 
war, I wish to issue the following statement. 

From the beginning of this conflict, the 
United States has shared the veiy deep humani- 
tarian concern of much of the rest of the world 
with respect to the civilian victims of this war. 
We have steadfastly refrained from any in- 
volvement in the conflict itself and sought to 
avoid interference in its politics. We have tried 
in every way possible to divorce these consid- 
erations from the human task of impartially 
succoring the innocent victims of the war on 
both sides. All of these considerations led to the 
very narrowly jarescribed mandate we gave to 
Ambassador Clyde Ferguson as Special Coor- 
dinator for these relief efforts when he was 
appointed to that position on February 22.^ 

There is no reason of a theoretical or practi- 
cal nature why the hvunanitarian aspects of this 



problem cannot be separated from the political 
and military aspects. But this requires the co- 
operation of the two parties and of the inter- 
national community in adliering to certain 
fundamental concepts : first, that the provision 
by the international community of assistance to 
both sides in a civil war should have inter- 
national participation to assure that it is 
administered for the benefit of the civilian 
victims of the war; secondly, that the relief 
should be transported and distributed in ways 
that convey no military advantage or incur no 
military liability to either side; thirdly and 
finally, that the parties to the conflict should 
refrain from exploiting relief issues for parti- 
san political and propaganda purposes. 

The United States deplores the severe cur- 
taihnent of the role of the International Com- 
mittee of the Bed Cross by the Federal Nigerian 
Govermnent. It does so because it believes that 
Nigeria, Africa, and the entire world need a 
strong and truly impartial organization to 
carry out the hmnanitarian mandate of the 
Geneva conventions. For these same reasons, 
this Government equally deplores the fre- 
quently expressed criticisms and imsubstanti- 
ated charges leveled by the Biafran authorities 
against the ICEC. Such attitudes by both sides 
to the conflict confirm, in the view of this 
Government, not only the fact of ICRC impar- 
tiality in a difficult situation but also a regret- 
table lack of imderstanding by both parties to 
the conflict of the organization's nonpolitical 
mandate. It is deplorable that this organization 
is condemned because it is in fact neutral. 

The time is not too late to look at new 
arrangements which will repair the damage 
that has been done and make possible a new 
approach to assist effectively women, children, 
and the aged, who are once again threatened 
with becoming the mass victims of a failure to 
meet common and decent obligations to assist 
them. But the essential rethinking to make this 
possible must come from the parties themselves. 
The planes stand ready, the vessels are at hand, 
the food is stockpiled, the medicines are avail- 
able, all within hours of the victims themselves. 
All that is required is compassion, mutual for- 
bearance, and will. 

As a specific illustration of this point : The 
United States recently provided financing to 
the International Committee of the Eed Cross 
for the chartering of two shallow-draft vessels 



' Issued on July 2 (press release 183). 
^For a statement by President Nixon issued on 
Feb. 22, see Bulletin of Mar. 17, 1969, p. 222. 



July 21, 1969 



51 



to operate on tlie Cross River. These vessels ai-e 
now in Lagos harbor and are ready to move. But 
the necessary safe-conduct assurances have not 
so far been forthcoming from eitlier the 
Biafran authorities or the Federal Military 
Government. 

In connection with the above-enumerated 
principles, the United States knows that the 
Fetleral Military' Government is concerned 
tliat night relief flights provide cover for arms 
flights. We also imderstand the desire of the 
Federal Militaiy Government for an inspec- 
tion system to satisfy itself of the integrity of 
cargoes carried over or through its territories. 
We believe that controlled daylight flights 
would be both an efl'ective and proper means of 
divoi'cing the air relief routes from any taint 
of militaiy operations. FMG agreement to such 
procedures should assure the safety of the relief 
flights and the int«grity of the air approaches 
used by such flights. Under such controls and 
agreement, there are no reasons which would 
justify the Biafrans in refusing relief merely be- 
cause it passes through Federal territory. Satis- 
factoiy arrangements for a daytime airlift can 
be quickly worked out; and such an airlift, 
together with a water route, could me«t the sup- 
plementary food needs of the civilian popula- 
tion. The United States sees no reason why an 
internationally operated water route with in- 
spection procedures could not quickly be 
brought into being under simple conditions that 
immunize it from military taint. But to make 
any or all of this jiossible will, we repeat, require 
the compassion, the forbearance, and the will 
of both parties. 

It is in this spirit that we appeal to both par- 
ties to the conflict to pause, to think again, and 
cooperate with their fellow men in other coun- 
tries in isolating the task of saving untold thou- 
sands of their brothers — and our brothers. 

Specifically, we seek to bring about a resump- 
tion of the flow of relief svipplies through a four- 
point ajjproach: 

a. We are urging the Biafran autliorities to 
accept daylight relief flights with assurance of 
neutral air corridors and with I'easonable in- 
spection on Nigerian territoi-j', over which all 
relief flights must pass. 

b. We are urging the Federal Military Gov- 
ernment to facilitate arrangements for daylight 
fliglits mider these conditions so that they can 
begin at the earliest possible time. 

c. In order to feed the needy while the day- 
time airlift is being established on an effective 



basis, we are appealing to the FMG to permit 
night relief flights to resume for a period of 
2 weeks. 

d. Lastly, we are appealing to both parties to 
give their final agi'eemcnt to arrangements 
worked out by Ambassador Clyde Ferguson, our 
Special llelief Coordinator, that will peiTnit the 
Cross River water route to get imderway under 
the operating control of the International Com- 
mittee of the Red Cross. It is this route which 
may be the most workable for providing large 
amounts of relief to the enclave under mutually 
acceptable conditions. 

The United States — as over the past months — 
will do all we can to help prevent a repetition 
of last summer's tragedy. But we should be ab- 
solutely clear that in the last account only the 
parties them.selves have the choice of life or 
death for their people. 



24th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

Following is the opening statement made by 
Ajiibassador Hem^ Cabot Lodge^ head of the 
UjS. delegation, at the 2^th plenary session of 
the neto meetings on Viet-Nam at Paris on 
July 3. 

Press release 185 dated July 3 

Ladies and gentlemen: From the beginnmg 
of these meetings your side has persistently 
charged our side with responsibility for block- 
ing progress toward peace in Viet-Nam. Yet 
what are the facts? Which side has taken the 
initiative for peace in Viet-Nam? Who has 
taken measures aimed at reducing the fighting ? 
Today I shall review the facts, which are as 
follows : 

On March 31, 1968, the United States limited 
the bombardment of North Viet-Nam to mili- 
tary targets located south of the 20th parallel. 
In fact, after that date we attacked no targets 
north of the 19th parallel. 

Since that time — for well over a year — 
United States forces in South Viet-Nam have 
operated at approximately the same level. Those 
forces have also remained below the troop ceil- 
ings announced by President Johnson in March 
1968. The number of B-52 strikes each month 
has not increased from the level established in 
March 1968. President Nixon pointed out as 
recently as June 19 that United States forces 



52 



Department of State Bulletin 



have not intensified their military operations 
but have only responded to what your side has 
done.^ 

On November 1, 1968, on the basis of the 
official conversations with the North Vietnamese 
representatives here in Paris, the United States 
carried out its undertaking to stop all acts in- 
volving the use of force against the entire ter- 
ritory of North Viet-Nam. As of that date, the 
United States and other Allied forces also 
stopped all acts of force in the demilitarized 
zone. As of that date, none of our forces were 
in the zone. There was no firing by our forces 
into or across the demDitarized zone. And there 
was no massing or movement of our forces near 
the demilitarized zone in a manner threatening 
to your side. 

At the first plenary session of the Paris meet- 
ings on Viet-Nam, on January 25, 1969,^ the 
United States and the Government of the Re- 
public of Viet-Nam presented specific proposals 
designed to reduce further the level of violence 
in Viet-Nam and to open the way toward a nego- 
tiated peace. These included an offer to begin 
immediately the mutual withdrawal of non- 
South Vietnamese forces from South Viet-Nam. 

On March 25th of this year, the President of 
the Republic of Viet-Nam announced his read- 
iness to have private talks on a political settle- 
ment with representatives of the National Lib- 
eration Front without any prior conditions. 

On April 7th President Thieu set forth six 
principles upon which a peace settlement could 
be based. 

On May 14th the President of the United 
States made a new proposal for peace — a pro- 
posal which could end the fighting in Viet-Nam 
and establish peace on a just and durable basis.^ 
President Nixon's eight points offered flexible 
and reasonable proposals for serious negotia- 
tion. He mdicated his willuigness to consider 
other approaches consistent with our principles. 

On June 8th President Thieu and President 
Nixon met at Midway Island in the Pacific* 
They expressed their intention to seek a just 
settlement in Paris in the spirit of patience and 
good will. They carefully reviewed their own 
proposals, as well as your side's 10 points. They 
expressed their conviction that their proposals 



^ For President Nixon's news conference of June 19, 
see Bulletin of July 7, 1969, p. 1. 

' Bulletin of Feb. 10, 1969, p. 124. 

' For President Nixon's address to the Nation on 
May 14, see Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 

* For background, see Bulletin of June 30, 1969, p. 
549. 



represent a reasonable basis for peace. They also 
observed that, despite the fact that your side's 
10-point proposal contains certain unacceptable 
provisions, there were certain points which ap- 
pear not too far from the positions taken by the 
Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam and 
the United States. 

At Midway the two Presidents also announced 
the replacement of 25,000 American combat 
troops by South Vietnamese forces. Tliis re- 
duction of American combat strength — one- 
tenth of our combat units in South Viet-Nam — 
will begin in the next few days. It will be com- 
pleted by the end of August. Also in August, 
the United States and South Viet-Nam will con- 
sider a further reduction in U.S. forces based 
on the three factors announced by President 
Nixon : the training and equipment of the South 
Vietnamese armed forces, the military situation 
in South Viet-Nam, and the progress which 
can be made in the Paris meetings. 

In his press conference immediately follow- 
ing the Midway meeting, on Jime 9th President 
Thieu reaffirmed his offer of March 25th to hold 
private talks with the National Liberation 
Front without conditions. President Thieu also 
said: "Everything can be discussed at a con- 
ference table if both sides show good will to 
meet and hold serious discussions." As Presi- 
dent Thieu said, if your side has good will to 
negotiate, "everything has to be negotiated and 
is negotiable." 

This recital of the facts outlines the numer- 
ous concrete actions which our side has taken 
to bring peace to Viet-Nam. In addition to these 
actions, we have at this table consistently sought 
to find the points of similarity between us. 
We have sought to exchange views and exam- 
ine positions, to explore and to query, and to 
offer clarification of our own positions. We have 
done this from the beginning of these meetings. 
More recently, we have sought to open mean- 
ingful negotiations on the basis of your side's 
10-point proposal and President Nixon's and 
President Thieu's proposals. 

We submit this statement of fact concerning 
our side because we believe it is pertinent to 
have it in the record of these Paris meetings at 
this time. 

For 5 months now, your side continues to in- 
sist that it will not deal with the Government 
of the Republic of Viet-Nam. Your side came 
to these meetings in Paris knowing that they 
had as a purpose negotiations with the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of Viet-Nam. It is a fact 
that you have been willing right along to sit 



I July 21, 1969 



53 



here at this table with the representatives of 
that Government. Yet you refuse to enter into 
serious negotiations with them, and you also 
demand that this Government, which is legiti- 
mate, be replaced by a government of your 
choosing before serious negotiations can begin. 

Ladies and gentlemen, we do not think that 
your attitude in this respect is conducive to pro- 
ductive negotiations. Our proposals remain be- 
fore you, and we remain ready to negotiate. 

We have just seen press reports that North 
Viet-Nam has announced the release of three 
American prisoners of war and that it will 
allow other American prisoners of war to re- 
ceive gifts from their families. 

If this report is accurate, I express appreci- 
ation on belialf of the U.S. Government. I hope 
that this action will lead to further and more 
general prisoner releases by your side and to 
such other humanitarian acts as a list of names 
of prisoners, permission for all prisoners to 
correspond with their families, and release of 
sick and woimded prisoners. 

We stand ready to discuss here in Paris what- 
ever detailed arrangements may be necessary. 



U.S. Regards Southern Rhodesian 
Referendum as Travesty 

Following is a statement read to news corre- 
spondents hy Department press spokesman Carl 
Bartch on June 23. 

The United States deplores the fact that con- 
stitutional proposals clearly designed to inten- 
sify and institutionalize political control by the 
small wliit« minority population of Southern 
Rhodesia are now about to be given effect as a 
result of the referendum. The United States 
regards a referendum in which only 1.1 percent 
of the population of Southern Ehodesia ap- 
proved the results to be a travesty of commonly 
accepted methods of ascertaining the popular 
will. 

Now, I might point out that Ambassador Yost 
in New York detailed the U.S. attitude toward 
the constitutional proposals in his speech of 
June 13th before the U.N. Security Council. 



U.S. Designates Four New Members 
of Permanent Court of Arbitration 

The Department of State announced on 
June 26 (press release 177) that the Secretary 
of State has designated four new United States 
members of the Permanent Court, of Arbitra- 
tion. They are Eichard R. Baxter of Cambridge, 
Mass., Herbert Brownell of New York, N.Y., 
Herman Phleger of San Francisco, Calif., and 
John R. Stevenson of New York, N.Y. (For 
biographic details, see press release 177.) 

Members of the Permanent Court of Arbitra- 
tion serve in their personal capacities and not 
as officers of the United States. They are ap- 
pointed for terms of 6 years. 

Under the Statute of the International Court 
of Justice, the members of the Permanent Court 
of Arbitration nominate persons for election by 
the United Nations Security Council and Gen- 
eral Assembly as judges of the International 
Court of Justice. Tlie Statute recommends that 
each national gi-oup of Permanent Court mem- 
bers "consult its highest court of justice, its 
legal faculties and schools of law, and its na- 
tional academies and national sections of inter- 
national academies devoted to the study of 
law," before making these nominations. Five 
vacancies will occur on the International Court 
of Justice this year, including tliat of the U.S. 
Judge. 

The Permanent Court of Arbitration was 
created by the 1899 and 1907 Hague Conven- 
tions for the Pacific Settlement of Interna- 
tional Disputes "With the object of facilitating 
an immediate recourse to arbitration for inter- 
national differences, which it has not been pos- 
sible to settle by diplomacy. . . ." In accord- 
ance with the two Hague conventions, each 
signatory power selects four persons as mem- 
bers of the Court. The Hague conventions pro- 
vide that when any contracting powers desire 
to seek recourse to the Pei-manent Court of 
Arbitration for the settlement of a difference 
that has arisen between them, the tribunal to 
decide the difference shall bo chosen from the 
general list of the members of the Court. 

The secretariat of the Court maintains 
quarters in the Peace Palace at The Hague, 
Netherlands. 



54 



Department of State Bulletin 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



U.S. Deplores Minority Rule in Southern Rhodesia 



I 



Following are statements made in the V.N. 
Security Council on June 13 and ^4 ^V U^. 
Representative Charles W. Yost, togetlier with 
the text of a draft resolution which was voted 
on hy the Council on June 24 ^ut failed to 
obtain the nine votes necessary for adoption. 



STATEMENT OF JUNE 13 

U.S./O.N. press release 6 dated June 13 

The Security Council meets at a deeply dis- 
turbing moment in the troubled history of the 
problem of Southern Rhodesia. On June 20 
there will be presented to the voters in that ter- 
ritory certain proposals for a new "constitu- 
tion," and for the conversion of the territory 
into a so-called republic. These proposals ema- 
nate not from the United lungdom, which is the 
lawful sovereign power, but from an illegal 
white minority regime. They will be voted on 
not by an electorate representative of the 4.5 
million people of the territory, but by some 
90,000 voters, nine-tenths of whom are white — 
in a country whose population is about 95 per- 
cent black. 

The proposals themselves are conceived in 
racism. Their design is to perpetuate the rule 
of the white minority and to render majority 
rule, or the attainment of political equality by 
members of the black majority, forever 
impossible. 

That this is the deliberate aim of the new 
constitutional proposals is undeniable. The evi- 
dence on this point is clear. It can be found in 
the introduction to the document published on 
May 21 by the regime in Salisbury and entitled 
"Proposals for a New Constitution for 
Rhodesia." The first paragraph of that docu- 
ment explains the need for a new constitution 
by declaring that the Constitution of 1961 "con- 
tains a number of objectionable features, the 
principal ones being that it provides for even- 



July 21, 1969 



tual African rule and, inevitably, the domina- 
tion of one race by another and that it does not 
guarantee that government vdll be retained in 
responsible hands." It then asserts that the new 
constitution "will ensure that government will 
be retained in responsible hands." By this phrase 
the authors clearly mean that the rule of the 
white minority is to be guaranteed in perpetu- 
ity. Evidently they do not object to "the domina- 
tion of one race by another" so long as the 
dominant race is white. 

The intentions of the regime have been fur- 
ther expounded in recent statements by Mr. Ian 
Smith. In a speech on May 7 he explained the 
purpose of the new constitution as "to retain 
Western civilization in Rhodesia" and "to stem 
the tide of rampant black nationalism on the 
Zambezi." In a radio address on May 20 he com- 
plained that throughout the discussions with 
the United Kingdom "the British have been 
obsessed with the question of majority rule." It 
is a curious view indeed wliich sees nothing in 
common between Western civilization and the 
concept of majority rule, but that is the view 
which appears to prevail among the constitu- 
tion writers in Salisbury. 

I shall comment only briefly on the constitu- 
tional provisions. The provisions on franchise 
and on the composition and powers of the leg- 
islature were written to assure that the decisive 
jDolitical power will remain forever in wliite 
hands. The main legislative power is to be 
lodged in a lower house consisting at the outset 
of 50 Europeans and 16 Africans. Half of the 
Africans will be chosen by tribal councils. 
Provision for an eventual increase in African 
representation in the lower house is tied to an 
income tax formula that is virtually certain to 
prevent any such increase for many years to 
come, and an African majority in either house 
is completely ruled out. 

The provisions on land tenure stipulate that 
the European and African areas are to be ap- 



55 



proximately equal in size, if not in quality — 
meaning the same quantity of land for the 5 
percent who are white as for the 95 percent 
who are black. Given the distribution of politi- 
cal power, it would not be surprising to see the 
ruling minority change the recipe even further 
to their advantage. 

One other feature deserves notice : a chapter 
entitled "Declaration of Rights." It is a curi- 
ously ironic title for a chapter which explicitly 
authorizes, among other things, preventive 
detention; restriction of individuals without 
bail or trial ; the power to require an accused 
person to testify against himself; and censor- 
ship of broadcasting and newspapers and other 
publications. 

As if these provisions did not give enough 
scope to a police state, it is further provided that 
if a bill in parliament is found to violate the 
declaration of rights, it can nevertheless be en- 
acted if the upper house holds it to be necessary 
in the national interest or if the lower house 
decides to pass it anyway. 

With such a flimsy bill of rights as this, no 
man, whether white or black, can feel that his 
liberty is safe. For the sake of denying the 
rights of the black majority, the members of the 
white minority are being asked to leave their 
own liberties unprotected. 

Since these proposals — despite all the trap- 
pings of law in which they are dressed — are 
intrinsically imjust and since they emanate from 
an unlawful regime, they will be without legal 
effect regardless of the results of the voting 
on June 20. Nevertheless, their political signifi- 
cance is a matter of grave concern. By these 
steps the present authorities in Salisbury pro- 
pose to turn their backs on the United Kingdom 
and on the long effort to find a basis for in- 
dependence which would be lawful, acceptable 
to all the people, and compatible with the prin- 
ciple of majority rule. The same authorities 
who announced a spurious independence in 1965 
have now, it seems, abandoned all pretense of 
wishing to legitimize their country's status 
in the international community. They have 
abandoned all pretense that the 95 percent of 
Ehodesians who are black might ever, at any 
time, aspire to their just share in the govern- 
ment of their own country. They have set their 
faces toward a bogus, usurped independence 
based on perpetual white supremacy in a nation 
that is overwhelmingly black. The road which 



they thus propose to travel is lonesome and 
dangerous. It is all too likely to lead to the racial 
polarization, extremism, and lawless violence 
which its proponents profess to fear. 

The conclusion is inescapable that the regime 
in Salisbuiy has arrived at this racist policy 
because of a fundamental misreading of the 
events of recent years in Africa. They seem 
literally to see all events in terms of black 
against white — and to perceive no alternative 
except that one must dominate the other. If 
this were to become the ruling principle of 
political life in Africa, the destiny of that con- 
tinent would be tragic indeed. 

Fortunately, other and wiser voices can be 
heard in Africa today. There are many among 
the white minority in Southern Ehodesia itself 
who have expressed deep misgivings about the 
policy of the Smith regime. In recent weeks we 
have seen growing evidence of such misgivings 
among churclimen, educators, students, journal- 
ists, and business leaders within the white 
community. 

Their views, in turn, are in harmony with a 
larger body of opinion elsewhere in Africa. I 
refer to those who see the future hopes of Africa 
for peace and progress founded on the prin- 
ciple of nonracialism. Only 2 months ago that 
principle was given particularly eloquent ex- 
pression in what may well become a major docu- 
ment in African history : the Lusaka Manifesto 
of East and Central African States, signed by 
the leaders of 13 nations on April 16. Proceed- 
ing from the belief "that all men are equal," the 
manifesto contains a passage so precisely rele- 
vant to the situation in Southern Rhodesia that 
I wish to quote it at this point : 

Our stand towards Southern Africa . . . involves a 
rejection of racialism, not a reversal of the existing 
racial doniLnation. We believe that all the peoples who 
have made their homes in the countries of Southern 
Africa are Africans, regardless of the colour of their 
skins ; and we would oppose a racialist majority gov- 
ernment which adopted a philosophy of deliberate and 
permanent discrimination between its citizens on 
grounds of racial origin. We are not talking racialism 
when we reject the colonialism and apartheid policies 
now operating in those areas; we are demanding an 
opportunity for all the people of these States, working 
together as equal individual citizens, to work out for 
themselves the institutions and the system of govern- I 
ment under which they will, by general consent, live 
together and work together to build a harmonioua 
society. 



56 



Department of State Bulletin 



To talk of the liberation of Africa is thus to say two 
things. First, that the peoples in the territories still 
under colonial rule shall be free to deternaine for them- 
selves their own institutions of self-government. Sec- 
ondly, that the individuals in Southern Africa shall be 
freed from an environment poisoned by the propaganda 
of racialism, and given an opportunity to be men — not 
white men, brown men, yellow men, or black men. 

In the light of the Lusaka Manifesto, words 
about "stemming the tide of rampant black na- 
tionalism along the Zambezi" come with singu- 
lar ill grace from Mr. Ian Smith. Not only from 
London but also from his neighbors in Africa, 
he and his associates have been mvited for years 
to accept the hand of friendship and coopera- 
tion. They have spurned that invitation, appar- 
ently in the belief that either the white minority 
must suppress the black majority or the other 
way around — that no middle ground, no equal- 
ity, is possible. Yet in truth the only possible 
ground on which to build peace and progress in 
Africa is precisely the middle ground of non- 
racialism. The course of action which Mr. Smith 
and his colleagues now advocate cannot lead to 
peace and progress, but rather to extremism and 
bitter strife in which the cause of peace is sure 
to suffer. 

We have all learned that the evils of white 
racism in southern Africa, and particularly in 
Southern Khodesia, are more durable than we 
had thought. But their duration does not make 
them any less evil, nor does it make our united 
opposition to them any less important. 

In November 1965, when the Ehodesian au- 
thorities first announced the purported inde- 
pendence of their country, they sought to mis- 
lead public opinion by dressing up their an- 
nouncement in plumage stolen from the Amer- 
ican Declaration of Independence. 

Never were noble words borrowed to camou- 
flage a more sordid enterprise. This so-caUed 
independence was claimed, and is still claimed 
today, not for the 4.5 million people of Southern 
Ehodesia, but only for the 5 percent of them who 
happen to be white. It is an independence con- 
ceived from the outset in racism and main- 
tained — as the new constitutional provisions 
clearly show — by the ugly practices of the po- 
lice stat«. From those practices no dissenter, be 
he black, brown, or white, can hope to remain 
immune. 

It is little wonder that the so-called unilateral 
declaration of independence in 1965, even while 
it borrowed the celebrated phrases of Thomas 



Jefferson, skipped silently over the most fa- 
mous words of all from the American original 
of 1776: the self-evident truth that "all men 
are created equal." For obvious reasons the au- 
thors of the Salisbury document had no stomach 
for that little word "equal." Yet it is a word 
that wiU not die — indeed, we live in a time when 
it has begim at last to take on its full meaning 
for men of all races. It finds expression in the 
United Nations Charter, in the Universal 
Declaration of Human Eights, and now in the 
Lusaka Manifesto. No amount of censorship or 
of police repression can bury it. Its realization 
is one of the essentials of enduring peace in 
Africa and in the entire world, and one of the 
goals to which my Government remains unal- 
terably committed. 

I can only conclude, Mr. President, that at this 
tune and before the referendum among the 
minority takes place, we in this Council should 
condemn the proposed constitution which would 
further entrench the illegal racist regime and 
should also again condemn that regime itself. 
This action should be taken at once — well before 
June 20. Having taken this action, we can then 
consult together as to what further steps on the 
part of this Council in regard to Southern Eho- 
desia might be appropriate, useful, and effective. 



STATEMENT OF JUNE 24 

U.S./U.N. press release 87 dated June 24 

The United States deeply deplores the spec- 
tacle of 1 percent of the population of Southern 
Ehodesia deciding to impose on the vast ma- 
jority of voteless Ehodesians Smith's proposals 
for a new "constitution" which would clearly in- 
tensify and institutionalize political control of 
Southern Ehodesia by that minority. 

As I said on June 13 in this Coimcil, my Gov- 
ernment believes this Council should condemn 
both the illegal regime and the proposed consti- 
tution. I argued that we should have taken such 
action before Jime 20. Unfortunately, we could 
not seem to reach a consensus on a form of word- 
ing which would have expressed the condemna- 
tion which we all believe is both deserved and 
required. 

We have been faced with a draft resolution 
which my Government could not support. I 
regret that we have all been placed in this situa- 
tion, because the only beneficiary of our differ- 



July 21, 1969 



57 



ences is the illegal regime we seek to condemn. 
This Council has exerted an effective influence 
on the Iihodesian situation only when it worked 
on the basis of unanimity. I find it disturbing 
that in consideration of a subject we have pre- 
viously acted upon effectively, we now find our- 
selves divided in opinion as to what our next 
step should be. Clearly the only ones who will 
find any solace in this state of affairs are Mr. 
Smith and his friends. 

To turn specifically to the language of the 
resolution before us, I would like to point out 
that while the United States finds itself in broad 
agreement with the aims of the draft resolution 
and agrees fully with many of its provisions, 
there are other portions to which our objection 
is well known. 

In particular, we have consistently main- 
tained that the use of force is not the appropriate 
way to bring this problem to a solution. We have 
heard the Representative of the United King- 
dom say his Government is not prepared to use 
force in this situation, and we respect the cogent 
reasons he has set forth for not doing so. The 
duty of this Council is to maintain international 
peace and security. The use of force in this case 
would in our view serve to jeopardize rather 
than support that objective. 

Another major defect in the draft resolution 
was its extension of economic sanctions to South 
Africa and Portugal. The United States has 
frequently explained why we consider such ex- 
tension would not be productive in dealing with 
the situation in Southern Rhodesia. To apply 
sanctions to neighboring countries simply be- 
cause they have not yet been adequately or suc- 
cessfully applied to Rhodesia itself would seem 
to us to be a dubious course introducing addi- 
tional grave complications into a situation al- 
ready complicated enough. "We cannot agree that 
it would be either wise or responsible for this 
Council to do so. 

Finally, my Government also had difficulty 
with paragraph 3 of the draft resolution, in 
view of our traditional position supporting a 
free flow of information throughout the world. 

In sum, Mr. President, the United States 
deeply regi"ets the travesty foisted upon the 
world by Mr. Smith and his friends in Southern 
Rhodesia, and we are particularly distressed 
that the members of this Council have been un- 
able to find agreement as to how we should pro- 
ceed in the face of this continuing injustice. 



TEXT OF DRAFT RESOLUTION ^ 

The Security Council, 

Recalling and reaffirming its resolutions 216 (1965) 
of 12 November 1965, 217 (1965) of 20 November 1965, 
221 (1966) of 9 April 1966, 232 (1966) of 16 December 
1966 and 253 (1968) of 29 May 1968, 

Reafflrming in particular its resolution 232 (1966) in 
which it determined that the situation in Southern 
Rhodesia constitutes a threat to international peace 
and security. 

Taking into account reports of the Committee estab- 
lished in pursuance of Security Council resolution 253 
( IOCS) ( S/8954 and S/9252) , 

Gravely concerned that the measures so far taken 
have failed to resolve the situation in Southern 
Rhodesia, 

Gravely concerned further that the measures taken 
by the Security Council have not been fully complied 
with by all States, 

looting that the Governments of the Republic of South 
Africa and Portugal, in particular, in contravention 
of their obligation under Article 25 of the Charter of 
the United Nations, have not only carried on trade 
with the illegal racist minority regime of Southern 
Rhodesia contrary to the terms of Security Council 
resolutions 232 (1966) and 253 (1968) but have, in fact, 
given active assistance to that regime, enabling it to 
counter the effects of measures decided upon by the 
Security Council, 

Affirming the primary responsibility of the Govern- 
ment of the United Kingdom to enable the people of 
Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia) to exercise their right 
of self-determination and independence, 

Reaffirming Its recognition of the legitimacy of the 
struggle of the people of Zimbabwe (Southern 
Rhodesia) for freedom and independence, 

Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the 
United Nations, 

1. Emphasizes the responsibility of the Government 
of the United Kingdom, as the administering Power, 
for the situation that prevails in Southern Rhodesia 
and condemns the so-called constitutional proposals of 
the illegal racist minority regime aimed at perpetuat- 
ing its power and sanctioning the system of apartheid 
in Southern Rhodesia ; 

2. Urges the United Kingdom, as the administering 
Power, to take urgently all necessary measures, includ- 
ing the use of force, to bring an end to the rebellion 
in Southern Rhodesia and enable the people of Zim- 
babwe (Southern Rhodesia) to exercise their right 
to self-determination and independence in accordance 
with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) ; 

3. Decides that all States shall sever immediately all 
economic and other relations with the illegal racist 



' U.N. doc. S/9270/Rev. 1 ; the draft resolution was 
voted upon by the Council on June 24 but failed to 
obtain the nine votes necessary for adoption, the vote 
being eight in favor (Algeria, China, Hungary, Nepal, 
Pakistan, Senegal, U.S.S.R., and Zambia) and none 
opposed, with seven abstentions (Colombia, Finland, 
France, Paraguay, Spain, U.K., and U.S.). 



58 



Deparfment of State Bulletin 



minority regime in Southern Rhodesia, including rail- 
way, maritime, air transport, postal, telephonic and 
wireless communications and other means of 
communication : 

4. Censures the assistance given by the Governments 
of Portugal and South Africa to the illegal racist 
minority regime in defiance of resolutions of the 
Security Council ; 

5. Decides that Member States and members of the 
specialized agencies shall carry out the measures deal- 
ing with imports and exports envisaged in resolution 
253 (196S) and in the present resolution against the 
Republic of South Africa and the Portuguese colony of 
Mozambique ; 

6. CaJls upon all Member States and members of the 
specialized agencies to carry out the decisions of the 
Security Council in accordance with their obligations 
under the Charter of the United Nations; 

7. Calls upon Member States and, in particular, those 
with primary responsibility under the Charter for the 
maintenance of international peace and security to 
assist effectively in the implementation of the meas- 
ures called for by the present resolution ; 

8. Urges all States to render moral and material as- 
sistance to the national liberation movements of Zim- 
babwe ( Southern Rhodesia ) in order to enable them to 
achieve their freedom and independence; 

9. Requests all States to report to the Secretary- 
General on the measures taken to implement the pres- 
ent resolution ; 

10. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the 
Security Council on the progress of the implementation 
of this resolution. 



United Nations Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents (such as those 
listed beloic) may he consulted at depository libraries 
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may be 
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Na- 
tions, United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 



Security Council 

Report by the Secretary General in pursuance of Res- 
olution 264 (1969) adopted by the Security Council 
on March 20, 1969, concerning the situation in Nami- 
bia. S/9204. May 14, 1969. 18 pp. 

Second report of the committee established in pur- 
suance of Security Council Resolution 253 (1968) of 
Mav 29, 1968, relating to Southern Rhodesia. S/9252, 
June 12, 1969. 16 pp. 



>c General Assembly 

te ^ 

il^ M International Law Commission: 

^ I The Most-Favoured-Nation Clause. First report by 

Mr. Endre Ustor, Special Rapporteur. A/CN.4/213. 

April 18, 1969. 80 pp. 



Second Report on Succession in Respect of Treaties, 
by Sir Humphrey Waldoeli, Special Rapporteur. 
A/CN.4/214. AprU 18, 1969. 24 pp. 

Report on the 1968 Meeting of the Inter-American 
Juridical Committee, by Jos6 Maria Ruda, Ob- 
server for the Commission. A/CN.4/215. AprU 24, 
1969, 15 pp. 
Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space : 

Information furnished by the United States con- 
cerning objects launched into orbit or beyond. 
A/AC.105/INF.204, May 28, 1969, 2 pp. ; A/AC.105/ 
INF.205, May 29, 1969, 3 pp. 

Information furnished by the U.S.S.R. concerning 
objects launched into orbit around the earth or 
into outer space. A/AC.105/206. June 2, 1969. 2 pp. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Atomic Energy 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to the bilateral 
agreement of June 25, 1969, between the United 
States and Argentina for cooperation concerning 
civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at Vienna June 13, 
1969. Enters into force on the date the agreement 
for cooperation of June 25, 1969, enters into force. 
Signatures : Argentina, International Atomic Energy 
Agency, United States. 

Aviation 

Protocol on the authentic trilingual text of the con- 
vention on international civil aviation, Chicago, 1944 
(TIAS 1591, 3756, 5170), with annex. Done at Buenos 
Aires September 24, 1968. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 24, 1968. TIAS 6605. 
Signature: Lebanon, June 30, 1969. 
Acceptance deposited: Belgium, July 2, 1969. 

Convention on offenses and certain other acts 
committed on board aircraft. Done at Tokyo 
September 14, 1963.' 
Ratified by the President: June 30, 1969. 

Consular 

Vienna convention on consular relations. Done at 
Vienna April 24, 1963. Entered into force March 19, 
1967.^^ 
Ratification deposited: Austria, June 12, 1969. 

Grains 

International grains arrangement, 1967, with annexes. 
Open for signature at W^ashington October 15 through 



' Not in force. 

- Not in force for the United States. 



July 21, 1969 



59 



November 30, 1967. Entered into force July 1, 1968. 

TIAS 6537. 

Ratification to the Wheat Trade Convention de- 
posited: Lebanon, June 30, 1969. 

Accessions to the Wheat Trade Convention deposited: 
Austria, June 30, 1969 ; Venezuela, June 30, 1969. 

Narcotic Drugs 

Single convention on narcotic drugs, 1961. Done at 
New York March 30, 1961. Entered into force Decem- 
ber 13, 1964; for the United States June 24, 1967. 
Ratification deposited: Nigeria, June 6, 1969. 

Refugees 

Protocol relating to the status of refugees. Done at New 
York January 31, 1967. Entered into force October 4, 
1967 ; for the United States November 1, 1968. TIAS 
6577. 
Accession deposited: Canada, June 4, 1969. 

Space 

Treaty on principles governing the activities of states 
in the exploration and use of outer space, including 
the moon and other cele.stial bodies. Opened for sig- 
nature at Washington, London, and Moscow Janu- 
ary 27, 1967. Entered into force October 10, 1967. 
TIAS 6347. 

Ratifications deposited at Washington: Lebanon, 
June 30, 1969; Norway, July 1, 1969. 

Agreement on the rescue of astronauts, the return of 
astronauts, and the return of objects launched into 
outer space. Opened for signature at Washington, 
London, and Moscow April 22, 1968. Entered into 
force December 3, 1968. TIAS 6599. 
Ratification deposited at Washington: Lebanon, 
June 30, 1969. 

Telecommunications 

International telecommunication convention, with 
annexes. Done at Montreux November 12, 1965. 
Entered into force January 1, 1967; for the United 
States May 29, 1967. TIAS 6267. 
Accession deposited: Nauru, June 10, 1969. 



BILATERAL 



Italy 

Agreement confirming a memorandum of understand- 
ing regarding the launching of NASA satellites from 
the San Marco Range. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Rome April 30 and June 12, 1969. Entered Into 
force June 12, 1969. 

Japan 

Agreement extending the loan of the ex-U.S.S. Edwards 
and the ex-U.S.S. Leary pursuant to the agreement 
of May 14, 1954, as amended and extended (TIAS 
29S5, 4171, 5834), relating to tie loan of vessels. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Tokyo June 20, 
1969. Entered into force June 20, 1969, effective 
March 10, 1969. 

Portugal 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington July 3, 1969. 
Enters into force on the date on which each Govern- 



ment shall have received from the other written 
notification that it has complied with aU statutory 
and constitutional requirements for entry into force. 

Spain 

Agreement extending the agreement of January 29, 
1964, as amended, for a tracking and data acquisi- 
tion station (TIAS 5533, 5896). Effected by exchange 
of notes at Madrid, June 25, 1969. Entered into force 
June 25, 1969. 



PUBLICATIONS 



Volume V in Foreign Relations Series 
for 1946 Released 

On Jime 23 the Department of State released For- 
eign Relations of the United States, 19J,ti, volume V, 
The British Commonwealth; Western and Central 
Europe (xiv, 1,109 pp.). This volume, the first to be 
published for 1946, includes documentation on American 
relations with all the nations of the Commonwealth, 
including India and Ireland, as weU as most of the 
governments of Western and Central Europe. 

Of particular interest are compilations documenting 
United States efforts to assist France and Italy to 
recover from the effects of the war and to maintain 
free and democratic governments. The severe problems 
that the United States encoimtered with regard to the 
quadripartite control of Germany are of special sig- 
nificance in connection with the development of the 
cold war. 

The volume also contains documentation on American 
efforts to alleviate the sufferings of displaced persons, 
refugees, and minorities. 

Copies of volume V (Department of State publication 
8453) may be obtained from the Superintendent of 
Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton, D.C. 20402, for $6 each. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Designations 

Margaret Joy Tibbetts as Deputy Assistant Secre- 
tary for European Affairs, effective July 1. 



60 



Department of State Bulletin 



INDEX July 21, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1569 



,\sia. Secretary Rogers' News Conference of 
July 2 41 

Cambodia 

Secretary Rogers' News Conference of July 2 . . 41 
United States and Cambodia Resume Diplomatic 
Relations 43 

Department and Foreign Service. Designations 

(Tibbetts) 60 

Disarmament. Secretary Rogers' News Confer- 
ence of July 2 41 

Europe. Miss Tibbetts designated Deputy Assist- 
ant Secretary for European Affairs .... 60 

India. President Nixon To Visit Asia and 
Romania 40 

Indonesia. President Nixon To Visit Asia and 
Romania 49 

International Law. U.S. Designates Four New 
Members of Permanent Court of Arbitra- 
tion 54 

Near East 

Secretary Rogers' News Conference of July 2 . 41 
Under Secretary Richardson Interviewed on CBS 
Television (transcript) 40 

Nigeria. U.S. Seeks Resumption of Relief to 
Victims of Nigerian Civil War (statement by 
Secretary Rogers) 51 

Pakistan. President Nixon To Visit Asia and 
Romania 49 

Pliilippines. President Nixon To Visit Asia and 
Romania 49 

Publications. Volume V in Foreign Relations 

Series for 1946 Released 60 

Romania 

President Nixon To Visit Asia and Romania . . 49 
Secretary Rogers' News Conference of July 2 . 41 

Southern Rhodesia 

U.S. Deplores Minority Rule in Southern Rho- 
desia (Yost) 55 

U.S. Regards Southern Rhodesian Referendum 
as Travesty (statement by Department press 
spokesman) 54 

Thailand. President Nixon To Visit Asia and 

Romania 49 

Trade. Secretary Rogers' News Conference of 
July 2 41 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 59 

U.S.S.R. 

Secretary Rogers' News Conference of July 2 . 41 
Under Secretary Richardson Interviewed on 
CBS Television (transcript) 49 



United Nations 

United Nations Documents 59 

U.S. Deplores Minority Rule in Southern Rho- 
desia (Tost) 55 

Viet-Nam 

Secretary Rogers' News Conference of .July 2 . 41 

24th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam Held at Paris 

(Lodge) 52 

Under Secretary Richardson Interviewed on 

CBS Television (transcript) 49 

Name Index 

Ijodge, Henry Cabot 52 

Nixon, President 49 

Richardson, Elliot L 49 

Rogers, Secretary 41,51 

Tibbetts, Margaret Joy 60 

Yost, Charles W 55 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: June 30-July 6 

Press releases may be obtained from the 
Office of News, Department of State, Washing- 
ton, D.C. 20520. 

Release issued prior to June 29 which appears 
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 177 of 
June 26. 



No. 

*17S 



Date 

T/2 



Subject 



180 7/2 



King sworn in as Ambassador to 
Guyana (biographic details). 
179 7/1 Eliot designated Special Assistant to 
the Secretary and Executive Sec- 
retary of the Department (bio- 
graphic details). 

U.S. and Cambodia resume diplo- 
matic relations. 

Rogers : news conference. 

Program for the visit of Emperor 
Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. 

Rogers : statement on relief problem 
arising from the Nigerian civil 
war. 

Middendorf sworn in as Ambassador 
to the Netherlands (biographic 
details). 

Lodge : 24th session on Viet-Nam at 
Paris. 

Establishment of Planning and Co- 
ordination Staff. 



181 

"182 

183 

*1S4 

185 
tlS6 



7/2 
7/2 

7/2 



7/3 



7/3 
7/3 



* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1969 



Superintendent of Documents 
U.S. government printing office 

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20402 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 




POSTAGE AND FEES PAID 
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICK 




N AVT O 

20YEARS OF PEACE 



I 



THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 

BULLETIN 




PRESIDENT NIXON HAILS SAIGON PROPOSALS 
FOR POLITICAL SETTLEMENT IN SOUTH VIET-NAM 61 

UNITED STATES RExVFFIRjMS POSITION ON JERUSALEM 

Statements hrj Ambassador Yost 
and Text of U.N. Security Council Resolution 76 

TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE ST. LA^VRENCE SEAWAY 
Remarks hy President Nixon and Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada 67 

PRESIDENT NIXON CALLS FOR COMPREHENSIVE EFFORTS 
IN MULTILATERAL DISAR]\L\MENT NEGOTIATIONS 

Message to Geneva Disarmament Conference 65 

For index see inside hack cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1570 
July 28, 1969 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Qoverament Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 

PRICE: 

52 issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11. 1966). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 

copyrighted and items contained herein may be 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OF 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN is Indexed in 

the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
tcith information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the ivork of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interna- 
tional affairs and tlie functions of the 
Department. Information is included 
concerning treaties and international 
agreements to which the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general international 
interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



President Nixon Hails Saigon Proposals 
for Political Settlement in South Viet-Nam 



Statement by President Nixon ' 



President Thieu lias put forward a compre- 
lieiisive, statesmanlike, and eminently fair 
profDOsal for a political settlement in South 
Viet-Nam. It deserves the support of all who 
seek peace in that tortured land. 

President Thieu's proposal would establish 
a set of procedures and guarantees to ensure 
that the political future of South Viet-Nam 
would reflect, as accurately and as fairly as 
possible, the will of the people of South Viet- 
Nam — including those whose allegiance is to the 
other side as well as those whose allegiance is 
to his own government. 

In my television address of May 14 I said : - 

What the United States wants for South Viet-Nam 
is not the important thing. What North Viet-Xam wants 
for South Viet-Nam is not the important thing. What 
is important is what the people of South Viet-Nam 
want for South Viet-Nam. 

I believe President Thieu's proposal is in this 
spirit and that it would genuinely give the 
people of South Viet-Nam — all of them — ^the 
opportunity to determine their own fate for 
themselves. If the other side is prejiared for 
serious negotiations and willmg to abide by the 
free choice of the South Vietnamese people, this 
should open the way at last for a rapid settle- 
ment of the conflict. 

President Thieu has proposed elections in 
which all political parties and groups can par- 
ticipate, specifically including the National Lib- 
eration Front. He has ofl^ered to set up special 
giiarantees to ensure fairness : 



'Issued on July 11 (White House press release) 
following an address made that day at Saigon by 
President Nguyen Van Thieu of the Republic of Viet- 
Nam. 

" Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



— Establishment of an election commission, 
on which the NLF and all other parties would 
be represented. 

— Empowering this commission to assure all 
candidates equal oportunity to campaign and 
all parties equal opportunity to participate in 
watching the polls and in supervising the count- 
ing of ballots. 

— Establishment of an international body to 
supervise the elections. 

Beyond this. President Thieu has indicated 
his willingness to discuss with the other side 
the timetable and details of these elections. He 
has declared that his government will abide by 
the results of such elections and has asked that 
the other side do the same. He also has renewed 
his offer of private talks with the NLF without 
preconditions. 

President Thieu's offer marks the culmination 
of a long series of steps by the South Vietnam- 
ese and American Go\emments, all of which 
together demonstrate clearly the sincere desire 
of our two Governments to negotiate an honor- 
able and rapid settlement of the war. 

Let us look at the record : 

Prior to January 20 the United States had 
halted the bombing of North Viet-Nam and 
agreed to sit down at the conference table with 
the NLF, as well as with the governments of 
Hanoi and Saigon. We have remained at that 
table and refrained from a resumption of the 
bombing, despite Hanoi's shelling of South 
Viet-Nam 's major cities, its violation of the de- 
militarized zone, and its refusal to deal with 
the Saigon Government. 

On March 25 President Thieu offered to meet 
with the NLF for private talks without pre- 



July 28, 1969 



61 



conditions on a political settlement. This was 
refused. 

On May 14, with the full support of President 
Thieu, I put forward an eight-point plan for 
peace. In this plan I renounced reliance on a 
military solution. I oifered a withdrawal of U.S. 
and Allied forces within 12 mouths. I suggested 
placing the process of mutual withdrawal un- 
der international guarantees. I said that we 
sought no militarj' bases and no militaiy ties, 
but only to secure the right of the people of 
South Viet-Nam to determine their own future 
without outside interference. 

On June 8 at Midway, with the agreement 
of President Thieu, I announced the withdrawal 
of 25,000 American troops.' The fact that the 
troops being withdrawn are actual combat 
forces, not logistical units, should underscore 
the fact that our desire is to reduce violence and 
achieve a negotiated peace. The program of 
replacing U.S. forces with South Vietnamese 
will be reviewed again in August. 

At that same Midway meeting President 
Thieu and I declared our readiness to accept 
any political outcome which is arrived at 
through free elections. 

President Thieu has now offered a concrete 
program by which free elections can be held 
and the will of the South Vietnamese people 
can be determined. He has challenged the other 
side to test its claims to popular support at 
the polls. He has offered means by which the 
other side can participate in developing elec- 
tion procedures and by which the elections 
themselves can take place under international 
supervision. 

If the other side genuinely -wants peace, it 
now has a comprehensive set of offers which 
permit a fair and reasonable settlement. If it 
approaches us in this spirit, it will find us rea- 
sonable. Hanoi has nothing to gain by waiting. 

I also want to repeat to the American people 
what I said in my speech of May 14 : 

Nothing could have a greater effect in convincing 
the enemy that he should negotiate in good faith than 
to see the American people united behind a generous 
and reasonable peace offer. 

We and the South Vietnamese Government 
have made such an offer. 

I call upon the leaders of the other side to 
respond in a spirit of peace and let the political 
issues be resolved by the political process. 



' Bulletin of June 30, 1960, p. 549. 



25th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

Following is the opening statement made hy 
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, head of the 
U.S. delegation, at the 25th flenain/ session of 
the meetings on Viet-Nam at Paris on July 10. 

Press release 189 dated July 10 

Ladies and gentlemen : The United States will 
continue its efforts to turn these meetings into 
serious negotiations. Our objective of a peace- 
ful and lasting settlement of the Viet-Nam con- 
flict requires meaningful negotiation and com- 
promise, leading to a resolution of the crucial 
issues which divide us, and not rigid insistence 
upon one's own individual position. 

At our last meeting your side announced the 
release of three American prisoners of war and 
that you would permit American prisoners of 
war in North Viet-Nam to receive pi-esents from 
home. 

We welcomed this action because of its hu- 
manitarian nature. We hope that it will lead 
to further, more general releases. We also hope 
that you will join us in discussing other hu- 
manitarian measures, such as furnisliing lists 
of names of all prisoners and the early release 
of the seriously sick and wounded. 

Two weeks ago I reviewed the efforts of our 
side to find and examine points of similarity 
between our two positions. Last week I reviewed 
the many steps wliich our side has taken to 
bring the conflict to an end and to find a serious 
basis for negotiation. 

Today I discuss our side's efforts and actions 
to stimulate serious discussion of two particu- 
larly crucial issues: the mutual withdrawal of 
all non-South Vietnamese forces and the way 
in which the political future of South Viet-Nam 
can be determined. 

On the withdrawal issue, we are ready to 
negotiate but we have seen no sign yet that 
your side is similarly ready. You continue to 
demand the unilateral withdrawal of Allied 
forces from South Viet-Nam and reject out of 
hand any proposals for mutual withdrawal of 
North Vietnamese and Allied forces. To hold 
to such a position is to demand capitulation by 
our side. This is imreasonable. We shall not ca- 
pitulate. No negotiated settlement of the war in 
Viet-Nam is possible until you modify that 
demand. 



62 



Department of State Bulletin 



Let me remind you that President Nixon said 
in his speech on May 14 : ^ 

We have ruled out attempting to impose a purely 
military solution on the battlefield. 

We have also ruled out either a one-sided withdrawal 
from Viet-Nam or the acceptance In Paris of terms that 
would amount to a disguised defeat. 

Our objective in Viet-Nam is limited, as we 
have stated many times. We seek the oppor- 
tunity for the Soutli Vietnamese people to de- 
termine their own political future without out- 
side interference. As President Nixon said in 
his May 14 speech: 

In pursuing our limited objective, we Insist on no 
rigid diplomatic formula. Peace could be achieved by 
a formal negotiated settlement. Peace could be 
achieved by an informal understanding, provided that 
the understanding is clear and that there were ade- 
; quate assurances that it would be observed. Peace on 
paper is not as important as peace in fact. 

In that same speech the President reaffirmed 
our willingness to withdraw our forces on a 
specified timetable. He said that we asked only 
that North Viet-Nam withdraw its forces from 
South Viet-Nam, Cambodia, and Laos into 
North Viet-Nam, also in accordance with a time- 
table. The President's offer provides for a simul- 
taneous start on withdrawal by both sides, for 
agreement on a mutually acceptable timetable, 
and for the withdrawal to be accomplished 
quickly. The President said that if North Viet- 
Nam wants to insist that it has no forces in 
South Viet-Nam, we will no longer debate the 
point — provided that those forces cease to be 
there and that we have reliable assurances that 
they will not return. 

The President went on to propose concrete 
measures for the withdrawal of all non-South 
Vietnamese forces. These proposals are on the 
record and remain open for discussion and ne- 
gotiation. He has stressed that these proposals, 
as well as the others he had made, are not offered 
on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. He has said that 
we are quite willing to accept other approaches 
consistent with our principles. 

In contrast, when we have tried to elucidate 
the meaning of your side's position contained in 
pomts 2 and 3 of your 10-point proposal, the 
spokesmen of your side simply repeat those 
points back to us. TViien we offer to clarify our 
side's proposals, you persist in rejecting our pro- 
posals out of hand and in repeating your own 
categorical demands. You accuse us of not being 



willing to withdraw our forces for so-called 
"neocolonialist" purposes, and yet you condemn 
our decision to take 25,000 combat troops out of 
South Viet-Nam. You charge us with "Viet- 
namizing" the war, and yet you complain that 
we do not withdraw our forces from Viet-Nam 
fast enough or completely enough. 

Ladies and gentlemen, what in your side's 
presentation can be considered to be the basis of 
serious negotiation, a process that requires ex- 
amination and compromise, give-and-take? We 
are prepared to negotiate and compromise. 
Wliile you continue to refuse to join us in nego- 
tiation and compromise, the tragedy of war 
continues. 

As regards the determination of the political 
future of South Viet-Nam, our position is quite 
simple. We seek the establisliment of demo- 
cratic procedures that give all individuals and 
all significant political groups in South Viet- 
Nam a real opportunity to participate freely in 
the political life of the nation. This requires two 
things: first, a process that would allow the 
South Vietnamese people to express their 
choice ; and second, a guarantee that tliis process 
would be a fair one. As President Nixon said in 
his May 14 speech : 

We do not insist on a particular form of guarantee. 
The important thing is that the guarantees should 
have the confidence of the South Vietnamese people 
and that they should be broad enough and strong 
enough to protect the interests of all major South Viet- 
namese groups. 

At their Midway meeting. President Nixon 
and President Tliieu declared "for their part 
they will respect any decision by the people of 
South Viet-Nam that is arrived at through 
free elections." ^ The two Presidents agreed 
"that it would be appropriate to offer guarantees 
and safeguards for free elections." They also 
agreed that "Provisions for international 
supervision could be written into the political 
settlement." 

Now, what does this mean? You constantly 
assert — at these meetings and in your propa- 
ganda — that elections organized by the legal 
government of South Viet-Nam and, as you put 
it, under the menace of American bayonets, 
would be unfair to your side. But President 
Nixon has agreed to withdraw American troops 
as you withdraw yours, and President Tliieu 
more than 3 months ago offered to sit down with 



' For text, see Buixetin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



' For a joint statement Issued at Midway Island on 
June 8, see Buixetin of June 30, 1969, p. 550. 



July 28, 1969 



63 



you and work out mutually acceptable ^aran- 
tees and safeguards. Your reaction to these rea- 
sonable proposals has been nefiative. Can it be 
that you fear that in an honest election you 
would lose? 

Toadies and jrentlemen, tlie proposals we have 
made are flexible and reasonable. We are will- 
inw to consider other proposals. But as Presi- 
dent Nixon has said : "No greater mistake coiikl 
be made than to confuse flexibility with 
weakness or being reasonable with lack of 
resolution." In that same speech, the President 
also said : "Our fighting men are not going to 
be worn down ; our negotiators are not going to 
be talked down ; our allies are not going to be 
let down." 

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States and 
the Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam 
are prepared to negotiate realistically. "We call 
on your side to be just as realistic and to enter 
into serious negotiations. Delay only brings 
more death and destruction. 



U.S. Comments on Soviet Statement 
on East-West Relations 

Statement by Secretary Rogers ^ 

I read with interest the press accoimts of the 
speech of Mr. Gromyko, the Soviet Foreign 
Minister, before the Supreme Soviet [on July 
10]. Unfortunately, we have not received the 
complete text and I have not had an oppor- 
tunity to analyze the speech fully. 

Nevertheless, the speech seems to be positive 
in tone regarding relations with the United 
States. We welcome Mr. Gromyko's acknowl- 



edgment of President Nixon's premise that we 
are moving from an era of confrontation to 
an era of negotiation. We note Mr. Gromyko's 
statement that "when it comes to problems of 
safegiuirding peace, the Soviet I'nion and the 
United States can find a conmion language." 

He referred specifically to the willingness of 
the Soviet Union to enter into talks on strategic 
arms limitations. As you know, we believe that 
this would be a significant step forward in our 
relations with the Soviet Union and we are 
awaiting their response to our proposals for a 
time and place for such meetings. 

We shall contijiue to examine other aspects 
of the speech to see, in consultation with our 
allies, whether any of them may offer them- 
selves as vehicles for early resolution of out- 
standing problems between us. 

You will recall that last April, as regards the 
European area, the NATO ministers indicated 
that they were prepared to exjilore with the 
Soviet Union and other countries of Eastern 
Europe which concrete issues best lend them- 
selves to fruitful negotiation and early resolu- 
tion.^ This remains our policy. 



Letters of Credence 

Austria 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Re- 
public of Austria, Karl Gruber, presented his 
credentials to President Nixon on July 1. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the 
President's reply, see Department of State press 
release dated July 1. 



' Read to news correspondents by Department press 
spokesman Robert J. McCloskey on July 11. 



" For test of a communique issued at Washington on 
Apr. 11 at the close of the ministerial meeting of the 
North Atlantic Council, see Bulletin of Apr. 28, 1069, 
p. 3.54. 



64 



Department of State Bulletin 



President Nixon Calls for Comprehensive Efforts 
in Multilateral Disarmament Negotiations 



Following is the text of a message from Presi- 
dent Nixon to tJie Conference of tlie Eighteen- 
Nation Committee on Disai^mament, which re- 
convened at Geneva July 3. 

White House press release (Key Biscaync, Fla.) dated July 3 

I have followed closely the activities of the 
spi'ing session of the Disarmament Commit- 
tee, and Ambassador [Gerard C] Smith has 
reported to me on the prospects for progress in 
the near future. 

As the Conference resumes its work after a 
recess of six weeks, I would like to address the 
following thoughts to the members of the 
Conunittee : 

First, the ground has been prepared for con- 
crete arms control negotiations. In addition to 
the valuable suggestions by many members of 
the Committee, draft agreements have been sub- 
mitted by the United States and by the Soviet 
Union to i>re.vent an arms race on the seabeds.^ 
Although differences exist, it should not prove 
beyond our ability to find common ground so 
that a realistic agi-eement may be achieved that 
enhances the security of all countries. 

The framing of an international agreement 
to apply to more than 100 million square miles 
of the earth's surface lying imder the oceans 
is a high challenge to our vision and statesman- 
ship. I ask the participants in this Committee 
to join with us m elaborating a measure that 
is both practical and significant. With good will 
on all sides and a fair measure of hard work, 
we may achieve agreement in the course of this 
session. With each passing day the seabed be- 
comes more important for the security and well- 
being of all nations. Our goal shoukl be to pre- 
sent a sound seabed arms control measure to 
the 24th General Assembly of the United 
Nations. 



Second, the Secretary General of the United 
Nations has just issued his study on the effects 
of chemical and biological warfare." Experts 
from many countries have contributed to this 
important work. I am pleased that an expert 
from the United States, Dr. Ivan Bennett, has 
also played a role in the study. We welcome the 
Secretary General's study, since it will draw 
the attention of all mankind to an area of com- 
mon concern. The specter of chemical and bio- 
logical warfare arouses horror and revulsion 
throughout the world. 

The delegation of the United States is pre- 
pared to examine carefully, together with other 
delegations, any approaches that offer tlie pros- 
pect of reliable arms control in this field. 

Third, in my letter to Ambassador Smith on 
March 18 at the opening of the first session of 
this Committee,^ I reaffirmed United States sup- 
port for the conclusion of a comprehensive test 
ban adequately verified ; I stated my conviction 
that efforts must be made toward greater under- 
standing of the verification issue. I am pleased 
that, during your first session, serious exjjlora- 
tion of verification problems took place. The 
United States delegation will be prepared to 
contmue to participate in efforts toward greater 
understanding of this key issue. It is only by 
means of careful study, with due regard for all 
of the relevant technical and political consider- 
ations, that progress can be made. 

Fourth, I recently announced that the United 
States hopes to be able to commence talks with 
the Soviet Union on strategic arms limitations 
around July 31 or shortly thereafter. Wlien 
these talks begm, which I hope and trust will be 
soon, they will of necessity be bilateral negoti- 
ations between the United States and the Soviet 
Union. The United States Government is, how- 



' For background and text of the U.S. draft treaty, 
see Bulletin of June 16, 1969, p. 520. 



" U.N. doe. S/9292. 

" For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 7, 1969, p. 289. 



July 28, 1969 



65 



ever, deeply conscious of its responsibilities to 
its allies and to the community of nations. 

"Wliile these talks progress, it is particularly 
important that multilateral negotiations con- 
tinue in this Committee in an atmosphere of 
determination and promise. Arms control is 
without dispute a subject of direct concern to 
all nations, large and small. The wisdom, the 
advice, and the informed concern of many na- 
tions are needed in a continuing body such as 
this to ensure that no opportunities are missed 
to achieve genuine progress. 

This Committee clearly is the world's pre- 
eminent multilateral disarmament forum. Its 
record of accomplisliment, which needs no re- 
cital here, is greater than that of any other dis- 
armament committee in history. I trust that 
your Committee will continue its efforts with all 
of the combined skill and dedication which its 
members have demonstrated in the past. 

The negotiation of sound arms control and 
disarmament, like all work contributing to 
peace, must be an integrated and comprehensive 
effoit. Progress in the tasks of your Committee 
will be a contribution to a world of peaceful in- 
ternational cooperation, a world where fear and 
conflict are supplanted by the honest give-and- 
take of negotiation aimed at meeting the legit- 
imate aspirations of all. 

The United States will work in every way to 
bring us closer to such a world. 



U.S. Delegation Named for Talks 
on Arms Limitations With U.S.S.R. 

White House press release dated July 5 

President Nixon on July 5 announced the 
composition of senior membership of the United 
States delegation for the proposed talks with 
the Soviet Union on strategic arms limitations. 

The delegation is headed by Ambassador 
Gerard C. Smith, Director of the United States 
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and 
will include Ambassador Philip J. Farley, 
senior State Department member and alternate 
U.S. Representative to the talks ; former Deputy 
Secretary of Defense Paul Nitze ; former Secre- 



tary of the Air Force Harold Brown ; Ambas- 
sador Llewellyn Thompson; and Maj. Gen. 
Royal B. Allison, USAF. 

Ambassador Smith, a former Assistant Sec- 
retary of State and Director of the Policy 
Planning Staff, has played a major role in prep- 
arations for the SALT talks since he took charge 
of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency 
last February. 

Ambassador Farley is the Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State for Politico-Military Affairs. 
He is a former Chief of the Political Section of 
the United States Mission to NATO, a former 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State on 
Disarmament, Atomic, and Outer Space Mat- 
ters, and a former member of the staff of the 
Atomic Energy Commission. 

Mr. Nitze, who served as Deputy Secretary of 
Defense in the administration of President 
Johnson, is a former Secretary of the Xavy and 
a former Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
International Security Affairs. He is also a 
former Director of the Policy Planning Staff of 
the Department of State. 

Former Air Force Secretary Brown is presi- 
dent of the California Institute of Technology 
and was recently nominated by President Nixon 
to be a member of the General Advisory Com- 
mittee of the Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency. Dr. Brown is a former member of the 
President's Science Advisory Committee and a 
former Director of Defense Research and Engi- 
neering in the Department of Defense. He will 
serve as the senior technical member of the 
delegation. 

Ambassador Thompson was twice Ambassa- 
dor to the Soviet Union and also served as Am- 
bassador at Large in the Department of State. 
He is a former High Commissioner and Ambas- 
sador to Austria, served as Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State for European Affairs, and 
was an Acting Under Secretary of State for 
Political Affairs. 

General Allison is Deputy Chairman of the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff Special Studies Group. 
He has served as an Assistant for National 
Security Council Affairs and is a former Di- 
rector of Plans and Assistant Deputy Chief of 
Staff for Operations at Headquarters, USAF, 
Germany. 



66 



Department of State Bulletin 



Tenth Anniversary of the St. Lawrence Seaway 



On June 27 President Nixon and Prime 
Minister Pien-e Elliott Trudeau of Canada 
joined in ceremonies at the Dwight D. Eisen- 
hower Lock at Massena, N.Y., and at Montreal 
marhing the 10th anniversary of the opening of 
the St. Lawrence Seaway. FoUoioing are intro- 
ductoi'y remarks made iy Governor Nelson D, 
Rockefeller of New York at Massena and the 
exchanges of remarks iy President Nixon and 
Prime Minister Trudeau there and at Montreal. 



CEREMONY AT MASSENA, N.Y. 

White House press release dated June 27 

Governor Rockefeller 

President and Mrs. Nixon, Prime Min- 
ister and Mrs. Trudeau, Secretary and 
[Laughter.] — Prime Minister Trudeau, Secre- 
tary of State Bill Rogers . . . Excellencies, 
distinguished guests, and friends: It is my 
privilege as Governor to extend a welcome to 
all and especially on this occasion to President 
and Mrs. Nixon for their first visit to New York 
State since he was elected President and to 
Prime Minister Tnideau for his first official 
visit to New York State and to the hundreds 
of dignitaries and the thousands of visitors 
from both coimtries. 

The seaway and the power project demon- 
strate that two nations can, by reasoned discus- 
sion followed by progressive action, create for 
the benefit of both. 

New York is proud of the power project, 
that it is a joint effort of New York State Power 
Authority and the Hydroelectric Power Com- 
mission of Ontario, a State-Provincial project 
that brings economic progress to both sides of 
the border and strengthens the bonds between 
our two nations as well as the State of New 
York and the Province of Ontario. 



Now, ladies and gentlemen, it is my privilege 
to welcome a man who has dedicated his life 
in public service in the House of Eepresenta- 
tives, in the Senate of the United States, as 
Vice President for two terms under President 
Eisenhower, and now the President of the 
United States, that great leader, Richard Nixon. 

President Nixon 

I want to express first my appreciation to 
Governor Rockefeller for his very generous and 
warm welcome. It is good to be here in New 
York State again. 

It is good to see this wonderful turnout in 
the interest of international friendship. And I 
particularly was glad to note that when the 
Secretary of State was introduced that the peo- 
ple from Norfolk were here to welcome him. 
Because I think, as you may know. Secretary 
Dulles also came from northern New York. Sec- 
retary Rogers was born in Norfolk and grew 
up in northern New York State. I think you 
will be interested to note that while we com- 
memorate 10 years for the seaway today, this is 
also the 33d wedding anniversary of Secretary 
and Mrs. Rogers. So we give them our special 
greetings today. 

Now, on this occasion, I realize, too, that we 
thinli of the closeness of our two countries, 
Canada and the United States. We think also 
of the speed of change, the fact that 10 years 
ago we were celebrating the opening of a sea- 
way and that within a month we hope to see 
the landing of the first man on the moon. 

I would only suggest that when Governor 
Rockefeller made his introductions, that per- 
haps he may have been a bit prophetic. Our two 
nations are indeed close together. And when 
he presented "Mrs. Trudeau," she might be out 
there on the American side here in this audience. 

On this occasion, in trying to think of what 
would be appropriate to say in presenting to 



July 28, 1969 



67 



you the Prime Minister of Canada, I think that 
the inscription wliich api>ears on tlie jjreat in- 
stallation [the Kol)ert Moses-Robert Saunders 
Power Dam] in which we met just a few min- 
utes apo is one to which I can refer. 

Ten years ago when Queen Elizabeth, on this 
vei7 day, met witli me after having met with 
President Eisenhower the preceding day on the 
Canadian side, she unveiled a plaque; and that 
plaque set forth the common purposes of our 
two countries. It pointed out that our frontiers 
are tlie frontiers of friendship, our ways are the 
ways of peace, and our works are the works of 
progress and of freedom. 

I think that as we stand here today and we 
think of the United States and Canada — fron- 
tiers of friendship, ways of freedom, works of 
peace — that what we have done in this great 
cooperative venture is certainly an example for 
the world in terms of the relations between 
nations. 

Sometimes we just take for granted the fact 
that we have the longest unguarded frontier 
between two nations in the world. Sometimes we 
just take for granted the fact that our two coun- 
tries have had a period in which we have fought 
togetlier in war, in which we have worked to- 
gether in peace, and in which we have been 
joined in really true friendship for over a cen- 
tury and a half. 

But we should not take for gi-anted these 
magnificent accomplishments. And this seaway 
which opened the heartland of Canada and the 
heartland of America, this seaway which was 
conceived by men who dreamed of great things 
and was put into being by men who were able 
to produce them — the practical engineers — tliis 
is an indication of what can happen when na- 
tions can work together, when they can be at 
peace with each other. 

And today, as I walked with the Prime Minis- 
ter up this avenue of flags, with the flags of 
all the nations, and then the flags of Canada on 
the one side and the flags of the United States 
on the other, I was proud to be an American 
citizen. 

I was proud, also, of the relations between 
our two countries, and I am particularly proud 
today to present to you the man who heads the 
Government of our neighbor to the north. 

It was altogether appropriate that the first 
official visitor to the United States of America 
after my inauguration as President was Prime 



Minister Trudeau, because our two countries 
are so close in the ways that I have mentioned. 

And on that visit, he made a great impres- 
sion on our Government officials and also on 
the American people. We are glad to have him 
back here today on what is, in effect, a semi- 
official occasion. 

We welcome the Prime Minister to the Ameri- 
can shore just as he will welcome me in a few 
moments to Canada. 

Ai\d we can only say in welcoming him that 
we look forward to that continuing friendship 
which has produced so much in the way of prog- 
ress in i:)eace and freedom for the American 
Continent and the Northern Hemisphere of the 
great continent in which we live. 

I am proud to present to this audience of 
Americans and Canadians the Prime Minister 
of Canada. 

Prime Minister Trudeau 

I want to thank you, particularly Governor 
Rockefeller, for having invited us, so many 
Canadians both on and off the platform, to visit 
the State of New York. 

This is a unique occasion. It is the first half 
of a ceremony, the second half of which will 
take place in Montreal, and which celebrates a 
truly unique event. 

President Nixon reminded us that it was the 
lOth anniversary of the oiiening of the seaway 
but also the 10th anniversary to the day of his 
meeting with Queen Elizabeth on the Canadian- 
U.S. border 10 years ago. 

The dream of a seaway permitting the ships 
of the world to sail into the heart of the Ameri- 
can Continent was a dream in the minds of men 
in these lands for many centuries and also the 
dream — no doubt because of their industry, 
because of tlieir inventiveness — the dream of 
harnessing the falling water from the Great 
Lakes, falling toward the seas, this tremendous 
source of energy which could be harnessed for 
the use of both nations. 

This dream was realized thanks to the coop- 
eration not only of the Governments of two 
great countries and of several of the Provinces 
and States therein but thanks to the cooi^eration 
of the peojDle of these countries and of the many 
institutions, public and private, on both sides 
of the border. 

And, now today, 10 years later, we see the 



68 



Department of State Bulletin 



benefits of tliis. Those who live along these 
shores see the ships of many nations. Ships of 
over 30 nations, I am told, will go through these 
locks and up and down these waters from far- 
away lands of Japan and Thailand and the So- 
viet Union, bearing cargoes as diverse as Scotch 
whisky and soybeans. 

This also residted in the development of in- 
dustries and also, because the creators of this 
vast work were careful to preserve its beauty, 
in the development of the tourist trade and 
more and more intensified exchanges between 
the people of the United States and the people 
of Canada. 

But more than showing cooperation between 
two peoples for economic benefits, I tliink this 
great work, as the President said, has given 
spirit and imagination to the people of these 
two lands. 

I remember when I was a boy in Montreal we 
used to say that Montreal was the harbor which 
was the seagoing harbor which was furthest 
inland of any seagoing harbor in the world, 
some thousand miles inland. And now I am sure 
it is the school boys and girls of the cities of 
Duluth and of the lakehead who are saying that 
of their cities some 2,000 miles away from the 
sea. 

And this tremendous work of engineering, 
this tremendous work built on cooperation by 
two countries, symbolizes the imity and friend- 
ship between our two countries. 

And I thuik it is proper that this ceremony 
should take place beside the lock named after 
General Eisenhower, because General Eisen- 
hower will long be remembered in esteem by 
Canadians, those who remember the ceremonj' 
10 years ago and more still by those Canadians 
who followed him as the general to victory in 
Europe. 

Another American we will remember, an 
American who is well known, a poet, Eobert 
Frost, who wrote a poem called "Mendmg 
"Walls," and in which he tells of two neighbor- 
ing farmers bringing stones from their lands 
and replacing them on the wall that has been 
a bit damaged by the frost swells durmg the 
winter. And they talked and one feels that per- 
haps they don't need a wall so strong, so long, 
because they are friends. But one says to the 
other, perhaps to justify his work : "Good fences 
make good neighbors." 



Perhaps it is also true, Mr. President, that 
good ditches make good neighbors. 

And this day is one wliich permits us to cele- 
brate the opening of this seaway which unites 
our countries and which is truly a marvelous 
ditch. 

And may that ditch long run between our 
countries and ensure the friendship of the peo- 
ple of the United States of America and of the 
people of Canada. 



CEREMONY AT MONTREAL 

Prime Minister Trudeau 

It is fitting, Mr. President, that we should 
meet at this site to celebrate the 10th anniver- 
sary of the great work which our two peoples 
have built together. For several centuries, the 
inliabitants of North America, the settlers from 
Europe and before them the Indians, considered 
this great river as a waterway opening into the 
mysterious and the unknown; and from the 
begimiing explorers have plied it from the ocean 
to its most distant sources. 

It is truly a fine thing that this river has, like 
the open arms of a continent, drawn to the inte- 
rior peoples ever eager to discover unimaginable 
beauties and unhoped-for wealth. It is these peo- 
ple who have enabled our two coimtries to de- 
velop, and it is this river which has made it 
possible for our countries to go to the source. 
It has truly been the path of progress — the path 
of physical progress but also the path of mate- 
rial, social, and economic progress. All these 
villages, towns, and cities extending along its 
course actually served as a link between those 
who were pressing onward and tliose who were 
planting roots and developing their country. 

And it is for this reason that we are happy 
to welcome you here, Mr. President, and to 
salute the great work which our peoples have 
undertaken together. 

It is proof not only that the economic prog- 
ress which resulted from it was essential to 
the happiness of men but also that this water- 
way which nature has given us, labored upon 
by men working together, can serve not as a 
barrier between peoples but as a path of wel- 
come, of progress, and of access. And in this 
way, the symbol of our river, the symbol of the 
seaway, this gigantic and marvelous work, sym- 



July 28, 1969 



356-931—69- 



69 



bolizes friendship and cooperation between our 
two peoples. 

[Tlic remarks printed ahove were delivered in 
French; a translation was furnished by the Canadian 
Emhassy. Prime Minister Trudeau continued, speaking 
in English .-I 

White House press release dated June 27 

It is a great pleasure, Mr. President, to wel- 
come you here with Mrs. Nixon and with mem- 
bers of your family. 

And it is truly appropriate that on this, the 
first visit to Canada since your election, the 
meeting should take place here at the Place des 
Nations. This open forum, which knows no 
division, was during the year of EXPO 67 the 
nieetingplace of peoples of many lands who came 
here to share knowledge, friendship, acquaint- 
ances, in a spirit of brotherhood and under- 
standing. 

I know this lesson, Mr. President, of men 
building together with what nature has given 
them so that they should be freer and more 
prosperous — this lesson is one that we will all 
remember and imitate. 

And I am very happy to welcome you here, 
and I am very pleased that you should have 
come with Mrs. Nixon and with members of 
your family and with many of your colleagues. 

I remember well when I was in Washington 
in March the welcome that Mrs. Nixon extended 
to me at the Wliite House, the charm, the 
warmth of the welcome, and I am very glad 
that you came with her today. Because we are 
told — at least I have heard — that wives have 
a great influence on the travel plans of their 
husbands, and I hope that Mrs. Nixon will im- 
press on you the warm welcome that we will 
always have in the heart of Canadians whenever 
you come to visit us. 

You are the head of state of a very great na- 
tion, Mr. President, a nation which has immense 
resources and extraordinary people, which al- 
ways knows great difficulties, which we know 
that your people, your Government, is attempt- 
ing to solve in a spirit of friendship and equity ; 
and we realize the difficulty of the problem. 
But we want to say to you not only that you 
are welcome here but that we understand, that 
we want to share in the spirit of friendship that 
is in the hearts of the American people. 
It is my great privilege to introduce to you 



today the head of state of Canada's closest friend 
and ally, and to introduce also the members of 
the first family. 
Mr. President. 

President Nixon 

Mr. Prime Minister, all of the distinguished 
guests on the platform, and all of the very 
friendly audience here in Canada : I express my 
deep appreciation to the Prime Minister and to 
his colleagues here in Canada for the very 
gracious words of welcome that they have ut- 
tered on this occasion. 

As I noted the bilingual characteristics of the 
remarks that have preceded me, I realized that 
I perhaps have a responsibility in that respect 
that I might not be able to fill as well as I would 
like. However, whatever my pronunciation may 
be, what I now say will come from the heart: 
Je sww tres heureux d'etre au Canada dans la 
Belle Province de Quebec. 

And if you understood that, give the credit to 
a senior at McGill University who just before 
me said that that meant "I am very happy to be 
in Canada in the beautiful Province of Quebec." 

Now, on this occasion, we celebrate the 10th 
anniversary of the seaway. Earlier, on the 
United States side, we pointed out the signifi- 
cance of that celebration. 

But the seaway has meant to the United States 
what it has meant to Canada, what it has meant 
to all the nations of the world whose flags are 
there before us in the breeze. 

We also spoke of what the seaway has meant 
in a larger sense, as a lesson as to how two na- 
tions can work together — how they can dream 
together and make those dreams come true. 

And if I have one thought today to leave with 
this great audience, it is this : I believe that the 
spirit that built this seaway is the spirit that 
the world needs today to bring the people of the 
world together. 

Second, I would like to express on behalf of 
all of us from the United States side the great 
pleasure that is ours to be here at the site of 
EXPO 67, which, as I understand from Mayor 
Drapeau, will go on and on and on — EXPO 68 
and EXPO 69. 

I was thinking of the heritage of EXPO 67. 
My family and I were not as fortunate as some 
to visit it then, and we are so fortunate to have 
seen it today and we are glad you kept it so we 



70 



Department of State Bulletin 



could see it today. And that heritage is in many 
ways the millions of people, 50 million •who 
came that first year in 1967, most of them from 
the United States, and as a result of having come 
here took away with them an understanding of 
and an affection for Canada and the people of 
Canada that they will carry with them the rest 
of their lives. 

And second, EXPO 67 will live on not only in 
the physical environment that we see here but 
also, of course, in the Expos who now play in 
the National League. 

I should point out to you that I am somewhat 
of a baseball fan. I know the record of the Ex- 
pos to date. Some of my friends in Montreal and 
in Canada have expressed some concern about 
that record. But I have noted that despite the 
place in the standings that the Expos presently 
occupy, the attendance of the fans from Mon- 
treal is still at an all-time high for any new team 
in the League. And to those who may have any 
question about the future, just let me say I speak 
from experience. For 14 years in Washington I 
rooted for the Washington Senatore, and they 
were in the cellar every year. And now they 
are out of the cellar. So will the Exjjos be, if you 
just stick with them, as I know the fans in Mon- 
treal will in the years ahead. 

But now, on a more serious subject, serious in 
the sense that it transcends all of the interests 
that we have already spoken of— the seaway, 
the field of sports — and it is what this exposi- 
tion stands for today: "Man and his World." 
And we all think what a great and profoimd 



theme that truly is — not the Canadian in his 
world, not the American in his world, not the 
Russian in his world, but man and his world. 

And here at this exposition we get a feeling 
of what that really means to all of us. We rec- 
ognize here in this Place of Nations that witliin 
a month when the first man lands on the moon, 
it will happen that he will be an American. But 
it is significant to note that when he lands there, 
he will come m peace and he will come from all 
the world and not just the American part of the 
world. 

And so, today, as we think of what our two 
great comitries have done together in building 
this seaway, as we think of the record of peace 
and friendship that we have built together over 
150 years, as we think of what we can do to- 
gether in the future in workmg for the cause of 
progress and freedom and peace in the world, 
I think that we will leave this occasion not with 
the sense of desperation about the admittedly 
difficult problems the Prime Minister has re- 
ferred to that we have — that you have and other 
nations have — but with the sense of hope, a sense 
of hope because in a moment like this we realize 
that those great principles and those great de- 
sires and those great dreams that vmite men are 
infinitely stronger than those that divide them. 

And as we learn to dream together, we shall 
learn to work together, we shall live in peace 
together, as Canada and America have always 
lived in peace together and will for the time that 
we can see ahead. 

Thank you. 



July 28, 1969 



71 



The International Dimension of American Education 



hy Under Secretary Elliot L. Richardson'^ 



The reason why, I might point out, it has 
been determined that my remarks will be on the 
record is very simple: You will find there are 
no disclosures of state secrets, simply a few 
observations and remarks, both of welcome and 
of appreciation for the role of education as it 
ajiplies to world affairs. 

The Department of State would particularly 
like to acknowledge vsdth gratitude and appreci- 
ation the role of the National Association of 
Secondary School Principals in the develop- 
ment of this conference. And especially — I 
must say it's a warm pleasure for me to have the 
opportunity to say this — to acknowledge the 
role of the executive secretary of the National 
Association, my old friend and colleague in 
Massachusetts government, Dr. Owen Eaeman. 
It's a pleasure to see you here, Owen, and all 
of you. 

Secretary Kogers would, I know, very much 
like to have had the opportunity of welcoming 
you here himself; but as it turns out, this is 
also one of the scheduled dates for a Cabinet- 
level delegation of Canadians, who are here at 
this very moment. 

We hope very much that the briefings and 
discussions you will be having today and 
tomorrow prove useful and enlightening, that 
they may even provoke some new thoughts 
about our foreign policy and the teaching of 
international affairs. 

Shaping foreign policy in a democratic 
society depends, of course, upon our success in 
the development of public understanding. The 
public must have an appreciation of the com- 
plexity of foreign affairs, of the subtlety and 



' Remarks made before the National Foreign Policy 
Conference for Leaders In Secondary Education at the 
Department of State on June 26. 



intricate mterrelationship of events, and of the 
incredibly rapid pace of change. It must be 
aware that there are few rules of the game in 
the molding of foreign policy, no foolproof 
appeal to precedent, few hard guidelines of 
resort to ultimate authority. 

One new problem is the pace of change. I 
remember not long ago hearing a story of a 
stranger who came up to Thomas Carlyle as he 
walked, plunged in tliought, along the embank- 
ment of the Thames in London something over 
a hundred years ago, and the stranger, in great 
excitement, said to Mr. Carlyle: "Sir, did you 
know that the telegraph has been put through 
to India?" And Mr. Carlyle looked at him, 
frowned, and said : "Yes, and what have we to 
say to India?" 

Wlien you consider that this was only a little 
more than a hundred years ago, this helps you 
to sense the rapidity of change which we are 
all experiencing. 

Barbara Ward has given us, I think, a 
sharper image than any other I have seen to 
express the general awareness we all have that 
we occupy one world : 

The most rational way (she said) of considering 
the whole human race today is to see it as the ship's 
crew on a single spaceship on which all of us, with 
a remarkable combination of security and vulner- 
ability, are making our pilgrimage through infinity. 

This, of course, is an awareness that is 
growing on the part of the people of the United 
States and other peoples around the world. 
But at the same time it is important that 
people also develop an imderstanding of the 
intricacies, details, and, indeed, the underlying 
substratum of fact involving our responsibilities 
and relationships in the world. 

People often tend to feel that they can be ex- 
cused from an involvement, or for not involving 



72 



Department of State Bulletin 



themselves, in questions of foreign policy on 
the theory that somehow most of the facts are 
classified and inaccessible to them and that 
therefore such issues are the exclusive province 
of the expert and the person who has access to 
this presumed large body of material not other- 
wise available to the citizen. 

The fact is that there are relatively few issues, 
even very complicated ones, on which the essen- 
tials for an informed judgment are not avail- 
able if one cares to look for them. Indeed, 
without naming any newspapers, I think I 
could say that for virtually everyone in this 
building the reading of at least one newspaper 
is an essential first step into the day's business. 
And much of what we get in addition to this, 
though important for close questions of judg- 
ment, is, I would judge, not fundamental to the 
kinds of considerations that are basic to in- 
formed public understanding. 

So when you recognize that the material for 
infonned understanding really is available to 
the general public, is available to you and to 
your students, we can see even more clearly why 
the role you play is essential and why, from 
our standpoint in the Department of State, it 
is impoitant to us to try and persuade you to 
instill in the young men and women M'hose edu- 
cation is in your hands a sense of involvement 
in world affairs. 

"We count on you, as a matter of fact, to 
impress on them the importance of this involve- 
ment for their and the Nation's future. And 
we count on you to stir their curiosity and prod 
them to form their own views on international 
issues. 

It is important, of course, that this interest 
l)egin while they are young. If the excitement 
and significance of foreign affairs is brought to 
them during their high school years, it is more 
likely to stay with them than if it is an after- 
acquired taste. 

You may recall that just a little over a decade 
ago I was at the Department of Health, Educa- 
tion, and Welfare at the time the Soviet Sput- 
nik was launched. We were already working in 
a task force on education beyond the high 
scliool, in association with a former occupant, 
I think, of the very role that Dr. Kiernan has 
now, then U.S. Commissioner of Education, 
Lawrence Derthick. 

I remember a later controversy over the 
relationship of the laimching of Sputnik to 
the National Defense Education Act. The fact 



is that much of what we were woi'king on at 
that point later emerged in the National De- 
fense Education Act and was not brought about 
by the launching of Sputnik in the sense that 
the concepts came later, after Sputnik. Cer- 
tainly, however, the spur to enactment was pro- 
foundly increased by the launcliing of Sputnik. 
And at that time Dr. Edward Teller, express- 
ing a common view, told a Senate Conunittee : 

It seems clear that the young i)eople in Russia, let 
us say between the ages of 10 and 20, have a con- 
siderably better science education than the similar 
age group in this country. Ten years from now, these 
young people will carry the burden of science in Russia 
and in our country, and therefore, since they are better 
prepared. I feel that it is a foregone conclusion that 
they will do a better job. It is most neces,sary that 
we change the situation in the schools, I mean the high 
schools and I mean the elementary .schools, because 
by the time a kid is 12 years old, he probably has 
adopted the mental attitudes which will make him a 
good scientist or else which will definitely get him 
interested in some field other than .science. 

Dr. Teller was undoubtedly correct in saying 
that the mental attitudes developed at an early 
age will have a profound influence on the 
pupil's later interest. Now, the Department of 
State is not against science. But our interest is 
in stimulating an awareness of foreign affairs 
and foreign countries at an early age, not be- 
cause we are seeking to compete with the Soviet 
Union or anyone else, but because a vigorous 
interest in international affairs is necessary to 
live in this era. 

Furthermore, the fact is we are not doing 
well enough. American education has not yet 
caught up with our world role. We are in our 
third decade as a preeminent world power, with 
interests in every part of the globe; and it's 
fair to say, quite aside from real and semantic 
questions over neoisolationism, that our role is 
a large and responsible one by any standard. 
Yet much of our education is still tailored to 
the needs of an earlier, more insular time. 

In his 2-year study of "The World and the 
American Teacher," published last year, Harold 
Taylor found that : 

Not more tlian 3 to 5 percent of all teachers . . . 
have had in the cour.se of their preparation to become 
teachers in the social sciences or any other area of 
the curriculum any formal study of cultures other 
than their own in the West, or have studied in a field 
which could properly be described as woijd affairs. 

Not more than 10 ijercent of American undergradu- 
ates, on graduation, have taken courses containing 



July 28, 1969 



73 



other than Western materials; 2 percent Is approxi- 
mately the amount of curricular time spent by high 
school students in studying cultures and societies out- 
side the Western world. In many high schools there 
are no courses which deal in any way with world 
affairs or non-Western cultures. 

Other such surveys could be cited. All sug- 
<iest that our education continues to be very 
parochial. The young people we are educating 
•will be in constant contact with other peoples 
and other cultures. But the international dimen- 
sion we give them is paper-thin. 

It may not be of momentous importance, but 
a majority of Americans cannot place Afghani- 
stan on the right continent and scarcely 10 per- 
cent can correctly locate Bulgaria on a map of 
Europe, as recent studies have found. "Wliat is 
important and disturbing is what this informa- 
tion gap suggests about our competence as a 
people to make the awesome decisions confront- 
ing us. 

Our own State Department experience with 
foreign language capability presents an inter- 
esting footnote. Knowledge of foreign lan- 
guages is certainly a significant indicator of 
interest in and knowledge of other countries 
and cultures. Yet even among the young men 
and women who apply for and are accepted by 
the Foreign Service, only about one in five can 
pass an oral language test at the minimum level 
required to carry on a nontechnical conversa- 
tion. And this is true for young men and women 
who are motivated to seek a career in the 
Foreign Service and who have passed a difficult 
competitive examination ! 

The Department of State's small contribution 
to foreign affairs education is rooted in the 
broad purposes of the International Education 
Act of 1966. In that act, the Congress declared 
that knowledge and understanding of other 
countries is "of the utmost importance" to the 
Nation and that "it is therefore both necessary 
and appropriate for the Federal Government 
to assist in the development of resources for 
international study and research ... to meet 
the requirements of world leadership." 

The act thus takes official cognizance of the 
principle that young Americans must be made 
aware of, and educated as citizens of, the 
broader world commimity. Many from our 
business community and our foundations and 
in Government itself must share in the respon- 
sibility of realizing this objective. 

However, as the men and women in charge 
of our nation's schools, yours is the major bur- 



den. The ultimate strength of American foreign 
policy lies in the foreign affairs knowledge, 
understanding, and awareness of our people. 
The stimulus you provide to j-our students will 
thus bear heavily on its future direction. 

That is why we in the State Department are 
interested in your work and that is why we are 
pleased and grateful that you are interested in 
ours. 



Department Establishes New Staff 
for Planning and Coordination 

Press release 186 dated July 3 

The Secretary of State announced on July 3 
the formation of a new Planning and Coordina- 
tion Staff in the Department of State and the 
designation of "William I. Cargo as its Staff 
Director. 

Since early in the year the Department has 
been studying ways to improve its organiza- 
tion, management, and staffing. Particular at- 
tention has been given to improving the staff 
resources to assist the top officials of the Depart- 
ment in fulfilling their responsibilities. 

The purpose of this staff will be: 

a. To effect a more relevant and useful role 
for policy planning in the Department's policy- 
formulating process ; 

b. To make directly available to the Secre- 
tary and his principal associates staff analysis 
and advice particularly focusing on the world- 
wide and long-range implications of important 
policy issues; 

c. To assist in assuring the coordinated and 
most effective interagency participation of the 
Department on foreign policy matters. 

The Policy Planning Council's functions will 
be amalgamated into and given special identity 
within the new staff. By this action, an institu- 
tional role will be provided for policy planning 
which will give it more impact on continuing 
operational decisions. 

The new staff will be compact in size and will 
serve the Department's top officials collectively. 
It will complement the work of the various bu- 
reaus and of the Executive Secretariat and will 
function only in an advisory capacity. 

Mr. Cargo is a Foreign Service officer with a 



74 



Department of State Bulletin 



distinguished record and broad experience, who 
is now serving as Deputy Chief of our NATO 
Mission in Brussels. Staff members of the high- 
est qualifications will be named to serve imder 
Mr. Cargo. They will have both general and 
specialized competence and wide diversity of 
experience. They will come not only from within 
the Foreign Service, but also from other Fed- 
eral agencies, the academic community, and else- 
where outside the Government. 



During the course of talks, substantial prog- 
ress was made, but it was not possible to com- 
plete discussions in the time available. There- 
fore, the two delegations agreed to recess the 
present consultations and meet again in Tokyo 
on or about September 16, 1969. 

The two delegations expressed the hope that, 
in view of the close relations between Japan and 
the United States, it would be possible to reach 
a satisfactory agreement during the resumed 
consultations. 



U.S. and Japan Hold Consultations 
on Civil Aviation 

Joint Com/munique ^ 

In view of the change in the situations 
brought about by the decision of the Trans- 
Pacific Route Case of the United States of 
America, consultations for the review of over- 
all matters relating to the civil aviation rela- 
tions between the two countries were conducted, 
upon the request of the Government of Japan, 
in accordance with the provisions of the Civil 
Air Transpoi't Agreement between Japan and 
the United States of America ^ in Washington, 
D.C., between June 23 and July 9, 1969. 

The delegations of Japan and of the United 
States, in a cordial and frank atmosphere, held 
intensive discussions on the modification of Jap- 
anese air routes prescribed in the present Sched- 
ule of the Agi-eement ^ as well as on the charter 
service problems. 



'Issued at Washington on July 10 (press release 
190). 
^ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2854. 
»TIAS 5939. 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

91st Congress, 1st Session 

Peking's Approach to Negotiation. Selected writings 
compiled by the Subcommittee on National Security 
and International Operations of the Senate Com- 
mittee on Government Operations. March 10, 1069. 
94 pp. [Committee print.] 

Report of Special Factfinding Mission to Nigeria 
February 7-20, 1969, by Representatives Charles C. 
Diggs, Jr., chairman, and J. Herbert Burke. Sub- 
mitted to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
March 12, 1969. 59 pp. [Committee print] 

The State-Defense Officer Exchange Program. Analysis 
and assessment submitted by the Subcommittee on 
National Security and International Operations of 
the Senate Committee on Government Operations. 
March 20, 1969. 16 pp. [Committee print.] 

Review of United States Foreign Policy and Operations. 
Report of Senator Allen J. Ellender to the Senate 
Committee on Appropriations. S. Doc. 91-13. March 
26, 1969. 272 pp. 

An Audit of the Saint Lawrence Seaway Development 
Corporation, Calendar Year 1967. Letter from the 
Acting Comptroller General of the United States 
transmitting a report of audit. H. Doc. 91-93. 
March 26, 1969. 33 pp. 

Elimination of Duty on Crude Chicory Roots. Report 
to accompany H.R. 8644. S. Rept. 91-223. May 29, 
1969. 6 pp. 



« July 28, 1969 



75 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



United States Reaffirms Position on Jerusalem 



Following are statements made in the U.N. 
Security CoMneil on July 1 and 3 hy U.S. Rep- 
resentative Charles W. Yost, together with the 
text of a resolution adopted hy the Council on 
July 3. 



STATEMENT OF JULY 1 

U.S./CN. press release 70 dated July 1 

Once again the Council has been suiunioned 
to deal with certain actions taken by the Gov- 
ernment of Israel in Jerusalem. We have 
listened carefully to the statements of the 
Permanent Eep resent at ive of Jordan and other 
Arab ^Vjnbassadore, as well as the reply of the 
Representative of Israel. 

The discussion thus far has made amply 
clear that tlie status of Jerusalem is not an 
isolated problem, but rather an integral 2>art of 
a whole complex of issues in the current Mid- 
dle Eastern conflict wliich must be resolved. 
Tliis is not a novel conclusion. The Council 
clearly recognized that fact in Resolution 
242, which treats the entire Middle East- 
em situation as a package.^ This resolution 
remains the basis of our approacli to a just and 
lasting peace in the area. 

You are all well aware of the strenuous 
efforts my own Government is making to help 
Ambassador Jarring [Gunnar Jarring, the 
U.N. Secretary General's special representa- 
tive] promote a peaceful settlement. Progress 
in these efforts has, admittedly, been slow. This 
is perhaps not surprising when one reflects on 
how deep the roots of the conflict go. But the 



' For text of the resolution, see Bulletin of Dec. 18, 
19G7, p. 843. 



imijortant thing is that some progress is being 
made. The fact that it has not been crowned 
with dramatic success should not give grounds 
for despair. Nor should it be exploited as jus- 
tification for actions wliich will make greater 
progress even more difficult. This applies to 
actions in Jerusalem as elsewhere in the area. 

Indeed, Jerusalem occupies a very special 
place in all our minds and all our hearts as one 
of the holiest cities in the entire world. For 
Jerusalem is a sacred shrine to three of the 
world's largest and oldest religious faiths: 
Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. By virtue of 
that fact the United States has always consid- 
ered tliat Jerusalem enjoj's a unique interna- 
tional standing and that no action should be 
taken there without full regard to Jerusalem's 
special history and special place in the world 
community. I'nfortunately there have been acts 
of many kinds which have broken the peace 
in Jerusalem and which are of deep concern 
to my Government and to the international 
community. 

Mr. President, we understand the deep emo- 
tional concerns which move all parties to the 
Arab-Israeli dispute on the subject of Jeru- 
salem. We do not believe, however, that any of 
these concerns are served by what is now taking 
place in East Jerusalem, whether it be actions 
by those now exercising authority there or by 
individuals considering themselves aggrieved 
and therefore justified in resorting to violence. 
The expropriation or confiscation of land, the 
constniction of housing on such land, the demo- 
lition or confiscation of buildings, including 
those having liistoric or religious significance, 
and the application of Israeli law to occupied 
portions of the city are detrimental to our com- 
mon interests in the city. The United States 
considers that the part of Jerusalem that came 



76 



Department of State Bulletin 



under the control of Israel in the June war, 
like otJier areas occupied by Israel, is occupied 
territory and hence subject to the provisions 
of international law governing the rights and 
obligations of an occupying power. 

Among the provisions of international law 
which bind Israel, as they would bind any 
occupier, are the provisions that the occupier 
lias no right to make changes in laws or in 
administration other than those which are 
temporarily necessitated by his security inter- 
est and that an occupier may not confiscate or 
destroy private property. The pattern of be- 
havior authorized under the Geneva conven- 
tion and international law is clear: The 
occupier must maintain the occupied area as 
intact and unaltered as possible, without inter- 
fering with the customary life of the area, and 
any changes must be necessitated by immediate 
needs of the occupation. 

I regret to say that the actions of Israel in 
the occupied portion of Jenisalem present a 
diti'erent picture, one which gives rise to under- 
standable concerns that the eventual disposition 
of East Jerusalem may be prejudiced and that 
the rights and activities of the population are 
already being aft'ected and altered. 

jMy Government regrets and deplores this 
pattern of activity, and it has so informed the 
Government of Israel on numerous occasions 
since June 1967. "We have consistently refused 
to recognize these measures as having anything 
but a provisional character and do not accept 
them as affecting tlie ultimate status of 
Jerusalem. 

I have explained in some detail the opposi- 
tion of the United States to certain measures 
taken by the Government of Israel in Jeru- 
salem, since this is the precise object of the 
complaint brought before us by the Govern- 
ment of Jordan. But as I suggested earlier, we 
cannot logically and intelligently consider the 
problem of Jerusalem without putting it in its 
proper perspective: the Middle East situation 
as a whole. In this connection I would recall 
that one of the first major policy decisions 
taken by President Nixon after assuming office 
this year was that the United States Govern- 
ment should take new initiatives in helping to 
try to bring peace in the iliddle East. For the 
[last several months we have been devoting our 
best efforts to this task. AVe shall continue to 



do so, but for these efforts to succeed we will 
require the good will and cooperation of the 
parties themselves. 

A just and lasting peace in the Middle East 
is long and tragically overdue. It will not be 
found through terror bombings, which inevi- 
tably harm innocent civilians, any more than 
thi'ough unilateral attempts to alter the status 
of Jerusalem. It will be found only through 
tlie instruments and processes of negotiation, 
accommodation, and agreement. It will come 
only through the exercise by the parties of the 
utmost restraint, not just along the cease-fire 
lines or in public statements but also on the 
ground in Jerusalem itself. 

In treating the problem of Jerusalem, since 
we deal with it in the context of the total situ- 
ation in the Middle East, my delegation will 
subject any proposal for Council action, first 
of all, to the test of whether that proposal is 
likely to help or liinder the peaceful settlement 
process. I hope all members will do likewise. 
For example, one constructive move the Coun- 
cil might make would be to request the parties 
to lay aside their recriminations, to desist from 
any action — in Jerusalem or elsewhere — that 
might be construed as prejudicing or prejudg- 
ing a final, comprehensive settlement, a just 
and lasting peace. Thus, our consideration of 
the situation in Jerusalem could provide a fit- 
ting occasion on which to insist once more tliat 
the parties to a dispute which keeps the world's 
holiest city in turmoil act responsibly to resolve 
the whole dispute and, until it is resolved, that 
they take no action anywhere which could 
further jeopardize its resolution. 



STATEMENT OF JULY 3 

U.S. /U.N. press release 71 dated July 3 

The United States voted for the re.solution 
just adopted by the Council because it is con- 
sonant with our position on Jeinisalem as 
described in my statement to the Council on 
July 1. 

In the separate vote taken on operative para- 
graph 5, the United States abstained because 
the language of that paragraph, by describing 
the actions which Israel has taken as measures 
"which may tend to change the status of the 
City of Jerusalem"' and calling on Israel to 



July 28, 1969 



77 



rescind them, is inconsistent witli tlie clear 
language of the preceding paragraph of the 
resolution, wliich confirms that the measures 
in question cannot change the status of the city. 
Moreover, we do not consider tliis suggestion 
is practical and believe it is likely to place the 
Security Council in an invidious position in the 
future. 

In supporting the resolution, Mr. President, 
my Government wishes to make clear that it 
does not consider itself conunitted to any spe- 
cific course of action during any future Coun- 
cil consideration of tliis issue. We continue to 
believe Jerusalem cannot be dealt with on a 
piecemeal basis, and we i-ededicate ourselves 
to a determined effort to help bring about 
agreement on a just and lasting peace in the 
area, in the context of which Jerusalem should 
not again become a bone of contention among 
religions and nations but an example of unity. 



without any further delay of its intentions with 
regard to the implementation of the provisions of this 
resolution ; 

7. Determines that, in the event of a negative re- 
sponse or no resjwnse from Israel, the Security Council 
shall reconvene without delay to consider what 
further action should be taken in this matter; 

8. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the 
Security Ck)uncil on the implementation of this 
resolution. 



United Nations Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 



ilimeographed or processed documents (such as those 
listed below) may be consulted at depository libraries 
in the United States. U.N. printed publications may be 
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Na- 
tions, United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 



TEXT OF RESOLUTION'' 

The Security Council, 

Recalling its resolution 252 of 21 May 1968 and the 
earlier General Assembly resolutions 2253 (ES-V) 
and 2254 (ES-V) of 4 and 14 July 1967 respectively 
concerning measures and actions by Israel aflfecting 
the status of the City of Jerusalem, 

Having heard the statements of the parties con- 
cerned on the question. 

Noting that since the adoption of the above-men- 
tioned resolutions Israel has taken further measures 
tending to change the status of the City of Jerusalem, 

Reaffirming the established principle that acquisi- 
tion of territory by military conquest is inadmissible, 

1. Reaffirms its resolution 252 (1968) ;' 

2. Deplores the failure of Israel to show any regard 
for the General Assembly and Security Council reso- 
lutions mentioned above ; 

3. Censures in the strongest terms all measures 
taken to change the status of the City of Jerusalem ; 

4. Confirms that all legislative and administrative 
measures and actions by Israel which purport to alter 
the status of Jerusalem including expropriation of 
land and properties thereon are invalid and cannot 
change that status ; 

5. Urgently calls once more upon Israel to rescind 
forthwith all measures taken by it which may tend 
to change the status of the City of Jerusalem, and in 
future to refrain from all actions likely to have such 
an effect ; 

6. Requests Israel to inform the Security Council 



'U.N. doc. S/RES/267 (1969) ; adopted unanimously 
by the Council on July 3. 
' For test, see Bulletin of June 24, 1968, p. 851. 



78 



Economic and Social Council 

Economic Commission for Africa. Report of the Activ- 
ities of the United Nations Food and Agriculture 
Organization's World Food Program in Africa. E/ 
CX.14/436. December 27, 1968. 17 pp. 
Economic Commission for Latin America. Second 
United Nations Development Decade. Latin Amer- 
ica's Foreign Trade PoUcy. E/CN.12/816. March 19, 
1969. 99 pp. 
Commission on Human Rights. Report on the 2.5th 

session. E/4621 (Summary). April 24, 1969. 28 pp. 
Regional Co-Operation : 

Activities of the United Nations Economic and Social 

Otfice in Beirut. Report of the Secretary GeneraL 

E/4659. May 6, 1969. 12 pp. 
Annual report of the Economic Commission for Latin 

America, April 26, 1968-April 23, 1969. E/4639 

( Summary). May 28, 1969. 5 pp. 
Annual report of the Economic Commission for 

Europe, May 3, 196S-April 23, 1969. E/4641 (Sum- 
mary). May 27, 1969. 6 pp. 
Annual report of the Economic Commission for 

Africa, .March 1, 1968-February 14, 1969. E/4651 

(Summary). May 27, 1969. 11 pp. 
Annual report of the Economic Commission for Asia 

and the Far East, May 1, 1968-April 28, 1969. 

E/4640 (Summary). June 12, 1969. 10 pp. 
Non-Governmental Organizations. Review of Non- 
Governmental Organizations Granted Consultative 
Status. Report of the Council Committee on Non- 
Governmental Organizations. E/4647. May 7, 1969. 
16 pp. 
Marine Science and Technology. Note by the Secretary 

General. E/4665. May 8, 1969. 23 pp. 
Financing of Economic Development of the Develop- 
ing Countries. Export Credits. Report of the Secre- 
tary General on the conclusions of the Round Table 
on Export Credit as a Means of Promoting Exports 
from Developing Countries. E/4662. May 14, 1969. 
9 pp. 
Mineral Resources of the Sea. Report of the Secretary 
General. E/4680. June 2, 1969. 124 pp. 



Department of State Bulletin 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Aviation 

Protocol on the authentic trilingual text of the con- 
vention on international civil aviation, Chicago, 1944 
(TIAS 1591, 3756, 5170), with annex. Done at Buenos 
Aires September 24, 1968. Entered into force October 
24, 1968. TIAS 6605. 
Acceptance deposited: United Kingdom, July 9, 1969. 

Hydrography 

Convention on the International Hydrographic Organi- 
zation, with annexes. Done at Monaco May 3, 1967.' 
Ratifications deposited: Federal Republic of Ger- 
many (with reservation), June 12, 1969;" Japan, 
June 12, 1969; Netherlands, June 6, 1969. 

law of the Sea 

Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29, 
1958. Entered into force September 30, 1062. TIAS 
5200; 

■ Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva 
April 29, 1958. Entered into force June 10, 1964. 
TIAS 5578 ; 

' Convention on the territorial sea and the contiguous 
zone. Done at Geneva April 29, 1958. Entered into 
force September 10, 1964. TIAS 5639 ; 
Convention on fishing and conservation of living re- 
sources of the high seas. Done at Geneva AprU 29, 
1958. Entered into force March 20, 1966. TIAS 5969. 
Accession deposited: Kenya, June 20, 1969. 

Load Lines 

International convention on load lines, 1966. Done at 
London April 5, 1966. Entered into force July 21. 
1968. TIAS 6331. 

Acceptance deposited: Poland, May 28, 1969. 
Accessions deposited: Czechoslovakia, June 16, 1969 ; 
Southern Yemen, May 20, 1969. 

Oil Pollution 

International convention for the prevention of pollu- 
tion of the sea by oil, with annexes, as amended 
(TIAS 6109). Done at London May 12, 1954. Entered 
into force for the United States December 8, 1961. 
TIAS 4900. 
Acceptance deposited: Southern Yemen, May 20, 1969. 

Property 

Convention establishing the World Intellectual Prop- 
erty Organization. Done at Stockholm July 14, 1967.' 
Ratification deposited: Spain, June 6, 1969. 



' Not in force. 

' Applicable to Land Berlin. 



Safety at Sea 

International convention for the safety of life at .sea, 

1960. Done at Loudon June 17, 1960. Entered into 

force May 26, 1965. TIAS 5780. 

Acceptance deposited: Southern Yemen, May 20, 1969. 
Amendments to the international convention for the 

safety of life at sea, 1960 (TIAS 5780). Adopted at 

London November 30, 1966.' 

Acceptance deposited: Southern Yemen. May 20, 1969. 
Amendments to the international convention for the 

safety of life at sea, 1960 (TIAS 5780). Adopted at 

London October 25, 1967.' 

Acceptance deposited: Canada, June 2, 1969; South- 
ern Yemen, May 20, 1969. 

Space 

Agreement on the rescue of astronauts, the return of 
astronauts, and the return of objects launched into 
outer space. Opened for signature at Washington, 
London, and Moscow April 22, 1968. Entered into 
force December 3, 1968. 

Ratification deposited at Washington: New Zealand 
July 8, 1969. 



BILATERAL 

Afghanistan 

Agreement extending the technical cooperation pro- 
gram agreement of June 30, 19.53, as extended (TIAS 
2S56, 4670, 4979, 524.3, 5477, 5714, 5S07, 5901, 5993, 
6123, 62.53, 6321, 6468, 6552, 6628). Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Kabul June 16 and 17, 1969 En- 
tered into force June 17, 1069. 

Austria 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington July 11, 1969. 
Enters into force on the date on which each Govern- 
ment shall have received from the other written noti- 
fication that it has complied with all statutory and 
constitutional requirements for entry into force. 

China 

Agreement extending the loan of the U.S.S. Benson 
U.S.S. Uilary P. Jones, and the U.S.S. Plunkett pur- 
suant to the agreements of January 13, 1954, and 
February 7, 19.59, as amended and extended (TIAS 
2916, 4180, 5771), relating to the loan of vessels. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Taipei June 11 and 
18, 1969. Entered into force June 18, 1969. 

Malta 

Agreement relating to the deployment of the United 
States repair ships U.S.S. Yosemite and U.S.S. Grand 
Canyon to Malta. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Valletta June 6 and 18, 1969. Entered into force June 
18, 1969. 

Mexico 

Agreement concerning broadcasting in the standard 
broadcasting band (535-1605 kHz), with annexes 
Signed at Mexico December 11, 1968.' 
Ratified by the President: July 2, 1909. 

Agreement concerning the operation of broadcasting 
stations in the standard band (535-1605 kHz), dur- 
ing a limited ix-riod prior to .sunrise (presunri.se) and 



July 28, 1969 



79 



after sunset (postsuiiset), with annexes. Signed at 

Mi'xico Decenilwr 11, l'J6.S.' 

U'atificd by the President: July 2, IWJ'J. 

Paraguay 

Agrc'i>ment for sales of agricultural commodities, with 
annex. Signed at Asnnciun .June 7, 1909. Entered into 
force June 7, 1969. 

Viet-Nam 

Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, re- 
lating to the agreement of March 13, 19(57 (TIAS 
6271). Signed at Saigon June 27, 1969. Entered into 
force June 27, 1969. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



of State. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 197 dated July 1.5.) 

Kenneth Rush to be Ambassador to the Federal 
Republic of Germany. ( For biographic details, see 
AAliite House press release dated June 16. ) 

Adolph W. Schmidt to be Ambassador to Canada. 
( For biographic details, see White House pre.ss release 
dated June 13.) 

John R. Stevenson to be Legal Adviser of the De- 
partment of State. (B^r biographic details, see 
Department of State press release 193 dated July 14.) 

J. Fife Symington, Jr.. to be Ambassador to Trini- 
dad and Tobago. (For biographic details, see White 
House press release dated June 18. ) 

Terence A. Todman to l>e Ambassador to the Repub- 
lic of Chad. (For biographic details, see Department 
of State press relea.se 2(X) dated July 16. ) 

Philip H. Trezise to be an Assistant Secretary of 
State. ( For biographic details, .see Department of State 
press release 194 dated July 14. ) 

Samuel Z. Westerfield, Jr., to be Amlwssador to 
Liberia. (For biographic details, see White House press 
release dated June 16. ) 



Confirmations 

The Senate on July 8 confirmed the following 
nominations : 

John A. Calhoun to be Ambassador to the Republic 
of Tunisia. ( For biographic details, see Department of 
State press relea.se 191 dated July 9. ) 

Joseph J. Jova to be representative of the United 
States on the Council of the Organization of American 
States, with the rank of Ambassador. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 19."i dated 
July 1.5.) 

Ridgway B. Knight to be Ambassador to Portugal. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 188 dated July 9.) 

David D. Newsom to be an Assistant Secretary of 
State. ( For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 203 dated July 17.) 

Joseph Palmer 2d to be Ambassador to the Kingdom 
of Libya. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 204 dated July 17.) 

John C. Pritzlaff, Jr., to be Ambassador to Malta. 
(For biographic details, .see White House press release 
dated June 6.) 

Luther L Replogle to be Ambassador to Iceland. (For 
biographic details, see White House press release dated 
June 16. ) 

John Richardson, Jr., to be an Assistant Secretary 



' Not in force. 



No. 



Date 



*187 7/9 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: July 7-13 

Press relea.ses may be obtained from the OlBce 
of News, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 
20.520. 

Relea.se issued prior to Jul.v 7 which apiiears 
in this is.sue of the Bulletin is Xo. 186 of 
July .3. 

Subject 

Leaders of U.S. voluntary agencies 
active in Arab relief work meet 
with Department oflScials. 

Knight .sworn in as Ambassador to 
Poi-tugal (biographic details). 

Lodge : 2.5th session on \'iet-Nam at 
Parit!. 

U.S. -Japan civil aviation consulta- 
tions : communique. 

Calhoun sworn in as Ambassador to 
Tunisia (biographic details). 

Joint Committee on U.S. -Japan Cul- 
tural and Educational Coo]>era- 
tion. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



*188 


7/9 


189 


7/10 


190 


7/10 


*191 


7/9 


1192 


7/11 






80 



Department of State Bulletin 






INDEX July 28, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1570 



Africa. Newsom confirmed as Assistant Secre- 
tary for African Affairs 80 

Austria. Letters of Credence (Gruber) ... 64 

Aviation. U.S. and Japan Hold Consultations on 
Civil Aviation (joint communique) .... 75 

Canada 

Schmidt confii-med as Ambassador 80 

Tenth Anniversary of the St. Lawrence Seaway 

(Nixon, Rockefeller, Trudeau) 67 

Chad. Todman confirmed as Ambassador ... 80 

Congress 

Confirmations (Calhoun, Jova, Knight, Newsom, 
I'.ilmer, Pritzlaff, Replogle, Richardson, Rush, 
Schmidt, Stevenson, Symington, Todman, 
Trezise, Westerfield) SO 

Congre-ssional Documents Relating to Foreign 
Policy 75 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Calhoun, Jova, Knight, Newsom, 
Palmer, PritzlafC, Replogle, Richard.»on, Rush, 
Schmidt, Stevenson, Symington, Todman, 
Trezise, Westerfield) 80 

Department Establishes New Staff for Planning 
and Coordination 74 

Disarmament 

President Nixon Calls for Comprehensive Ef- 
forts in Multilateral Disarmament Negotia- 
tions (message to Geneva Disarmament 
Conference) (>5 

U.S. Delegation Named for Talks on Arms 
Limitations With U.S.S.R 66 

Economic Affairs. Trezise confirmed as Assist- 
ant Secretary 80 

Education. The International Dimension of 
American Education (Richardson) 72 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Richardson 

confirmed as Assistant Secretary 80 

Germany. Rush confirmed as Ambassador . . 80 
Iceland. Replogle confirmed as Ambas.sador . . 80 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Jova confirmed as U.S. representative on the 

OAS Council 80 

Israel. United States Reaffirms Position on 
Jerusalem (Yost, text of U.N. Security Counc-il 
resolution) 7g 

Japan. U.S. and Japan Hold Consultations on 
Civil Aviation (joint communique) .... 75 

Latin America. Jova confirmed as U.S. repre- 
sentative on the OAS Council 80 

Liberia. Westerfield confirmed as Ambassador . 80 

Libya. Palmer confirmed as Amba.ssador ... SO 

Malta. PritzlafC confirmed as Ambassador . . 80 



Near East. United States Reaffirms Position on 
Jerusalem (Yost, text of U.N. Security Coim- 

cil resolution) jg 

Portugal. Knight confirmed as Ambassador . . 80 
Presidential Documents 

President Nixon Calls for Comprehensive Efforts 

in Multilateral Disarmament Negotiations . 65 

President Nixon Hails Saigon Proposals for 

Political Settlement in South Viet-Nam . . 61 

Tenth Anniversary of the St. Lawrence 

Seaway q-j 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 79 

Trinidad and Tobago. Symington confirmed as 

Ambassador gQ 

Tunisia. Calhoun confirmed as Ambassador . . 80 
U.S.S.R. U.S. Comments on Soviet Statement on 

East-West Relations (Rogers) 6i 

United Nations 

United Nations Documents jg 

United States Reafl3nns Position on Jerusa- 
lem (Yost, text of U.K Security Council 

resolution) ^g 

Viet-Nam 

President Nixon Hails Saigon Proposals for 
Political Settlement in South Viet-Nam 

(statement) gj 

25th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam Held at Paris 

(Lodge) 62 

Name Index 

Allison, Maj. Gen. Royal B gg 

Brown, Harold _ [ gg 

Calhoun, John A . 80 

Farley, I'hilip J . . 66 

Gruber, Karl . . 64 

Jova, .Joseph J gQ 

Knight, Ridgway B . . 80 

Lodge, Henry Cabot . . 62 

Newsom, David D [ [ go 

Nitze, Paul [ [ gg 

Nixon, President 61, 65 67 

Palmer, Joseph, 2d ' ' 80 

PritzlafC, John C, Jr . . '. 80 

Replogle, Luther I go 

Richard.son, Elliot L [ 72 

Richard.son, John, Jr go 

Rockefeller, Nelson [ qj 

Rogers, Secretary \ gj 

Rush, Kenneth go 

Schmidt, Adolph C [ 80 

Smith, Gerard C gg 

Steven.son, John R go 

Symington, J. Fife, Jr , go 

Thompson, Llewellyn B gg 

Todman, Terence A ' go 

Trezise, Philip H go 

Trudeau, Pierre Elliott g7 

Westerfield, Samuel Z., Jr gO 

Yost, Charles W 7g 



U.S. QOVERNMEMT rRINTINS OFFICE: 1969 



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^THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 

BULLETIN 




THE FOREIGN ASSISTANCE PROGRAil FOR FISCAL YEAR 1970 
Statement hy Secretary Rogers 81 

U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE POLICY TOWARD LATIN AJMERICA 

Statement hy Assistant Secretai^y Meyer 100 

EMPEROR HAILE SELASSIE OF ETHIOPIA VISITS THE UNITED STATES 

AS GUEST OF PRESIDENT NIXON 

Exchange of Remarks 86 

DEPARTMENT REVIEWS U.S. EFFORTS TO AID VICTISIS OF THE 

NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR 

Statements hy Under Secretary Richardson 
and Ambassador C. Clyde Ferguson 9^. 



For index see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1571 
August 4, 1969 



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The Department of State BULLETIN^ 
a tceekly publication issued by the ' 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interestedagenciesofthe Government 
with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service, 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
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by the White House and the Depart- 
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The Foreign Assistance Program for Fiscal Year 1970 



Statement hy Secretary Rogers '■ 



I am glad to be here today in support of the 
administration's program of foreign economic 
and military assistance. Dr. [John A.] Han- 
nah, the AID [Agency for International Devel- 
opment] Administrator, will answer questions 
on the details of the economic assistance pro- 
gram and the justification for it. Secretary [of 
Defense Melvin R.] Laird will be here 
tomorrow to discuss the military assistance pro- 
gram in detail. 

I think that Americans can be proud of the 
pioneering role that our Government has 
played in responding to the peaceful revolu- 
tion in economic and social development that 
is now taking place in every major region of 
the world. This is one of the major trends of 
recent and contemporary history. It has had 
enormous implications for the evolution of 
world affairs and for the future position and 
prospects for our own country. 

We have helped, by example and contribu- 
tion, to raise the expectations for a better life 
among masses of the people on every conti- 
nent. We have encouraged them to believe that 
poverty and misery are not foreordained. We 
have responded generously to their need for 
help in the earlier stages of growth — both 
directly and by supporting a range of United 
Nations, regional, and other international 
organizations engaged in aiding economic and 
social development of the poorer nations, which 
make up the majority of the world community. 

From this I believe we can derive a large 
measure of satisfaction and, I would hope, a 
certain zest for working hard at this construc- 
tive, humane, and promising enterprise which 
means so much to so many. 



^Made before the Senate Committee on Forei^ 
Relations on JiUy 14 (press release 201). The complete 
hearings will be published by the committee. 



The proposed program for fiscal year 1970 
is strongly concentrated on major problem areas 
and has clear program priorities. 

The President's foreign aid message to the 
Congress in May set forth the administration's 
initial proposals for redirecting and strengthen- 
ing our programs which we believe are required 
by present needs and circumstances to assist 
less developed countries in their efforts to 
develop.^ At the same time, the President 
announced that he would appoint a public 
advisory group to recommend U.S. policies and 
programs of international development coopera- 
tion for the decade of the 1970's. 

Pending a full-scale review of U.S. foreign 
assistance policies and programs to be under- 
taken by the President's task force, we have 
decided to place greater stress on four aspects 
of our foreign aid programs : 

1. We will increase the opportunities for 
private enterprise and private initiative to 
apply these vast resources and energies to the 
work of development. 

2. We will emphasize the transfer of Ameri- 
can knowledge and skills through technical 
assistance. 

3. We will increase our support for multi- 
lateral aid programs and our efforts to coordi- 
nate our aid with other donors. 

4. We will continue to place the highest 
priority on food production and reduction of 
population growth. 

Private enterprise is vital to development. 
The less developed countries wliich have taken 
full advantage of the incentives of private 
enterprise have made the most rapid progress 



' For text of President Nixon's message to the Con- 
gress on May 28, see Bulletin of June 16, 1969, p. 515. 



August 4, 1969 



81 



and achieved the fullest degree of development. 
The AID program will focus more sharply than 
ever on stunulating private enterprise. In addi- 
tion, -we will try to channel U.S. investment into 
the economies of less developed countries in 
ways which wiU most benefit the development of 
those countries. In order to carry out tliis pur- 
pose in the most efficient and businesslike fash- 
ion, we propose to establish an Overseas Private 
Investment Corporation which will: 

— take over the programs of investment in- 
surance against certain political risks and the 
preinvestment promotion and survey programs 
which AID now administers ; 

— provide guaranties and loans to help pri- 
vate investment succeed in high-priority 
ventures ; 

— provide teclinical assistance and services to 
private enterprise in less developed countries. 

Technical assistance is e.ssential to the effi- 
cient use of financial resources from the outside 
and mobilization of a country's own natural 
and other resources. We are doing everything 
we can to develop the most efficient means of 
transmitting our skills and Imowledge to the 
less developed countries and improving the 
quality of our advice, our training, and our re- 
search. We are also requesting a 2-year author- 
ization for teclmical assistance to strengthen 
this important activity and to make it clear to 
the American universities, colleges, and other 
private groups which, for the most part, carry 
out this work for us that we view this as a con- 
tinuing, long-range program. 

Our support of the drive for development is 
also expressed through multilateral programs — 
our contributions to the multilateral banks and 
to the technical assistance programs of the 
United Nations, our participation in aid co- 
ordination groups for recipient coimtries led by 
the World Bank or other international agencies, 
and our participation in other cooperative ar- 
rangements among donor nations. We believe 
that multilateral aid can help equitably increase 
the total amoimt of assistance available for de- 
velopment and at the same time focus the com- 
bined resources and skills of many economically 
advanced nations on the problems that the 
poorer countries face in their efforts to develop. 

We are convinced that the amount of aid 
which we provide in a multilateral way sliould 
increase. We propose to increase our contribu- 



tion to the United Nations Development Pro- 
gram from $71 million in FY 1960 to $100 
million this year. Other nations are expected to 
contribute some $160 million — 62 percent of the 
total. Depending, of course, on the results of 
the President's task force report and the Pear- 
son Commission recommendations, we expect to 
encourage further increased contributions to the 
various multilateral banks. We are especially 
pleased that the Congress last week appro- 
priated the first $160 million of the $480 million 
authorized for the second replenislunent of the 
International Development Association. We ap- 
preciate the support this committee has con- 
sistently given this program. 

Growing enough food to feed the world's 
burgeoning population remains one of the most 
critical problems we face. Many less developed 
countries appear to be on the verge of sus- 
tained increases in their levels of food pro- 
duction as a result of new strains of wheat, 
rice, and other grains, together with fertilizer 
and other necessary agricultural requirements 
partly financed by AID. But the dramatic gains 
wliich some less developed countries are now 
experiencing must be consolidated and the new 
teclmiques must be spread to more coimtries. 
Another decade of continued effort on the part 
of the less developed countries will be neces- 
sary if widespread famine is to be avoided. 
With our help and the help of other aid donors, 
it now appears that this can be done. 

It cannot be done, however, \vithout increased 
attention to the reduction of population growth. 
Although progress has been slow, more and 
more countries which we are assisting are under- 
taking family planning programs. The less 
developed countries themselves, the aid-giving 
nations, international organizations, and pri- 
vate groups are showing an increasing aware- 
ness of the enormous problems caused by rapid 
population growth. We will devote as large a 
part of our AID program as we can to help 
the less developed countries come to grips with 
this problem. 

The President's task force will carry out a 
further comprehensive review of our foreign 
assistance programs and will also consider other 
studies, such as the internationally sponsored 
Pearson Commission report. This review by the 
task force will serve as the basis for our final 
response to the Javits amendment to the 
Foreign Assistance Act. 



82 



Department of State Bulletin 



II. 

At this point, Mr. Chairman, let me outline 
for the committee the major elements of the 
economic assistance program proposed for fiscal 
year 1970. We are requesting $2.2 billion, con- 
sisting of: 

— $463 million for technical assistance ; 

— $1.1 billion for development loans, includ- 
ing $438 million for Latin America ; 

— $515 million for supporting assistance; 

— $115 million for contingency fund, admin- 
istrative expenses, and other requests. 

In an effort to meet the special needs of the 
less developed countries for modern technical 
skills and strong institutions to train large 
numbers of people more effectively, we will 
reemphasize and expand our support for techni- 
cal assistance, both bilateral and multilateral. 
Over one-fifth of our request for economic 
assistance is for technical assistance programs. 

Development loans continue to be the largest 
share of the program and the most important 
means of providing essential goods and services 
required to fuel agricultural and industrial 
development in the poor countries. In addition, 
they are the primary means AID has to stimu- 
late borrowing countries to make the self-help 
reforms needed for their development. Eight 
countries — Brazil, Cliile, Colombia, India, In- 
donesia, Korea, Pakistan, and Turkey — vdll 
receive 86 percent of the development loan 
coimtry programs proposed for this fiscal year. 

In addition to the two major forms of devel- 
opment assistance, AID also helps a few coun- 
tries maintain political and economic stability 
through supporting assistance. In FY 1970 only 
seven coimtries will receive such assistance, and 
93 percent of the supporting assistance comitry 
. programs will be concentrated in Viet-Nam, 
Laos, and Thailand. In addition, nearly $20 
million will help support the U.N. peacekeeping 
force in Cyprus and the refugee programs 
carried out by UNRWA [United Nations Ee- 
lief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees 
in the Near East] . 

The contingency fund is necessary to meet 
urgent needs for disasters such as earthquakes 
and floods, as well as for unforeseen require- 
ments, often in situations of security interest 
to the United States. 

Other requests provide funds for salaries and 
related administrative expenses, support for 



American-sponsored schools and hospitals 
abroad, and grants for the Indus Basin Devel- 
opment Fund. 

III. 

Our FY 1970 request will fund the following 
regional programs: 

— East Asia, $234 million ; 

— Viet-Nam, $440 million ; 

— ^Near East and South Asia, $625 million ; 

— Latin America, $605 million ; 

— Africa, $186 million. 

In East Asia our aid is focused on both 
development and security purposes. Indonesia 
has come back from the brink of economic chaos 
and is launching a comprehensive development 
program, the success of which will depend very 
heavily on outside support for some time to 
come. The Eepublic of Korea is moving toward 
self-sustaining growth, and we expect to be able 
to continue to phase down the aid we provide to 
it. In both Laos and Thailand our assistance 
programs are for the most part an outgrowth of 
the hostilities in Viet-Nam and will depend in 
form and amount on the course of the war there. 

In Viet-Nam we are prepared to shift the aid 
program toward greater emphasis on economic 
and social development if there is a resolution 
of the conflict or a significant deescalation of 
the war in the months ahead. 

In the Near East and South Asia our economic 
aid program is concentrated almost entirely on 
the subcontinent and on Turkey. 

In India and Pakistan — which have a popu- 
lation greater than that of Latin America and 
Africa combined — we have a testing ground of 
whether man can check the ravages of mal- 
nutrition and escape from the grip of poverty. 
The success or failure of the long-term drive 
which both India and Pakistan are making for 
their economic development will have ramifica- 
tions throughout the world. That is why there is 
such wide participation of aid-giving countries 
in the consortia led by the World Bank for these 
two countries. That is also why over two-thirds 
of our proposed AID development loan pro- 
gram outside Latin America is planned for these 
two major countries. 

The previous pessimistic assessment that 
mass starvation would face the Indian Subcon- 
tinent and some other regions by 1980 has given 
way to hope that, with continued local effort 



August 4, 1969 



83 



and adequate outside help, the "green revolu- 
tion" in agriculture can lead the way to overall 
economic development and progress. India and 
Pakistan will require development assistance 
for some years to come. But local as well as for- 
eign experts now are convinced that with good 
performance and substantial aid these countries 
can in fact achieve self-sustaining gro^-th in the 
not too distant future. 

Turkey, like Korea, is approaching the time 
when she will no longer need concessional loans 
to keep her economy moving ahead. 

In Latin America our program is a continua- 
tion of the historically close and special rela- 
tions between us and the other coimtries of the 
hemisphere. The President has expressed our 
determination to strengthen and improve these 
relations. Continuation of our assistance 
obviously is essential to constructive changes in 
an atmosphere of purposeful cooperation. The 
alternative to any refusal on our part to col- 
laborate in their development risks continued 
social and economic stagnation, with its great 
explosive potential. The present request for 
Latin America provides an important bridge to 
the new policy and program directions that will 
emerge as a result of the executive branch re- 
views now underway. Further reductions in 
our assistance to this hemisphere this year, fol- 
lowing last year's deep cuts, could badly erode 
confidence in the reliability of our special re- 
lationship. 

Our aid program for Africa extends a modest 
amount of help to an area which is the least 
developed of all the continents and which con- 
tains one-third of all members in the United 
Nations. Our aid complements that of the 
former administering nations of Europe. Apart 
from contributions to 10 African states, the 
United States is emphasizing the advantages of 
expanded markets and joint approaches to com- 
mon development problems by focusing its as- 
sistance elsewhere on the continent on regional 
activities which reflect African initiatives. 

We also recommend a military assistance pro- 
gram at the level of last year's appropriation. 
For the past few years, we have actively 
pursued a policy of phasing out military assist- 
ance for those countries whose economies have 
developed sufficiently so that they are able to 
provide for their own defense needs. 

The bulk of the FY 1970 military assistance 
request presented to you — almost 80 percent — 
continues to be planned for four strategic coun- 



tries — the Republics of Korea and Cliina, 
Greece and Turkey. Military assistance is also 
programed for countries which provide to the 
United States facilities important to the defense 
posture of the United States and its allies. 

Small amounts of military assistance are also 
planned for other countries, most of which are 
to receive only training. 

IV. 

These, in broad outline, Mr. ChaiiTuan, are 
the proposals wliich President Nixon is making 
to the Congress for the foreign assistance pro- 
gram for the curi-ent fiscal year. 

Foreign assistance is integral to the conduct 
of our foreign policy because of a nimiber of 
fundamental facts about the world in which 
we live: 

— More than two-thirds of the world's people 
live in less developed countries. In the next 12 
years the number of people in the poor coun- 
tries will grow by about a billion, increasing 
their present population by almost one-half. 

■ — In recent years the less developed countries 
in the non-Communist world as a whole ex- 
panded tlieir production at a faster rate — 
roughly 5 percent annually — than the United 
States achieved in most of our history. In this 
sense it can be said that foreign aid is working. 
But unprecedented rat«s of population growth 
are denying the individual citizens of the less 
developed countries much of the benefits of 
these gains in national production. 

— About four-fifths of the savings and invest- 
ment necessary for sustained growth in the poor 
coimtries must be raised from their own re- 
sources, out of economies whose per capita 
national production averages about one-tenth 
that of the industrialized countries. 

— In some of the less developed countries the 
threat of aggression or insurgency requires the 
diversion of scarce resources to maintain secu- 
rity forces. 

— More rapid economic and social progress 
is the goal of every constructive political leader | 
in the developing nations. 

— If the rich countries do not provide the 
critical margin of assistance to these construc- 
tive forces, the resulting frustration is certain 
to be exploited politically, and in the long run 
it will be detrimental to our national interests. 

On my recent trip to Asia I found, in the 
countries I visited, shared convictions on the 



84 



Department of State Bulletin 



overriding importance of breaking out of 
poverty, a new sense of confidence that real 
economic progress is possible, a growing com- 
mitment to regional cooperation, and a strong 
desire to stand as soon as possible independent 
of external support. 

To the extent that our aid policies and pro- 
grams foster these trends — and it is clear that 
they do — they directly support the conduct of 
our foreign policy. 

As you consider the program before the com- 
mittee, j-ou inevitably will be looking at details 
and at requirements in the immediate future. 

But in considering immediate needs in pri- 
ority areas for the next few years we should 
not lose sight of a broader issue involved. Tliis 
issue is whether the East-West polarization that 
characterized the postwar world is going to be 
followed by a different polarization that divides 
the world into the rich and the poor. 

You have statistics at hand that measure 
the gap between the rich and the poor nations. 
Although the less developed nations as a group 
have improved their growth rate in the 1960's 
and are slowly improving their living stand- 
ards, the absolute gap continues to widen from 
year to year. Even with great generosity in our 
efforts to encourage the development process in 
poorer parts of the world, the foreseeable pros- 
pects are for that gap to increase still further. 

In the face of this possibility it would be 
shortsighted indeed if the United States failed 
to do its part with the other developed coun- 
tries in providing assistance to the poor coun- 
tries. I have been asked frequently by repre- 
sentatives of both rich and poor whether the 
sharp cutback in our aid level last year signaled 
a turn down such a path. I could only express 
the hope that this was not the case. 



Mr. Chairman, I said at the opening of these 
remarks that I believe Americans have the right 
to be proud of our role in pioneering the lend- 



ing of a helping hand to nations straining to 
set themselves on the road to more decent 
standards of living, because this is a construc- 
tive and humane thing to do. 

I also have tried to suggest that since this is 
a process now engaging the priority attention 
of most of the people of the world, it would be 
somehow incongruous if we were not engaged in 
this powerful current in human affairs. 

In closing this statement I should like to 
stress tliat the conduct of an active and adequate 
developn^eut assistance program also serves our 
interests in creating a more stable and progres- 
sive world. 

There can be no doubt of the close relation- 
ship between the development process, on the 
one hand, and security on the other. If there 
is a sense of security, it encourages people and 
leaders to make the necessary sacrifices for 
development because they have grounds for 
hope in the future. If there is a satisfactory 
rate of economic and social progress, it rein- 
forces that sense of security. When both of these 
factors are present, the political structures of 
the less developed countries are strengthened, 
which in turn contributes to order in inter- 
national affairs. 

Mr. Chairman, I want to emphasize that we 
consider the President's budget request for 
economic and military assistance for fiscal year 
1970 to be important to our long-range national 
interests. We are conscious of competing de- 
mands upon our resources. The amounts re- 
quested, we believe, reflect that awareness. The 
budget this year is the smallest ever requested — 
in absolute amount, in relation to the budget, 
and in relation to the U.S. gross national 
product — since the Marshall Plan was launched 
two decades ago. President Nixon has therefore 
asked me to tell tliis committee that it is his 
firm conviction that the authorization request 
for $2.6 billion tliis year is necessary to meet 
essential r'^quirements. 

I respectfully ask the members of this com- 
mittee to support this request. 



August 4, 1969 



85 



Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia Visits 

the United States as Guest of President Nixon 



Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia made 
a state visit to the United States July 7-11. He 
met with President Nixon at Washington July 
8-9. Following is their excha/nge of greetings at 
a welcoming ceremony in the East Room of the 
White House on July 8, their exchange of toasts 
at a state dinner at the White House that eve- 
ning., and their exchange of remarks in the 
White House Rose Garden on July 9 upon con- 
clusion of their meetings. 



EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS 

White House press release dated July 8 

President Nixon 

Your Majesty, this historic house has -wit- 
nessed many historic occasions, but as all of 
our guests here today I am sure will agree and 
as those who are listening on television and 
radio will vmderstand, no visit to this house 
has a greater historical significance than your 
visit to the Wliite House again. 

First, because in all the world today you, as 
chief of state, have served longer — 53 years — 
than any chief of state in the world, and we 
honor you for that. 

Second, because I am the fourth President 
of the United States to have the honor of re- 
ceiving you here in the "Wliite House as an 
official state visitor. In the whole history of the 
United States, over 190 years, this has not been 
the case with any official visitor. You broke the 
record with four Presidents today. 

Third, because you are the first visitor — offi- 
cial visitor to this country since my inaugura- 
tion as President of the United States — from 
the great continent of Africa, to which you 
have offered such outstanding leadership. 

For these reasons we honor you today and 
also for others that I will mention briefly. 

We honor you because of the personal leader- 
ship that you have provided for your country, 



an ancient land, a proud people, but one which 
under your leadership has moved forward in 
the field of economic and social progress dra- 
matically in these last years. 

Second, because in this great continent of 
Africa, a very old continent with manj' new 
nations, you have provided the counsel and the 
guidance and the leadership to the new nations, 
to the new leaders, which was so essential, and 
also the example for unity, unity which tran- 
scends differences in the continent. The fact 
that the Organization of African Unity is in 
your capital city is an indication of that 
leadership. 

But finally, to all of us who are here, those 
of us who go back a few years, we welcome you 
as one who appealed to and inspired the whole 
conscience of the world in 1936, when you, 
standing virtually alone, spoke out against ag- 
gressive totalitarianism; and as a result of 
speaking out, you gave an example, an example 
which should have been followed then, but an 
example which today historians will recall pro- 
vided inspiration to leaders and people through- 
out the world. 

As we look back over your life, and as we look 
back over your leadership, we can truly say 
that no chief of state or head of government 
can be welcomed to the United States of Amer- 
ica who really touches our hearts more than you 
touch our hearts, because you stand for those 
great principles, principles of independence, 
principles of national dignity, principles of 
unity, which transcend differences between 
nations. 

You stand for those principles and have stood 
for them through the years — in difficult years 
as well as those in which you have had perliaps 
a better opportunity than in times past. 

So today we welcome you. "We regret that our 
weather last night was difficult so that you were 
unable to be received by the great throngs who 
wanted to welcome you if we could have had this 
ceremony outside. But I can assure you that 



86 



Department of State Bulletin 



small though our numbers may be because of the 
restrictions of this room, the hearts of all Amer- 
icans — 200 million Americans — are full with 
respect as you return again to this country, 
and we look forward to our conversations with 
you and we wish you good health. 

We wish you, also, a good visit here, and we 
wish you the very best for the years of leader- 
ship which we know you will provide not only 
to your nation, not only to your continent, but 
to those who cherish and honor freedom 
throughout the world. 

Emperor Haile Selassie ^ 

Mr. President, first of all I wish to take this 
opportunity to thank you for the most kind 
words you have uttered about my country and 
myself. 

I also wish to take this opportunity to thank 
you for extending an invitation for me to come 
and visit the United States of America once 
more. I hope in my brief sojourn to this country 
I will have the opportunity of renewing old 
acquaintances as well as making new friends. 

As you have said, Mr. President, the relations 
between the United States and Ethiopia are not 
new ones. We have, for many decades, main- 
tained the most friendly relations. We have 
manifested this friendship not merely by words 
but in terms of specific concrete and joint efforts 
and sacrifices we have made. 

Our friendship has been based on certain 
solid common interests which, as time goes on, 
rather than being weakened are strengthening 
themselves each day. 

Mr. President, I am happy today to be here, 
particularly to meet you again in your own 
country. I have vivid recollections of your visit 
to Ethiopia and the extensive exchange of views 
we have had concerning the bilateral relations 
between the United States and Ethiopia, as well 
as multilateral relations and questions affecting 
international peace and security. 

I am glad that my arrival here in the United 
States yesterday is affording me another oppor- 
tunity to exchange views with you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, with a view toward strengthening further 
the good and friendly relations that have for 
long remained as the basis of the relations be- 
tween Ethiopia and the United States. 



'His Imperial Majesty spoke in Amharic: his re- 
marks were translated by Ethiopian Ambassador 
Minassie Haile. 



I also wish to emphasize that the friendship 
between our two coimtries has not been solely 
confined to relations between us, such as my 
visit here or President Nixon's visit to Ethi- 
opia; but many people in different walks of life, 
both from Ethiopia as well as from the United 
States, visit each other's country, and we con- 
sider this to be indispensable in strengthening 
already existing friendly ties. 

Mr. President, you have mentioned African 
problems. You have mentioned the Organiza- 
tion of African Unity, an organization which 
the people of our vast continent have estab- 
lished with a view to performing certain spe- 
cific tasks. 

Briefly speaking, the organization is estab- 
lished for the purpose of protecting in a better 
fashion the independence of African states. It is 
also meant to expedite the economic and social 
progress through cooperation of African 
peoples. 

It also has the important task of assisting in 
the maintenance of international peace and se- 
curity. Because this very principle, for which 
that organization is established, is in accord 
with the basic policy of the Government of the 
United States, the organization has had ample 
support on the part of the people and Gov- 
ernment of this country. 

I hope that in the time to come the United 
States Government and people would find it 
possible to come to even a greater assistance of 
that organization, for the principles for which it 
stands are of universal value and never- 
changing ones. 

Mr. President, I hope, as I see it, as a result 
of my visit and exchange of views I will have 
the pleasure of having with you, the relations 
between our two countries will be strengthened 
further. 

In this time of a fast-changing world, where 
new things come about, and so forth, it is essen- 
tial for leaders to come together to exchange 
and consider views to see by what joint effort 
they will be able to strengthen that relation. 

I hope that as a result of the broad general 
understanding we are going to arrive at dur- 
ing my visit here, our understanding will be 
reflected in the kind of policy that will fol- 
low and the kind of consideration and atti- 
tude we will have regarding each other's vital 
problems. 

I hope in broad terms, as I see it, the good 
relation between our two coimtries will be 



August 4, 1969 



87 



further broadened, not to the exclusive ad- 
vantage of one party but with a view toward 
bringing forth mutual benefits and mutual 
advantage. 

I wish to thank you again, Mr. President, 
for the very kind words you have said. I also 
wish to thank the people and the Govern- 
ment of the United States for giving me such 
a cordial reception. 

Thank you very much. 



EXCHANGE OF TOASTS 

White House press release dated July 8 

President Nixon 

As we welcome His Majesty again to this 
house, our thoughts must go back to the many 
events that have occurred in tliis room, be- 
cause no one can be in the presence of His 
Majesty without thinking of all the history 
which he has seen and which he has made. 

So tonight we honor hun as the leader of 
a great country with whom the United States 
is very fortunate to have the most cordial and 
close relations. 

We honor him as the leader and counselor 
and adviser to the great new nations of Africa, 
in which he has played such a significant role ; 
and we honor him also for his world leadership, 
with which all of us are familiar. 

I have been trying to think of something 
that would be appropriate to say that has not 
already been said about His Majesty on what is 
now the fourth occasion that he has been in this 
room as the official guest of a President of the 
United States. 

As I pomted out when we welcomed him in 
the Wliite House this morning, this is a record 
that has never been equaled before and may 
never be equaled again : the head of state being 
received by four different Presidents as an offi- 
cial guest. 

Those things that occur to me I am sure occur 
to all of you. He is a respected leader of his 
own country. He is a respected leader of a great 
continent, and he is a respected leader of the 
world. 

But he is more than that and will be remem- 
bered by all of us, not only in this country but 
throughout the world, for more than those 
things, because that could be said about many 



88 



of the official guests who are honored in this 
room. 

I can think of the fact that His Majesty, of 
course, is a descendant of Solomon. If I can 
recall the Biblical phrase correctly, when King 
David died and the Lord asked Solomon what 
he wanted most, Solomon said, "Lord, give me 
an imderstanding heart." And because he asked 
for that, he received great wisdom, a long life, 
and, of course, he had an understanding heart. 

So it is with His Majesty. He has wisdom. 
He has had a long life and, I know from per- 
sonal experience, an understanding heart. 

I share that with you for one moment. I had 
the great privilege, which some in tliis room 
have enjoyed, of visiting his country in 1957. 
My wife and I were received as royal guests at 
that time and treated royally. I returned again 
to his country in 1967, holding no office, having i 
no portfolio whatever. I was received again as \ 
a royal guest and treated royally. This is a man 
with an understanding heart. [Laughter.] 

So tonight we honor him for what he has been 
to his country, to his continent, and to the 
world. We honor him also for what he means 
to histoi-y. '\ATiat he means to history is some- 
thing more than that of national leader or con- 
tinental leader or world leader. "Wliat he means 
is a spirit, a spirit that in these days we some- 
times think is lost : the spirit that does not give 
up when all the odds seem too difficult to over- 
come, the spirit that will not compromise when 
there is no compromise which would not de- 
stroy that in which he believed, the spirit that 
inspired us all in 1936 when we saw Mm stand- 
ing tall and proud before the League of Na- 
tions talking for what all of the pragmatists, 
all of the realists, said was a lost cause. 

Because he spoke so strongly and proudly and 
vigorously for what was said to be a lost cause, 
he was victorious, his nation was victorious, but 
what was more important, the cause of freedom, 
of strong men who refuse to be overcome by the 
odds and by the difficulties — that survived. 

What His Majesty leaves, that heritage, on 
his pages of the history books of the world 
means more than the leadership of a nation, or 
a continent, or, for that matter, the world, and 
for that moment of inspirational leadership we 
are all in his debt. 

And tonight, therefore, I know that all of you 
will welcome the opportunity to join with me — 
as has been the occasion on four different times. 



Department of State Bulletin 



as I have indicated before, in this room — to 
drink to his health. And in drinking to his 
health, I have found that there is a phrase in his 
country, a phrase of salutation, which I think 
is particularly appropriate. Translated from the 
Amliaric it reads as follows : "May he live long 
for our glory." 

I think there is notliing more appropriate 
that we can say to His Imperial Majesty tonight 
than that we trust he may live long for our 
glory. 

Let us raise om* glasses to His Imperial 
jMajesty Haile Selassie. 

Emperor Haile Selassie^ 

I wish to express our heartfelt gratitude to 
Your Excellencies, to you, the Government and 
the people of the United States of America, for 
the very warm welcome and cordial hospitality 
accorded to me ever since my arrival to this 
great and friendly country. 

The kind and generous words which you have 
just addressed to me and my people are deeply 
appreciated. As you have rightly said, the 
friendship existing between us is of long stand- 
ing and goes far back, to when you were the 
Vice President of the United States of America. 

The discussions and the exchange of views 
which I have had with you during your two 
visits to our country have certainly helped in 
strengthening this friendship. 

This is not the first time, as I said today, 
for us to visit this great land. Upon the invita- 
tions that have been previously extended to us 
by your predecessors to visit this country, we 
have come here and learned at first hand how 
much the American people treasure the friend- 
ship of our people. 

Tliis friendship has been tested in times of 
war and peace, and it has proven to be a firm 
and lasting one. 

Thirty -three years have lapsed since our inno- 
cent and defenseless people suffered the agonies 
and atrocities of Fascist aggressors whose ac- 
tion irked and aroused the consciences of men 
and women everywhere. 

It was following this most brutal aggression, 
as you have already mentioned this evening and 
this morning, that we made our appeal to the 



' As translated from Amharic by Ambassador 
Mlnassie. 



League of Nations to condemn this inexcusable 
aggression and to support Ethiopia's just cause. 

Though the League of Nations failed us, we 
continued to seek its support because we were 
convinced that only through this world body 
could this aggression be checked in time before 
the whole world was engulfed in a great 
catastrophe. 

Our warnings were not heeded. However, we 
were proven right in the ensuing years. The 
moral force of our cause and the refusal of 
friendly countries like the United States of 
America to recognize the aimexation of Ethi- 
opia by force helped to sustain us and our gal- 
lant people in the struggle for total liberation 
of Ethiopia. 

I myself and our people are most grateful for 
this contribution of the United States. Ever 
since Ethiopia liberated herself from enemy oc- 
cupation, the Government and the people of the 
United States of America have generously con- 
tributed to our effort of reconstruction and 
development. 

Ethiopia, as other developing coimtries, has 
numerous problems in the field of education, 
public health, agriculture, communication, and 
other things related to development. 

With regard to education, the people of the 
United States of America have given invaluable 
assistance by building schools in Ethiopia and 
by providing teachers. They have further 
granted scholarships to Ethiopian students to 
pursue their higher education in the United 
States of America and also have given assist- 
ance to the Haile Selassie University, the first 
university. 

One of the principals of American assistance 
to Ethiopia has also been in the field of com- 
munications. The friendly Government of the 
United States of America continues to partici- 
pate in Ethiopia's efforts to modernize its agri- 
culture and improve the health of its people. 

We wish to express our appreciation and 
heartfelt thanks for the continued assistance 
given to us by the American people in our 
endeavor to maintain the security and territorial 
integrity of our nation. 

In the field of international relations the 
United States and Ethiopia have similar inter- 
ests and objectives, which give more reason for 
our two countries and peoples to increase that 
area of cooperation. 

The age-old friendship existing between 



August 4, 1969 

357-533—69— 



89 



Ethiopia and the United States of America, we 
believe, has flourished as a result of our close 
cooperation both in the interest of our two peo- 
ples and in the general cause of world peace. 
It is our belief that our two countries should 
continue to cooperate even more closely. 

Ethiopia is a nation fully committed to Afri- 
can vmity and to the greater cause of world 
peace and subsequently shall continue to sup- 
port and strengthen the Organization of Afri- 
can Unity, wliich was established as an African 
instrument for peace and progress. 

The Organization of African Unity, consult- 
ing its Committee on Nigeria, of which I have 
the honor of being Chairman, has so far done 
its utmost to find ways and means of ending 
the tragic war in Nigeria. Without despair, we 
shall continue to exert our eiforts with a view 
to finding an acceptable formula for peace. 

It was very gratifying for me when I read 
the fact that you, Mr. President, have selected 
a competent individual to represent you in the 
humanitarian effort of the United States in Ni- 
geria. I have had the privilege of talking with 
your representative, and I am glad to report 
that our ideas about relief operations are very 
close and coincide on many points. 

The history of the Ethiopian people is a his- 
tory of a peace-loving nation. The annals of 
history are proof of the general stand of Ethi- 
opia in this regard. However, there are still cer- 
tain quarters who seek to compromise the 
territorial integrity and unity of our country. 
Such a smister attitude will only strengthen our 
determination to safeguard the freedom and in- 
dependence of our nation. 

The reality of our position has impressed 
upon us the need to remain strong in all aspects 
of defense, a measure which can only be realized 
through the accelerated development of our na- 
tion. We are confident that the friendly peo- 
ple and Government of the United States of 
America will continue to give Ethiopia their 
usual encouragement and support in our de- 
termination to advance the good and well-being 
of our people in a climate of peace and stability. 

Mr. President, Mrs. Nixon, and distinguished 
guests: I would like to ask all present here to 
join me in a toast to the good health and happi- 
ness of President and Mrs. Nixon and to the 
continued well-being and prosperity of the 
American people and to the lasting friendship 
between the people of the United States and the 
people of Ethiopia. 



EXCHANGE OF REMARKS 

White House press release d&ted July 9 

President Nixon 

Your Imperial Majesty: As you leave the 
White House I want to thank you for coming to 
the United States and for giving us the oppor- 
tunity to meet with you again. I thank you first 
personally as an old friend, and I appreciated 
the chance that has been provided to renew our 
personal acquaintance. 

I want to thank you, too, because it provided 
the opportunity to discuss the bilateral prob- 
lems that we have between our two countries. 
Certainly those were easy problems to discuss, 
easy because our traditional friendship led to 
the constructive type of solutions which we both 
expected when our conversations began. 

But beyond that, I want to express to you my 
appreciation for your coming to this country, 
because you gave the opportunity for all of us 
who met you to see not only the relations be- 
tween Ethiopia and the United States in a better 
light but to see the problems of the continent of 
Africa and of the whole world from the long 
perspective of histoi-y which you have and also 
from the understanding of the whole world 
which has always been yours. 

Our discussions covered, as you know, the 
problems of the new nations of Africa and U.S. 
policy toward those nations, the agony of Ni- 
geria and Biafra and what steps might be taken 
by this country and steps that could be taken by 
you to bring a solution to that problem, and also 
the problems of the Mideast which are so much 
in our minds as well as in yours. 

This type of opportunity that it has provided 
for discussion at the highest level of problems 
that affect the future of both of our countries — 
but beyond that, the future of a whole contin- 
ent and the whole world — is one that made this 
visit very worthwhile, certainly from my stand- 
point and from the standpoint of my colleague 
in government and I hope from yours and 
your colleagues'. 

As you leave I say again, as I said last night, 
that perhaps the most appropriate words are the 
words from a greeting from your own language 
which, as I understand, literally translated to 
the English means "May you live long for our 
glory." 

We all feel that. We feel it in our hearts. May 
you live long, live long not just for yourself, 



90 



Department of State Bulletin 



not just for your people, but for the greater 
service that you can render to the cause of peace 
and progress in the continent of Africa, in the 
IMideast, and in the whole world. 



Emperor Haile Selassie ^ 

Mr. President : As I have already said, this is 
not the first visit I am paying to the United 
States. Each time I have come to this country, I 
have been impressed by the friendsliip that has 
been manifested to me by responsible American 
officials, as well as by the people in all walks of 
] ife that I have encountered. 

I am happy to have gotten another oppor- 
tunity to come to the United States with a view 
of discussing problems of common concern with 
the President of the United States and other 
distinguished officials of this Government. 

In our discussions, Mr. President, as you have 
indicated, we have considered the possibility of 
expanding the relations between Ethiopia and 
the United States on a bilateral basis. We have 
also considered problems affecting our region, 
as well as problems affecting international peace 
and security. 

I am confident that, as the result of the discus- 
sions I have had, the relations between our two 
countries will be strengthened further. There 
are many matters regarding which we have 
achieved a measure of understanding, and the 
details about how to implement specific ideas 
will be left to officials, both of Ethiopia and 
the United States Government, who will be 
working on the details. 

Mr. President, I also wish to take this oppor- 
tunity of publicly extending to you an invita- 
tion to visit our country for a third time. This is 
an opportunity which I myself and the people 
of my country will be looking forward to. 

I am sure that in accordance with the general 
understanding and views we have expressed and 
understanding we have achieved, the detailed 
consideration of problems will also be satisfac- 
tory. The discussion has been most rewarding 
to me and I am satisfied with the opmions which 
have been expressed and with the meeting of 
minds that has been achieved. 

Mr. President, may God bless you, your fam- 
ily, and may God bless the American people. 
Thank you. 



'As translated from Amharic by Ambassador 
Mlnassie. 



26th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

Following is the opening statement made hy 
Ambassador Henry Cahot Lodge, head of the 
U.S. delegation, at the 26th plenary session of 
the meetings on Viet-Nam at Paris on July 17. 

Press release 205 dated July 17 

Ladies and gentlemen: Tlie United States 
welcomes and supports President Thieu's pro- 
posals for political settlement in South Viet- 
Nam. They are comprehensive, statesmanlike, 
and eminently fair. They would establish a set 
of procedui'es and guarantees to ensure that the 
political future of South Viet-Nam would re- 
flect, as accurately and as fairly as possible, the 
will of the people of South Viet-Nam. And tliis 
would include those whose allegiance is to your 
side, as well as those whose allegiance is to the 
Government of the Kepublic of Viet-Nam. 

As President Nixon said, in commenting on 
President Thieu's proposals of July 11 : ^ 

President Thieu has proposed elections in which all 
political parties and groups can participate, specifically 
including the National Liberation Front. He has 
ofCered to set up special guarantees to ensure 
fairness. . . . 

Beyond this, President Thieu has indicated his will- 
ingness to discuss with the other side the timetable 
and details of these elections. He has declared that 
his government will abide by the results of such elec- 
tions and has asked that the other side do the same. 
He has also renewed his offer of private talks with the 
NLF without preconditions. 

As President Nixon also said: 

President Thieu's offer marks the culmination of a 
long series of steps by the South Vietnamese and Amer- 
ican Governments, all of which together demonstrate 
clearly the sincere desire of our two Governments to 
negotiate an honorable and rapid settlement of the 
war. . . . 

If the other side genuinely wants peace, it now has a 
comprehensive set of offers which permit a fair and 
reasonable settlement. If it approaches us in this spirit, 
it will find us reasonable. Hanoi has nothing to gain 
by waiting. 

These proposals should receive the most care- 
ful and sympathetic study by all who want to 
bring jjeace to Viet-Nam. We commend them 
to your side as a basis for serious negotiations. 

We believe that the Government of the Re- 
public of Viet-Nam has taken a momentous step 
toward a negotiated peace. That Government, 



* Bui-LETIN of July 28, 1969, p. 61. 



August 4, 1969 



91 



by these proposals, would put into the hands of 
the voters a genuine opportunity for self-deter- 
mination. Moreover, President Tlueu has stated 
that his personal position and interests do not 
count in the face of the supreme interests of the 
country and the aspirations of the people. Thus, 
if your side rejects these proposals out of hand, 
or even refuses to discuss them, the gravest 
doubt will be cast on your interest in a negoti- 
ated settlement of the wa r . 

Since the question of elections in South Viet- 
Nam is one primarily for discussion by the 
South Vietnamese, I now close my statement, 
repeating once again my earnest request that 
President Thieu's proposals be discussed care- 
fidly and constructively. 



U.S. and Germany Conclude 
New Offset Agreement 

Following is a joint statement issued on 
July 9 at the conclusion of V.S.-German tdhs 
at Washington. 

The U.S. and German delegations announced 
today [July 9] the conclusion of a new agree- 
ment for offsetting foreign exchange costs of 
American forces in Germany for U.S. fiscal 
years 1970 and 1971. The delegations have been 
conferring in Washington this week on the third 
and concluding round of their talks. 

The agreement provides for an inflow of for- 
eign exchange to the United States in the 
amount of $1.52 billion. These inflows will be 
achieved by $925 million of procurement of 
U.S. goods and services (61 percent of total 
agreement) and $595 million of financial meas- 
ures (39 percent of total) . 

Details are as follows : 

Milliont 
oj dollars 

Military procurement in the TJ.S 800 

FRG loan to the U.S. (repayable after 10 

years) 250 

Purchase by FRG of loans held in portfolio 
of Eximbank and of outstanding Marshall 
Plan loans H?. 75 

Civil procurement in the U.S. by FRG . . - 125 

Creation of fund in U.S. by FRG to en- 
courage German Investment in U.S . . . 150 

Advance transfers by the FRG for debt re- 
payment to the U.S 43. 75 

Retention in the U.S. of interest earned by 
the FRG on U.S. Treasury deposits ... 32. 50 

1,520 



It was agreed that the interest rate which 
would apply to the inter-Government loan and 
to certain Federal Republic of Germany de- 
posits in the U.S. Treasury for procurement 
would be 3.5 percent. 

The Export-Import Bank and Marshall Plan 
loans purchased by the Federal Republic of 
Germany would bear, on the average, a rate 
of interest at 4 percent with respect to certain 
loans and 5 percent with respect to others. 

The U.S. delegation was led by Deputy Under 
Secretary of State Nathaniel Samuels ; the Ger- 
man delegation was headed by State Secretary 
Guenther Harkort of the Foreign Office. 



President Nixon Orders Reduction 
in U.S. Personnel Abroad 

White House press release dated July 9 

The President on July 9 ordered a, 10-percent 
reduction in American direct-hire civilian per- 
sonnel serving abroad during the current fiscal 
year, as well as certain U.S. military forces 
overseas. This decision was made in the inter- 
ests of lessening budget and balance-of -payment 
costs and of reducing the American presence 
overseas. 

These reductions do not apply to military 
forces committed to NATO or in Berlin, to 
forces stationed in Korea or in Viet-Nam, or to 
units stationed elsewhere in Southeast Asia that 
are directly engaged in related military opera- 
tions. The exception in these areas does not, 
however, apply to U.S. direct-hire civilian per- 
sonnel working with our commands there. 
Troop reductions in Viet-Nam will be con- 
sidered under separate programs. 

Peace Corps volunteers will also be excluded 
from the cut. 

Direct-hire civilian personnel in South Viet- 
Nam will be cut by over 10 percent during the 
current fiscal year. 

The President directed that these reductions 
should commence as soon as possible. 

The Under Secretaries Committee of the Na- 
tional Security Council, chaired by Elliot 
Richardson, will supervise the implementation 
of this reduction. It will assure that essential 
fimctions are not impaired and that the cuts are 
fairly apportioned among the agencies involved. 

Tlie President's decision is part of his con- 
tinuing effort to carry out his pledge to stream- 



92 



Department of State Bulletin 



line Government operations and reduce Federal 
budget costs. This decision is expected to result 
in a reduction of approximately 5,100 civilian 
personnel. The reduction in U.S. military 
abroad will include approximately 14,900 men. 



CommiUee on U.S.-Japan Cultural 
Cooperation Meets at Honolulu 

Press release 192 dated July 11 

The Governments of Japan and the United 
States on July 11 announced that the first meet- 
ing of the new Joint Committee on United 
States-Japan Cultural and Educational Co- 
operation was to be held in Honolulu July 14- 
16 to review educational and cultural relations 
between the two countries and to prepare plans 
for the fifth United States-Japan Conference 
on Cultural and Educational Interchange in 
Tokyo in 1970. At the fourth conference in 
Washington in April 1968, it was recom- 
mended that the Joint Committee be established 
to give more continuity to the work of cultural 
and educational exchange between the two 
countries.^ In the first Hawaii meeting of the 
Joint Committee, each country will be repre- 
sented by seven participants. The American 
participants include John W. Hall, chairman, 
Joint Committee on Japanese Studies of the 
Social Science Research Coimcil and the Ameri- 
can Council of Learned Societies; Hugh Bor- 
ton, vice president, the Japan Society; W. B. 
Cleveland, president, Esso Standard Eastern; 
Richard B. Finn, Country Director for Japan, 
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, De- 
partment of State ; Jolm H. Esterline, Director, 
Office of East Asian and Pacific Programs, 
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, 
Department of State; Robert C. Leestma, As- 
sociate Commissioner for International Educa- 
tion and Director, Institute of International 
Studies, Department of Health, Education, and 
Welfare ; and James Hoyt, Japan Desk Officer, 
Office of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, United 
States Infonnation Agency. The Japanese par- 
ticipants include Tatsuo Morito, president of 
the Japan Scholarship Foundation ; Junichi Na- 



^ For background, see Buixetin of May 6, 1968, p. 587. 



tori, dean, International Department, Waseda 
University; Masao Yoshiki, chief director of 
the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; 
Shintaro Fukushima, president of Kyodo News 
Service; Naoya Uchimura, playwright; Ryoko 
Ishikawa, Assistant Director-General, Public 
Information Bureau, Ministry of Foreign Af- 
fairs; and Kohei Shinozawa, Head, Interna- 
tional Cultural Relations Division, Director- 
General's Secretariat, Agency for Cultural 
Affairs. 



Intelsat Preparatory Committee 
Meets at Washington 

The frefaratory com/mittee of tlie Intelsat 
Conference {Plenipotentiary Conference on 
Definitive Arrangements for the International 
T elecomnnunications Satellite Consortium) met 
at Washington June 23-July 11. Following is 
a statement issued by Willia7n W. Scranton, 
cJiairman of the U.S. delegation to the confer- 
ence, at the close of the preparatory committee 
meeting on July 11. 

Following 3 weeks of work by the 37 member 
countries and 10 observer delegations of the 
preparatory committee, it is the clear consensus 
of the delegates that very encouraging progress 
had been made in narrowing our differences. 
Further progi-ess, broadening the areas of 
agreement, can be expected in further meetings 
which the preparatory committee has scheduled 
for September and November. 

During the first week of the September 
meeting, financial and legal matters of concern 
to the Consortimn will be dealt with by experts 
in these fields, with the full membership of the 
preparatory committee participating. 

The committee's new schedule of meetings 
later this year ensures progi'ess toward comple- 
tion of a working draft of the definitive ar- 
rangements for consideration by the 68 partner- 
nations of the Consortium at its plenipotentiary 
conference next Febraary. It also ensures that 
all member countries of the Consortium will 
have adequate time to examine the draft care- 
fully before it is formally considered in the 
plenary sessions in February. 



August 4, 1969 



93 



THE CONGRESS 



Department Reviews U.S. Efforts To Aid Victims 
of the Nigerian Civil War 



Following is a statement made hefore tJie 
Subcommittee on Refugees of the Senate Com- 
mittee on the Judiciary on Jidy 15 iy Under 
Secretary Elliot L. Richardson, together with 
a statement submitted for the record on the same 
day hy Ambassador C. Clyde Ferguson, Jr., 
Special Coordinator on relief to civilian victims 
of the Nigerian civil war. 



UNDER SECRETARY RICHARDSON 

Press release 199 dated July 15 

I genuinely welcome the opportunity to dis- 
cuss with tliis committee the Nigerian civil war 
and the agonizing problems we are encounter- 
ing in our efforts to aid the innocent \actims of 
this conflict. I would value your advice on this 
matter which is of such deej) and common 
concern. 

Let me begin by outlining what the difficulties 
are and what the United States has done to 
date to deal with them. 

This administration recognizes that we 
neither can nor should impose our own moral 
concepts on other nations. At the same time, we 
believe the United States has an obligation — 
an obligation that is internationally recog- 
nized — to seek to relieve human suffering in 
a conflict such as that now going on in Nigeria. 

On February 22 President Nixon said : ^ 

I know tliat I speak for all Americans in expressing 
this nation's deep anguish. ... It is tragic enough to 
watch a military conflict between peoples who once 
lived together in peace and developing prosperity. But 
that tragedy has been compounded, and the conscience 
of the world engaged, by the starvation threatening 
millions of innocent civilians on both sides of the battle. 

The United States has been at the forefront 



' BTn^LETiN of Mar. 17, 1969, p. 222. 



of the international relief effort ever since it 
began. We have played a central role in two 
respects : 

— Eoughly one-half of all international relief 
contributions have come from the United 
States ; 

— Secondly, over the past 414 months we have 
led a major diplomatic effort seeking to obtain 
the agreement of both sides on an expansion of 
international relief arrangements. 

Specifically, since January 20, this adminis- 
tration has taken the following steps : 

— New financial pledges have been made to 
the International Committee of the Red Cross 
in the amount of $15 million. These pledges 
have brought total U.S. contributions since the 
beginning of the relief effort to $75 million, 
including $65 million from official and $10 
million from private sources. 

— Ambassador Ferguson was appointed as 
Special Relief Coordinator to direct all United 
States Government activities in tliis field and, 
most important, to make an all-out effort to 
negotiate new arrangements that would permit 
a more adequate flow of relief to victims on 
both sides of the battle line. 

— Ambassador Ferguson has sponsored ex- 
tensive logistical surveys of possible relief routes 
into the Biafran enclave. The major result of 
these surveys has been the formulation of a new 
relief route proposal : the so-called Cross River 
route through the port of Calabar north to 
Biafran-controlled territoiy. We also assisted 
the ICRC in the chartering of two shallow- 
draft vessels which could operate on the Cross 
River. Ambassador Ferguson has pursued vig- 
orous diplomatic efforts to obtain the agreement 
of both sides to this corridor, which we regard 
as an effective and workable supplement to the 
airlift. 



94 



Department of State Bulletin 



— In addition, Ambassador Ferguson exten- 
sively explored with both sides the acceptability 
o±' other relief arrangements, including expan- 
sion of the airlift, the possibility of daylight 
flights, and the feasibility of land corridors. 

Curtailment of Relief Airlift 

Until recently, the international airlift by 
ICRC and Joint Church Aid had been effective 
in preventing a recurrence of last summer's 
mass starvation in the Biafran enclave. By the 
common agreement of observers visiting the 
area, the airlift helped substantially to meet 
minimum food requirements. However, the flow 
of supplies was never fully adequate. Medical 
surveys foimd a serious dietary imbalance, and 
thus a great danger of epidemics, ilost tragi- 
cally of all, the enclave's children were — and 
remain — dependent on shipments of protein- 
rich foods to ward off cripjjling and ultimately 
fatal deficiencies. 

It is often overlooked that a relief problem of 
almost comparable scope exists on the Federal 
side. There, too, the margin of survival is peril- 
ously slim. The international relief agencies re- 
port that they care for approximately 1 million 
people on the Federal side and between 2 and 
3 million people in the Biafran enclave. 

Such, then, is the stark outline of tragedy. 
Yet, despite our most energetic efforts, we were 
unable to obtain the agreement of the parties 
to an expansion of I'elief beyond the hazardous 
and sporadic night airlift which had been op- 
eratmg for more than a year into Biafra. Now 
even this airlift has been severely curtailed. The 
curtailment followed the shooting down of an 
ICRC aircraft by the Nigerian Air Force and 
a subsequent imposition by the Federal Military 
Government of strict new conditions on relief 
flights into the Biafran enclave. 

The ICRC has now suspended its airlift pend- 
ing agreement by the two parties on flight 
arrangements. Religious and voluntary agen- 
cies have continued occasional flights despite 
these new restrictions. The flow of airborne 
relief into the enclave has been reduced by more 
I than 75 percent. 

President Naville of the International Com- 
mittee of the Red Cross flew to Lagos last 
weekend to explore with the Federal Military 
Government possible arrangements to resume 
the airlift. Negotiations are proceeding. Thus 
far, no specific agreement has been reached even 
with the Federal side. The Biafran authorities 



contmue their longstanding objections to a day- 
light airlift under the conditions upon which 
the Federal Nigerian Government now insists. 

At present, therefore, not only is there an 
impasse on negotiations for new arrangements ; 
most of the fragile nighttime airlift has been 
lost as well. 

What are the obstacles to agreement ? 

There exist on the Federal side : 

— First, a concern that international relief 
has aided the Biafran war effort. For example, 
the Federal Military Govermnent charges that 
the relief effort generates foreign exchange 
which the Biafrans use for the purchase of 
arms, that the nighttime airlift provides a cover 
for arms flights, and that food and medicine 
intended for civilians are allocated to Biafran 
troops. 

— Second, a belief that starvation in the 
enclave is exaggerated by Biafran propaganda 
to enlist international sympathy and political 
support. 

— Third, popular pressiires on the Federal 
Military Government, as the war drags on, to 
exercise the most stringent controls over inter- 
national relief, regardless of the consequences. 

There exist on the Biafran side : 

— First, a fear that Federal control over relief 
shipments would enable the Federal Military 
Government to regulate the flow and contents 
to serve its own political or military purposes. 

^Second, a professed fear that food passing 
through Federal territory might be poisoned. 

— Third, a belief that Biafran military secu- 
rity would be jeopardized by relief corridors, 
including daylight flights, that were not guaran- 
teed by third parties. 

As a result of all these factors, we have been 
unable to break the unpasse. For example, al- 
though both sides had agreed in principle to 
the Cross River proposal and there are vessels 
now standing by in West African watei-s, neither 
of the parties has allowed the use of the route. 

U.S. Efforts To Restore Flow of Relief 

What is the United States now doing to cope 
with this situation ? Our immediate objective is, 
of course, to restore the flow of relief into the 
Biafran enclave. 

We have moved ahead with several urgent 
steps to pursue this goal. The committee will 
appreciate, I know, that I am not at liberty to 



August 4, 1969 



95 



discuss all the details of our actions. However, 
I can outline some of them : 

— The United States is addressing appeals 
to all parties to agree promptly to resume the 
airlift and to implement the Cross River route. 

— We have approached the Secretary General 
regarding the role of the United Nations in 
resolution of the relief impasse. 

— We have just concluded intensive discus- 
sions on the Nigerian problem with Emperor 
Haile Selassie, during his visit here last week. 
We shall continue the closest consultations with 
the Emperor and, through him, the Organiza- 
tion of African Unity. 

— We have exchanged views with the British 
and French Goverimients on the relief problem 
and asked their help in breaking the impasse. 

— Ambassador Ferguson will leave shortly 
after this hearing on an urgent mission to 
Europe, where he will discuss relief prob- 
lems with His Holiness Pope Paul, with the 
Red Cross in Geneva, and with the French 
Government. 

— We are also in close touch with other con- 
cerned goveriunents to coordinate our efforts. 

We are under no illusions that there are 
quick and easy answers, however vigorously we 
pursue new initiatives. But this administration 
remains committed, despite the obstacles, to do 
all it can to work with others and to encourage 
the two parties to save innocent lives. 

Question of U.S. Political Involvement 

I should stress once more that the focus of 
all these efforts is relief. I fully recognize the 
argument has been made that relief questions 
are inextricably bound to the political and mili- 
tary issues of the civil war. It is true that relief 
is haunted by the bitter passions of civil strife 
and the military demands of the two sides. It 
is true that the oidy lasting solution to the relief 
l^roblem is an end to the war. 

I shall not, therefore, beg the question of 
U.S. political involvement in the Nigerian civil 
war as a logical step in the relief effort. Tliis 
administration has faced that question directly, 
and I want to address the committee with equal 
candor on that subject today. There are really 
two questions here : 

— First, should we intervene in an effort to 
bring an end to the fighting and eventually to 
bring about some sort of political settlement? 

— Second, would such a direct political ini- 



tiative by the United States serve our immedi- 
ate and ui'gent objective of restoring and even 
increasing relief? 

To be concise, a United States political ini- 
tiative in the civil war must reckon immediately 
with several obdurate realities : 

1. At present the two sides show no \villing- 
ness to agree even on the context for political 
discussions, let alone terms of a possible settle- 
ment. The Federal Military Government has 
insisted adamantly on the principle of a unified 
Nigeria as the only basis for settlement. The 
Biafran authorities have rigidly refused to re- 
nounce their claim to independence as a basis 
for settlement. The Federal Government has 
insisted on negotiations prior to a cease-fire. 
The Biafrans have insisted on a cease-fire or 
truce prior to negotiations. 

Tliese positions rest on a hard truth: Both 
sides continue to believe that they can gain by 
fighting what they might lose by talking. There 
is, at present, no readiness to compromise. This 
is the reality that thwarted the most recent 
OAU mediation effort in Monrovia last April. 
This is the obstacle that has frustrated numer- 
ous unpublicized efforts by third parties. 

2. The United States has had to face the fact 
that we have no effective influence with either 
party to alter these realities. Our influence rests 
largely on the moral suasion of world opinion. 
Since both parties see their vital interests at 
stake, they subordinate the opinion of others to 
their own concerns and interests. We are not, 
as this conunittee knows, a supplier of arms to 
either party. This administration certainly does 
not intend to alter the arms embargo the United 
States wisely adopted at the onset of the conflict. 

3. Finally, we labor under self-imposed limi- 
tations, which we believe have wide support in 
the U.S. Congress and among the American 
people. We do not intend to become militarily 
involved in this conflict. 

Beyond this question of influence with the 
two sides, there are equally serious limits to our 
ability to influence other parties whose role 
would be crucial to the end of the conflict. 

The British strongly support the Federal 
side. They have important political and eco- 
nomic interests at stake in Nigeria. 

The Soviet Union supplies arms to the Fed- 
eral side. This also constitutes a major political 
factor in the conflict. 

On the other hand, governments which have 
given their support to the Biafran cause have 



96 



Department of State Bulletin 



done so as a matter of national policy. Thus far 
we see no sign that the policies of these nations 
will change or that the United States could in- 
duce such change. 

The United Nations has been unable to take 
up this problem because strong African opposi- 
tion has precluded the introduction of the Ni- 
gerian civil war before the Security Council or 
the General Assembly. 

Witliin tliis context, let me now discuss our 
views on certain specific proposals that have 
been put forward. 

First, an arms embargo. The difficulties of 
obtaining agreement on this directly relate to 
the national policies I have just discussed. How- 
ever, even if agreement could be obtained among 
major suppliers, an embargo would still be most 
difficidt to enforce. The two parties could read- 
ily obtain arms on the international market — 
as, in fact, they now do. Then, too, our spon- 
sorship of an embargo would be regarded as 
hostile by at least one side and perhaps both, 
thereby undercutting whatever effectiveness we 
may now retain as a mediator on relief. Of 
course, we would not oppose an arms embargo 
if one were negotiated. 

Four-power talks. We must recognize that 
there are serious problems here. The day is past, 
Mr. Chairman, when outside powers can im- 
pose a peace or redraw the map for the people 
of Africa. Talks among non-African powers, 
in and of themselves, are not an answer to the 
problem. 

Peaceful and Jusi Reconciliation 

This brings me to the ultimate political ques- 
tion which has been raised so often in criticism 
of our official posture toward the Nigerian civil 
war. Is our relief policy hostage to some deeper 
political commitment to the luiity of Nigeria? 
And in the same vein, is United States recog- 
nition of an independent Biafra the answer to 
our dilemma? 

Mr. ChaiiTOan, this administration has tried 
to consider every aspect of the Nigerian 
question. 

Recognition of an independent Biafra is not 
a panacea, either for relief, an end to the war, 
or for the future stability of West Africa. We 
understand the concern of the Ibo people. We 
appreciate their insistence on guarantees for 
their personal safety, just as we appreciate the 
desire of the Federal Government to restore tlie 
high promise of a unified Nigeria. We have 
irepeatedly urged the Federal Military Govern- 



ment to make a precise and unequivocal declara- 
tion of these guarantees. 

Furthermore, recognition would have no tan- 
gible effect on the liostilities. To the contrary, 
it would only harden the positions of both sides, 
at the risk of rising Soviet influence in Federal 
Nigeria. 

Whatever the course of the present fighting, 
an independent Biafra could be a source of re- 
curring conflict. Within the territory claimed 
by the Biafrans there are numerous tribes with 
a history of hostility to the dominant Ibo tribe. 
It would be ironic indeed if we validated one 
claim for self-determination only to incite new 
and equally bitter irredentisms threatening the 
stability of the area. 

This administration, therefore, does not con- 
template either support for or recognition of 
the secessionist authorities. We regard a peace- 
ful and just reconciliation of Nigeria as in the 
best iutei-ests of Africa and all those, like the 
United States, who wish her weU. 

In summary, then, we plan to pursue urgent 
steps in two directions : 

1. Our immediate concern is relief. This 
means a way must be found to reach agreement 
on daylight flights and the Cross River route. 
We shall do all we can to make this possible. 

2. We shall give continuing support and en- 
couragement to any efforts that might produce 
constructive talks between the two sides and an 
end to the fighting. We will be exploring possi- 
bilities with other concerned governments in 
the days and weeks ahead. 

The administration recognizes that the Ni- 
gerian tragedy deeply concerns the Congress 
and the American public. We share this concern 
and we welcome every suggestion in the common 
interest of saving lives. 



STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR FERGUSON 

I appreciate very much the invitation you 
have extended to me to appear before your sub- 
committee this morning. 

It is now almost 5 months since the President 
announced my appointment as Special Coordi- 
nator on relief to the civilian victims of the Ni- 
gerian civil war. During that tune, as you know, 
I have had the opportunity to meet on several 
occasions with individual members of your sub- 
committee and members of the Foreign Rela- 
tions Committee, to appear before the House 
Subcommittee on Africa, and meet with other 



August 4, 1969 



97 



interested Members of Congress who are deeply 
concerned by tlie tragic iinfoldings in this con- 
flict. I should like to say, Mr. Chairman, that 
these meetings have been most helpful to me in 
my deliberations and efforts these past, all too 
few, months. 

As Secretary Richardson has said, the United 
States has been in the forefront of the efforts to 
alleviate suffering among innocent victims on 
both sides. This is a fact that has not been suf- 
ficiently recognized. I regret that, because we 
can be proud of our uniquely humanitarian role. 
Let me review that role briefly : 

Over $75 million has been contributed by 
American sources, both governmental and pri- 
vate, to the relief effort on both sides of the lines. 
This sum, wliich includes not only supplies but 
also the means of delivering them, represents 
49 jiercent of the worldwide contribution. "We 
have provided more than 83,000 tons of food. 
We have transported needed supplies to the 
area of conflict. We have seen to it that the 
International Committee of the Eed Cross and 
the Joint Church Aid group have each had four 
C-97 aircraft for their airlifts. We have assisted 
the ICRC ill chartering two LSM's, which we 
still hope to get into operation carrying relief 
supplies to Biafra via the Cross River. The fact 
is, Mr. Chainnan, that we are deeply involved 
in the Nigerian relief effort. 

Up to this tune, all relief supplies to the 
Biafran enclave have been delivered by hazard- 
ous night airlift, through Nigerian airspace, 
without explicit Nigerian authorization, to a 
primitive airstrip which is also used by aircraft 
delivering arms. From my own experience I can 
describe that airlift as an operation into Africa's 
second busiest airport, with four-engined air- 
craft landing on a 75-foot-wide highway in the 
dead of night, all under visual flight rules— 
with runway lights for 30 seconds. For a long 
time the Federal Government had offered im- 
mmiity for daylight airlifts. The Biafrans have, 
however, refused them for security reasons. The 
Nigerians had not seriously interfered with 
night relief flights until fairly recently. With 
the introduction of offensive airstrikes by 
Biafra, however, the Federal authorities have 
taken a much harder position on violations of 
their airspace. On June 30 the Nigerian Gov- 
ernment announced it would thereafter assert 
control over all relief efforts, including relief 
deliveries to Biafra through or over Nigeria. 
The Federal Military Government stated that 
only aircraft whose contents were first inspected 
on Federal territory would be allowed to fly into 



Biafra, and then only during daylight hours. 
These conditions are largely unacceptable to 
the Biafrans, who have consistently refused to 
accept supplies of any kind from Nigerian ter- 
ritory. Both sides have sought to gain advan- 
tage by the restrictions they have imposed on 
relief shipments, unhappily, even at the cost 
of starvation among their own people. 

It is fair to say, Mr. Chairman, that criticism 
leveled at the U.S. Government for lack of hu- 
manitarian concern in Nigeria is indeed badly 
misdirected. The U.S. Government has been ex- 
tremely active in trying to get the supplies 
through. Until new roadblocks were put to re- 
lief efforts recently, shipments of food and 
medicines had brought dramatic reductions in 
suffering in the Biafran enclave. 

Despite the discouraging developments of re- 
cent days, our efforts to bring about early agree- 
ment on daylight flights and surface corridors, 
particularly the Cross River route, are con- 
tinuing. We hope that the discussions underway 
between Federal and Biafran authorities and 
the International Committee of the Red Cross 
will lead to a resumption of relief deliveries to 
the enclave. 

The central problem has been, and is now, 
simply that of finding or creating a system 
capable of delivering approximately 500 tons 
a day to a people who can virtually count a life 
saved for eveiy pound of relief received. From 
a technical logistical standpoint, surface relief 
routes were the obvious answer to the problem 
of delivery. Thus, the quest for an agreement 
on surface corridors was, from the very begin- 
ning, both the critical concern and my primary 
mandate. As President Nixon stated at the time 
of my appointment : ^ 

The major obstacle to expanded relief is neither 
money, food, nor means of transport. The main prob- 
lem is the absence of relief arrangements acceptable 
to the two sides which would overcome the limitations 
posed by the present hazardous and inadequate night- 
time airlift. 

In seeking relief corridors acceptable to the 
belligerents, I twice visited both sides of the 
conflict and discussed the problems with the 
opposing leaders. I met with their representa- 
tives here and in other countries. My first pro- 
posal, made after careful preliminary studies, 
was a package proposition : Both Biafran air- 
fields at Uli and Obilago were to be utilized for 
daylight relief flights for a period of 60 days 
or until a surface route could be ojiened into 



' Ibid. 



98 



Department of State Bulletin 



the enclave. With regard to the surface routing, 
I proposed that the Cross Elver be utilized as 
the major relief route. Tliis route could be 
served by landing ships able to use primitive 
discharge facilities in Biafra. 

At the time of this first proposal the Biafran 
leader, General Ojukwu, rejected the daylight 
flight plan. Both sides, however, agreed in 
principle to the Cross River surface route. 

During my second visit to each side in May 
and early June, events occurred wliich caused 
significant changes in the positions of the par- 
ties. The appearance of Count von Kosen with 
the Biafran "mini" air force, and the FMG re- 
action — the interception of a Ked Cross plane — 
greatly poisoned the atmosphere. Since June 5 
the relief flow has slowed to a mere trickle. The 
Red Cross completely suspended its airlift, 
and the JCA maintained what can be described 
as a token operation. 

With the interruption of the relief airlift to 
Biafra, requirements for a surface route became 
even more urgent. The two landing ships 
medium which were obtained through the U.S. 
Government and chartered by the ICRC are in 
Lagos harbor and still await appropriate guar- 
antees before they can be used in the relief 
effort. One of the ships — each of wliich is able 
to carry 900 tons of cargo and discharge vir- 
tually anywhere^— is partially loaded with dur- 
able relief goods: beds, mattresses, cloth, and 
other relief supplies. 

The events which followed the written and 
annoxmced agreements by the two sides to the 
Cross River route demonstrated again that the 
efforts of outside governments and organiza- 
tions to expand relief are subjected to the laby- 
rinthian complexities of the political and mili- 
tary issues which divide the belligerents. 

At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would like to 
state emphatically that the efforts of the Inter- 
national Committee of the Red Cross have been 
magnificent, especially given the difficult logis- 
tical enviromnent in which the relief effort is 
working. The ICRC was effective and impartial 
in its humanitarian relief role on both sides. The 
Red Cross airlift, together with that of Joint 
Church Aid, was literally the lifeline for mil- 
lions of civilian victims of the war. 

Our own stake in that airlift has been sub- 
stantial. The U.S. Government has underwrit- 
ten a large portion of its cost. Eight C-97 
aircraft in the fleet were provided by the United 
States. It is the United States that is the ulti- 
mate supplier of spare parts and replacements. 
And it is Americans who have volunteered to 

August 4, 1969 



fly them. We are the prime supporters of and 
have thus become closely identified with this 
stopgap effort, which in the absence of other 
relief arrangements has been the only hu- 
manitarian link to the landlocked Biafran 
population. 

With the implementation of the Cross River 
project, delayed emphasis has shifted back to 
finding a way to begin daylight relief flights 
to Biafra. At this time, discussions are in 
progress between the parties for the commence- 
ment of daylight flights. The Federal Military 
Government recently stated that it would allow 
relief flights only if the aircraft either took off 
from Nigerian territory or touched down at 
Lagos for inspection before jiroceeding to Uli. 
The Biafrans rejected the Nigerian proposal 
but countered with a plan calling for flights 
originating in neutral territory — Cotonou or 
Fernando Po — and flying directly to Uli. The 
Biafrans apparently view inspection of relief 
aircraft in Nigeria as totally unacceptable. 
They add, however, that Nigerians could par- 
ticipate in inspection of cargo conducted at the 
neutral airpoii:s. 

The discussions on relief, both surface and 
air corridors, remain at these points. 

In spite of the difficulties met in our efforts 
to obtain surface relief routes and a daylight 
flight plan agreeable to both sides, we have not 
been without success in increasing relief on the 
Federal side and into the Biafran enclave, rela- 
tive to the capacity of the former night airlift. 

To date, the total contribution to the ICRC 
is nearly $19 million, which has helped to pay 
for the airlift to Biafra from the airports at 
Cotonou and Fernando Po, relief personnel and 
equipment on both sides, for the purchases of 
the high-protein Icelandic stockfish, and for the 
use of the landing ships. For the needy of botli 
Nigeria and Biafra, we authorized $29 million 
worth of U.S. food, including rice, beans, 
cereals, milk, and a high-protein cereal-soya- 
milk combination. The sea and air transjiorta- 
tion of relief cargo continues to be subsidized 
by the U.S. Government. At this time, Mr. 
Chairman, there are adequate stocks of food in 
warehouses throughout the Federal territory 
and at the relief staging areas for Biafra. The 
resiilt of these efforts has been the feeding of 
nearly 1 million people in Federal Nigeria and, 
depending upon the airlift, 2 million persons in 
the enclave. 

We have had some success in coordinating 
the relief efforts of donor governments other 
than our own. We have contributed to the 



99 



design of a logistics flow system which has elimi- 
nated problems of port congestion and imbal- 
ance in relief stocks. "We have taken steps to 
increase the level of black involvement in the 
relief system. We have initiated comprehensive 
reporting on the total input into the Nigerian 
relief effort. 

We have not been able to persuade the parties 
to cast aside military, political, and psycho- 
logical considerations in responding to the 



urgent demand to save human lives. However, 
we have not abandoned the effort to induce the 
parties to agree to arrangements for the resump- 
tion of a substantial flow of relief. I shall in 
fact be departing shortly after these hearings 
on a further mission for this purpose. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the subcom- 
mittee, I should lilce again to express my appre- 
ciation for having had this opportunity to 
appear before you. 



U.S. Military Assistance Policy Toward Latin America 



Statement hy Charles A. Meyer 

Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs '■ 



I welcome this occasion to appear today be- 
fore this subcommittee, since it affords me an 
excellent opportunity to exchange viewpoints 
with you on our military assistance policy to- 
ward the countries of Latin America. 

As I believe you know, our military presence 
in Latin America is sharply diminishing. Total 
U.S. military personnel assigned to our military 
groups, amounting to almost 800 in 1967, is in 
the process of being reduced to 505 — more than 
35 percent — by July of 1970. And this, gentle- 
men, is in an area almost 21/4 times the size of 
the United States. Moreover, the question of 
persomiel strength and their roles will continue 
to be subject to frequent review. The amount of 
money expended in our grant military assistance 
program to Latin America has already been 
reduced by almost 75 percent from the FY 1966 
level of $80.7 million to the FY 1970 request 
of $21.4 million. 

As you also know, all aspects of our policy 
toward Latin America have been undergoing 
intensive review and appraisal for the past sev- 
eral months. Along with the studies being car- 
ried out within the executive branch, I am 
certain that these hearings will provide a very 
useful part of our policy review. 

'Made before the Subcommittee on Western Hemi- 
sphere Affairs of the Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations on July 8. 



Our military assistance program includes 
three components: furnislung technical advis- 
ers, supplying some grant materiel, and spon- 
soring formal training. 

Although our military assistance program 
does not play a large role in terms of money 
expended or personnel involvement, it never- 
theless is a significant element in our general 
overall Latin American policy. It is not, as 
perhaps some would contend, a program pri- 
marily based on such an outdated rationale as 
"hemispheric defense." Neither is it a program 
divorced or isolated from or inconsistent with 
our overall concern : social and economic reform 
leading to a better and more rewarding life for 
our Latin American neighbors. 

On the contrary, one primary purpose of our 
military assistance program is to help our Latin 
American neighbors attain socioeconomic de- 
velopment by systematic evolution rather than 
in the volatile atmosphere of destructive revo- 
lution. Therefore, this program is a concomi- 
tant to the broader reform programs in such 
areas as education, land reform, and the like, 
which are the top-priority objectives of our 
participation in the Alliance for Progress. The 
Departments of State and Defense both continu- 
ously work together to ensure that this relation- 
ship prevails, as it should. 

Some of the earlier witnesses who appeared 



100 



Department of State Bulletin 



before this subcommittee have correctly made 
the long-accepted and recognized point that the 
acceleration of the movement in Latin America 
toward the social and economic reform goals 
of the Alliance for Progress will natui'ally and 
inevitably be accompanied by instability. It can, 
moreover, be argued that social tensions and 
conflicts are necessary ingredients in promoting 
the accelerated structural changes the Alliance 
seeks. At the same time, there can be little doubt 
that the painful and dynamic process of change 
is exploited by elements which have no real 
interest in the kind of change sought under the 
Alliance and, indeed, seek to frustrate it. Conse- 
quently, there is legitimate and responsible con- 
cern that instability not attain such a level as 
to destroy the reform process itself. 

There is, then, a very close relationship be- 
tween the prospects for achieving social and 
economic reform and development goals and a 
necessary level of internal security and stability. 
This relationship between modernization and 
stability is complex even in a fully democratic, 
pluralistic, highly developed society such as 
ours. If constructive reform is to proceed, how- 
ever, the acceptable forms of legitimate, healthy, 
necessary dissent preclude terrorism and armed 
insurgency. 

Inasmuch as our military assistance program 
was shifted in the early sixties, in recognition 
of changed cii-cumstances, toward strengthen- 
ing the Latin American national capabilities to 
counter Communist sponsored or supported 
insurgency movements, how do we assess the 
threat today and for the near future? We be- 
lieve that there is veiy little likeliliood of a 
major external threat to the area in the fore- 
seeable future. Communist insurgencies are 
currently at a relatively low ebb in Latin 
America. At the present time, active insurgen- 
cies of a sporadic nature continue to exist only 
in Venezuela, Colombia, and Guatemala. 

The defeat of the Che Guevara-led guerrillas 
in 1967 by elements of the Bolivian Army, 
largely equipped and trained in counterguer- 
rilla warfare by the United States, seems to 
have made the Cuban regime more cautious 
about initiating new areas of insurgency in the 
hemisphere. In view of the improved coimter- 
insurgency capabilities of the Latin American 
military forces achieved by our joint efforts and 
programs, and the declining appeal of the 
, Cuban-style revolution to the Latin Americans, 
a significant increase in insurgency movements 



is not likely at this time. We must recognize, 
however, that despite the relatively lower 
emphasis Havana seems to be giving for tactical 
reasons to overt support of insurgencies in their 
various forms, we have no evidence of any 
fundamental change in their interest in the ex- 
port of revolution. 

Inasmuch as the threat of an external attack 
is unlikely and the danger of formidable in- 
surgencies is today reduced, legitimate questions 
arise as to the desirability or need to continue 
with a military assistance program to Latin 
America. 

Although today insurgent forces are not a 
direct threat to the governments in any of the 
Latin American countries, they do continue to 
represent, in varying degrees, a nucleus which 
can be further supported from outside in the 
event of deteriorating economic or social con- 
ditions. This factor, coupled with the continu- 
ance of inadequate and inequitable economic 
and social structures wliich are vulnerable to 
subversion, necessitates the maintenance of the 
counterinsurgency capabilities of Latin Ameri- 
can forces in order that an internal atmosphere 
conducive to social and economic progress can 
prevail. Our training of small, mobile, rapid- 
reaction forces and our grant materiel program 
geared to maintaining equipment for the sup- 
port of such forces play fundamental roles in 
this respect. 

Wliereas formal training is provided to 17 
countries, our grant materiel assistance has now 
been limited to 11 countries which remain rela- 
tively vulnerable to subversive threats and 
which, at the same time, are less able to cope 
with internal security problems solely wdth 
their own limited resources. Such materiel as- 
sistance will, of course, be phased out when 
these coimtries are able to attain and maintain 
on their own an effective counterinsurgency 
capability or the insurgent threat further 
declines. 

Now let us look at a different and important 
relationship; namely, that relationship wliich 
has existed since or before World War II be- 
tween the U.S. military services and the match- 
ing services of the larger Latin American coun- 
tries. In these countries we have maintained 
military groups which were originally desig- 
nated as military servnc« missions in concert 
with the request or continued invitation of the 
host governments (often under contractual 
terms). These military groups have under- 



August 4, 1969 



101 



gone reductions of personnel, to which I re- 
ferred at the outset, and are subject to current 
and continuous reexamination botli as to func- 
tions and numbers. Because, however, this 
relationship is longstanding, because it is a rela- 
tionship with the larger nations, because three 
of these nations are governed by leaders from 
their military, and because the relative size and 
sopliistieation of these nations produce requests 
for up-to-date major military equipment, we, 
the United States, ask ourselves whether our 
military presence is responsible (1) for encour- 
aging military governments, (2) for providing 
repressive influences against the dissent inherent 
in today's worldwide struggle for self-fulfill- 
ment, (3) for encouraging and then financing 
the acquisition of armaments which are either 
an imnecessary diversion of national resources 
or are the beginning of an "arms race." 

I am not a militaij man. Like many in this 
room, I have served in one war and have seen 
the postwar revulsion to things military. To- 
day, the Nixon administration is dedicated to 
a just and honorable termination of a contro- 
versial military action. This action has caused 
or has given focus to dissent within our own 
country, dissent which is clearly discernible 
around the world. But recognizing this as a 
conmion current does not convince me that our 
politicomilitary relationsliips in Latin America 
are responsible per se for its internal political 
struggles. Nor do I believe that our inter- 
American relationships will be improved by 
any attitude on our part which, in effect, says 
to the sovereign states of Latin America: "You 
don't need anything more advanced in military 
equipment than the 20-year-old items you have; 
and furthermore, if you elect to buy anything 
more advanced than what you already have 
from anybody, we will consider it an irrespon- 
sible act and penalize you accordingly." 

In all fairness, it must be said that the record 
of amis expenditures by Latin America has to 
date been the lowest of any world area, with the 
sole exception of sub-Sahara Africa. Only about 
2 percent of their GNP and less than 13 percent 
of their total central governments' expenditures 
have been expended for total defense costs. 
Moreover, only approximately 10 percent of 
their annual defense expenditures has been 
devoted to new military equipment. Naturally, 
we would hope that such restraint on their part 
would continue. 

However, the time has now arrived when 



these nations consider that they caimot further 
delay their military modernization programs. 
They would much prefer to purchase U.S.- 
manufactured equipment. In tliis regard our 
policy objectives have been entirely consistent 
with the purposes of legislative restrictions to 
discourage Latin American governments from 
diverting their limited economic resources to 
unnecessary military items at the expense of 
development programs. However, these legisla- 
tive restrictions, intended to inhibit their pur- 
chase of "sophisticated weapons systems," are, 
I am afraid, sowing the seeds of political 
estrangement with the major countries of that 
ai-ea. 

Latin Americans have become puzzled and 
even suspicious of our motives. Strong na- 
tionalist resentment has arisen over what is 
seen as United States efforts to infringe on the 
sovereign rights of a country to determine its 
own military requirements; it is especially hard 
to understand in those countries which cherish 
the sense of close alliance with us and have 
showed the value they place on this association. 
The net result has been negative in terms of 
broader U.S. political interests. There has been 
an increasing disposition on their part to turn 
to European suppliers who are able to respond 
promptly with firm offers of much more sophis- 
ticated as well as correspondingly more expen- 
sive equipment for early delivery on attractive 
credit terms. Unfortimately the long-term con- 
sequence of our paternalistic, even patronizing, 
restrictions will be the acquisition of more 
expensive items, higher maintenance costs, and 
greater diversion of financial resources from 
civilian purposes. The end result could be a real 
arms race, which fortunately, thus far, has been 
avoided in Latin America. 

In conclusion, let me assure you that we 
believe strongly that all of our policies and 
activities in Latin America should be reexam- 
ined periodically to evaluate their net utility 
and their consistency with changing conditions. 
Our politicomilitary policies and acti^aties will 
be no exception to this scnitiny. We are mindful 
that the decade of the seventies may require 
different levels of effort in each neighboring 
nation, be those efforts social, economic, or 
politicomilitary. And we submit with convic- 
tion that balanced attention to Latin American 
needs in the totality of their national personali- 
ties is a desirable objective. 



102 



Department of State Bulletin 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Secretary Announces Establishment 
of New OfRce of Press Relations 

Press release 209 dated July 18 

Secretary Rogers announced on July 18 the 
appointment of Deputy Assistant Secretary 
Robert J. McCloskey as head of a newly des- 
isfnated Office of Press Relations of the 
Department of State. 

Formerly a part of the Bureau of Public 
Affairs, the Department's press staff is now as- 
signed to the Office of the Secretary. Under the 
reorganization Mr. McCloskey will continue his 
fimction as official press spokesman for the De- 
partment and also act as a Special Assistant to 
the Secretary. 

As a result of this appointment, Mr. Mc- 
Closkey will assume responsibility for the direc- 
tion, development, and execution of news policy, 
plans, and programs. In addition to serving as 
principal adviser to the Secretary and other offi- 
cials of the Department on all aspects of the 
Department's press relations he will be respon- 
sible for maintaining liaison on press matters 
with the White House and other Government 
agencies. 

Mr. McCloskey's new title will be Deputy 
Assistant Secretary for Press Relations and 
Special Assistant to the Secretary. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 

P MULTILATERAL 

Atomic Energy 

Agreement for the application of safeguards to the 
bUateral agreement between the United States and 
Portugal of July 3, 1969, for cooperation concerning 
civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at Vienna July 11, 



1969. Enters into force on the date the agreement for 
cooperation of July 3, 1969, enters into force. 
Signatures: International Atomic Energy Agency, 
Portugal, United States. 

Aviation 

Protocol on the authentic trilingual text of the conven- 
tion on international civil aviation, Chicago, 1944 
(TIAS 1591, 3756, 5170), with annex. Done at Buenos 
Aires September 24, 19(38. Entered into force Octo- 
ber 24, 1968. TIAS 6605. 

Signature: Tunisia (vcith reservation as to accept- 
ance), July 15, 1969. 

Consular Relations 

Vienna convention on consular relations. Done at 

Vienna April 24, 1963. Entered into force March 19, 

1967.' 
Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on consular 

relations concerning the compulsory settlement of 

disputes. Done at Vienna April 24, 1963. Entered into 

force March 19, 1967.' 
Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on consular 

relations concerning the acquisition of nationality. 

Done at Vienna April 24, 1963. Entered into force 

March 19, 1967.' 

Ratification deposited: Italy (with reservation to 
convention), June 25, 1969. 

Diplomatic Relations 

Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at 
Vienna April 18, 1961. Entered into force AprU 24, 
1964.' 

Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplo- 
matic relations concerning the compulsory settlement 
of disputes. Done at Vienna April 18, 1961. Entered 
into force April 24, 1964.' 

Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplo- 
matic relations concerning acquisition of nationality. 
Done at Vienna April 18, 1961. Entered into force 
April 24, 1964.' 
Ratification deposited: Italy, June 25, 1969. 

Disputes 

Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done at 
Washington March 18, 1965. Entered into force 
October 14, 1966. TIAS 6090. 
Signature: Guyana, July 3, 1969. 
Ratification deposited: Lesotho, July 8, 1969. 

Meteorology 

Convention of the World Meteorological Organization. 
Opened for signature at Washington October 11, 
1947. Entered into force March 23, 1950. TIAS 2052. 
Accession deposited: Mauritius, July 17, 1969. 

Nuclear Weapons — Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washington, London, and Moscow 
July 1, 1968.' 

Signature at Washington: Mali, July 14, 1969. 
Ratification deposited at Washington: Iceland, 
July 18, 1969. 

Telecommunications 

International telecommunication convention, with an- 
nexes. Done at Montreux November 12, 1965. En- 

' Not in force for the United States. 
" Not in force. 



August 4, 1969 



i 



103 



tered into force January 1, 1967; for the United 

States May 29, 1967. TIAS 6267. 

Ratiflcution deposited: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist 

Republic, May 29. 1969.= 
Partial revision of the radio regulations, Geneva, 1959, 
as amended (TIAS 4893, 5603, 6332), relating to 
maritime mobile service, with annexes and final 
protocol. Done at Geneva November 3, 1967. Entered 
into force April 1, 1969. TIAS 6590. 
Notification of approval: United Kingdom, June 2, 

1969.* 



BILATERAL 



Ecuador 

Agreement for sales of agricnltiiral commodities. 
Signed at Quito June 30, 1969. Entered into force 
June 30, 1969. 

Japan 

Agreement relating to the change in designation of the 
organization of personnel from the Military Assist- 
ance Advisory Group to the Mutual Defense Assist- 
ance Office pursuant to the mutual defense assistance 
agreement of March 8, 1954 (TIAS 2957). Effected 
by exchange of notes at Tokyo July 4, 1969. Entered 
into force July 4, 1969. 

Netherlands 

Convention for the avoidance of double taxation and 
the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes 
on estates and inheritances, with protocol. Signed at 
Washington July 15, 1969. Enters into force on the 
date of exchange of instruments of ratification. 

Pakistan 

Fourth supplementary agreement for sales of agricul- 
tural commodities, relating to the agreement of 
August 3, 1967 (TIAS 6,320). Signed at Islamabad 
July 3, 1969. Entered into force July 3, 1969. 



PUBLICATIONS 



Volume VI in Foreign Relations 
Series for 1945 Released 

On July 2 the Department of State released For- 
eign Relations of the United States, 1945, Volume VI, 
The British Commonwealth ; The Far East (vii, 1,436 
pages). This volume includes extensive documentation 
on negotiations leading to the financial agreement of 
December 6, 1945, with the United Kingdom as well 



' With declarations contained in final protocol. 
* Applicable to Channel Islands and Isle of Man. 



as on relations of the United States with other nations 
of the Commonwealth. 

Documentation is also provided on tie attitudes and 
policies of the United States with respect to the future 
status of French Indochina, the Netherlands East In- 
dies, Korea, the Philippine Commonwealth, and Siam 
subsequent to their liberation from the Japanese. 

Extensive coverage is given to the final months of 
the war against Japan and to the occupation and con- i 
trol after the signing of the instrument of surrender on j 
September 2. 

Documentation on American relations with China in 
1945 will be provided in a separate volume to be issued i 
subsequently. 

Copies of volume VI (Department of State publi- . 
cation 8451) may be obtained from the Superintend- 
ent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, 
Washington, D.C. 20402, for $7 each. 



Recent Releases 



For sale iy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Offlce, Washington. D.C. 
ZOIiOZ. Address requests direct to the Superintendent 
of Documents. A 25-pcrcent discount is made on orders 
for 100 or more copies of any one publication mailed 
to the same address. Remittances, payable to the Su- 
perintendent of Documents, must accompany orders. 

Background Notes. Short, factual summaries which 
describe the people, history, government, economy, 
and foreign relations of each country. Each contains 
a map, a list of principal government officials and 
U.S. diplomatic and consular officers and, in some 
cases, a selected bibliography. (A complete set of all 
Background Notes currently in stock (at least 125) — 
$6; 1-year subscription service for approximately 75 
updated or new Notes — $3.50; plastic binder — $1.50.) 
Single copies of those listed below are available at 10<( 
each. 



China, Republic of 


Pub. 


7791 


7 pp. 


Equatorial Guinea 


Pub. 


8025 


6 pp. 


The Gambia 


Pub. 


8014 


4 pp. 


Germany, Federal Republic of 


Pub. 


7834 


8 pp. 


Portuguese Guinea 


Pub. 


7966 


4 pp. 


Spain 


Pub. 


7800 


4 pp. 


Syria 


Pub. 


7761 


5 pp. 



The Anti-Ballistic-Missile System. Text of President 
Nixon's prepared statement on the anti-ballistic-missile 
system and those portions of his televised news con- 
ference riertaining to the ABM system. Pub. 8449. 
General Foreign Policy Series 231. 14 pp. 15^. 

Service Abroad of Judicial and Extrajudicial Docu- 
ments. Convention. TIAS 6638. 13 pp. 10(f. 

Scientific Cooperation. Agreement with the Republic of 
China. TIAS 6639. 6 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Guinea. 
TIAS 6640. 8 pp. 10<S. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Chile 
amending the agreement of December 29, 1967. TIAS 
6641. 6 pp. 10*. 



104 



Department of State Bulletin 



INDEX August 4, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1571 



Communications. Intelsat Preparatory Commit- 
tee Meets at Washington (Scranton) ... 93 

Congrress 

Department Reviews U.S. Efforts To Aid Victims 
of the Nigerian OivU War (Ferguson, Richard- 
son) 94 

The Foreign Assistance Program for Fiscal Tear 

1970 (Rogers) 81 

U.S. Military Assistance Policy Toward Latin 

America (Meyer) 100 

Department and Foreign Service. Secretary An- 
nounces Establishment of New Office of Press 
Relations 103 

Economic AfiFairs 

President Nixon Orders Reduction in U.S. Per- 
sonnel Abroad 92 

U.S. and Germany CJonclude New Offset Agree- 
ment (joint statement) 92 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. Committee 
on U.S.-Japan Cultural Cooperation Meets at 
Honolulu 93 

Ethiopia. Emperor Haile Selassie of E)thiopia 
Visits the United States as Guest of President 
Nixon (exchanges of remarlis) 86 

Foreign Aid 

The Foreign Assistance Program for Fiscal Year 

1970 (Rogers) 81 

U.S. Military Assistance Policy Toward Latin 

America (Meyer) 100 

Germany. U.S. and Germany Conclude New Off- 
set Agreement (joint statement) 92 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Intelstat Preparatory Committee Meets at 
Washington (Scranton) 93 

Japan. Committee on U.S.-Japan Cultural Co- 
operation Meets at Honolulu 93 

Latin America. U.S. Military Assistance Policy 
Toward Latin America (Meyer) 100 

Military Affairs. President Nixon Orders Re- 
duction in U.S. Personnel Abroad 92 

Nigeria. Department Reviews U.S. Efforts To 
Aid Victims of the Nigerian Civil War (Fer- 
guson, Richardson) 94 

Presidential Documents. Emperor Haile Selassie 
of Ethiopia Visits the United States as Guest 
of President Nixon 86 

Public Affairs. Secretary Announces Establish- 
ment of New Office of Press Relations . . . 103 

Publications 

Recent Releases 104 

Volume VI in Foreign Relations Series for 1945 
Released 104 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 103 

Viet-Nam. 26th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris (Lodge) 91 

Name Index 

Emperor Haile Selassie I 86 

Ferguson, C. Clyde, Jr 94 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 91 

McCloskey, Robert J 103 



Meyer, Charles A 100 

Nixon, President 86 

Richardson, Elliot L 94 

Rogers, Secretary 81 

Scranton, William W 93 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: July 14-20 

Press releases may be obtained from the Of- 
fice of Press Relations, Department of State, 
Washington, D.C. 20520. 

Release issued prior to July 14 which appears 
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 192 of 
July 11. 

Subject 

Stevenson sworn in as Legal Ad- 
viser (biographic details). 

Trezise sworn in as Assistant Sec- 
retary for Economic AfEairs (bio- 
graphic details). 

Jova sworn in as U.S. Representa- 
tive on the OAS Council (bio- 
graphic details). 

Estate tax convention with the 
Netherlands. 

Richardson sworn in as Assistant 
Secretary for Educational and 
Cultural Affairs (biographic de- 
tails). 

Stevenson : International Law Semi- 
nar for Government Legal Of- 
ficers. 

Under Secretary Richardson : Sub- 
committee on Refugees of Senate 
Committee on Foreign Relations. 

Todman sworn in as Ambassador 
to Chad (biographic details). 

Rogers : Senate Committee on For- 
eign Relations. 

Rogers : House Committee on For- 
eign AfEairs. 

Newsom sworn in as Assistant Sec- 
retary for African Affairs (bio- 
graphic details). 

Palmer sworn in as Ambassador to 
Libya (biographic details). 

Lodge : 26th session on Viet-Nam at 
Paris. 

Rush sworn in as Ambassador to 
Germany (biographic details). 

Schmidt sworn in as Ambassador 
to Canada (biographic details). 

U.S.-Netherlands aviation negotia- 
tions. 

Secretary announces new Office of 
Press Relations. 

Itinerary for Secretary Rogers' trip 
to East Asia and the Pacific. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the BtrLLETTir. 



No. 


Date 


*193 


7/14 


*194 


7/14 


*195 


7/15 


tl96 


7/15 


*197 


7/15 


tl9S 


7/15 


199 


7/15 


*200 


7/16 


201 


7/14 


t202 


7/17 


*203 


7/17 


*204 


7/17 


205 


7/17 


*206 


7/18 


*207 


7/18 


t208 


7/18 


209 


7/18 


*212 


7/19 



Superintendent of Documents 
U.S. government printing office 

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20402 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 




POSTAGE AND FEES PAID 
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 




IM AVT O 

20YEARS OF PEACE 



I 



1 



THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECORD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



THE 

DEPARTMENT 

OF 

STATE 

BULLETIN 




PROBLEMS OF POPULATION GROWTH 

President Nixon's Message to the Congress 105 

FOREIGN POLICY ASPECTS OF THE FOREIGN AID PROGRAM 

Statement by Secretary Rogers 

Before the House Committee on Foi^eign Affairs 116 



For index see inside hack cover 



Boston Public L;l)i-ary 
Superintendent of Document? 

AUG 26 1969 
DEPOSITORY 



I 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vou LXI, No. 1572 
August 11, 1969 






For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Oovemment Printing Office 

Washington, D.C. 20402 

PEICE: 

82 Issues, domestic $16, foreign $23 

Single copy 30 cents 

Use of funds for printing of this publication 

approved by the Director of the Bureau of 

the Budget (January 11, 1966). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 

copyrighted and Items contained herein may bo 

reprinted. Citation of the DEPARTMENT OF 

STATE BULLETIN as the source will be 

appreciated. The BULLETIN Is indexed In 

the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
icith infornxation on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service, 
Tlie BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White Uou^e and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as well as special 
articles on various phases of interna- 
tional affairs and the functions of ttie 
Department. Infornuition is included 
concerning treaties and internatioruil 
agreements to which the United 
States is or may become a party 
and treaties of general interruitional 
interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg' 
islative nuiterial in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



1 
J 



Problems of Population Growth 



Message From President Nixon to the Congress '■ 



To the Congress of the United States: 

In 1830 there were one billion people on the 
planet earth. By 1930 there were two billion, and 
by 1960 there were three billion. Today the 
world population is three and one-half billion 
persons. 

These statistics illustrate the dramatically in- 
creasing rate of population growth. It took 
many thousands of years to produce the first 
billion people ; the next billion took a century ; 
the third came after thirty years; the fourth 
will be produced in just fifteen. 

If this rate of population growth continues, 
it is likely that the earth will contain over seven 
billion human beings by the end of this century. 
Over the next thirty years, in other words, the 
world's population could double. And at the 
end of that time, each new addition of one bil- 
lion persons would not come over the millennia 
nor over a century nor even over a decade. If 
present trends were to continue until the year 
i^OOO, the eighth billion would be added in only 
five years and each additional billion in an even 
shorter period. 

"Wliile there are a variety of opinions as to 
precisely how fast population will grow in the 
coming decades, most informed observers have 
a similar response to all such jirojections. They 
agree that population growth is among the most 
important issues we face. They agree that it can 
be met only if there is a great deal of advance 
plaiming. And they agree that the time for such 
planning is growing very short. It is for all 
these reasons that I address myself to the popu- 
lation problem in this message, first to its inter- 
national dimensions and then to its domestic 
implications. 



'Transmitted on July 18 (White House press re- 
lease) ; also printed as H. Doc. 91-139, 91st Cong., 1st 



SPSS. 



In the Developing Nations 

It is in the developing nations of the world 
that population is growing most rapidly today. 
In these areas we often find rates of natural in- 
crease higher than any which have been experi- 
enced in all of human history. With their birth 
rates remaining high and with death rates drop- 
ping sharply, many coimtries of Latin America, 
Asia, and Africa now grow ten times as fast as 
they did a century ago. At present rates, many 
will double and some may even triple their 
present populations before the year 2000. This 
fact is in large measure a consequence of rising 
health standards and economic progress 
throughout the world, improvements which al- 
low more people to live longer and more of their 
children to survive to maturity. 

As a result, many already impoverished na- 
tions are stiiiggling imder a handicap of intense 
population increase which the industrialized 
nations never had to bear. Even though most 
of these countries have made rapid progress in 
total economic growth — faster in percentage 
terms than many of the more industrialized na- 
tions — their far greater rates of population 
growth have made development in per capita 
terms very slow. Their standards of living are 
not rising quickly, and the gap between life in 
the rich nations and life in the poor nations is 
not closing. 

There are some respects, in fact, in which 
economic development threatens to fall behind 
population growth, so that the quality of life 
actually worsens. For example, despite consid- 
erable improvements in agricultural technology 
and some dramatic increases in grain produc- 
tion, it is still difficult to feed these added peo- 
ple at adequate levels of nutrition. Protein 
malnutrition is widespread. It is estimated that 
every day some 10,000 people — most of them 



August n, 1969 



105 



children — are dying from diseases of which mal- 
nutrition has been at least a partial cause. More- 
over, the physical and mental potential of mil- 
lions of youngsters is not realized because of 
a lack of proper food. The promise for increased 
production and better distribution of food is 
great, but not great enough to counter these 
bleak realities. 

The burden of population growth is also felt 
in the field of social progress. In many countries, 
despite increases in the nim:iber of schools and 
teachers, there are more and more children for 
whom there is no schooling. Despite construction 
of new homes, more and more families are with- 
out adequate shelter. Unemployment and under- 
employment are increasing and the situation 
could be aggravated as more young people grow 
up and seek to enter the work force. 

Nor has development yet reached the stage 
where it brings with it diminished family size. 
Many parents in developing countries are still 
victimized by forces such as poverty and igno- 
rance which make it difficult for them to exer- 
cise control over the size of their families. In 
sum, population growth is a world problem 
which no country can ignore, whether it is 
moved by the narrowest perception of national 
self-interest or the widest vision of a common 
humanity. 

International Cooperation 

It is our belief that the United Nations, its 
specialized agencies, and other international 
bodies should take the leadership in responding 
to world population growth. The United States 
will cooperate fully with their programs, I 
would note in this connection that I am most im- 
pressed by the scope and thrust of the recent 
report of the Panel of the United Nations Asso- 
ciation, chaired by John D. Rockefeller III. The 
report stresses the need for expanded action 
and greater coordination, concerns which should 
be high on the agenda of the United Nations. 

In addition to working with international 
organizations, the United States can help by 
supporting efforts which are initiated by other 
governments. Already we are doing a great deal 
in this field. For example, we provide assistance 
to countries which seek our help in reducing 
high birthrates — provided always that the serv- 
ices we help to make available can be freely 
accepted or rejected by the individuals who re- 
ceive them. Through our aid programs, we have 
worked to improve agricultural production and 
bolster economic growth in developing nations. 

106 



As I pointed out in my recent message on 
Foreign Aid,^ we are making important efforts 
to improve these programs. In fact, I have asked 
the Secretary of State and the Administrator 
of the Agency for International Development 
to give population and family planning high 
priority for attention, personnel, research, and 
funding among our several aid programs. Simi- 
larly, I am asking the Secretaries of Commerce 
and Health, Education, and Welfare and the 
Directors of the Peace Corps and the United 
States Information Agency to give close atten- 
tion to population matters as they plan their 
overseas operations. I also call on the Depart- 
ment of Agi'iculture and the Agency for Inter- 
national Development to investigate ways of 
adapting and extending our agricultural experi- 
ence and capabilities to improve food produc- 
tion and distribution in developing coimtries. 
In all of these international efforts, our pro- 
grams should give further recognition to the im- 
portant resources of private organizations and 
university research centers. As we increase our 
population and family planning efforts abroad, 
we also call upon other nations to enlarge their 
programs in this area. 

Prompt action in all these areas is essential. 
For high rates of population growth, as the re- 
port of the Panel of the United Nations Asso- 
ciation puts it, "impair individual rights, jeop- 
ardize national goals, and threaten interna- 
tional stability." 

In the United States 

For some time population growth has been 
seen as a problem for developing countries. Only 
recently has it come to be seen that pressing 
problems are also posed for advanced indus- 
trial countries when their populations increase 
at the rate that the United States, for example, 
must now anticipate. Food supplies may be am- 
ple in such nations, but social supplies— the 
capacity to educate youth, to provide privacy 
and living space, to maintain the processes of 
open, democratic government — may be griev- 
ously strained. 

In the United States our rate of population 
growth is not as great as that of developing na- 
tions. In this country, in fact, the growth rate 
has generally declined since the eighteenth cen- 
tury. The present growth rate of about one per- 
cent per year is still significant, however. More- 



' For text, see Bulletin of June 16, 1969, p. 515. 

Department of State Bulletin 



over, current statistics indicate that the fertility 
rate may be approaching the end of its recent 
decline. 

Several factors contribute to the yearly in- 
crease, including the large number of couples 
of childbearing age, the typical size of Amer- 
ican families, and our increased longevity. "We 
are rapidly reaching the point in this country 
where a family reunion, which has typically 
brought together children, parents, and grand- 
parents, will instead gather family members 
from four generations. This is a development 
for which we are grateful and of which we can 
be proud. But we must also recognize that it 
will mean a far larger population if the number 
of children born to each set of parents remains 
the same. 

In 1917 the total number of Americans passed 
100 million, after three full centuries of steady 
growth. In 1967 — just half a century later — 
the 200 million mark was passed. If the present 
rate of growth continues, the third hundred 
million persons will be added in roughly a 
thirty-year period. This means that by the year 
2000, or shortly thereafter, there will be more 
than 300 million Americans. 

This growth will produce serious challenges 
for our society. I believe that many of our pres- 
ent social problems may be related to the fact 
that we have had only fifty years in which to 
accommodate the second hundred million Amer- 
icans. In fact, since 1945 alone son.e 90 million 
babies have been born in tliis country. We have 
thus had to accomplish in a very few decades 
an adjustment to population growth which was 
once spread over centuries. And it now appears 
that we will have to provide for a third hundred 
million Americans in a period of just 30 years. 

The great majority of the next hundred mil- 
lion Americans will be born to families which 
looked forward to their birth and are prepared 
to love them and care for them as they grow 
up. The critical issue is whether social institu- 
tions will also plan for their arrival and be able 
to accommodate them in a humane and intelli- 
gent way. TVe can be sure that society will not 
be ready for this growth unless it begins its 
planning immediately. And adequate planning, 
in turn, requires that we ask ourselves a number 
of important questions. 

Where, for example, will the next hundred 
million Americans live? If the patterns of the 
last few decades hold for the rest of the cen- 
tury, tlien at least three quarters of the next 
hundred million persons will locate in highly 
urbanized areas. Are our cities prepared for 



such an influx? The chaotic history of urban 
growth suggests that they are not and that 
many of their existing problems will be severely 
aggravated by a dramatic increase in numbers. 
Are there ways, then, of readying our cities? 
Alternatively, can the trend toward greater 
concentration of population be reversed ? Is it a 
dcsiral)le thing, for example, that lialf of all the 
counties in the United States actually lost popu- 
lation in the 1950's, despite the growing number 
of inhabitants in the country as a whole? Are 
there ways of fostering a better distribution of 
the growing population? 

Some have suggested that systems of satellite 
cities or completely new towns can accomplish 
this goal. The National Commission on Urban 
Growth has recently produced a stimulating re- 
port on this matter, one wliich recommends the 
creation of 100 new communities averaging 
100,000 people each, and ten new communities 
averaging at least one million persons. But the 
total nmnber of people who would be accom- 
modated if even this bold plan were imple- 
mented is only twenty million — a mere one-fifth 
of the expected thirty-year increase. If we were 
to accommodate the full 100 million persons 
in new communities, we would have to build a 
new city of 250,000 persons each month from 
now until the end of the century. That means 
constructing a city the size of Tulsa, Dayton, 
or Jersey City every tliirty days for over thirty 
years. Clearly, the problem is enormous, and 
we must examine the alternative solutions very 
carefully. 

Other questions also confront us. How, for 
example, will we house the next lumdred million 
Americans? Already economical and attractive 
housing is in very short supply. New architec- 
tural forms, construction techniques, and financ- 
ing strategies must be aggressively pioneered 
if we are to provide the needed dwellings. 

What of our natural resources and the quality 
of our environment? Pure air and water are 
fundamental to life itself. Parks, recreational 
facilities, and an attractive countryside are es- 
sential to our emotional well-being. Plant and 
animal and mineral resources are also vital. A 
growing population will increase the demand 
for such resources. But in many cases their sup- 
ply will not be increased and may even be endan- 
gered. The ecological system upon which we 
now depend may seriously deteriorate if our ef- 
forts to conserve and enliance the environment 
do not match the gro\\-th of the population. 

How will we educate and employ such a large 
number of people? Will our transportation sys- 



August n, 1969 



107 



terns move them about as quickly and econom- 
ically as necessary? How will we provide ade- 
quate health care when our population reaches 
300 million? Will our political structures have 
to be reordered, too, when our society grows to 
such proportions? ]\Iany of our institutions are 
already under tremendous strain as they try to 
respond to the demands of 1969. Will they be 
swamped by a growing flood of people in the 
next thirty years? How easily can they be re- 
placed or altered? 

Finally we must ask : how can we better assist 
American families so that they will have no 
more children than they wish to have? In my 
first message to Congress on domestic affairs, 1 
called for a national commitment to provide a 
healthful and stimulating environment for all 
children during their first five years of life. One 
of the ways in which we can promote that goal 
is to provide assistance for more parents in ef- 
fectively planning their families. We know that 
involuntary childbearing often results in poor 
physical and emotional health for all members 
of the family. It is one of the factors which con- 
tribute to our distressmgly high infant mor- 
tality rate, the unacceptable level of malnutri- 
tion, and the disappointing performance of 
some children in our schools. Unwanted or un- 
timely childbearing is one of several forces 
which are driving many families into poverty or 
keeping them in that condition. Its threat helps 
to produce the dangerous incidence of illegal 
abortion. And finally, of course, it needlessly 
adds to the burdens placed on all our resources 
by increasing population. 

None of the questions I have raised here is 
new. But all of these questions must now be 
asked and answered with a new sense of ur- 
gency. The answers cannot be given by govern- 
ment alone, nor can government alone turn the 
answers into programs and policies. I believe, 
however, that the Federal Government does have 
a special responsibility for defining these prob- 
lems and for stimulating thoughtful responses. 

Perhaps the most dangerous element in the 
present situation is the fact that so few people 
are examining these questions from the view- 
lioint of the whole society. Perceptive business- 
men project the demand for their products many 
years into the future by studying population 
trends. Other private institutions develop so- 
phisticated planning mechanisms which allow 
them to account for rapidly changing condi- 
tions. In the governmental sphere, however, 
there is virtually no machinery through which 



we can develop a detailed understanding of 
demographic changes and bring that under- 
standing to bear on public policy. The federal 
government makes only a minimal effort in this 
area. The efforts of state and local governments 
are also inadequate. Most importantly, the plan- 
ning which does take place at some levels is 
poorly understood at others and is often based 
on unexamined assumptions. 

In short, the questions I have posed in this 
message too often go unasked, and when they 
are asked, they seldom are adequately answered. 

Commission on Population Growth 
and the American Future 

It is for all these reasons that I today propose 
the creation by Congress of a Commission on 
Population Growth and the American Future. 

The Congress should give the Commission re- 
sponsibility for inquiry and recommendations 
in three specific areas. 

First, the prohahle course of population 
growth, internal migration and related demo- 
graphic developments between noto and the year 
2000. 

As much as possible, these projections should 
be made by regions, states, and metropolitan 
areas. Because there is an element of uncer- 
tainty in such projections, various alternative 
possibilities should be plotted. 

It is of special importance to note that, begin- 
ning in August of 1970, population data by 
county will become available from the decennial 
census, which will have been taken in April of 
that year. By April 1971, computer summaries 
of first-coimt data will be available by census 
tract and an important range of information on 
income, occupations, education, household com- 
position, and other vital considerations will also 
be in hand. The Federal government can make 
better use of such demographic information 
than it has done in the past, and state govern- 
ments and other political subdivisions can also 
use such data to better advantage. The Commis- 
sion on Population Growth and the American 
Future will be an appropriate instrument for 
this important initiative. 

Second, the resources in the public sector of 
the economy that will he required to deal with 
the anticipated growth in population. 

The single gi'eatest failure of foresight — at 
all levels of government — over the past genera- 
tion has been in areas connected with expanding 
population. Government and legislatures have 



108 



Department of State Bulletin 



frequently failed to appreciate the demands 
which continued population growth would im- 
pose on the public sector. These demands are 
myriad : they will range from pre-school class- 
rooms to post-doctoral fellowships ; from public 
works which carry water over thousands of 
miles to highways which carry people and prod- 
ucts from region to region; from vest pocket 
parks in crowded cities to forest preserves and 
quiet lakes in the countryside. Perhaps espe- 
cially, such demands will assert themselves in 
forms that affect the quality of life. The time 
is at hand for a serious assessment of such needs. 

Third, ways in which population groioth may 
affect the activities of Federal, state and local 
government. 

In some respects, population growth affects 
everything that American government does. Yet 
only occasionally do our governmental units 
pay sufficient attention to population growth in 
their own planning. Only occasionally do they 
consider the serious implications of demo- 
graphic trends for their present and future 
acti^dties. 

Yet some of the necessary information is at 
hand and can be made available to all levels of 
government. Much of the rest will be obtained 
by the Commission. For such information to be 
of greatest use, however, it should also be inter- 
preted and analyzed and its implications should 
be made more evident. It is particularly in this 
connection that the work of the Conmiission on 
Population Growth and the American Future 
will be as much educational as investigative. 
The American public and its governing miits 
are not as alert as they should be to these grow- 
ing challenges. A responsible but insistent voice 
of reason and foresight is needed. Tlie Com- 
mission can provide that voice in the years 
immediately before us. 

The membership of the Commission should 
include two members from each house of the 
Congress, together with knowledgeable men and 
women who are broadly representative of our 
society. Tlie majority should be citizens who 
have demonstrated a capacity to deal with im- 
portant questions of public policy. The mem- 
bership should also include specialists in the 
biological, social, and environmental sciences, 
in theology and law, in the arts and in engineer- 
ing. The Conunission should be empowered to 
create advisory panels to consider subdivisions 
of its broad subject area and to invite experts 
and leaders from all parts of the world to join 
these panels in their deliberations. 



The Commission should be provided with an 
adequate staff and budget, under the supervision 
of an executive director of exceptional experi- 
ence and understanding. 

In order that the Commission will have time 
to utilize the initial data which results from the 
1970 census, I ask that it be established for a 
period of two years. An interim report to the 
President and Congress should be required at 
the end of the first year. 

Other Government Activities 

I would take this opportunity to mention a 
number of additional government activities 
dealing with population growth which need not 
await the report of the Commission. 

First, increased research is essential. It is 
clear, for example, that we need additional re- 
search on birth control methods of all types and 
the sociology of population growth. Utilizing its 
Center for Population Eesearch, the Depart- 
ment of Health, Education, and Welfare sliould 
take the lead in developing, with other federal 
agencies, an expanded research effort, one which 
is carefully related to those of private organi- 
zations, university research centers, interna- 
tional organizations, and other countries. 

Second, we need jnore trained people to work 
in population and family planning programs^ 
hoth in this country and abroad. I am therefore 
asking the Secretaries of State, Labor, Health, 
Education, and Welfare, and Interior along 
with the Administrator of the Agency for In- 
ternational Development and the Director of 
the Office of Economic Opportunity to partici- 
pate in a comprehensive survey of our efforts 
to attract people to such programs and to train 
them properly. The same group — in consulta- 
tion with appropriate state, local, and private 
officials — should develop recommendations for 
improvements in this area. I am asking the 
Assistant to the President for Urban Affairs to 
coordinate this project. 

Third, the effects of population growth on our 
environment and on the worWs food supply call 
for careful attention and immediate action. I am 
therefore asking the Environmental Quality 
Council to give carefid attention to these mat- 
ters in its deliberations. I am also asking the 
Secretaries of Interior, Agriculture, and Health, 
Education, and Welfare to give the highest 
priority to research into new teclmiques and to 
other proposals that can help safeguard the en- 



August n, 1969 



109 



vironment and increase the world's supply of 
food. 

Fourth, it is clear that the domestic family 
planning services supported hy the Federal 
Government should be expanded and better inte- 
grated. Both the Department of Health, Edu- 
cation, and Welfare and the Office of Economic 
Opportunity are now involved in this important 
work, yet their combined efforts are not ade- 
quate to provide information and services to all 
who want them. In particular, most of an esti- 
mated five million low income women of child- 
bearing age in this country do not now have 
adequate access to family planning assistance, 
even though their wishes concerning family size 
are usually the same as those of parents of 
higher income groups. 

It is my view that no American woman should 
be denied access to family planning assistance 
because of her economic condition. I believe, 
therefore, that we should establish as a national 
goal the provision of adequate family planning 
services within the next five years to all those 
who want them but cannot afford them. This we 
have the capacity to do. 

Clearly, in no circumstances will the activities 
associated with our pursuit of this goal be al- 
lowed to infringe upon the religious convictions 
or personal wishes and freedom of any individ- 
ual, nor will they be allowed to impair the ab- 
solute right of all individuals to have such 
matters of conscience respected by public 
authorities. 

In order to achieve this national goal, we will 
have to increase the amount we are spending on 
population and family planning. But success 
in this endeavor will not result from higher ex- 
penditures alone. Because the life circiunstances 
and family planning wishes of those who re- 
ceive services vary considerably, an effective 
program must be more flexible in its design than 
are many present efforts. In addition, programs 
should be better coordinated and more effec- 
tively administered. Under current legislation, 
a comprehensive State or local project must, 
assemble a patchwork of funds from many dif- 
ferent sources — a time-consuming and confus- 
ing process. Moreover, under existing legisla- 
tion, requests for funds for family planning 
services must often compete with requests for 
other deserving health endeavors. 

But these problems can be overcome. Tlie Sec- 
retary of Health, Education, and Welfare — 
whose Department is responsible for the largest 



part of our domestic family planning services — 
has developed plans to reorganize the major 
family planning service activities of this agency. 
A separate unit for these services will be estab- 
lished within the Health Services and Mental 
Health Administration. The Secretary will send 
to Congress in the near future legislation which 
will help the Department implement this im- 
portant program by providing broader and 
more precise legislative authority and a clearer 
source of financial support. 

The Office of Economic Opportunity can also 
contribute to progress in this area by strength- 
ening its innovative programs and pilot projects 
in the delivery of family planning services to 
the needy. The existing network of O.E.O. sup- 
ported community groups should also be used 
more extensively to provide family planning 
assistance and information. I am asking the 
Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity 
to determine the ways in which his Agency can 
best structure and extend its programs in order 
to help achieve our national goal in the coming 
years. 

As they develop their own plans, the Secre- 
tary of Health, Education and Welfare and 
the Director of the Office of Economic Oppor- 
tunity should also determine the most effective 
means of coordinating all our domestic family 
planning programs and should include in their 
deliberations representatives of the other agen- 
cies that share in this important work. It is my 
intention that such plaiming should also involve 
state and local governments and private 
agencies, for it is clear that the increased activ- 
ity of the Federal government in this area 
must be matched by a sizeable increase in effort 
at other levels. It would be unrealistic for the 
Federal Government alone to shoulder the en- 
tire burden, but this Administration does accept 
a clear responsibility to provide essential 
leadership. 

For the Future 

One of the most serious challenges to human 
destiny in the last third of this century will be 
the growth of the population. Wliether man's 
response to that challenge will be a cause for 
pride or for despair in the year 2000 will de- 
pend very much on what we do today. If we 
now begin our work in an appropriate manner, 
and if we continue to devote a considerable 
amount of attention and energy to this problem, 
then mankind will be able to surmount this 



110 



Department of State Bulletin 



challenge as it has surmounted so many during 
the long march of civilization. 

When future generations evaluate the record 
of our time, one of the most important factors 
in their judgment will be the way in which we 
responded to population growth. Let us act in 
such a way tliat those who come after us — even 
as they lift their eyes beyond earth's bounds — 



can do so with pride in the planet on which they 
live, with gratitude to those who lived on it in 
the past, and with continuing confidence in its 
future. 



KiOHARD Nixon 



The Whfte House, 
July 18, 1969. 



President Nixon Meets With Foreign Exchange Students 



Following are remarks made hy President 
Nixon on the South Lawn of the White House 
on July 22 hefore a group of American Field 
Service exchange students. 

White House press release dated July 22 

. • • • • 

Could I speak seriously to you for just a 
moment as I welcome you to the Wliite House 
and in effect say goodby to you as you return to 
your own countries ? 

I want to say, first, that my only regret is that 
our family could not have had some of you visit 
us in our homes during this last year. Of course, 
in this last year I have been a little busy ; but 
nevertheless, we have so many friends who have 
had the privilege of having students from this 
group in tlieir homes, and many of them have 
said that it was really the best thing that ever 
happened in their lives. We thank you all for 
giving so many Americans the privilege of 
knowing your countries tlirough you, the youth 
of your countries. This is a great privilege ; it is 
a privilege that many American families have 
never had before, and we are very grateful for 
that. 

Second, I want you to know that as I meet you 
and realize your ages and all the years ahead of 
you, I think what a wonderful time it is for you 
to be alive. I suppose that that sounds rather 
strange these days when we read of some of the 
problems in the world — problems in Latin 
America, Africa, Asia, and the Mideast, and the 
like, a war in Viet-Nam, all of these problems — 
but let us look at it, if we can, for a moment, 
without being Pollyannaish, but look at it with 
the true realism that an idealist must have, look- 
ing at the facts but also looking beyond them, 



as we really should, to the future which you can 
help to build. 

You could not find a more exciting time to be 
bom ; you could not find a more exciting time to 
finish high school and then go on to college and 
then pick your profession, because when you are 
my age — or perhaps a little younger than I am — 
in the year 2000 and you celebrate tlie new year 
that comes once in a thousand years, look at 
what you look back on and look at what you will 
see then and what you will look forward to in 
the 21st century. 

We think of those men who are returning 
from the moon. Wasn't that a great thing to 
see ? In the year 2000 I believe — and I am sure 
that those in this audience who are so young 
and so full of life and so full of optimism will 
agree with me — in the year 2000 we will on this 
earth have visited new worlds where there will 
be a form of life. 

I know this will happen, and I want to tell 
you as I look forward and dream about tliat 
future, as I am sure you look forward to it and 
dream about it, this is the kind of world I would 
like to see and the kind of exploration of that 
new world that I know all Americans want. 

I hope that when the next great venture into 
space takes place that it will be one in which 
Americans will be joined by representatives of 
other countries so that we can go to the new 
world together. I know from the telegrams that 
I have received around the world that the spirit 
of all the people of the world was with those 
three brave men. They are not just Americans, 
they represented all of mankind. 

Tliat is why, as we look at the future adven- 
tures into the free world, let them not be 
adventures of conquest but adventures of ex- 



Aogust n, 1969 



111 



ploration which tend to unite us all into one 
people, which we truly are, and we feel that 
today in a crowd like this. 

What those new worlds will be like, whether 
on Mars or Venus or any of the other areas we 
may be able to explore, no one can presently 
say; but let me say a word about what tliis 
world can be like and what you can make it 
like. 

Sometimes we get very pessimistic about 
problems. We see the population curve going 
up, we see the food production not going up as 
fast, and we look at great areas of the world in 
Asia and Africa and Latin America and wonder 
if those two curves are going to pass and that 
dire prediction of Malthus, made a century or 
two centuries ago, may prove true in our time — 
later than he thought, but yet prove true. I don't 
think so, because I am convinced that we have 
the genius — genius represented by young peo- 
ple in this group, but genius represented by 
people all over the world — so that we can pro- 
duce the food and the clothing, the health care, 
the housing, the shelter, all the things that we 
need to keep ahead of population and continue 
to progress. 

That is the challenge you have ; it is the chal- 
lenge you, I am very confident, are going to 
meet. 

I think, too, that as we look to the future we 
think of the possibilities not only of the new 
worlds, what may not be or may be on the Moon 
or ]\Iars or Venus, but we think of what that 
moon achievement means in terms of what we 
can do on this Earth. 

So often we hear : "This cannot be done. The 
problem is too great." But when I saw, or at 
least heard and saw, the simulation of those 
two space vehicles traveling at 4,500 miles an 
hour, coupling together in space, let alone land- 
ing on the moon and the takeoff on the moon, 
but saw that take place out there in outer space, 
as I realized all of the scientific genius and the 
teclmical ability, let alone the human factors 
that went into that decision, I realized that this 
is no time for the pessimists ; this is the time for 
the optimists and the idealists. 

Be optimistic and idealistic about the future. 
I realize the kind of teamwork, the kind of sci- 
entific achievement, the kind of idealism that 
we saw in that space shot, that landing on the 
moon — if we could just bring all that to bear on 
the problems here on earth, the problems of our 
environment, the problems of adequate food and 
health and shelter and progress, a fair share 



for everybody on this earth — if that can be done, 
what a world we can create. 

Let me look just a little further ahead in an- 
other way. I thought one of the, shall we say, 
rather sad things about that great day on Mon- 
day when man first stepped on the moon was 
that, while most of the peoples of the world saw 
it on television or participated in it on televi- 
sion or radio, tliere was approximately one-half 
the world that did not see it : the whole of Com- 
munist China and the world of the Soviet 
Union. 

I thought how sad that was, sad not in terms 
of East- West conflict, because this is no time to 
discuss that, but sad in terms of the people in- 
volved because, you see, I know the Russian 
people. I have visited them. They are a great 
people, and their young people are like you 
people. 

And I know the Chinese people. I have never 
seen tliem on the mainland of China, but I have 
seen them in Taiwan and in Manila and in In- 
donesia and Thailand and New York and San 
Francisco, and I want the time to come when 
the Chinese people and the Eussian people and 
all the peoples of this world can walk together 
and talk together. 

I want to say to you that in the time that I 
am in this Office, however long it will be, the 
major goal that I will have will be to bring peace 
to this world — real peace — and also to hasten 
the day when we can have a truly open world, 
open cities, open borders, open countries, open 
minds, open hearts, open ideas. That is what we 
want. Tliat is what you want. And that is what 
we are going to build for us. 

Now, I suppose that when we look at the 
world today and those great political differences 
that divide us and the war that goes on, we 
sometimes perhaps would be pessimistic and 
say, "Well, you are just dreaming." I don't think 
so. I want you to know that as I see you today, 
as I realize the experience that you have, as I 
know the spirit you will cari-y back to your own 
countries, you are going to help to make these 
dreams come tnie; and I would simply add to 
that great slogan that I understand all of you 
have of walking together and talking together — 
let's add to it : Let's dream together, too. Let's 
dream about the future. 

I know of no group of young people in the 
world who can help more to make those dreams 
come true than all of you, and I ask all of you 
as you leave the United States of America — 
remember, of course, the differences that you 



112 



Department of State Bulletin 



saw here, have in mind the problems you saw 
here, and try to avoid them in your own coun- 
tries — but remember, above everything else, the 
American people are with you in their hearts, 
they want for you what we want for ourselves : 
the right to be free, the right to move ahead, the 
right to talk together and walk together and to 
dream together. 

All of these things you believe in and all of 
these things, I am sure, the world believes in, 
if the leaders of the world simply have the abil- 
ity to allow the people of the world to let their 
views be felt and their views prevail. 

So to my good friends — and some of you I 
hope to meet in some of my future journeys 
around the world — I can only say : Thank you 
for coming to America. As one who was born 
in this coimtry, I love my country and I think 
it is a great country ; but I can tell you, as one 
who has visited over 60 countries in the world, 
I think every people in this world is a great 
people and a great coimtry. If we think that 
way, we are going to go a long way. 



27th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

Following are texts of the opening statement 
and additional remarhs made hy Ambassador 
Henry Cabot Lodge, head of the U.S. delega- 
tion, at the 27th plenary session of the meetings 
on Viet-Nain at Paris on July 24- 



FiesB release 215 dated 3n\j 24 

OPENING STATEMENT 

Ladies and gentlemen: At recent sessions 
spokesmen for your side have repeatedly al- 
leged that our side was not showing good will 
and a sincere attitude toward the 10 points 
proposed by the NLF [National Liberation 
Front]. You have charged that our side must 
therefore bear full responsibility for the pro- 
longation of the war. 

The truth is that, at Midway, President Nixon 
and President Thieu took note of the 10-point 
proposal.^ They observed that, despite the fact 
that it contained certain imacceptable pro- 
visions, there were certain points which ap- 

' For background, see Bulletin of June 30, 1969, p. 
549. 



peared not too far from the positions taken by 
our two Governments. 

Since their statement, we have tried to ex- 
amine your 10 points at these sessions. In my 
statement at the 23d plenary session, for ex- 
ample, I pointed to several issues raised by the 

10 points on which there appeared to be com- 
mon ground.^ I also discussed the major issues 
on which we are still far apart. 

Your side has responded merely by repeating 
your own demands, rejecting our requests for 
clarification, and, indeed, denying that there 
was any common ground between our respective 
positions. 

The Republic of Viet-Nam and the United 
States have gone far beyond a willingness to 
consider and discuss the NLF 10 points. Both 
Governments have made important proposals 
designed to establish a basis for a negotiated 
settlement. The most recent of these proposals 
was President Thieu's major initiative of July 

11 on the organization of free elections. The 
representative of the Republic of Viet-Nam pre- 
sented that proposal last week at these sessions. 

"Wliat has been the response of your side to 
all of these efforts for peace? Not once at these 
meetings has your side tried to find in our pro- 
posals common elements on which we might 
agree or which we even might examine further. 
On the contrary, you always reject them flatly. 
Surely this is not a reasonable position for a 
serious negotiation. 

Your side continues to demand the unilateral 
withdrawal of the United States and of Allied 
forces in South Viet-Nam. You denounce as 
imreasonable any proposals for mutual with- 
drawal of all non-South Vietnamese forces. You 
assert that our unilateral withdrawal is the 
only way we can show respect for the "fimda- 
mental national rights" of the Vietnamese 
people. 

We are ready, as we have always been, to re- 
spect the fundamental national rights of the 
Vietnamese people. And the simultaneous with- 
drawal of all non-South Vietnamese forces is, 
in truth, wholly compatible with those funda- 
mental rights. 

As we have stated many times, we are fully 
prepared to negotiate the terms of mutual with- 
drawal and all other aspects of a Viet-Nam set- 
tlement. As President Nixon said in presenting 
his eight proposals on May 14, 1969 : * 



' Bulletin of July 14, 1969, p. 29. 
• Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



August n, 1969 



113 



... I would stress that these proposals are not 
offered on a take-it-or-leave-lt basis. We are quite will- 
ing to consider other approaches consistent with our 
principles. 

At last week's meeting, your side chose to 
give a most superficial and hasty response to 
President Thieu's constructive and reasonable 
proposal for organizing free elections. You did 
not ask questions about that proposal or express 
a willingness to discuss seriously with the Gov- 
ernment of the Republic of Viet-Nam the ques- 
tion of how free elections should be conducted. 
You simply rejected President Thieu's proposal 
out of hand and characterized it as a "swindle," 
a "maneuver," and a "treachery." It is none of 
these things. It is a sincere proposition which 
deserves to be considered carefully on its merits. 
And its merits are considerable. 

Your denigration of the July 11 proposal 
cannot conceal its meaningful and generous of- 
fer for truly free elections. President Thieu 
made it clear that all political parties and 
groups, including the NLF, could participate 
in the elections and in an electoral conmiission. 
He said that his commission would assure all 
candidates equal opportunity to campaign; it 
would enable all the parties and groups to par- 
ticipate in poll watcliing and to watch the count- 
ing of the ballots. He said further that an inter- 
national body would be established to supervise 
the elections ..nd assure their fairness. 

"VVe regret your initial, negative reaction to 
these proposals by the Republic of Viet-Nam. 
"We are sorry that you have deliberately mis- 
construed them. You try to mislead public 
opinion by alleging that we are insisting that 
elections be conducted under the bayonets of a 
half million United States soldiers, which is the 
reverse of the truth. 

The truth is, as President Thieu made clear, 
that his government wishes to discuss with your 
side the ways in which the South Vietnamese 
people — all of them — can exercise their choice 
free from violence, terrorism, fear, and coercion 
from any source. With respect to the presence 
of United States and other Allied forces, both 
President Nixon's speech of May 14 and Presi- 
dent Thieu's statement of July 11 recognized 
the relationship between elections and the with- 
drawal of all non-South Vietnamese armed 
forces. Indeed, how can the South Vietnamese 
people freely exercise their fundamental right 
of self-determination if tens of thousands of 



North Vietnamese troops continue to be main- 
tained in the South and in the neighboring 
countries of Laos and Cambodia? In this re- 
gard our proposals for mutual withdrawal are 
well known. Wiat is needed is a willingness by 
your side to explore and negotiate these critical 
issues in good faith. 

The Government of the Republic of Viet- 
Nam has made a proposal for free elections, 
elections in which the people of South Viet-Nam 
would be free to express their choice and in 
which coercion and repression play no part on 
either side. President Thieu has said his govern- 
ment is prepared to discuss with your side the 
timetable and the details of these elections. He 
pledged that the Government of the Republic 
of Viet-Nam would abide by the results of the 
elections whatever they may be. 

If your side really supports the right of the 
South Vietnamese people to self-determination 
as you claim, you should welcome President 
Thieu's proposal as a constructive and major 
contribution to these negotiations. The basic 
purpose of a free electoral system is to allow 
the people freely to choose the representatives 
of their choice. 

In the interests of serious negotiations, your 
side should reconsider its hasty reaction to Pres- 
ident Tliieu's proposal. You should discuss it 
seriously with the Government of the Republic 
of Viet-Nam, with whom you meet here every 
Thursday. That proposal offers a genuine op- 
portunity for the people of South Viet-Nam to 
enjoy now, and in the future, a continuing right 
of self-determination. It goes to the heart of the 
political issues involved in the Viet-Nam war. 
It would bring friend and foe together into the 
future life of the nation. It merits serious con- 
sideration if we are to find a negotiated peace 
in Viet-Nam. 

"We are ready to negotiate. "We are willing to 
seek agreed solutions to different problems. "We 
are willing to discuss your proposals. "We have 
tried to do so. You should also be willing to 
discuss our proposals. So far you have not been 
willing to do so. There must be negotiation if 
the Viet-Nam problem is to be solved. By re- 
fusing to engage in that process, your side is 
prolonging the war. 

As President Nixon said on July 11 : * "If the 



' For a statement by President Nixon issued on 
July 11, see Bulletin of July 28, 1969, p. 61. 



114 



Department of State Bulletin 



other side genuinely wants peace, it now has 
a comprehensive set of offers which permit a 
fair and reasonable settlement. If it approaches 
us in this spirit, it will find us reasonable. Hanoi 
has nothing to gain by waiting." 



ADDITIONAL REMARKS 

I will say to the representative of the DRV 
that his charge of United States aggression 
against Laos is as groundless as are his charges 
of United States aggression against Viet-Nam. 
As in the case of South Viet-Nam, the presence 
of North Vietnamese armed forces in Laos in 
large numbers is a well-demonstrated fact. That 
presence lies at the heart of the Laos problem. 

The presence of North Vietnamese troops in 
Laos is in the first instance of concern to the 
Eoyal Lao Government. That Government has 
repeatedly called for their withdrawal to North 
Viet-Nam and for full application of the 1962 
Geneva agreements on Laos. As a signatory of 
the 1962 agreements, the United States supports 
these demands. The United States withdrew all 
its military personnel from Laos in 1962 and 
hoped that all parties would live up to the agree- 
ments. The United States itself is fully prepared 
to observe those agreements if the other parties 
will and to do its share to bring about their 
full observance to maintain Laotian neutrality. 

Similar considerations apply with resjDect to 
the illegal presence of your troops in Cambodia. 
The United States respects the independence 
and territory of Cambodia under the terms of 
the 1954 Geneva accords on Cambodia. There are 
no U.S. troops stationed in Cambodia! There 
are North Vietnamese troops in Cambodia ! 
That is a fact knovni throughout the world. 



Mr. Rives Named U.S. Charge 
in Phnom Penh, Cambodia 

The Department of State announced on 
July 21 (press release 210) that Lloyd M. Rives, 
a career Foreign Service officer, has been ap- 
pointed United States Charge d'Affaires ad in- 
terim in Phnom Penli,^ and the Royal Cam- 
bodian Government has announced its accept- 
ance of this designation. 

As Secretary Rogers announced July 2,' the 
Royal Cambodian Government had designated 
Thay Sok as its Charge d'Affaires ad interim 
in Washington, and the United States Gov- 
ernment has accepted this designation. 



U.S. and Netherlands Conclude 
Aviation Negotiations 

Joint Press Statement 

Press release 208 dated July 18 

Delegations representing the United States 
and the Kingdom of the Netherlands concluded 
aviation negotiations today [July 18] in Wash- 
ington. These negotiations were called at the 
request of the Kingdom of the Netherlands 
Government to review certain aspects of the bi- 
lateral air transport agreement, including the 
question of routes. Recommendations of the 
delegations are being forwarded to the respec- 
tive Governments for their consideration. 



' For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 210 dated July 21. 
" Bulletin of July 21, 1969, p. 41. 



August 11, 1969 



115 



THE CONGRESS 



Foreign Policy Aspects of the Foreign Aid Program 



Statement hy Secretary Rogers ' 



I am glad to be here today to support the ad- 
ministration's authorization request for $2.G bil- 
lion for economic and military assistance for fis- 
cal year 1970. As you know, I was out of the 
country when hearings began before your com- 
mittee, and for that reason the opening presenta- 
tion for the State Department was made by 
Under Secretary Richardson.' You also have 
heard extensive testimony from Dr. Hannah, the 
AID [Agency for International Development] 
Administrator, and other witnesses on the eco- 
nomic assistance program and from Secretary 
[of Defense Melvin R.] Laird and the military 
area commanders on the military assistance re- 
quest. Dr. Hannah is here again today to answer 
any additional questions on the AID program. 

In these circumstances, I believe it would be 
appropriate for me briefly to focus my remarks 
this morning on certain foreign policy aspects 
of the aid proposals which President NLxon has 
laid before the Congress.' 

I. 

Foreign assistance is part and parcel of our 
foreign policy because of some very fundamen- 
tal facts about the world around us. 

Two out of every three people in the world 
live in less developed countries. A dozen years 
from now there will be about a billion more of 
them than there are today. 

While in recent years the less developed coun- 
tries in the non-Communist world as a whole 
expanded their production at roughly 5 percent 

' Made before the House Committee on Foreign Af- 
fairs on July 17 (press release 202). 

• Bulletin of June 30, 1969, p. 569. 

• For President Nixon's message to the Congress on 
May 28, see Bulletin of June 16, 1969, p. 515. 



annually, population growth is cutting heavOy 
into per capita benefits from these gains. 

If sustained growth is to be achieved in the 
poor countries, they must raise about four-fifths 
of the necessary savings and investment from 
their o-wn meager resources ; but a critical mar- 
gin of external assistance is needed from others. 

This set of circumstances is clear. One of the 
dominant political facts of international life 
today is that more rapid economic and social 
progress is a major goal of every constructive 
political leader in the developing nations, which 
are a large majority of all nations. 

Our aid policies and programs foster these 
trends. Thus they support directly our foreign 
policy interests. If economic progress in the less 
developed countries should falter, the resulting 
frustration would almost certainly be exploited 
politically, to the detriment of our long-range 
national interests. 

II. 

ISIr. Chairman, the peaceful revolution in eco- 
nomic and social development now taking place 
in most regions of the world is one of the major 
phenomena of our time. IVhether it maintains 
a satisfactory momentum or not will have a lot 
to do with the future shape of world affaire and 
for the position of our own country in relation to 
vast areas of the world. 

We have helped to raise expectations for a 
better life among masses of the people every- 
where. Our help has led them to believe that 
poverty is not the inevitable condition for most 
of humanity. We have provided help to gen- 
erate growth in the critical early stages — 
both directly and through international 
organizations. 



116 



Department of State Bulletin 



Five successive Presidents and many Con- 
gresses have reached the conclusion that par- 
ticipation by the United States in this historic 
development process is not only desirable but es- 
sential in support of our foreign policy. Public 
groups representing a wide range of interests 
and professions have made intensive studies 
and consistently arrive at similar conclusions. 

Nevertheless, continuity of policy should not 
be allowed to obscure the need for adaptation 
and change in the direction and techniques of 
foreign assistance in the light of new conditions 
and our own experience. 

To this end the President has announced that 
he would appoint a public advisory group to 
recommend U.S. policies and programs of in- 
ternational development cooperation for the 
decade of the 1970'3. 

Meanwhile we have identified several lines 
of action for immediate emphasis. These are: 

— To increase the opportunities for private 
enterprise to engage more directly in the devel- 
opment process. 

— To lay heavier stress on the transfer of 
American knowledge and skills through tech- 
nical assistance. 

— To increase support for multilateral aid 
programs and make new efforts to coordinate 
our aid with other donors. 

— To place the highest priority on agricul- 
tural production and family planning. 

Let me say a few words about the reasons for 
the points of emphasis. 

1. Mobilization of private enterprise and its 
resources through popular involvement is vital 
to development. The new AID program will 
focus more sharply on stimulating such involve- 
ment in the countries receiving our aid. We will 
also encourage investment by American firms, 
with their management skills and modem tech- 
nology, in ways which will benefit the develop- 
ment of those countries. To support such invest- 
ment, we are proposing to establish an Overseas 
Private Investment Corporation (OPIC). 

We believe that programs to encourage par- 
ticipation by U.S. investors and assist private 
investment projects in the developing countries 
can best be managed by a specialized business- 
type organization, operating on a self-sustain- 
ing basis and subject to the businesslike disci- 
plines of the balance sheet and the earnings 
statement. OPIC is specifically designed to pro- 
vide that framework. OPIC would permit the 



handling of business questions in a business en- 
vironment. The businessman's need for prompt, 
knowledgeable, and authoritative decisions, 
whether favorable or unfavorable, would be 
met. The use of investment guaranties and in- 
surance would be expanded, and investment and 
credit institutions in the less developed coun- 
tries would be promoted through financial and 
professional advisory assistance by OPIC. 

For the Congress, OPIC would mean that 
the balance sheet, earnings statement, and opera- 
tions report will present a complete picture of 
costs and benefits. The role and responsibility 
of Congress would not change. 

For the executive branch, OPIC would mean 
that the best available talent can be attracted 
and that the joint objectives of public and pri- 
vate interests will be assured through the com- 
position of the board of directors and the pro- 
visions for coordination with overall foreign 
economic policy. 

2. To capitalize on recent progress and ac- 
celerate the pace of development, we also pro- 
pose to reemphasize the role of technical assist- 
ance. The challenge of development lies in part 
in the transfer of skills and the creation of the 
institutional capacity necessary to expand the 
role of modem technology in the less developed 
countries. Large amoimts of capital are re- 
quired to support industrial and agricultural 
growth. But the capacity of private enterprise 
and government to use such assistance wisely 
and effectively is limited in large part by the 
lack of skills — administrative, mechanical, man- 
agerial, and technical. We hope to devise im- 
proved applications of teclmical assistance in 
such fields as agriculture, family planning, edu- 
cation, community action, public administra- 
tion, and other areas. 

3. Multilateral assistance increases the total 
amount of development assistance available and 
does so on a basis of equitable sharing. Other 
countries have been increasing their contribu- 
tions to multilateral banks, to teclmical assist- 
ance programs, and to other cooperative inter- 
national arrangements. Tliis is a good trend and 
one which we have helped to stimulate and 
should continue to help stimulate. 

4. One of the most urgent problems we con- 
tinue to face is the critical balance between food 
production and population grovrth. Many less 
developed coimtries appear to be on the verge 
of sustained increases in agricultural outputs, 
thanks to new strains of wheat, rice, and other 



August n, 1969 



117 



grains, plus increased use of fertilizer and other 
modem agi-icultural practices. AID has helped 
to generate these encouraging improvements in 
food production. But the dramatic gains whicli 
have been made in some less developed coun- 
tries must now be consolidated, and the new 
techniques must be adopted in more countries. 
Another decade of continued effort on the part 
of the less developed countries will still be 
needed if widespread famine is to be avoided. 
But this appears within the realm of the possi- 
ble, with continued help from the United States 
and other aid donors. 

It cannot be done, however, without increased 
attention by rich and poor alike to the reduc- 
tion of population growth. More and more coun- 
tries which we are assisting are undertaking 
family planning programs. We propose to de- 
vote as large a part of our AID program as 
we reasonably can to help the less developed 
countries come to grips with this problem. 

III. 

On a regional basis the objectives of our aid 
programs vary according to differing needs. 

Our program for East Asia, for example, is 
focused on both development and security re- 
quirements. Indonesia has pulled back from the 
edge of economic chaos to launch a comprehen- 
sive rehabilitation and development effort, 
which will depend very heavily on external sup- 
port for some time to come. In the Kepublic of 
Korea we expect to be able to continue to phase 
do^vn our aid as this country moves on toward 
self-sustaining growth. 

If there is a resolution of the conflict in Viet- 
Nam, we are prepared to shift the aid program 
toward greater emphasis on economic and so- 
cial development. 

In the Near East and South Asia the major 
share of our economic aid is concentrated on 
the subcontinent. India and Pakistan are major 
testing grounds in the global war on hunger, 
and the outcome will have ramifications 
throughout the world. As things stand now, the 
widespread fears of a few years ago that mass 
starvation would face the Indian Subcontinent 
and some other regions by 1980 have yielded to 
the hope that the "green revolution" in agricul- 
ture can lead the way to overall economic devel- 
opment and progress, assimiing continued local 
effort and adequate outside help. 

In Latin America our relations have always 
been close, and the President has expressed our 
determination to strengthen and improve them. 
Our assistance in the hemisphere is essential 



to constructive change. Any refusal on our part 
to collaborate actively in the development of 
Latin America would risk social and economic 
stagnation with its great explosive potential. 
This year's request is important as a bridge to 
maintain development momentum pending new 
policy and program directions tliat will result 
from executive branch reviews now underway. 
After the sharp reductions in U.S. aid to Latin 
America last year, further cuts in our assistance 
this year could badly erode Latin confidence in 
the reliability of our special relationship. 

Our aid program for Africa extends help to 
an area which is the least developed of all the 
continents and which contains one-third of all 
members in the United Nations. Apart from 
significant programs in 10 African states, the 
United States is focusing a large part of its 
assistance on support of joint African initia- 
tives to expand markets and attack common 
development problems. 

IV. 

For military assistance, as the Secretary of 
Defense has testified, we propose a program at 
the level of last year's appropriation. "We shall 
continue the practice of the past several years 
of phasing out military assistance for countries 
whose economies have developed sufficiently to 
enable them to provide for their own defense 
needs. 



Mr. Chairman, I said earlier that five Presi- 
dents and many Congresses have concluded that 
it is in our national interest to participate in 
the international development process. 

In the day-to-day conduct of our foreign pol- 
icy we are concerned with negotiations among 
states over present or potential conflicts and 
deterring the threat of war. 

The foreign aid program, on the other hand, 
is not concerned with conflicting national in- 
terests but with shared aspirations and needs 
of human beings. Cooperative work on develop- 
ment goes forward on what is recognized as 
common ground. 

Through the foreign assistance program, our 
foreign policy touches the lives of individual 
people. Food affects their health ; family plan- 
ning affects their standards of life; technical 
assistance affects their skills and their chance 
to earn a decent livelihood. 

Cooperation in pursuit of common interests 
must someday become the prevailing way of 
international life if we are to find our way to 



I 



118 



Department of State Bulletin 



permanent peace. I believe that cooperation on 
the broad common gi-ound of meeting the human 
needs of individual people can help the leaders 
of the world to learn that lesson. 

The amounts requested in the proposals be- 
fore you reflect our awareness of competing de- 
mands upon our resources. In absolute amount, 
in relation to the budget, and in relation to the 
U.S. gross national product, the budget this 
year is the smallest ever requested. I have been 
asked by President Nixon to say to this com- 
mittee tliat he is convinced that the authoriza- 
tion request for $2.6 billion this year is neces- 
sary to meet essential requirements. 

I respectfully ask the members of this com- 
mittee to support this request. 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 
AND CONFERENCES 



U.S. Asks Security Council Meeting 
on Criteria for U.N. Membership 

Following is the text of a letter from Ambas- 
sador William B. Buffum^ Acting Permanent 
Representative of the United States to the 
United Nations, to the President of the Secu- 
rity Council. 

U.S./U.N. presa release 73 dated July 14 

July 14, 1969 
His Excellency 
M. Ibrahima Boye 
President of the Security Council 

I Excellency : As indicated orally when Am- 
bassador Yost and I called on you July 8, the 
United States is interested in having the Secu- 
rity Council and its Committee on the Admis- 
sion of New Members give early consideration 
to the subject of the so-called micro-states. This 
same matter was initially the subject of a letter 
addressed to the then President of the Security 
Council, His Excellency Chief S. O. Adebo, by 
United States Permanent Representative Ar- 
thur J. Goldberg, dated December 13, 1967 
(S/8296).i 

As you know, the Secretary General has twice 
made special reference to this subject in the 
"introduction of the Annual Report of the Sec- 



retary General on the Work of the Organiza- 
tion" to the 22nd and the 23rd Sessions of the 
General Assembly. 

The United States believes consideration is 
long overdue of the problems raised by the Sec- 
retary General in these reports, wherein he sug- 
gested a comprehensive study of the criteria for 
membership in the United Nations with a view 
to laying down the necessary limitations on full 
membership for the emerging states which are 
exceptionally small in area, population, and 
human and economic resources, while also de- 
fining other forms of association which would 
benefit both the "micro-states" and the United 
Nations. 

Accordingly, we would appreciate your initi- 
ating appropriate consultations looking toward 
an early meeting of the Security Council and its 
Committee on the Admission of New Members 
on this subject. 

I would appreciate your circulating this letter 
as a document of the Security Council.* 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration. 

William B. Butfum 

Ambassador 

Acting Permanent Representative 

of the United States 

to the United Nations 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Atomic Energy 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to the bilateral 
agreement between the United States and Portugal 
of JiUy 21, 1955, as amended (TIAS 3317, 3899, 4519, 
5111, 5679), for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Vienna February 24, 1965. 
Entered into force December 15, 1965. TIAS 5915. 
Terminated: July 19, 1969. 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to the bilateral 
agreement between the United States and Portugal 



' For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 29, 1968, p. 159. 
• U.N. doc. S/9327. 



August n, 1969 



119 



of July 3, 1069, for cooperation concerning civil nses 
of atomic energy. Signed at Vienna July 11, 1909. 
Entered into force: July 19, 1969. 

Aviation 

Oinventlon on offenses and certain other acts com- 
mitted on board aircraft. Done at Tokyo Septem- 
ber 14, 1963.' 

Signature: Barbados, June 25, 1969. 
Ratification deposited: Upper Volta, June 6, 1909. 

Disputes 

Convention on the settlement of investment disputes 
between states and nationals of other states. Done 
at Washington, March 18, 1905. Entered into force 
October 14, 1906. TIAS 6090. 
Ratification deposited: Guyana, July 11, 1969. 

Fisheries 

Convention on conduct of fishing operations In the 
North Atlantic, with annexes. Done at London June 
1, 1967.' 
Ratification deposited: Iceland, May 12, 1969. 

Nuclear Weapons — Nonproliferation 

Treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. 
Done at Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 
1968.' 

Ratification deposited at Washington: Czechoslo- 
vakia, July 22, 1909. 

Safety at Sea 

Amendments to the international convention for the 

safety of life at sea, 1960 (TIAS 5780). Adopted at 

London November 30, 1906." 

Acceptance deposited: Federal Eepublic of Ger- 
many, June 25, 1969.' 
Amendments to the international convention for the 

safety of life at sea, 1960 (TIAS 5780). Adopted at 

London October 25, 1967.' 

Acceptance deposited: Kuwait, July 7, 1969. 

Space 

Agreement on the rescue of astronauts, the return of 
astronauts, and the return of objects launched into 
outer space. Opened for signature at Washington, 
London, and Moscow April 22, 1968. Entered into 
force December 3, 1968. TIAS 6599. 
Accession deposited in Washington: Sweden, July 
21, 1969 . 

' Not in force. 

• Applicable to Land Berlin. 



BILATERAL 



Portugal 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington July 3, 1969. 
Entered into force: July 19, 1969. 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil nses of 
atomic energy, as amended. Signed at Washington 
July 21, 1955. Entered into force July 21, 1955. TIAS 
3317, 3899, 4519, 5111, 5679. 
Terminated: July 19, 1969. 

Tunisia 

Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities relat- 
ing to the agreement of December 24, 1968 (TIAS 
6616). Signed at Tunis July 11, 1969. Entered into 
force July 11, 1969. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Confirmotions 

The Senate on July 22 confirmed the following 
nominations : 

Henry A. Byroade to be Ambassador to the Philii>- 
pines. ( For biographic details, see Department of State 
press release 226 dated August 1.) 

Eileen R. Donovan to be Ambassador to Barbados. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 214 dated July 23.) 

Joseph A. Greenwald to be the representative of the 
United States to the Organization for Economic Coop- 
eration and Development. (For biographic details, 
see Department of State press release 220 dated 
July 30.) 

Leonard C. Meeker to be Ambassador to Romania. 
(For biographic details, see White House press release 
dated July 5.) 

J. Raymond Tlitalo to be Ambassador to Paraguay. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 217 dated July 2a) 



120 



Department of State Bulletin 



INDEX August 11, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1572 



Aviation. U.S. and Netherlands Conclude Avia- 
tion Negotiations 115 

Barbados. Miss Donovan confirmed as Ambassa- 
dor 120 

Cambodia. Mr. Rives Named U.S. Charg6 in 
Phnom Penh, Cambodia 115 

Congress 

Confirmations (Byroade, Donovan, Greenwald, 
Meeker, Tlltalo) 120 

Foreign Policy Aspects of the Foreign Aid Pro- 
gram (Rogers) 116 

Problems of Population Growth (message from 
President Nixon to the Congress) 105 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Byroade, Donovan, Greenwald, 
Meeker, Ylitalo) 120 

Mr. Rives Named U.S. Charge in Phnom Penh, 
Cambodia 115 

Economic Affairs. Greenwald confirmed as U.S. 
Repre.sentative to the Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development . . . 120 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. President 
Nixon Meets With Foreign Exchange Students 
(remarks) Ill 

Foreign Aid. Foreign Policy Aspects of the For- 
eign Aid Program (Rogers) 116 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Greenwald confirmed as U.S. Representative 
to the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
and Development 120 

Netherlands. U.S. and Netherlands Conclude 
Aviation Negotiations 115 

Paraguay. Ylitalo confirmed as Ambassador . . 120 

Philippines. Byroade confirmed as Ambassa- 
dor 120 

Population. Problems of Population Growth 
(message from President Nixon to the Con- 
gress) 105 

Presidential Documents 

President Nixon Meets With Foreign Exchange 

Students Ill 

Problems of Population Growth 105 

Romania. Meeker confirmed as Ambassador . . 120 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 119 

United Nations. U.S. Asks Security Council 
Meeting on Criteria for U.N. Membership (let- 
ter from Ambassador Buffum to President of 
Security Coimeil) 119 



Viet-Nam. 27th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 

Held at Paris (Lodge) 113 

Name Index 

Buffum, William B 119 

Byroade, Henry A 120 

Donovan, Miss Eileen B 120 

Greenwald, Joseph A 120 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 113 

Meeker, Leonard C 120 

Nixon, President 105, 111 

Rives, Lloyd M 115 

Rogers, Secretary 116 

Ylitalo, J. Raymond 120 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: July 21-27 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflSce 
of Press Relations, Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C. 20520. 

Releases issued prior to July 21 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 202 of 
July 17 and 208 of July 18. 



No. Dale 



Snbject 



210 7/21 Rives designated Charg6 d' Affaires 
ad interim in Phnom Penh (re- 
write). 

t211 7/21 New regulations on purchases of 
(corrected) Chinese Communist goods and 
validation of certain passports for 
travel to Communist China (re- 
write). 

*213 7/22 Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on 
Trade and Economic Affairs, 
Tokyo, July 29-31. 

*214 7/23 Miss Donovan sworn in as Ambas- 
sador to Barbados (biographic 
details). 
215 7/24 Lodge : 27th plenary session on Viet- 
Nam at Paris. 

*216 7/25 Under Secretary Richardson to be 
U.S. Special Delegate to OAS For- 
eign Ministers meeting on El Sal- 
vador-Honduras dispute. 



*Not printed. 

fHeld for a later issue of tlie Bulletin. 



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SEP 4 1969 
DEPOSITORY 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1573 




August 18, 1969 



U.S.-JAPAN JOINT ECONOMIC COALMITTEE IMEETS AT TOKYO 

Statement hy Secretary Rogers and TeM of C'onwMcnique 121 

THE VIENNA CONVENTION ON THE LAW OF TREATIES 

hy John R. Steven-son, Legal Adviser 1^7 

HONDURAN-SALVADORAN CONFLICT RESOLVED BY OAS 

Department Statement. Texts of Resolutions and Declaration 
of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of American States 132 

PROVISIONAL AGENDA, TWENTY-FOURTH SESSION 
OF U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY 135 



For index see inside ha/ik cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1573 
August 18, 1969 



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U.S.-Japan Joint Economic CommiHee Meets at Tokyo 



The sixth meeting of the Joint U.S.-Japan 
Committee on Trade and Economic Develop- 
ment was held at Tokyo July 29-31. Following 
is the opening statement made by Secretary 
Rogers on July 29., together with the text of a 
communique issited at the close of the meeting 
on July 31. 



STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ROGERS 

Press release 218 dated Jnly 29 

Mr. Chairman, on behalf of my colleagues I 
Avish to express our appreciation for your warm 
words of welcome. It is a very great pleasure for 
us to be in Japan for this seventh meeting of the 
Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and 
Economic Affairs. 

We come together at a dramatic moment in the 
history of mankind. For the first time two men 
have landed on the moon, walked on the moon, 
and returned to earth. No longer is man earth- 
bound. No longer is the sky the limit for man- 
kind. This moon landing, although achieved by 
America, is in reality a triumph for mankind. 

We in the United States thank the people of 
Japan for your contribution and support. It is 
the hope of President Nixon that in some future 
space program other nations will participate — 
and, of course, Japan is high on that list. Cer- 
I tainly no nation could contribute more or be 
welcomed more by America than Japan. 

Today, however, we must deal with our prob- 
lems here on earth. Japan has forged ahead eco- 
nomically at an amazing pace. Today j-ou stand 
as the second greatest economic power in the 
free world. You are tlie fastest growing nation 
in the world in gross national product. 

We have become interdependent. Our ex- 
change of goods has reached the highest level 



August 18, 1969 



ever maintained between any two coimtries in 
transoceanic trade. This requires that the close 
association symbolized by these meetings of 
Cabinet officers and their representatives must 
be maintained and reinforced. 

Our economic relationsliip will not be free of 
difficulties. But these must be seen as the natural 
outgi-owth of the immense successes of our two 
economies and our trading relationship. I am 
confident that we can adjust any imbalances and 
remove any frictions in a spirit of good will and 
due regard for our common interests. 

Apart from the problems in our bilateral re- 
lations, there are other important problems and 
opportmiities common to us that will demand 
an increasing amount of time and effort in the 
years to come. I refer to the opportunities we 
each have to contribute to the development of 
those countries in Asia which are in need of, and 
can most benefit from, our assistance. 

It has been a matter of gratification to observe 
Japan's effoi-ts to assist the economic growth of 
the developing countries. In important cases we 
have worked in cooperation in this field, too. We 
look forward to even greater cooperation in the 
future. 

We applaud Japan's increasing support for 
such programs as the Asian Development Bank, 
whose distinguished president I had the pleas- 
ure of visiting in Manila last week. 

Our countries have much to offer in support 
of programs designed to bring a better life to the 
people of Asia and thus to build economic and 
political stability, which is a prerequisite for the 
peace we all desire so much. 

]\Ir. Chairman, may I again express our pleas- 
ure at being in this beautiful and dynamic 
country. We welcome this opportunity to work 
with you and your colleagues in a meeting 
which has become an important tradition link- 
ing our two countries. I am sure that the present 



121 



meeting will help draw Japan and the United 
States even closer together in our daily 
associations. 

So in a spirit of mutual respect, mutual trust, 
and mutual confidence we begin our work today. 



TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE 

Press release 225 dated July 31 

The Seventh Meeting of the Joint Japan-U.S. 
Committee on Trade and Economic Affairs was 
held in Tokyo, July 29, 30 and 31, 1969, under 
the Chairmanship of Foreign Minister Kiiclii 
Aichi. 

The Committee discussed trading and eco- 
nomic relationships between the U.S. and Japan. 
The two delegations expressed great satisfaction 
with the strength and dynamic grovsth of their 
economies and over the extensive trading rela- 
tionsliips that bind Japan and the U.S. closely 
together. They viewed current matters under 
discussion as being within the context of these 
outstanding successes. 

At the beginning of the Conference, the 
Japanese Delegation congratulated the U.S. 
Delegation on the success of the historic mission 
to the moon of the Apollo 11 Spacecraft. The 
Committee observed that this spectacular 
achievement demonstrated the boundless poten- 
tialities of mankind. 

The Conmiittee welcomed the exchange of 
notes between the Foreign Minister and the 
Secretary of State for cooperation in space ac- 
tivities for peaceful purposes. The Committee 
viewed the arrangements as another step in 
U.S.-Japan cooperation in this exciting and 
important field. 

In reviewing current developments in world 
affairs, the Committee noted tensions still exist 
in Asia, but it welcomed, with approval, the 
initiatives being taken by the United States and 
allies in seeking ways to end the war in 
Viet-Nam. 

Recognizing that economic development and 
stability in Asia have an important bearing on 
the peace and prosperity of the entire world, the 
Committee stressed the importance to the area 
of economic and social growth, development of 
democratic institutions and multilateral 
economic cooperation. 

The U.S. Delegation welcomed the accession 
of Japan to the United Nations Disarmament 
Committee and expressed the view that Japan 



would make a valuable contribution to 
disarmament talks. 

During the course of the Conference, the For- 
eign Minister and the Secretary of State dis- 
cussed the problem of reversion to Japan of 
administrative rights over Okinawa. 

The Committee reviewed the state of econo- 
mies and fiscal and monetary policies of the 
United States and Japan. The U.S. Delegation 
expressed confidence that a strengthened budget 
position and policies of monetary restraint will 
have a cooling effect on the U.S. economy. The 
Japanese Delegation outlined its intention to 
continue to pursue policies of balanced and con- 
tinuous economic growth. The Committee 
agreed that respective economic policies should 
be directed toward achieving world economic 
growth and progress. 

The Committee reviewed the current state of 
trade and economic relations between Japan 
and tlie U.S. and took note of the continuing 
growth in trade between the U.S. and Japan 
which had surpassed $7 billion in 1968 — largest 
overseas trade ever conducted by any two 
nations. 

The U.S. Delegation emphasized that the im- 
balance in favor of Japan in U.S.-Japan trade 
relations is causing serious problems in the U.S. 
and that concerted measures should be taken to 
solve these problems. Tlie Japanese Delegation 
pointed out that trade balances should be con- 
sidered in a global context and that complex fac- 
tors imderlying trade relations should be given 
full consideration, but expressed readiness to 
continue to consult with the U.S. in the search 
for mutually acceptable solutions to bilateral 
trade problems. 

In any case, both Delegations agreed that 
trade problems, however difficult, could be over- 
come in a spirit of mutual understanding and 
common interest. 

The Committee agreed it is in the interests of 
both nations to promote the principle of freer 
trade tliroughout the world. In this connection, 
the Japanese Delegation expressed its strong 
apprehension over the increase in protectionist 
views within the U.S. The U.S. Delegation ex- 
pressed deep concern at Japan's many trade 
restrictions, particularly in view of Japan's 
large trade surplus, and expressed the strong 
desire that Japan would move towards full reci- 
procity in U.S.-Japan trade relationship by ac- 
celerating removal of restrictions. The Japanese 
Delegation stated that the Japanese Govem- 



122 



Department of State Bulletin 



ment will liberalize a considerable part of re- 
maining residual import quota restrictions by 
the end of 1971. The Committee agreed that a 
meeting would be held in autumn of 1969 to 
discuss further progress in trade liberalization. 

In this connection, the Japanese Delegation 
stated that despite difficulties involved in im- 
port liberalization of agricultural products, due 
to serious economic and social problems, the 
Government of Japan would be ready to discuss 
trade liberalization and other agricultural trade 
problems in that meeting. 

Tlie U.S. Delegation expressed its view that 
serious problems arose from the rapidly growing 
imports into the United States of wool and 
man-made fiber textiles and stressed the impor- 
tance of finding an international solution. The 
Japanese Delegation stated that although it is 
not convinced of the necessity for an interna- 
tional solution, it would be ready to continue 
discussions without any commitment to a future 
course of action. 

The Committee discussed non-tariff barriers, 
took note of lists submitted by both sides, and 
agreed to an exchange of comments on the list 
submitted by the other counti'y within the com- 
ing two months, to be followed by discussions 
on a technical level. 

The U.S. Delegation expressed the strong 
desire that Japan should move toward full reci- 
procity in investment by accelerating the pro- 
gram of capital liberalization in order that each 
nation might benefit from the resulting freer 
flow of capital and technology. The Japanese 
Delegation stated that its Government would 
implement the third stage of its capital liberal- 
ization program during 1970 and continue re- 
view of the program so that a considerable 
number of sectors in the Japanese economy will 
be liberalized by early 1972. 

The Committee had a useful exchange of 
views on a number of matters related to 
fisheries. 

The Committee reviewed recent developments 
in aviation, shipping and travel, and agreed to 
continue to consult on these matters. The Com- 
mittee also took note of the results of recent 
consultations concerning the Civil Air Trans- 
jjoit Agreement and expressed hope that satis- 
factory agreement would be reached at consul- 
tations to be resumed in Tokyo in September. 

The Committee welcomed the initiative of 
Asian countries in exploring new means to assist 
each other, and indicated that both countries 



would support social and economic progress of 
these countries. 

The Japanese Delegation declared the inten- 
tion of the Government of Japan to expand 
substantially its economic assistance particu- 
larly for Asia despite various domestic prob- 
lems. The U.S. Delegation welcomed this 
development and stated that the U.S. also will 
continue to participate in programs desigTied to 
accelerate economic development of the region. 

In this connection, the Committee hoped that 
cessation of hostilities in Viet-Nam would lead 
to broad international participation in economic 
assistance for Viet-Nam and neighboring 
countries. 

The Committee also noted the important role 
of the Asian Development Bank in the economic 
development of Asia and agreed on the impor- 
tance of further strengthening that role. The 
Committee observed the effectiveness of the 
multilateral approach to aid as demonstrated 
in the experience of their two governments in 
the Asian Development Bank and in other in- 
ternational assistance programs. 

The Conunittee reviewed the operation of the 
international monetary system and emphasized 
the importance of improving the adjustment 
process and, in this regard, recognized the role 
of national economic policies conducted in a 
manner consistent with the adjustment process. 
It welcomed prospects of early activation of 
special drawing rights as well as enlargement 
quotas in the IMF [International Monetary 
Fund]. 

The Committee agreed that, in parallel with 
development assistance, the continuing expan- 
sion of trade opportunities of developing coun- 
tries was essential to their sustained economic 
growth and to establishment of a sound basis 
for international trade. The Committee re- 
viewed the discussions now being held in the 
OECD [Organization for Economic Coopera- 
tion and Development] and UNCTAD [United 
Nations Conference on Trade and Develop- 
ment] with the view to formulating a general 
preferential scheme for developing countries. 
It was agreed to continue close consultations be- 
tween the two countries in this matter. 

The Committee noted the successful conclu- 
sion of the U.S.-Japan Joint Study of Employ- 
ment wliich the Sixth Meeting of the Joint 
Committee agreed to imdertake and expressed 
satisfaction with the agreement to explore the 
possibility for a Joint Study of Occupations 



August 18, 1969 



123 



with a view to contributing to the development 
of human capacities in both countries. 

The Committee also found it useful to ex- 
chanj^e views on problems in labor policy arising 
from recent technological innovations. 

The Committee agreed to establish a U.S.- 
Japan Panel on Transportation Research to 
study transportation technology and systems, 
demand for, and social and economic value of, 
ultra high speed ground transportation systems, 
and means to ameliorating the impact of trans- 
portation on environment. 

The C/ommittee reviewed mutual environ- 
mental problems and approved the Annual 
Progress Report on Cooperation in Develop- 
ment and Utilization of Natural Resources, not- 
ing in particular the expansion of the program 
into marine sciences and forestry management. 

The Japanese Delegation expressed its appre- 
ciation for U.S. participation and cooperation 
in Expo '70. The U.S. Delegation extended its 
best wishes for the success of this significant 
international exposition. 

Tlie Committee agreed that the next meeting 
would be held in Washington at a mutually con- 
venient date to be determined through diploma- 
tic channels. 

Japan was represented by Foreign Minister 
Kiichi Aichi ; Mr. Takeo Fukuda, of the Minis- 
try of Finance; Mr. Shiro Hasegawa, of the 
Ministry of Agriculture; Mr. Masaj'oshi Ohira, 
of the Ministry of International Trade and In- 
dustry; Mr. Ken Harada, of the Ministry of 
Transportation; Mr. Kenzaburo Hara, of the 
Ministry of Labor ; and Mr. Wataro Kanno, of 
the Economic Planning Agency. Ambassador 
Takeso Shimoda, Mr. Haruki Mori, Deputy 
Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, and advisers 
from the ministries concerned were also present. 

The United States was represented by Secre- 
tary of State William P. Rogers; Secretary of 
Agriculture Clifford M. Hardin; Secretary of 
Commerce Maurice H. Stans; Under Secretary 
of Interior Russell E. Train ; Under Secretary 
of Labor James D. Hodgson; Under Secretary 
of Transportation James M. Beggs ; Chairman, 
Council of Economic Advisers, Paul W. Mc- 
Cracken; Assistant Secretary of Treasury 
[John R.] Petty. Special Trade Representa- 
tive Carl J. Gilbert participated. Ambassador 
Armin H. Meyer, United States Ambassador to 
Japan, and advisers from various Departments 
also attended. 



28th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris 

FoUowing are texts of the opening statement 
and additional remarhs Tnade hy Atribassador 
Henry Cabot Lodge, head of the U.S. delega- 
tion, at tlie 28th plenary session of the vieetings 
on Viet-Nam at Paris on July 31. 



OPENING STATEMENT 

Press release 223 dated July 31 

Ladies and gentlemen : At the last two meet- 
ings the representative of the Government of 
the Republic of Viet-Nam formally presented 
the proposals for political settlement made by 
President Thieu on July 11. As I said at those 
two meetings, the United States believes these 
proposals are comprehensive, statesmanlike, and 
eminently reasonable. 

It may, accordingly, be useful now to recall 
certain principles which guide the American 
attitude toward a settlement in Viet-Nam, as 
they have been stated by President Nixon. They 
are: 

— We seek no bases in Viet-Nam. 

— 'Wq do not insist on any military ties. 

— ^We are willing to agree to neutrality for 
South Viet-Nam if that is what the South Viet- 
namese people freely choose. 

— We believe there should be an opportunity 
for full participation in the political life of 
South Viet-Nam by all political elements that 
are prepared to do so without the use of force or 
intimidation. 

— We are prepared to accept any govern- 
ment in South Viet-Nam that results from the 
free choice of the South Vietnamese people 
themselves. 

— We have no intention of imposing any form 
of government upon the people of South Viet- 
Nam, nor will we be a party to such coercion. 

— 'Wq have no objection to reunification, if 
that is what the people of South Viet-Nam and 
the people of North Viet-Nam want; we ask 
only that the decision reflect the free choice of 
the people concerned. 

In this spirit the United States and the Gov- 
ernment of the Republic of Viet-Nam have 
taken several series of actions and have made 



124 



Department of State Bulletin 



a number of forthcoming proposals since these 
Paris meetings began. 

Unfortunately, your side's demands do not 
indicate a similar desire for an early negotiated 
settlement. "Whenever we make reasonable com- 
promise proposals designed to begin serious 
negotiations, you continue to insist that we 
accept your proposals in their entirety^ — on a 
take-it-or-leave-it basis — without real discussion 
or negotiation. 

On the question of withdrawing all non- 
South Vietnamese troops from South Viet- 
Nam, we have proposed not just the removal of 
North Vietnamese units but the mutual with- 
drawal of all such forces from both sides. We 
have offered a specific timetable under which 
the major portions of those forces could with- 
draw during a 12-month period, with the re- 
maining forces in base areas preparatory to 
departure by agreement. "We have said that if 
you have another timetable for mutual with- 
drawal, we would be glad to consider it. Yet 
your side continues to insist on a one-sided un- 
conditional withdrawal of only American and 
Allied forces. Apparently, you think it reason- 
able for North Vietnamese forces to be left alone 
to ravage the South and to try to dominate it. 
"We, of course, cannot agree to this. 

On the matter of self-determination in South 
Viet-Nam, the Republic of Viet- Nam has pro- 
posed a program allowing for free elections 
with full participation by all political elements 
in South Viet-Nam, including the NLF [Na- 
tional Liberation Front]. Our side has also 
agreed to abide by the results of free political 
choice. Yet — while professing to support self- 
determination for the Vietnamese people — your 
side assumes the right to prejudge the outcome 
of elections and attempts to limit the partici- 
pants in the political process to those whose 
qualifications would be arbitrarily defined by 
your side alone. You refuse to begin the ac- 
commodation process by going first to the peo- 
ple of South Viet-Nam and asking them what 
they want. You even ask that the Government 
of the Republic of Viet-Nam, which has been a 
full participant at these Paris meetings, be over- 
thrown before any real negotiation can begin. 
Your demands do not show faith in a demo- 
cratic solution to the political problems of Soutli 
Viet-Nam. They show contempt for it. 

Our side has also proposed international 
supervision and verification machinery as an 



integral part of a settlement. We believe this is 
a fair and reasonable way to provide each side 
with assurances as to compliance with the terms 
of the settlement by the other and to establish 
confidence in the durability of the settlement. 
You seem to have accepted the principle of 
international supervision in your 10 points, but 
you want to limit its application to the with- 
drawal of American and Allied forces. "Wliy 
should we forbid this international body from 
supervising actions to be taken by botli sides? 
We welcome supervision and verification of 
what our side agrees to do. Your side should do 
likewise. 

The obvious explanation of your attitude is 
that you think that time will work to your 
advantage. If this is what you think, you make 
the same mistake that others have made who 
do not understand American history. You 
should realize that the United States will not 
break its word. 

The United States will remain committed to 
our objective of giving the South Vietnamese 
people the opportunity for genuine self-deter- 
mination. Of course, the United States wants 
peace, as do all the people of South Viet-Nam ; 
but if you continue to insist that our side accept 
your proposals without compromise or real 
negotiation, progress in these talks will be 
blocked and the responsibility will be yours. 

"We have suggested the terms of a reasonable 
settlement, terms which would give the South 
Vietnamese people an opportunity to determine 
their own future without outside interference. 
We have also stated that we are not proposing 
them on a take-it-or-leave-it basis; we are 
prepared to negotiate. In contrast, your side 
maintains a rigid insistence on your own terms. 
To say the least, that is not the way to peace. 



ADDITIONAL REMARKS 

Press release 223A dated July 31 

You misinterpret and misrepresent the pur- 
pose and nature of President Nixon's visit to 
Viet-Nam. So that his statement and his mean- 
ing will be clear, I call your attention to liis 
words and urge you to consider them carefully, 
as follows : 

We have stopped the bombing of North Viet-Nam. 
We have withdrawn 25.000 American troops. They have 
been replaced with South A'ietnamese. We have made 



August 18, 1969 



125 



... a peace offer which is as generous as any ever 
made in the history of warfare. It is a peace of recon- 
ciliation that is offered; a peace in which the people 
will decide ; a peace that is just for both sides ; a peace 
which is fair to both sides ; a peace which offers an 
equal chance to both sides. We have gone as far as 
we can or should go in opening the door to peace, and 
now it is time for the other side to respond. Other- 
wise, the other side must assume the responsibility 
for the continuing suffering among a people who have 
already suffered much too long both in South and 
North Viet-Nam. 

The truth is that during President Nixon's 
visit to Viet-Nam he spoke of peace and how 
it could be achieved for the benefit of the every- 
day man in North Viet-Nam, in South Viet- 
Nam, and in tlie United States — and it is the 
everyday man who has carried the load of suf- 
fering in this war. 

And now concerning another question : Your 
attempt at arithmetical proof that the 25,000 
troops who are leaving Viet-Nam have not 
really left cannot be sustained by facts. Tlie 
facts and the figures are simple — 25,000 fewer 
U.S. troops will be in Viet-Nam as of the end 
of August, which is precisely what President 
Nixon said would be done. The articles which 
you cite are therefore in error. I hope these facts 
will be clear to you. 



Restrictions Eased on U.S. Travel 
to Communist China 

The Department of State announced on 
July 21 (press release 211, corrected) that new 
regulations will permit American tourists and 
residents abroad to purchase limited quantities 
of goods originating in Conmiunist China. This 
modification, made by the Treasury Department 
in its Foreign Assets Control Kegulations, will 
reduce the inconvenience caused to American 
travelers desiring to purchase Chinese goods for 
noncommercial purposes.' 

In this same spirit of reducing restrictions on 
U.S. citizens' activities abroad, the Department 
of State has decided to authorize automatic 
validations of passports for travel to Com- 
munist China for the following categories of 
persons: (1) Members of Congress; (2) jour- 
nalists; (3) members of the teaching profes- 
sion; (4) scholars with postgraduate degrees 

' For text of the amendment to the regulations, see 
34 Fed. Reg. 12179. 



and students currently enrolled in colleges and 
universities; (5) scientists and medical doc- 
tors; (6) representatives of the American Red 
Cross. 

These new measures became effective on 
July 23.^ Consistent with this decision, persons 
in these categories receiving new passports can 
have the restriction on travel to Communist 
China automatically removed from their pass- 
ports. To facilitate the processing of requests 
for removal of this restriction in passports 
which already have been issued to persons in 
these categories, the Department is authorizing 
all Foreign Service posts to validate their pass- 
ports for travel to Communist China, without 
reference to the Department. 

These changes do not affect restrictions on use 
of passports for travel to North Viet-Nam, 
North Korea, or Cuba or restrictions on 
financial transactions relating to these areas. 



Senate Confirms Members 
of ACDA Advisory Committee 

The Senate on July 30 confirmed the nomina- 
tion of the following-named persons to be mem- 
bers of the General Advisory Committee of the 
U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency : ' 

I. W. Abel 
Harold Brown 
William J. Casey 
Douglas Dillon 
William C. Foster 
Kermit Gordon 
James R. Killian, Jr. 
John J. McCloy 
Lauris Norstad 
Peter G. Peterson 
J. P. Ruina 
Dean Rusk 
William W. Scranton 
Cyrus Roberts Vance 
John Archibald Wheeler 

The General Advisory Committee is ap- 
pointed by the President, with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, to advise the President, 
the Secretary of State, and the Director of the 
U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency 
on matters affecting arms control, disarmament, 
and world peace. 



= For text of Public Notice 311. see 34 Fed.. Rc(j. 12401. 
' For biographic details, see White House press re- 
lease (San Clemente, Calif.) dated June 5. 



126 



Department of State Bulletin 



The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 



hy John R. Stevenson 
Legal Adviser^ 



In the introduction to "International Legal 
Process," which I understand is the basic text 
for your seminar, Professor Abram Chayes and 
his colleagues state that the "demands of con- 
temporary international life have sharply 
altered the procedures of laTrmaking and the 
sources of international law." They point out 
that international relations are increasingly 
ordered by treaties. The participation of so 
many of you and your colleagues in the legal 
offices of foreign ministries in seminars on draft- 
ing and negotiating development agreements 
and commodity agreements persuades me that 
the trend is likely to continue. 

As the role of treaties in international affairs 
grows in importance, it becomes increasingly 
desirable that the rules of international law ap- 
plicable to such treaties be widely accepted, 
readily ascertainable, and practically sound. I 
believe that after substantial scholarly and 
governmental effort the international communi- 
ty has generally agreed on such rules. They may 
be found in the Convention on the Law of 
Treaties, about which I will speak this evening. 

At its first session in 1949 the International 
Law Commission of the United Nations selected 
the law of treaties as a priority topic for codi- 
fication. In selecting this topic the Commission 
seems to have been motivated by two factors: 
the desirability of clarifying the uncertain state 
of the law of treaties and the availability of 
substantial research into treaty practice pre- 
pared for the League by such groups as the 
International Commission of American Jurists 
and the Harvard Research in International 
Law. 



' Address made before the International Law Seminar 
for Government Legal Officers, sponsored by the Amer- 
ican Society of International Law and the Harvard 
Law School, at Cambridge, Mass., on July 15 (press 
release 198). 



What was the state of the law when the Com- 
mission embarked on its task ? According to the 
Secretary General's "Survey of International 
Law in relation to the Work of Codification of 
the International Law Commission," despite 
the fundamental importance of treaties in inter- 
national law and an attempt at codification of 
that branch of the law imder the League, there 
was hardly an aspect of the subject which was 
"free from doubt and confusion." This judg- 
ment pertained "not only to the question of the 
terminology applied to the conception of trea- 
ties, to the legal consequences of the distinction 
between treaties proper and (other) inter- 
governmental agreements, and to the designa- 
tion of the parties to treaties"; there was 
"uncertainty as to the necessity of ratification 
with regard to treaties which have no provision 
for ratification ; in the matter of the important 
subject of the relevance of the constitutional 
limitations upon the treaty-making power ; and 
in respect of conferment of benefits upon third 
parties." 

The Treaties Convention adopted in Vienna 
this year should go far to dispel the doubt and 
confusion in the law of treaties to which the 
Secretary General's report referred. But the 
preparation of the text was slow and arduous. 

From 194:9 to 1966 the Commission discussed 
the law of treaties at 292 meetings. Four 
rapporteurs, Brierly, Lauterpacht, Fitzmaurice, 
and Waldock, prepared successive drafts. Gov- 
ermnents commented on the drafts ; and as evi- 
dence of state practice in certain areas emerged, 
articles were changed to conform with that 
practice. At its 18th session in 1966 the Com- 
mission adopted a draft convention on the law 
of treaties which contained 75 articles. The con- 
vention dealt with the subject as a whole. The 
following titles of parts of the convention will 
give you an idea of its scope : Conclusion and 



August 18, 1969 



127 



Entry into Force of Treaties ; Observance, Ap- 
plication and Interpretation of Treaties; 
Amendment and Modification of Treaties ; and 
Invalidity, Termination and Suspension of the 
Operation of Treaties. The Commission recom- 
mended that the General Assembly of the 
United Nations convene an international confer- 
ence of plenipotentiaries to study the draft 
articles and to conclude a convention on the 
subject. 

In the course of the debate in the General 
Assembly with respect to the recommendation 
of the Commission, a number of members 
pointed out the desirability of holding the con- 
ference in two stages: the committee-of-the- 
whole stage the first year and the plenary stage 
the second. They argued that this would give 
governments and publicists an opportunity to 
look at the text emerging from the committee 
stage before giving the product a final seal of 
approval. The General Assembly accepted this 
suggestion when it passed Resolution 2166 con- 
vening the conference. The first session was to 
be held in the spiing of 1968; the second, in 
1969. 

Preparations for the Conference 

There was little more than a year between the 
passage of General Assembly Resolution 2166 
and the opening of the first session of the con- 
ference. Governments were faced with the prob- 
lem of how to prepare for a conference which 
would deal with such esoteric matters as full 
powers, reservations to treaties, rehus sic stan- 
tibus, jus cogens, and depositary practice. In 
some governments, I understand that cabinet 
committees were appointed to study the articles. 
In others, the foreign ministry or the academic 
community or both assumed the principal re- 
sponsibility. I had the privilege of participating 
in the joint governmental-professional effort 
in the United States. Perhaps you would 
be interested in how we discharged this 
responsibility. 

In 1966 the American Society of Interna- 
tional Law established a study group on the law 
of treaties vmder the chairmanship of Professor 
Oliver Lissitzyn of Columbia. Wlien the 
State Department later that year designated 
Ambassador [Richard D.] Kearney as chair- 
man of the United States delegation to the law 
of treaties conference, he approached the Soci- 
ety and asked if the group would be willing to 
discuss the articles with him and other pro- 



spective members of the delegation. The study 
group held a series of meetings in 1967 and 1968 
(both before and after the first session) at which 
the draft articles were discussed in detail. I can 
testify that the examination of the articles was 
thorough. A numljer of members of the group 
made suggestions for improving specific ar- 
ticles. "VVliile some of the suggestions dealt with 
points of substance — for example, many mem- 
bers of the group felt that insufficient attention 
had been given to the importance of travaux 
]yreparatoires in the articles on interpretation of 
treaties — most of the suggestions were of a 
drafting or technical nature. With some chagrin 
I confess that the gi'oup suggested that the De- 
partment consider amendments to nearly two- 
thirds of the draft articles. You will be glad to 
know that the Department substantially short- 
ened the list. 

First Session of the Conference 

At the opening meeting of the first session of 
the conference in March 1968, the Representa- 
tive of the Secretary General, Constantin 
Stavi'opoulos, described it as the "most impor- 
tant . , . and perhaps also the most difficult" 
of the series of codification conferences called 
by the United Nations. In his view, "the clari- 
fication and the embodiment in a multilateral 
convention of the rules of law applicable to 
treaties would have immense significance for 
the whole future of international law and conse- 
quently for the practice of States in almost 
every field of international relations." 

The next day the 104 delegations taking part 
in the conference began an article-by-article 
consideration of the International Law Com- 
mission's text. They were soon overwhelmed by 
more than 400 proposed amendments. All were 
to be considered before the first session could 
adjourn. 

Many scholars who had commented on the 
draft articles had expressed the opinion that the 
Connnission's articles showed greater breadth 
of vision, greater completeness, and greater skill 
in working out acceptable compromises than any 
other draft on the law of treaties. The adoption 
by the committee of the whole of two-thirds of 
the Commission's proposed articles without sub- 
stantive amendments tends to confirm the sound- 
ness of that view. 

Although the reaction of delegations to pro- 
posed amendments was by no means uniform, 
the theme that the Commission had carefully 



128 



Department of State Bulletin 



considered the views of states and had adopted 
a reasonable or practicable solution in formu- 
lating a given article was a frequent refrain 
during the first session of the conference. It was 
not unusual for the head of a delegation who 
had introduced an amendment to a technical 
article to state that he would not press for the 
adoption of his amendment. He might add, as 
did many delegates, that with respect to a num- 
ber of technical articles relating to the conclu- 
sion and entry into force of treaties and their 
amendment, the important consideration was 
not so much the content of the rule as that the 
international community as a whole should 
agree on a uniform rule to govern state practice. 

At the same time, the wisdom of the Commis- 
sion in incorporating elements of flexibility in 
a number of technical articles, especially those 
dealing with the conclusion and entry into force 
of treaties, should not be overlooked. Those 
articles are designed piincipally to promote 
clarity and certainty in the law. The convention 
underlines the residual nature of such articles 
by incorporating in the formulation of those 
rules clauses such as "unless the treaty other- 
wise provides," thus giving to the parties the 
right to specify a different rule in a treaty. Such 
"escape clauses," as one writer has called them, 
increased the general acceptability of these 
articles in the committee of the whole and 
should facilitate the widespread ratification of 
the convention. 

Notwithstanding the disposition of the con- 
ference to adopt the text proposed by the Inter- 
national Law Commission, several provisions 
which had been adopted by close majorities in 
the Commission were rejected by the committee 
of the whole. In addition, a number of articles — 
notably article 53 on jus cogens — were substan- 
tially improved. 

It is generally agreed that article 53 on 
treaties conflicting with a peremptory norm of 
general international law {jus cogens) is one of 
the most important articles in the convention. 
In formulating this rule the Commission started 
from the basis that there are in contemporary 
international law certain rules from which 
states may not derogate by treaty. The examples 
given in the Commission's commentary — 
treaties contemplating unlawful use of force 
contrary to the principles of the U.N. Charter 
and those envisioning cooperation in genocide 
or piracy — are almost imiversally accepted as 
categories of treaties which states may not 
validly conclude. 



The Commission proposed the following text : 

A treaty is void if it conflicts with a peremptory 
norm of general international law from which no der- 
ogation is permitted and which can be modified only 
by a subsequent norm of general international law hav- 
ing the same character. 

Prior to the opening of the conference 49 
countries had expressed views on tlie Commis- 
sion's text. Only one state questioned the exist- 
ence of the inile, but many commented on the 
imprecision with which it had been formulated. 
Others expressed concern that the abstract na- 
ture of the rule made it impossible to appreciate 
its practical effects. 

Debate was extensive in the committee of the 
whole, where six amendments and one sub- 
amendment were introduced. Three of the 
amendments and the subamendment were with- 
drawn; two amendments and part of a tliird 
were referred to the drafting committee. 

The amendment proposed by Finland, Greece, 
and Spain was intended to incorporate in the 
article a standard by which to gauge whether a 
norm cited by a state invoking invalidity under 
article 53 is one from which no derogation by 
treaty is permitted. Many delegations expressed 
the view that a treaty violating norms accepted 
as peremptory by only a few states ought not 
to be void under article 53. By incorporating 
the requirement that the peremptory character 
of the norm "be recognized by the international 
community of States as a whole" the drafting 
committee ensured the broad acceptability of 
the article, which was adopted with only three 
negative votes at the close of the first session. 

To many governments the most important 
weakness of the International Law Commis- 
sion's draft was its failure to contain meaning- 
ful procedures for the settlement of disputes 
relating to the validity of treaties. They argued 
that if new or hitheiio not generally recognized 
grounds of invalidity were to be included, new 
procedures to govern disputes under those 
articles should also be adopted. It was impossi- 
ble to reach agreement on this question in the 
committee of the whole. Accordingly, the com- 
mittee decided to deal with the subject again 
at the beginning of the 1969 session. 

Second Session of the Conference 

I had the good fortime to serve on the 
United States delegation to the second session 
of the conference, which met from April 9 to 
May 23, 1969. One hundred and ten states par- 



August 18, 1969 

358-890—69 2 



129 



ticipated. At the beginning, the committee of 
the whole reexamined the basic questions which 
the conference had not been able to resolve at 
the first session. A number of countries, includ- 
ing the United States, considered the question 
of the inclusion of satisfactory procedures for 
the settlement of disputes arising under the 
invalidity articles the fundamental issue before 
the second session. It certainly was the one to 
which the most attention was devoted. 

Notwithstanding that more than 60 states had 
spoken on the question in 1968, eight sessions 
were necessary for the debate on this topic in 
the reconvened committee of the whole. At the 
conclusion of the debate the committee adopted 
a compulsory conciliation-arbitration formula 
proposed by 19 states. Perhaps a contributing 
factor to the adoption of that formula for 
settlement of disputes was the introduction and 
adoption of a new article limiting the applica- 
tion of the Convention on the Law of Treaties 
to treaties concluded after its entry into force. 
A number of nations in all parts of the world 
which had been reluctant to accept compulsory 
settlement for disputes arising under old 
treaties were willing to accept such a procedure 
for future treaties. 

Following the consideration of the deferred 
articles by the committee of the whole, the 
committee was dissolved and the conference re- 
convened in plenary session. In plenary, articles 
adopted by the committee of the whole are given 
a second reading. The basic difference between 
the two stages is that a two-thirds majority is 
required for the adoption of an article in 
plenary, whereas a simple majority suffices at 
the committee stage. 

Most of the articles recommended by the com- 
mittee of the whole were adopted by the plenary 
without change. Few amendments were intro- 
duced. It was not unusual for technical articles 
to be adopted without any negative vote. 

A serious floor debate and vote contest devel- 
oped with respect to the new article on settle- 
ment of disputes. The Soviet Union, the Com- 
munist-bloc states, and most of the Arab states 
voted against the article recommended by the 
committee of the whole. They were joined by 
several African states and by India, Indonesia, 
and Malaysia. Although receiving more votes 
than it had received in the committee of the 
whole, the mandatory conciliation-arbitration 
formula failed to secure the necessary two- 
thirds majority. Inasmuch as a number of states 



had unequivocally indicated they would not be- 
come parties to the convention if it did not con- 
tain adequate procedures for settlement of dis- 
putes arising under the invalidity articles, it 
appeared that the conference had failed. 

On the final full day of the second session — 
a day marked by soaring hopes and crashing 
despair as a fragile coalition sought to save the 
conference — ten states, Ghana, Ivory Coast, 
Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Nigeria, 
Sudan, Tunisia, and the United Republic of 
Tanzania, submitted a proposal which included 
a new article entitled "Procedures for judicial 
settlement, arbitration and conciliation." By a 
vote of 61 for, 20 against, with 26 abstentions, 
the proposal carried. 

The new article, article 66, requires referral 
of disputes arising under the jiis cogens or pe- 
remptory norm articles to adjudication by the 
International Court of Justice whenever the 
procedures in article 33 of the charter have not 
led to the solution of the dispute within 12 
months. Because some states have strong na- 
tional traditions in favor of arbitration, article 
66 permits both parties to a dispute to agree 
instead to submit the dispute to arbitration. 

Since the concept of JTis cogens on the inter- 
national plane is an abstract and novel one, it 
is appropriate that disputes arising under the 
articles of the convention dealing with that 
subject should be considered by the principal 
judicial organ of the United Nations. The action 
of the conference on this article is a doubly 
welcome one. In my view the international com- 
munity participating in the conference has, by 
the adoption of article 66, demonstrated anew 
its confidence in the abiding value of the Inter- 
national Court. 

In other disputes arising under the invalidity 
articles, either party may request the Secretary 
General of the United Nations to set in motion 
the mandatory conciliation procedures con- 
tained in the annex to the convention, which 
includes rules for the establishment of a concili- 
ation commission in each case. The commission 
hears the parties, examines their claims, and 
makes proposals calculated to lead to an ami- 
cable settlement. The commission is required to 
file a report with the Secretary General. The 
report may contain findings of fact and con- 
clusions of law, but it is not binding upon the 
parties. Paragraph 7 of the annex provides that 
the expenses of the commission will be borne 
by the United Nations. The conference re- 



130 



Department of State Bulletin 



quested the General Assembly to note and 
ai^prove that provision at its 24th session. 

I believe that the provisions for the settle- 
ment of disputes contained in the convention are 
highly satisfactory. By contributing to the 
prompt resolution of disputes relating to valid- 
ity of treaties they should go far in helping 
maintain the stability of treaty relationships 
throughout the world. The provision for ex- 
penses is a desirable innovation and a worth- 
while investment, since the concern of many 
newly independent and small states with the 
cost of third-party settlement procedures has 
been a very real obstacle to their general 
acceptability. 

I mentioned earlier the introduction in the 
committee of the whole of a new article re- 
stricting the application of the convention to 
treaties concluded by states after the enti-y into 
force with regard to such states of the Conven- 
tion on the Law of Treaties. 

The text which was adopted by the committee 
and the plenary is now article 4. Unfortunately 
it does not lay down a clear uniform rule that 
all parties to the Treaties Convention, regard- 
less of when it shall enter into force as to them, 
will upon becoming parties be subject to the 
Treaties Convention in their mutual relations 
under treaties concluded after the entry into 
force of the Convention on the Law of Treaties. 
It would ensure the greatest uniformity in the 
application of the multilateral treaty among all 
the parties and avoid the confusion inherent 
in having different dates of api^licability for 
states parties to the Treaties Convention if 
states were to follow such a rule. I hope that 
state practice in the application of article 4 will 
develop along these lines. 

Significance of the Convention 

The adoption of the Convention on the Law 
of Treaties is, in my view, a milestone in the 
development and codification of international 
law. The international community as a whole 
will, of course, benefit from the establislunent of 
generally recognized legal rules on such sub- 
jects as the conclusion and entry into force of 
treaties, the observance, application, and inter- 
pretation of treaties, and depositary and regis- 
tration procedures. 

But the larger significance of the convention, 
it seems to me, is the fair balance it strikes 
between the forces of change and stability. By 



August 18, 1969 



codifying the doctrines of jus cogens and reb%is 
sic stantibus it provides a framework for deal- 
ing with change. By reasserting the principle of 
pacta sunt servanda and by incorporating im- 
partial procedures for settlement of disputes it 
provides a safeguard which will go far in help- 
ing to maintain the stability of treaty relations. 

While in large measure a restatement of cus- 
tomary international law rules relating to trea- 
ties, the convention also includes a number of 
articles which clearly constitute "progressive 
development," as that term is used in the Com- 
mission's statute. Taken as a whole, the conven- 
tion represents a highly satisfactory formula- 
tion of contemporary treaty law. Although the 
convention is not yet in force — indeed, the ink 
on the final act is scarcely di-y — a nmnber of its 
provisions have already been invoked to settle 
differences of opinion with respect to treaty 
practice which arose during the recent negotia- 
tion of an international agreement on measure- 
ment of ships. Pending its entry into force — 
35 ratifications are required — the convention 
seems likely to be the authoritative guide to 
modern treaty practice. The 32 states which 
signed the convention at Vienna, and perhaps 
other states as well, will begin to cite its pro- 
visions in diplomatic correspondence and to take 
steps to bring their treaty practice in line with 
the provisions of the convention. 

The educational effect of the convention 
should not be overlooked. Participating in the 
conference has required our lawyers and schol- 
ars to focus sharply on treaty -making practices ; 
we suspect that a similar development occurred 
in other countries. The existence of the conven- 
tion and the growing body of "teachings of pub- 
licists" which its conclusion must inevitably 
stimulate will encourage the development of 
treat}' experts in most countries and facilitate 
the understanding of the law of treaties by per- 
sonnel in foreign offices and students of inter- 
national affairs. 

It has been both a challenging and rewarding 
experience to have participated in the codifica- 
tion of the law of treaties. I hope in the months 
ahead to continue that participation. 

I appreciate very much the opportunity of 
discussing with you tonight some aspects of 
this significant international convention, the 
i"ules of which may be expected to govern treaty 
relations between our respective countries for 
many years to come. 



131 



Honduran-Salvadoran Conflict 
Resolved by OAS 

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT ^ 

The United States is deeply gratified that the 
Tliirteenth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign 
Ministers of the Organization of American 
States has resolved the crisis of the Honduran- 
Salvadoran confiict and that the Government of 
El Salvador has decided to withdraw its troops 
immediately from Honduras. In addition, a 
separate program for the resolution of the 
underlying issues in this conflict has been agreed 
to and set in motion. 

The inter-American system, in which we 
proudly participate, has met a major challenge 
and has demonstrated its ability to act effec- 
tively to assist the residents of El Salvador and 
Honduras who have been displaced. The OAS 
Foreign Ministers have asked member states to 
make additional contributions of funds, food- 
stuffs, medicines, and services to the Inter- 
American Emergency Aid Fmid. 

The Foreign Ministers also have requested 
member states to provide services, material, and 
equipment, including transport and communi- 
cations, to help the Seven-Nation Special Com- 
mittee observe the fulfillment of the guarantees 
given by the Governments of El Salvador and 
Honduras to ensure respect for the lives, per- 
sonal safety, and property of Hondurans living 
in El Salvador and of Salvadorans living in 
Honduras. 

The United States has contributed and will 
continue to contribute to these efforts as 
required. 

RESOLUTIONS AND DECLARATION' 

Resolution I 

The Thibteenth Meeting of Consultation op Min- 
isters OF Foreign Affairs, 

Con sidekinq : 

That, by a resolution adopted on July 23, 1969, the 
Council of the Organization, acting provisionally as 
Organ of Consultation, convoked a Meeting of Consulta- 
tion of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, in accordance with 
the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance 
and the pertinent articles of the Charter of the Or- 
ganization of American States, and that as of 10 :00 
P.M. Central American time, on July 22, 1969, the with- 



drawal of the Salvadorian troops from Honduran ter- 
ritory, as called for by that Council under the terms of 
the Inter- American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, 
had not been carried out ; and 

Taking Into Account that at 4 :00 P.M. on July 29, 
1969, the Government of El Salvador, through His Ex- 
cellency, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, made the fol- 
lowing statement to the Organ of Consultation : "... 
the Government of El Salvador declares that, in its 
steadfast purpose of finding a peaceful solution to the 
conflict that concerns us today, it has decided to with- 
draw the Salvadorian troops that are occupying Hon- 
duran territory. The Government is confident that you, 
gentlemen, will be able to find formulas that will fiilly 
and effectively guarantee the lives, personal safety, and 
property of the Salvadorian people who have resided , 
or are now residing in Honduras," 

Resolves : 

1. To take note of the statement made by the Govern- 
ment of El Salvador. 

2. To order that the withdrawal of the troops be ef- 
fected immediately, under the terms set forth in para- 
graphs 2 and 3 of the operative part of Resolution II, 
adopted on July 18, 1969, by the Council of the Organi- 
zation, acting provisionally as Organ of Consultation. 

3. To instruct the committee established by the Coun- 
cil of the Organization, acting provisionally as Organ 
of Consultation, in accordance with its resolution of 
July 14, 1969, to watch over the timing and manner in 
which the withdrawal of the troops is carried out and 
to report to the Meeting of Consultation, using as a 
basis the reports submitted to it in due course by the 
military observers. 



Resolution II 

Whereas : 

The Council of the Organization, acting provisionally 
as Organ of Consultation, stated that, to ensure peace 
and security, it is necessary to give adequate and ef- 
fective protection to all citizens of El Salvador residing 
in Honduras and also to Hondurans residing in El Sal- 
vador, and that Article 13 of the Charter of the Organi- 
zation of American States provides that in the exercise 
of its right to develop its cultural, political, and eco- 
nomic life freely and naturally, the state shall respect 
the rights of the individual and the principles of uni- 
versal morality ; 

The Government of El Salvador has asked repeatedly 
for adequate and effective guarantees of the lives, per- 
sonal safety, and property of its nationals residing in 
Honduras ; 

The Government of Honduras has requested equal 
guarantees of the lives, personal safety, and property 
of its nationals residing in El Salvador ; 

The governments of El Salvador and Honduras 
have formally bound themselves to provide these 
guarantees ; 

For the purposes of this resolution, it is also neces- 
sary to maintain and strengthen the inter- American in- 



'■ Read to news correspondents by Department press 
spokesman Carl E. Bartch on July 31. 

'Approved at the second plenary session, held on 
July 30. 



132 



Department of State Bulletin 



stitutional mechanism established by the Council of the 
Organization, acting provisionally as Organ of Consul- 
tation, to see to full compliance with this reciprocal 
commitment made by the governments mentioned ; and 
In accordance with the provisions of the Inter-Ameri- 
can Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, the Charter of the 
Organization of American States, and the American 
Treaty on Pacific Settlement (Pact of Bogota ), dis- 
putes arising between American nations should be re- 
solved by peaceful procedures, 

The Thirteenth Meeting of Ministebs of Foreign 

Affairs 

Resolves : 

1. To instruct the Committee named by the Council 
of the Organization, acting provisionally as Organ of 
Consultation, in accordance with the resolution of July 
14, 1969, to continue to perform the work entrusted to 
it through Resolution III of July 18, and to adopt all 
the measures necessary for seeing to the faithful and 
precise fulfillment of the effective guarantees given by 
the govei'nments of El Salvador and Honduras, for the 
purpose of ensuring respect for the lives, personal 
safety, and property of the nationals of each of these 
countries residing in the other. It shall also watch over 
compliance with the terms of this resolution and report 
in due course to the Meeting of Consultation. 

2. To entrust the Secretary General of the Organiza- 
tion with maintaining the observers designated in ac- 
cordance with paragraph 5 of the operative part of the 
aforementioned Resolution III and increasing their 
number if necessary, so that they may perform the 
functions assigned to them by the committee referred 
to in this resolution and provide it with the facilities 
and services it requires. 

3. To request the Inter- American Commission on Hu- 
man Rights to cooperate with the above-mentioned 
Committee. 

4. To take note that the governments of El Salvador 
and Honduras agreed to submit within two months 
their demands and the differences tliat have arisen be- 
tween them to any one of the procedures for pacific 

I settlement provided for in the American Treaty on 
Pacific Settlement (Pact of Bogotd), to which both 
countries are parties, and if this does not happen, to 
submit them to the procedure of arbitration in accord- 
ance with the same pact. 

5. To urge each one of the parties to bring to trial 
those responsible for crimes and violation of human 
rights, in accordance with their respective judicial sys- 
tems. The Committee mentioned in operative para- 
graph 1 of this resolution shall report to the Meeting 

I of Consultation on this matter. 

6. To recommend the taking of a census of the na- 
tionals of each country residing in the other, with a 
view to the study and appropriate solution of the 
migration problems. 

7. To request the international organs, agencies, and 
entities, especially those of the inter-American sys- 
tem, to cooperate with both parties in the solution of 
their population and development problems, in co- 
ordination with the other countries of Central America, 
taking into account the program for the integration of 
the i.sthmus, and acting through the Central American 
regional institutions. The Secretary General of the Or- 
ganization is charged with providing the personnel, ob- 



taining funds, and supplying any other facilities that 
may be necessary in order appropriately to carry out 
this task. 

8. To appeal once again to the member states of the 
Organization to provide funds, food, medicines, serv- 
ices, and the like to assist the inhabitants of El Salva- 
dor and of Honduras, who have been displaced, in ac- 
cordance with the spirit of the resolution that created 
the Inter-American Emergency Aid Fund and under 
the terms of its statutes. 

9. To recommend to the governments of El Salva- 
dor and Honduras, in view of the unusual situation 
caused by the events that occurred between the two 
countries, that they provide facilities for the return 
to their homes of displaced persons so requesting. The 
Committee shall see to the reuniting of the families 
scattered as a result of those events. 

10. To request that member states in a position to 
do so make available to the Committee the facilities 
and equipment it needs for the accomplishment of 
its mission, including means of transportation and 
communication. 



Resolution III 

The Thirteenth Meeting of Consxtltation of Min- 
isters OF Foreign Affairs 

Resolves : 

1. To keep the Thirteenth Meeting of Consultation 
in session, especially for the purpose of seeing that the 
resolutions adopted by the Organ of Consultation are 
carried out faithfully and taking such additional meas- 
ures as it may deem necessary to reestablish and pre- 
serve inter-American peace and security and to resolve 
the conflict between El Salvador and Honduras by 
peaceful means. 

2. To instruct the Secretary General of the Organiza- 
tion of American States to transmit the text of the 
resolution adopted by this Meeting of Consultation to 
the Security Council of the United Nations, in accord- 
ance with the provisions of Article 54 of the United 
Nations Charter. 



Declaration 

Whereas : 

During the course of this Meeting of Consultation 
there has been a clear and categorical manifestation 
of the unanimous rejection by the American states of 
the use of force for the settlement of disputes among 
the member states of the Organization ; 

The procedures instituted by the inter-American sys- 
tem afford proper means for the peaceful solution of 
conflicts ; 

Nonetheless, it is the firm desire and continuing 
concern of the member states to intensify action lead- 
ing to the elimination of underdevelopment as an 
underlying cause of such conflicts ; and 

The member states of the Organization of American 
States have invariably reaffirmed the rights of man 
and the principles of universal morality, in the full 
exercise of their sovereignty and of the jurisdiction 
they have over all inhabitants of their territory, 
whether nationals or aliens. 



August 10, 1969 



133 



The Thieteenth Meetino op 
MiNisTEBS OF Foreign Affaibs 



Consultation of 



Declabes : 

1. Its unswerving adherence to the principle set forth 
in Article 1 of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal 
Assistance and Article 18 of the Charter of the Organi- 
zation of American States, that the use of force as a 
means for the settlement of disputes has been detini- 
tively proscribed among the member states of the 
Organization ; 

2. That, as provided in Articles 5 (e) and 17 of the 
Charter of the Organization of American States, there 
shall be no recognition of conquests and no occupation 
of territory through the use of force ; 

3. That the status of immigrants is regulated by the 
laws of the countries in which they reside and to whose 
jurisdiction they are subject ; 

4. That the application of the above principles must 
be carried out with maximum respect for the protection 
of human rights, the full validity of which has been 
declared repeatedly by the American states ; 

5. That it notes with satisfaction the willingness 
shown by the governments of El Salvador and Hon- 
duras to consolidate in fact the permanent applica- 
bility of the principles enunciated in this declaration. 



U.S. and France To Confer 
on Scientific Cooperation 

Folloioing is the text of a U.S -French state- 
ment on scientifiG and technical cooperation, 
which was released July S9 by tli-e Office of 
Science and Techrwlogy, Executive Office of the 
President. 

Following the conversations which took place 
in Paris earlier this year between President 
Nixon and General de Gaulle, and in accordance 
with the intentions which have been expressed 
on both sides of extending the areas of U.S.- 
French scientific cooperation, M. F.X. Ortoli, 
Minister of Industrial Development and Scien- 
tific Research of France, has invited Dr. Lee 
A. DuBridge, Science Adviser to the President 
of the United States, to visit France in late 
September. At the invitation of Dr. DuBridge, 
Minister Ortoli will visit the United States be- 
fore the end of the year. 

Interested agencies of the two countries are 
already in contact as a first step toward defining 
the areas of maximum mutual benefit. Dr. Du- 
Bridge and Mmister Ortoli will discuss possible 
new fields of cooperation, such as areas of ap- 
plied research relating to the environment and 



the city. They will also review ongoing coopera- 
tion in sjDace and oceanography and the long- 
standing relationship between the two countries 
in fundamental research. Dr. DuBridge and 
ilinister Ortoli will also discuss the develop- 
ment of simple and flexible procedures to allow 
the two Governments to follow the expanded 
cooperation and to ensure steady and timely 
progress. 



Tetiuhe Mining, Lena Goldfields 
Claims Receivable Through 1969 

Department of State press release dated July 23 

The United Kingdom Foreign and Common- 
wealth Office has called the attention of the 
Department of State to Foreign Compensation 
(U.S.S.R.) Order 1969, wliich provides for the 
Foreign Claims Commission to receive and de- 
termine claims that have arisen since January 1, 
1939, in relation to the unredeemed U.S.S.R. 
state notes whicli were issued to the Tetiuhe 
Mining Corporation, Ltd., and Lena Goldfields, 
Ltd. These claims are receivable irrespective of 
the nationality of the holders. It is believed that 
there are a substantial number of the notes in 
possession of other than British nationals, many 
in the possession of United States nationals. 

Holders of these notes who have not previ- 
ously registered their claims under the For- 
eign Compensation (U.S.S.R.) (Registration) 
Order 1959 should write promptly to the For- 
eign Claims Commission, Alexandra House, 
Kingsway, London, "VY.C. 2, giving brief par- 
ticulars of their claims. The cutoff date for 
receipt of applications is December 31, 1969. 



Mr. Gilbert Named Representative 
for Trade Negotiations 

The Senate on July 29 confirmed the nomina- 
tion of Carl J. Gilbert to be Special Representa- 
tive for Trade Negotiations. (For biographic 
details, see White House press release dated 
April 10.) 



134 



Department of State Bulletin 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Provisional Agenda, Twenty-fourth 
Session of U.N. General Assembly ' 

U.N. doc. A/7600 

1. Opening of the session by the Chairman of the 
delegation of Guatemala. 

2. Minute of silent prayer or meditation. 

3. Credentials of representatives to the twenty-fourth 
session of the General Assembly : 

(a) Appointment of the Credentials Committee ; 

(b) Report of the Credentials Committee. 

4. Election of the President. 

5. Constitution of the Main Committees and election 
of officers. 

6. Election of Vice-Presidents. 

7. Notification by the Secretary-General under Article 
12, paragraph 2, of the Charter of the United 
Nations. 

8. Adoption of the agenda. 

9. General debate. 

10. Report of the Secretary-General on the work of 
the Organization. 

11. Report of the Security Council. 

12. Report of the Economic and Social Council. 

13. Report of the Trusteeship Council. 

14. Report of the International Court of Justice. 

15. Report of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 

16. Election of five non-permanent members of the 
Security Council. 

17. Election of nine members of the Economic and 
Social Council. 

18. Election of five members of the International Court 
of Justice. 

19. Election of fifteen members of the Industrial Devel- 
opment Board. 

20. Appointment of the members of the Peace Observa- 
tion Commission. 

21. Problems of the human environment : report of the 
Secretary-General [resolution 2398 (XXIII) of 3 
December 19G8]. 

22. Fourth International Conference on the Peaceful 
Uses of Atomic Energy : report of the Secretary- 
General [resolution 2406 (XXIII) of 16 December 
1968]. 

23. Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting 
of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples : 
report of the Special Committee on the Situation 
with regard to the Implementation of the Declara- 
tion on the Granting of Independence to Colonial 
Coimtries and Peoples [resolutions 2379 (XXIII) 
of 25 October 1968, 23.83 (XXIII) of 7 November 
1968, 2395 (XXIII) of 29 November 1968. 2403 

, (XXIII) and 2404 (XXIII) of 16 December 1968, 
2422 (XXIII), 2424 (XXIII), 2425 (XXIII), 2426 

1 (XXIII), 2427 (XXIII), 2428 (XXIII), 2429 

rXXIII) and 2430 (XXIII) of 18 December 1968, 
2465 (XXIII) of 20 December 1968 and decision 
of 18 December 1968]. 



24. Special programme of activities in connexion with 
the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on the 
Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and 
Peoples : report of the Preparatory Committee for 
the Tenth Anniversary of the Declaration on the 
Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries 
and Peoples [resolution 2465 (XXIII) of 20 De- 
cember 1968]. 

25. Celebration of the twenty-fiith anniversary of the 
United Nations : report of the Preparatory Commit- 
tee for the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the United 
Nations [decision of 19 December 1968]. 

26. Installation of mechanical means of voting : report 
of the Secretary -General [decision of 16 December 
1968]. 

27. The situation in the Middle East [decision of 21 
December 1968]. 

28. International co-operation in the peaceful uses of 
outer space : report of the Committee on the Peace- 
ful Uses of Outer Space [resolution 2453 (XXIII) 
of 20 December 1968]. 

29. Question of general and complete disarmament 
[resolution 24.54 (XXIII) of 20 December 1968] : 

(a) Report of the Conference of the Eighteen- 
Nation Committee on Disarmament ; 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General. 

30. Urgent need for suspension of nuclear and thermo- 
nuclear tests : report of the Conference of the 
Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament [reso- 
lution 2455 (XXIII) of 20 December 1968]. 

31. Conference of Non-Nuelear- Weapon States [reso- 
lution 2456 (XXIII) of 20 December 1968] : 

(a) Implementation of the results of the Confer- 
ence : report of the Secretary-General ; 

(b) Establishment, within the framework of the 
International Atomic Energy Agency, of an 
international service for nuclear explosions 
for peaceful purposes under appropriate inter- 
national control : report of the Secretary- 
General ; 

(c) Contributions of nuclear technology to the 
economic and scientific advancement of the 
developing countries : report of the Secretary- 
General. 

32. Question of the reservation exclusively for peaceful 
purposes of the sea-bed and the ocean floor, and 
the subsoil thereof, underlying the high seas beyond 
the limits of present national jurisdiction, and 
the use of their resources in the interests of man- 
kind [resolution 2467 (XXIII) of 21 December 
1968] : 

(a) Report of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses 
of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond 
the Limits of National Jurisdiction ; 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General. 

33. Effects of atomic radiation : report of the United 
Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of 
Atomic Radiation [resolution 2382 (XXIII) of 
1 November 1968]. 



' Scheduled to convene at Headquarters, New York, 
on Sept. 16. 



August 18, 1969 



135 



S4. The policies of apartheid of the Government of 
South Africa : report of the Special Committee on 
the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the 
Republic of South Africa [resolution 2396 (XXIII) 
of 2 December 1968]. 

35. Comprehensive review of the whole question of 
peace-keeping operations in all their aspects : re- 
port of the Special Committee on Peace-keeping 
Operations [resolution 2451 (XXIII) of 19 Decem- 
ber 1968]. 

36. United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Pales- 
tine Refugees in the Near East [resolution 2452 
(XXIII) of 19 December 1968] : 

(a) Report of the Commissioner-General; 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General. 

37. United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop- 
ment : report of the Trade and Development Board 
[resolution 2402 (XXIII) of 13 December 1968]. 

38. United Nations Industrial Development Organiza- 
tion : report of the Industrial Development Board 
[resolution 2407 (XXIII) of 17 December 1968]. 

39. United Nations Capital Development Fund [reso- 
lution 2410 (XXIII) of 17 December 1968]. 

40. Second United Nations Development Decade : re- 
port of the Preparatory Committee for the Second 
United Nations Development Decade [resolution 
2411 (XXIII) of 17 December 1968]. 

41. International Education Tear : report of the Secre- 
tary-General [resolution 2412 (XXIII) of 17 
December 1968]. 

42. One day of war for peace [resolution 2418 (XXIII) 
of 17 December 1968]. 

43. The role of the United Nations in training national 
technical personnel for the accelerated industriali- 
zation of the developing countries: report of the 
Secretary-General [decision of 27 September 
1968]. 

44. United Nations Institute for Training and Re- 
search : report of the Executive Director [resolu- 
tion 2388 (XXIII) of 19 November 1968]. 

45. Operational activities for development [resolutions 
2408 (XXIII) and 2409 (XXIII) of 17 December 
1968] : 

(a) Activities of the United Nations Development 
Programme : reports of the Governing Council ; 

(b) Activities undertaken by the Secretary- 
General. 

46. Review of the World Food Programme [resolution 
2290 (XXII) of 8 December 1967]. 

47. General review of the programmes and activities 
in the economic, social, technical co-operation and 
related fields of the United Nations, the specialized 
agencies, the International Atomic Energy Agency, 
the United Nations Children's Fund and all other 
institutions and agencies related to the United 
Nations system [resolution 2188 (XXI) of 13 
December 1966]. 

48. Draft Declaration on Social Progress and Develop- 
ment [decision of 6 December 1968]. 

49. Report of the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees [resolution 2399 (XXIII) of 6 Decem- 
ber 1968]. 

50. Housing, building and planning: report of the 
Secretary-General [decision of 19 December 1968]. 

51. Town twinning as a means of international co- 
operation : report of the Economic and Social Coun- 
cil [decision of 19 December 1968]. 



52. Elimination of all forms of religious Intolerance 
[decision of 19 December 1968] : 

(a) Draft Declaration on the Elimination of All 
Forms of Religious Intolerance ; 

(b) Draft International Convention on the Elim- 
ination of All Forms of Intolerance and of 
Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief. 

53. Creation of the post of United Nations High Com- 
missioner for Human Rights [resolution 2437 
(XXIII) of 19 December 1068]. 

54. Freedom of information [resolution 2448 (XXIII) 
of 19 December 1968] : 

(a) Draft Declaration on Freedom of Information ; 

(b) Draft Convention on Freedom of Information. 

55. Elimination of all forms of racial discrimination: 

(a) Implementation of the United Nations Decla- 
ration on the Elimination of All Forms of 
Racial Di.scrimination ; 

(b) Status of the International Convention on the 
Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimi- 
nation : report of the Secretary-General ; 

(c) Programme for the celebration in 1971 of the 
International Year for Action to Combat 
Racism and Racial Discrimination : report of 
the Secretary-General [resolution 2446 
(XXIII) of 19 December 1968]. 

56. Measures to be taken against nazism and racial 
intolerance : report of the Secretary-General [reso- 
lution 2438 (XXIII) of 19 December 1968]. 

57. Question of the violation of human rights and 
fundamental freedoms, including policies of racial 
discrimination and segregation and of apartheid, in 
all countries, with particular reference to colonial 
and other dependent countries and territories: 

(a) Measures for effectively combating racial dis- 
crimination and the policies of apartheid and 
segregation In southern Africa : report of the 
Secretary-General [resolution 2439 (XXIII) 
of 19 December 1968] ; 

(b) Report of the Ad Hoc Working Group of Ex- 
perts on the treatment of political prisoners in 
South Africa : report of the Secretary-General 
[resolution 2440 (XXIII) of 19 December 
1968]. 

Status of the International Covenant on Economic, 
Social and Cultural Rights, the International Cove- 
nant on Civil and Political Rights and the Optional 
Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and 
Political Rights : report of the Secretary-General 
[decision of 19 December 1968]. 
International Year for Human Rights : report of 
the Secretary-General [re.solution 2441 (XXIII) of 
19 December 1968]. 

60. Implementation of the recommendations of the 
International Conference on Human Rights : report 
of the Secretary-General [resolution 2442 (XXIII) 
of 19 December 1968]. 

61. Resi>ect for human rights in armed conflicts : report 
of the Secretary-General [resolution 2444 (XXIII) 
of 19 December 1968]. 

62. Education of youth in the respect for human rights 
and fundamental freedoms : report of the Secre- 
tary-General [resolution 2447 (XXIII) of 19 De- 
cember 1968]. 

63. Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories 
tran.smitted imder Article 73e of the Charter of 
the United Nations [resolution 2422 (XXIII) of 
18 December 1968] : 



58, 



59, 



136 



Department of State Bulletin 



(a) Report of the Secretary -General : 

(b) Report of the Special Committee on the Situa- 
tion with regard to the Implementation of the 
Declaration on the Granting of Independence 
to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 

64. Question of Namibia [resolutions 2403 (XXIII) 
and 2404 (XXIII) and decision of 16 December 
1968]: 

(a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situa- 
tion with regard to the Implementation of the 
Declaration on the Granting of Independence 
to Colonial Countries and Peoples ; 

(b) Report of the United Nations Council for 
Namibia ; 

(c) Appointment of the United Nations Commis- 
sioner for Namibia. 

65. Question of Territories under Portuguese admin- 
istration [resolution 2395 (XXIII) of 29 November 
1968] : 

(a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situa- 
tion with regard to the Implementation of the 
Declaration on the Granting of Independence 
to Colonial Countries and Peoples ; 

(b) Report of the Secretary -General. 

66. Question of Fiji : report of the Special Committee 
on the Situation with regard to the Implementation 
of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence 
to Colonial Countries and Peoples [decision of 18 
December 1968]. 

67. Question of Oman : report of the Special Commit- 
tee on the Situation with regard to the Implemen- 
tation of the Declaration on the Granting of 
Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples 
[resolution 2424 (XXIII) of 18 December 1968]. 

68. Activities of foreign economic and other interests 
which are impeding the implementation of the 
Declaration on the Granting of Independence to 
Colonial Countries and Peoples in Southern Rho- 
desia, Namibia and Territories under Portuguese 
domination and in all other Territories under 
colonial domination and efforts to eliminate 
colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination 
in southern Africa : report of the Special Committee 
on the Situation with regard to the Implementation 
of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence 
to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 2425 
(XXIII) of 18 December 1968]. 

69. Implementation of the Declaration on the Grant- 
ing of Independence to Colonial Countries and 
Peoples by the specialized agencies and the inter- 
national institutions a.ssociated with the United 
Nations [resolution 2426 (XXIII) of 18 December 
1968] : 

(a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situa- 
tion with regard to the Implementation of the 
Declaration on the Granting of Independence 
to Colonial Countries and Peoples ; 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General. 

TO. United Nations Educational and Training Pro- 
gramme for Southern Africa : report of the Secre- 
tary-General [resolution 2431 (XXIII) of 18 De- 
cember 1968]. 

71. Offers by Member States of study and training 
facilities for inhabitants of Non-Self-Goveming 
Territories : report of the Secretary-General [reso- 
lution 2423 (XXIII) of 18 December 1908]. 

72. Financial rei)orts and accounts for the financial 



73. 

74. 
75. 

76. 



77. 



78. 



79. 



80. 

81. 

82. 
83. 

84. 
85. 

86. 

87. 



year ended 31 December 1968 and reports of the 
Boai-d of Auditors : 

( a ) United Nations ; 

(b) United Nations Development Programme ; 

(c) United Nations Children's Fund ; 

(d) United Nations Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees in the Near East; 

(e) United Nations Institute for Training and 
Research ; 

(f) Voluntary funds administered by the United 
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 

Supplementary estimates for the financial year 
19(1'.». 

Budget estimates for the financial year 1970. 
Planning estimate for the financial year 1971 [reso- 
lution 2370 (XXII) of 19 December 1967]. 
Pattern of conferences : report of the Committee on 
Conferences [resolution 2478 (XXIII) of 21 
December 1968]. 

Appointments to fUl vacancies in the membership of 
subsidiary bodies of the General Assembly : 

(a) Advisory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions ; 

(b) Committee on Contributions ; 

(c) Board of Auditors; 

(d) United Nations Administrative Tribunal. 
Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the 
expenses of the United Nations: report of the 
Committee on Contributions. 

Audit reports relating to expenditure by the spe- 
cialized agencies and the International Atomic 
Energy Agency : 

(a) Allocations from the Technical Assistance 
Account of the United Nations Development 
Programme ; 

(b) Allocations from the Special Fund Account of 
the United Nations Development Programme. 

Administrative and budgetary co-ordination of the 
United Nations with the specialized agencies and 
the International Atomic Energy Agency : reports 
of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions [resolution 2474 (XXIII) of 
21 December 1968]. 

Implementation of the recommendations of the Ad 
Hoc Committee of Experts to Examine the Finances 
of the United Nations and the Specialized Agen- 
cies: report of the Advisory Committee on Ad- 
ministrative and Budgetary Questions [resolution 
2475 (XXIII) of 21 December 1968]. 
Publications and documentation of the United Na- 
tions: report of the Secretary-General [resolution 
2292 (XXII) of 8 December 1967]. 
Personnel questions [resolution 2480 (XXIII j of 
21 December 1968] : 

(a) Composition of the Secretariat: report of the 
Secretary-General ; 

( b ) ther personnel questions. 

Report of the United Nations Joint Staff Pension 

Board. 

United Nations International School : report of the 

Secretary-General [resolution 2477 (XXIII) of 

21 December 1968]. 

Report of the International Law Commission on 

the work of its twenty-first session. 

Draft Convention on Special Missions [resolution 

2419 (XXIII) and decision of IS December 1968]. 

Report of the Special Committee on the Question of 



August 18, 1969 



137 



Defining Aggression [resolution 2420 (XXIII) of 
18 December 1968]. 

89. Consideration of principles of international law 
concerning friendly relations and co-operation 
among States in accordance with the Charter of the 
United Nations: report of the Special Committee 
on Principles of International Law concerning 
Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States 
[resolution 2463 (XXIII) of 20 December 1968]. 

90. Report of the United Nations Commission on Inter- 
national Trade Law on the work of its second 
session. 

91. United Nations Programme of Assistance in the 
Teaching, Study, Dissemination and Wider Appre- 
ciation of International Law: report of the 
Secretary-General [resolution 2464 (XXIII) of 
20 December 1968]. 

92. The problems and needs of youth and its participa- 
tion in national development [E3conomic and Social 
Council resolution 1407 (XLVI) of 5 June 1969]. 

93. Amendment to Article 22 of the Statute of the Inter- 
national Court of Justice (Seat of the Court) and 
consequential amendments to Articles 23 and 28 
[item proposed by the International Court of Jus- 
tice (A/7591)]. 

94. Declaration and resolutions adopted by the United 
Nations Conference on the Law of Treaties [item 
proposed by the Secretary-General (A/7592)]: 

(a) Declaration on Universal Participation in the 
Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties; 

(b) Resolution relating to article 1 of the Vienna 
Convention on the Law of Treaties; 

(c) Resolution relating to article 66 of the Vienna 
Convention on the Law of Treaties and the 
annex thereto. 

95. Fiftieth anniversary of the International Labour 
Organisation [item proposed by the Secretary- 
General (A/7593)]. 

96. Amendments to the rules of procedure of the Gen- 
eral Assembly resulting from the amendment to 
rule 51 [item proposed by the Secretary-General 
(A/7594)]. 



United Nations Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Mimeographed or processed documents {such as those 
listed below) may 6e consulted at depository libraries 
in the United States. V.N. printed publications may be 
purchased from the Sales Section of the United Nations, 
United Nations Plaza, N.Y. 



Security Council 

Report of the Secretary General on Chemical and 
Bacteriological (Biological) Weapons and the 
Effects of Their Possible Use. S/9292. July 1, 1969. 
124 pp. 

Special Report of the Secretary General on the In- 
creasing Ineffectiveness of the Cease-Fire in the 
Suez Canal Sector. S/9316. July 5, 1969. 3 pp. 

Letter dated July 10 from the Chars^ d' Affaires a.i. of 
the United Arab Republic, in response to the special 
report of the Secretary General. S/9321. July 10, 
1969. 3 pp. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Estate Tax Convention Signed 
With the Netherlands 

Press release 196 dated July 15 

Secretary Rogers and the Netherlands Minis- 
ter, Hendrik C. Maclaine Pont, on July 15 
signed a convention and protocol between the 
United States and the Netherlands for the 
avoidance of double taxation and the prevention 
of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on estates 
and inheritances. 

The convention follows in general the pur- 
pose and substantive pattern of estate tax con- 
ventions now in force between the United States 
and 12 other countries, but is based in large 
part on the model estate tax convention pub- 
lished in 1966 by the Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development. 

The convention with the Netherlands is the 
first of its kind to be negotiated since the enact- 
ment of the Foreign Investors Tax Act of 1966 
and reflects provisions of that act designed to 
encourage portfolio investment in this country. 
On a reciprocal basis the convention exempts 
stock and obligations held by portfolio investors 
domiciled in the other country. United States 
estate tax jurisdiction is retained with respect 
to foreign portfolio investments in this country, 
with reduced rates and increased exemptions. 

One of the most significant features of the 
convention is a newly developed provision 
whereby a citizen of one of the comitries 
domiciled in that country would be able to live 
up to 7 years in the other country without hav- 
ing his estate become subject (if he should die 
there) to the estate or inheritance tax juris- 
diction of such other country if he does not have 
a clear intention of remaining there indefinitely. 
Under Netherlands law and the OECD model 
convention the estate of a decedent who was 
only temporarily present in the country may 
be subject to estate or inheritance tax. Such tax 
rules have posed problems for American busi- 
nessmen in Europe working for a branch or 
corporate affiliate of an American firm. The 
convention with the Netherlands deals with 
such problems in a manner not dealt with in 
the OECD model convention. 



138 



Department of State Bulletin 



Chapter I (articles 1 and 2) of the convention 
with the Netherlands relates to the scope of the 
convention, defining the taxes to which it 
applies: (a) in the case of the United States, 
the Federal estate tax; and (b) in the case of 
the Netherlands, the succession duty and the 
transfer duty at death. 

Chapter II (articles 3 and 4) contains defini- 
tions of terms found in the convention. Article 
3 contains general definitions, and article 4 
deals particularly with the question of fiscal 
domicile. 

Chapter III (articles 5-10) sets forth taxing 
mles. Article 5 relates to the api^lication of 
domestic laws. Article 6 relates to immovable 
property. Article 7 relates to business property 
of a permanent establishment and assets per- 
taining to a fixed base used for the performance 
of professional services. Article 8 relates to 
taxation on the basis of domicile. Article 9 re- 
lates to taxation on the basis of citizenship. Ar- 
ticle 10 relates to exemptions in certain cases 
where property may be taxed solely by reason 
of article 6 or 7. 

The accompanying protocol sets forth certain 
understandings concerning the interpretation 
and application of the convention. 



i Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Atomic Energy 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to the bilateral 
agreement between the United States and Argentina 
of June 22, 1962, as amended (TIAS 5125, 5660), for 
cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic energy. 
Signed at Vienna December 2, 1964. Entered into 
force March 1, 1966. TIAS 6004. 
Terminated: July 25, 1969. 

Agreement for the application of safeguards by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency to the bilateral 
agreement between the United States and Argentina 
of June 25, 1969, for eooi)eration concerning civil 
uses of atomic energy. Signed at Vienna June 13, 
1969. 
Entered into force: July 25, 1969. 

Aviation 

Convention for the unification of certain rules relating 
to international transportation by air with protocol. 
Done at Warsaw October 12, 1929. Entered into 
force February 13, 1933 ; for the United States Octo- 
ber 29, 1934. 49 Stat. 3000. 
Accession deposited: Libya, May 16, 1969. 

Finance 

Amendment to the articles of agreement of the Inter- 



national Monetary Fund (TIAS 1501). Done at 
Washington May 31, 1968. 
Entered into force: July 28, 1969. 

Grains 

International grains arrangement, 1967, with annexes. 

Open for signature at Washington October 15 

through November 30, 1967. Entered into force 

July 1, 1968. TIAS 6537. 

Ratification of the Wheat Trade Convention de- 
posited: Netherlands, April 29, 1969." 

Ratification of the Food Aid Convention deposited: 
Netherlands, April 29, 1969." 

Postal Matters 

Constitution of the Universal Postal Union with final 
protocol, general regulations with final protocol, and 
convention with final protocol and regulations of 
execution. Done at Vienna July 10, 1964. Entered 
into force January 1, 1966. TIAS 5881. 
Ratification deposited: Ethiopia, June 18, 1969. 



BILATERAL 



Argentina 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy, as amended. Signed at Washington 
June 22, 1962. Entered into force July 27, 1962. TIAS 
5125, 5660. 
Terminated: July 25, 1969. 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of 
atomic energy. Signed at Washington June 25, 1969. 
Entered into force: July 25, 1969. 

Canada 

Agreement governing the coordination of pilotage 
services on the Great Lakes and St. Lawrence Sea- 
way, as amended. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Washington April 13, 1967. Entered into force 
April 13, 1967. TIAS 6252, 6352, 6477. 
Terminated: July 31, 1969. 

Agreement governing the operation of pilotage on the 
Great Lakes and St. Lawrence Seaway, vrith memo- 
randum of arrangements. Effected by exchange of 
notes at Washington July 31, 1969. Entered into 
force July 31, 1969. 

Japan 

Agreement concerning the Trust Territory of the Paci- 
fic Islands, with exchanges of notes. Signed at Tokyo 
AprU 18, 1969. 
Entered into force: July 7, 1969. 

Pakistan 

Agreement relating to the establishment and operation 
of a communications center at Peshawar, with min- 
ute of understanding and exchange of letters. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Karachi July 18, 1959. 
Entered into force July 18, 1959. TIAS 4281. 
Terminated: July 17, 1969. 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities 
agreement of May 16, 1968 (TIAS 6496). Effected by 
exchange of notes at Rawalpindi and Islamabad 
May 16 and June 13, 1969. Entered into force June 13, 
1969. 



' For the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Europe, 
Surinam, and the Netherlands Antilles. 
- For the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Europe. 



August 18, 1969 



139 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



United States Embassy Opened 
in Equatorial Guinea 

Press release 224 aated July 31 

The American Embassy at Santa Isabel, Capital 
of the ReiJublic of Equatorial Guinea, will be officially 
opened on August 1. 

The official opening will follow by approximately 10 
months the October 12, 1968, date of Equatorial 
Guinea's independence. However, the United States has 
maintained official diplomatic relations since Albert 
W. Sherer presented his Ambassadorial credentials 
to Equatorial Guinea's President Francisco Macias 
Nguema on November 21, 1968. Ambassador Sherer is 
also accredited to Togo and is resident in Lom4, the 
Togolese Capital. His Deputy Chief of Mission for 
Equatorial Guinea is Albert N. Williams, who has 
served as the resident U.S. representative in the coun- 
try since arriving in Santa Isabel in January of this 
year. 

After the official opening of the Embassy, Mr. Wil- 
liams will be designated U.S. Charge d'Affaires ad 
interim when acting for Ambassador Sherer. 



Confirmations 

The Senate on July 30 confirmed the nomination of 
Kenneth Franzheim II to be Ambassador to New Zea- 
land. (For biographic details, see White House press 
release dated June 23.) 



PUBLICATIONS 



Volume IX in Foreign Relations 
Series for 1945 Released 

On July 17 the Department of State released Foreign 
Relations of the United States, 19^5, Volume IX, The 
American RepiMies (x, 1,466 pages). This volume in- 
cludes documentation on the relations of the United 
States with each of its Latin American neighbors. 
Much of the documentation relates to winding up situ- 
ations created by the Second World War, including 
provision for the continuing development of hemisphere 
defense and efforts to ease the impact of the economic 
slowdown consequent upon the end of hostilities. 



Besides the compilations devoted to the relations of 
the United States with the individual Republics of 
Latin America, considerable space is allocated to multi- 
lateral policies and relations with the region as a 
whole. Among the most important of these were the 
Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and 
Peace, held at Mexico City (the Chapultepec Con- 
ference), and preparations for the proposed Inter- 
American Conference for the Maintenance of Conti- 
nental Peace and Security, which met ultimately at Rio 
de Janeiro in 1947. 

Copies of volume IX (Department of State publica- 
tion 8452) may be obtained from the Superintendent 
of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington, D.C. 20402, for $7 each. 



Recent Releases 

For sale hy the Superintendent o/ Documents, V.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20^02. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments. A 25-percent discount is made on orders for 100 
or more copies of any one puhlication mailed to the 
same address. Remittances, payable to the Superintend- 
ent of Documents, must accompany orders. 

United States Foreign Policy: Some Major Issues — A 
Statement by Secretary Rogers Before the Senate 
Committee on Foreign Relations. Reprinted from the 
Department of State Bulletin of April 14, 1969. Pub. 
8456. General Foreign Policy Series 232. 8 pp. 25(f. 

Fishing Operations — Northeastern Pacific Ocean. 

Agreement with the Union of Soviet Socialist Repub- 
lics relating to the agreement of December 14, 19(i4. 
TIAS 6637. 3 pp. lOf*. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with India. 
TIAS 6&42. 6 pp. \0(t. 

Columbia River Basin — Special Operating Program for 
Canadian Storage. Agreement with Canada. TIAS 
6643. 8 pp. 10^. 

Air Transport Services. Agreement, with exchange of 
letters, with Czechoslovakia. TIAS 6644. 30 pp. 20('. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Turkey. 
TIAS 664.5. IS pp. 15«*. 

Seismic Observations — Project Vela Uniform. Agree- 
ment with Canada extending the agreement of Mav 18, 
June 28 and 29, 1965. TIAS 6646. 3 pp. lO^*. 

Telecommunication — Facility on Norfolk Island To 
Study Ionospheric Propagation in Relation to Lonp: 
Range Radio Paths. Agreement with Australia. TIAS 
6647. 5 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Morocco. 
TIAS 6648. 7 pp. 10(^. 

Atomic Energy — Application of Safeguards by the 
United States to Natural Uranium Transferred From 
Canada, Agreement with Canada. TIAS 6649. 4 pp- 
10^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Viot-Nam. , 
TIAS 6650. 3 pp. lO^*. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Viet-Nam. 
TIAS 6651. 3 pp. 10^. 



140 



Department of State Bulletin i 



INDEX August 18, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1573 

China. Restrictions Eased on U.S. Travel to Ck)m- 
monist China 126 

Congress 

Confirmations (Franzheim) 140 

Mr. Gilbert Named Representative for Trade 

Negotiations 134 

Senate Confirms Members of ACDA Advisory 

Committee 126 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Franzheim) 140 

United States Embassy Opened in Equatorial 
Guinea 1-10 

Disarmament. Senate Confirms Members of 
ACDA Advisory Committee 126 

Economic Affairs 

Estate Tax Convention Signed With the Nether- 
lands 138 

Bestrictions Eased on U.S. Travel to Communist 
China 126 

Tetiuhe Mining, Lena Goldfields Claims Receiv- 
able Through 1969 134 

C.S.-Japan Joint Economic Committee Meets at 
Tokyo (Rogers, text of communique) . . . 121 

El Salvador. Honduran-Salvadoran Conflict Re- 
solved by OAS (Department statement, texts 
of resolutions and declaration) 132 

Equatorial Guinea. United States Embassy 
Opened in Equatorial Guinea 140 

France. U.S. and France To Confer on Scientific 
Cooperation 134 

Honduras. Honduran-Salvadoran Conflict Re- 
solved by OAS (Department statement, texts 
of resolutions and declaration) 132 

International Law. The Vienna Convention on 
the Law of Treaties (Stevenson) 127 

International Organizations and Conferences. 

Honduran-Salvadoran Conflict Resolved by 
OAS (Department statement, texts of resolu- 
tions and declaration) 132 

Japan. D.S.-Japan Joint Economic Committee 
-Meets at Tokyo (Rogers, text of communi- 
que) 121 

Netherlands. Estate Tax Convention Signed 
With the Netherlands 138 

New Zealand. Franzheim confirmed as Ambas- 
sador 140 

Passports. Restrictions Eased on U.S. Travel to 
Communist China 126 

Publications 

Recent Releases 140 

Volume IX in Foreign Relations Series for 1945 
Released 140 

Science. U.S. and France To Confer on Scientific 
Cooperation 134 

Trade 

Mr. Gilbert Named Representative for Trade 

Negotiations 134 

U.S.-Japan Joint Ecouomic Committee Meets at 

Tokyo (Rogers, text of communique) . . . 121 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 139 

Estate Tax ConvenHon Signed With the Nether- 
lands 138 



The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 

(Stevenson) 127 

United Nations 

United Nations Documents 138 

Provisional Agenda, Twenty-fourth Session of 
U.N. General Assembly 135 

Viet-Nam. 28th Plenary Session on Viet-Nam 
Held at Paris (Lodge) 124 

'Name Index 

Franzheim, Kenneth, II 140 

Gilbert, Carl J 134 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 124 

Rogers, Secretary 121 

Stevenson, John R 127 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: July 28-August 3 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of Press Relations, Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C. 20520. 

Releases issued prior to July 28 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 196 and 
198 of July 15 and 211 (corrected) of July 29. 

No. Date Suljjctt 

*217 7/28 Xlitalo sworn in as Ambassador to 

Paraguay (biographic details). 
218 7/29 Rogers: Joint U.S.-Japan Commit- 
tee on Trade and Economic 
Affairs. 

'219 7/29 U.S. delegation to fisheries confer- 
ence, Buenos Aires, July 30. 

*220 7/30 Greenwald sworn in as U.S. Repre- 
sentative to OECD (biographic 
details). 

t221 7/31 Rogers: U.S.-Japan space coopera- 
tion agreement. 

t222 7/30 Johnson : Ocean Space Subcommit- 
tee of Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee. 

223 7/31 Lodge: 28th plenary session on 

Viet-Nam at Paris. 
223A7/31 Lodge: additional remarks. 

224 7/31 U.S. Embassy in Equatorial Guinea 

opened. 

225 7/31 Communique of Joint U.S.-Japan 

Committee on Trade and Eco- 
nomic Affairs. 

*226 8/1 Byroade sworn in as Ambassador 
to the Philippines (biographic 
details) . 

*227 8/1 Program for visit of Chancellor 
Kiesinger of the Federal Republic 
of Germany, August 5-9. 

t228 8/1 Candidates nominated for election 
to International Court of Justice 
(rewrite). 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



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WASHINGTON, D.C. 20402 



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THE OFFICIAL WEEKLY RECOKD OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY 



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BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1574 




August 25, 1969 



PRESIDENT NIXON'S ROUND-THE-WORLD TRIP 
JULY 26-AUGUST 3 

Selected Documentation 



Supen; 



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int^ndent of Documents 



sr? 1 1969 

DEPOSITORY 



For contents see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1574 
August 25, 1969 



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The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Media Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public and 
interested agencies of the Government 
with information on developments in 
the field of foreign relations and on 
the work of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected 
press releases on foreign policy, issued 
by the White House and the Depart- 
ment, and statements and addresses 
nuide by the President and by the 
Secretary of State and other officers 
of the Department, as u^ll as special 
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President Nixon's Round-the-World Trip 



On July 24, from the deck of the U.S.S. Hornet, President Nixon 
observed the splashdown and recovery of the Apollo 11 spacecraft and 
afterward flew to Guam for an overnight stop. On July 26 the Presi- 
dent hegan a series of official visits to m,eet with chiefs of state and 
heads of government in the Philippines {July 26-27), Indonesia 
{July 27-28), Thailand {July 28-30), India {July 31-August 1), 
and Pakistan {August 1-2) . On July 30 the President made a previ- 
ously unannounced visit to the Republic of Viet-Nam, ^ohere he met 
with President Nguyen Van Thieu at Saigon. Later that day he 
visited the headquarters of the First Infantry Division at Di An. On 
August 2 and 3 President Nixon made an official visit to Romania at 
the invitation of President Nicolae Ceausescu. En route to Washington 
on August 3, the President stopped at Mildenhall Air Force Base in 
England for a brief meeting with Prime Minister Harold Wilson. 

Following are texts of remarks and statements made on various 
occasions throughout the President's trip. 



MANILA, THE PHILIPPINES 

Exchange of Greetings, Manila 
International Airport, July 26 

White House press release (Manila, the Philippines) dated 
July 26 

President Marcos 

In the name of the Filipino people I bid you 
and Mrs. Nixon welcome to the Philippines, to 
this country which has welcomed you before 
with open arms and to whom you are no 
stranger. 

Gratefully we remember one of your previous 
visits. As Vice President of the United States 
you came to solemnly affirm your Government's 
recognition of Philippine ownership and sov- 
ereignty over the American bases on our soil. 

Today you honor us again by coming to these 
shores as the President of the United States. 
And you come at a time when the imagination 
of the whole world has been fired by America's 
historic achievement in space exploration. 

It is for us significant that the Philippines 
should be your first stop in your journey through 
Asia after witnessing two of three American 



astronauts on the moon and their return, a feat 
unparalleled in implications, in radicalism, and 
in the prospects of hope it promises man in the 
entire history of human achievement. 

Your visit, too, makes us feel ourselves to be 
part of this meaningful triimiph, vicariously a 
partner in the conquest of a new frontier ; just 
as over 60 years ago the Philippines became the 
first major involvement of the United States in 
Asian affairs. 

At that time we could not join in any celebra- 
tion, but changing circumstances enable us 
today to stand straight and strong, thanks also 
to the great coimtry, the United States of 
America, to join them in applauding this feat 
not of arms but of mind and fortitude. Even as 
we do this, we are mindful that yours is a 
triumph also of Asians, as well as of all man- 
kind. For today every human being, every na- 
tion, all humanity, partake of the labor, of the 
hope, and of the responsibility that goes into the 
invention or discovery of whatever is new. 

In recalling the beginning of the association 
between our two peoples on this, the occasion of 
America's victory in outer space, we are also 
reminded that many things remain to be 



August 25, 1969 



141 



achieved in the mutual relations between our 
two countries. But I am confident that in any 
future history, it shall not be said that America 
was a success in all its undertakings except in 
the si:)here of human and social relations. I 
trust it shall not be said that America success- 
fully breached the frontiers of space and tech- 
nology but failed in matters close to the heart 
and mind, the relations of man with other men. 

I am certain this will not be so, because in- 
creasingly today teclmology and science are 
bound up with the things that concern the wel- 
fare and the happiness of human beings, as the 
negative example of war has shown us. It is my 
hope — one that is shared by all of my country- 
men, regardless of partisan belief — that the 
powerful thrust of technology and science shall 
be applied, not only by the United States but 
by all countries, on unresolved problems of hu- 
man misery and imhappiness everywhere. Let 
this present triumph be the springboard for a 
more vigorous attack on these problems in this 
region. 

Your visit to the Philippines gives us the 
distinct honor of being able to be the first to 
personally congratulate you on this historic 
achievement, which we very much appreciate. It 
also affords us the opportunity, during your 
brief stay with us, to resume our discussions on 
outstanding issues affecting our two countries' 
relations in Southeast Asia and to advance our 
countries' interests, but not at the expense of 
the others. 

It is hoped that out of these discussions a new 
consensus can be achieved between us whose 
basis will be a dignified and self-respecting 
mutual regard for each other. For this I voice 
the hope of millions of my countrymen for the 
coming of a new era of peace and prosperity 
not only in the Pliilippines but for all of Asia, 
which they believe these great events which you 
lead portend. 

Let your coming, therefore, signal the start 
of a new series of constructive breakthroughs in 
the relations between us and among the coun- 
tries of the Pacific and Asia, and let your 
courageous astronauts symbolize our quest for 
peace and partnership for global welfare and 
prosperity among all peoples, a goal worthy of 
our utmost dedication. On the ethics of gen- 
erosity and of responsibility, America's record 
is clear that it had been exemplary both in its 
commitment and its fulfillment. 



In the list of Presidents who have flashed 
through the brilliant pages of America's history, 
you are to us in Asia the most knowledgeable 
about the problems and the aspirations of the 
countries and of the peoples of Asia. To Asia 
you are no stranger ; to the Philippines you are 
more than a friend, for you first came as a 
guarantor of the sovereign rights of the Filipino 
people. By a fortunate coincidence this triumph 
of American science and spirit comes at a time, 
during your administration, when the United 
States is anxious to reexamine her national pur- 
poses in relation to the rest of the world. 

Thus, as you commence tliis visit, its mani- 
fold meanings will not be lost to Asia and to 
all who long for peace and prosperity. For you 
come, we trust, not only to reinforce the tradi- 
tional guarantees that bind your world to ours ; 
you come also to proffer new gifts that science 
can brijig to all mankind ; and you come, we are 
certain, to forge in the smithies of the world, 
because of your courage, your vision, your states- 
manship, a brilliant new role for America; and 
history will remember you as its wise and far- 
seeing architect. 

In this spirit, I bid you once again welcome to 
the Pliilippines and to Asia. 

President Nixon 

. . . the first Asian capital that I am visiting 
on this trip which takes me around the world 
is very appropriately Manila and the coimtry is 
the Philippines. The reasons for that have al- 
ready been mentioned by President Marcos. 

I would like to add to what he has said in just 
a few words. 

As we think of that great venture into space, 
as we think of the first man setting foot on the 
moon, we realize the meaning that that has, 
clearly apart from the teclmical achievement 
that if man can reach the moon, we can bring 
peace to the earth. And that should be the great 
lesson of that great space journey for all of us. 

This mission, which begins here, is in the quest 
of peace, peace in the Pacific, peace in Asia, 
peace in the world. 

I come here because the Philippines, the 
leaders of this country, have played and will 
play a great role in bringing that peace. And it 
seems to me that we must think of the Pacific 
and of Asia in terms of the past, of the present, 
and the future. 



142 



Department of State Bulletin 



We went through "World War II together. 
We have gone through Korea together. We now 
have a war in Viet-Nam. And when we look at 
the possibilities of potential war, down to the 
end of this century, perhaps we would have to 
say that the greatest danger exists in Asia and 
ill the Pacific. 

But that also presents the greatest challenge. 
And the challenge I think can be met — it must 
be met. 

And I want to speak very candidly to my 
friends in the Philippines, because I know you 
like straight talk. I know that in your political 
campaigns you have a lot of straight talk, just 
as we have in the United States. 

But if peace is to come from Asia — and I 
emphasize this point — the United States will 
play its part and provide its fair share. But 
peace in Asia cannot come from the United 
States. It must come from Asia. The people of 
Asia, the governments of Asia — they are the 
ones who must lead the way to peace in Asia. 

That is why I compliment the leaders of the 
Philippines in playing a role in Asian coopera- 
tion economically, politically, and otherwise to 
bring about the peace that we all seek. 

And then in another vein, we realize, as we 
look at that great venture in sjjace, the larger 
meaning that it has for all of us in terms of 
seeking peace. 

A great French philosopher once said that 
true friendship comes not when we look at each 
other but when we look outward together in the 
same direction. And for just a few moments, 
the whole world looks outward together in the 
same direction — toward the moon. And as we 
did that, we were brought closer together. 

Your own great President Quezon put it very 
eloquently when he said that nationalism can be 
a very constructive force in the world but that 
nationalism is most constructive when we re- 
member that we are all part of the great human 
family; that being part of that great human 
family, the greatest role that any nation can 
play is the role of serving the interests of all 
mankind and of, therefore, serving the interests 
of peace. 



As I conclude, I want to speak very directly, 
too, about the relations between our two coun- 
tries, relations that I have a very strong feeling 
about, as I am sure that everybody here, be he 



Filipino or American, has a strong feeling 
about. Let me be quite candid. 

It is true that our relations with the Philip- 
pines go back further than that of any Asian 
nation. It is true that the people of the United 
States feel closer to the people of the Philip- 
pines than we do to the people of any Asian 
nation. This is because of those thmgs that we 
have shared together. 

It is also true that our relations have been 
strained, strained recently for a variety of rea- 
sons. We are still very good friends, but even 
among fi-iends it is possible to have strained 
relations. 

And I want everybody here to know that as 
I come to the Philippines in this brief stay, I 
hope that we can initiate a new era in Philip- 
pine-American relations, not returning to the 
old special relationships — because the winds of 
change have swept away those factors — but 
building a new relationship, a new relationship 
which will be based on mutual trust, on mutual 
respect, on mutual confidence, on mutual 
cooperation. 

That is what we want, and that is what I tliink 
the people of the Pliilippines and of the United 
States will support. 

So, Mr. President, in that spirit and in the 
spirit of your %^ery eloquent remarks, again I 
thank you for this wonderful welcome. 

In that spirit, also, I say from the bottom of 
my heart to all of our friends in the Pliilippines : 
Mubuhay. 

Statement by President Nixon 
on the Asian Development Bank 

White House press release (Manila, Uie Philippines) dated 
July 27 

On this first trip which I have made to Asia 
as President of the United States, I will be able 
to visit only five nations. I am particularly hap- 
py, therefore, to have this opportimity to ad- 
dress a statement to the Asian Development 
Bank. For in that way I can, on behalf of my 
countrymen, express my appreciation to all 20 
of the Asian nations wliich belong to the Bank. 

The United States firmly supports the cause 
of economic development in Asia. And we there- 
fore support the work of the Asian Development 
Bank, for we believe that this Bank will play a 
critical role in that development. That is why 
I requested in May that our Congress appropri- 



August 25, 1969 



143 



ate $20 million for the ordinary capital of the 
Asian Development Bank and $25 million to its 
Special Fund during the next fiscal year. 

The Asian Development Bank was bom be- 
cause its founders recognized the importance of 
international cooperation — both within Asia 
and between this continent and the rest of the 
world — in achieving economic progress. 

This Bank, with its 33 member nations, exem- 
plifies such cooperation. ^\nien our Secretary of 
the Treasury attended the Bank's Board of 
Governors meeting in Sycbiey this past April, he 
underscored tliis point. The Asian Development 
Bank can "point the way to even greater co- 
operation among nations . . ." he said, and he 
described it, therefore, as a "unique and inspir- 
ing step in the history of man." I wholeheart- 
edly endorse liis statement. 

In addition, the Asian Development Bank is a 
prime example of what President Marcos has 
called "Asian solutions to Asian problems." It is, 
above all else, an Asian institution, with its 
headquarters in a key Asian commercial and eco- 
nomic center, and with a requirement tliat the 
Bank's President, seven of its 10 directors, and 
60 percent of its capital must come from Asia. 
This is as it should be. Only a great sense of 
commitment and cooperation among the Asian 
peoples themselves can make this institution 
successful and bring the development that all of 
us seek. The United States and other non-Asian 
nations can play a certain role within that 
framework, but the leadership must always 
come from Asia. 

The future of the Bank is Asia's potential; 
and Asia is on the move. A number of Asian 
countries have experienced economic growth 
rates in excess of 10 percent annually over the 
last 5 years. Taiwan's trade has quadrupled since 
1958, and its GNP has doubled. Korea, whose 
exports were only $16 million in 1958, exported 
20 times that much— $320 million— in 1967. Like 
Taiwan, its increased exports were from new in- 
dustries; the traditional agricultural exports 
have given way to a wide variety of industrial 
products, most of which are exported to de- 
veloped countries. The Philippines has devel- 
oped new high-yield strains of rice which are 
now being planted in India, Indonesia, and 
Laos. Singapore, like Hong Kong, is changing 
from a center of transit trade to a center of 
industry. 

This astonisliing growth in the past few years 



of trade, industry, agricultural production, and 
the exchange of ideas is only a beginning. I ap- 
plaud the Bank's accomplishments and extend 
my best wishes as it serves as a catalyst to this 
exciting new Asian dynamism. I also take this 
opportimity to extend my personal regards to 
the Bank's President, Mr. Watanabe. 

Exchange of Remarks, Manila 
International Airport, July 27 

White House press release (Manila, the Philippines) dated 
July 27 

President Marcos 

The time has come for us, the Filipino people, 
to say goodby to our friend from the great 
American nation, their leader and President, 
President Richard Nixon. It is with a heavy 
heart that we do say goodby. 

But we have, I hope, been able to present to 
them a country that since the beginning of the 
century has welcomed them with open arms. 

I believe you go to your other destinations, 
Mr. President, with the same thought that we 
have ; that is, that there are no friends like old 
friends. 

"We are indeed honored and pleased that you 
came to visit with us. More than the importance 
of the subject or the specific issues that may 
have been taken up in the conversations between 
the two heads of state is the fact tliat tliere have 
been consultations and that the leader of the 
greatest power on earth at the height of its 
greatest triumph, the success of space explora- 
tion, should see fit to come and consult with the 
nations of Asia, not only about policy but about 
the future of Asia. 

We must, indeed, say that the candor, frank- 
ness, and the openness being shown in these con- 
ferences and consultations have led us to clear 
all the doubts that we had about the policies of 
the United States of America ; for before you 
came, Mr. President, I was not alone in feeling 
dread and doubt about the emerging policies of 
the United States in Asia. You have met us with 
frankness, and from these conversations I can 
now announce to our people that, while before 
we dreaded the possibility that the United 
States was going to abandon Asia completely 
and on the other extreme that there might be 
again reestablished the policy of colonial domi- 
nance over the Asian countries, the President of 



144 



Department of State Bulletin 



the United States has made it clear, first, that 
he encourages nationalism in each and every 
Asian country, including that of the Philip- 
pines. 

"VVe are happy to note that in accordance with 
the libertarian traditions of the United States 
of America he recognizes the need for the treat- 
ment of his Asian allies and friends with dig- 
nity. It is indeed gratifj'ing to note, too, that 
while treating Asia with the policy of encour- 
agement of nationalism, independence, and free- 
dom, he does not intend to abandon Asia ; that 
while we are moving toward what we have 
always hoped for, through political and eco- 
nomic independence, he supports the idea of 
Asian countries being able to defend themselves 
alone if necessary and helping them and sup- 
porting them with whatever aid he can extend 
to them in these particular tasks. 

"We are happy, Mr. President, that you have 
come to us to consult with us on matters that 
involve Asia. I have said before that the Philip- 
pines feels that the greatest danger to it is not 
external aggression but internal subversion. 

Our history indicates that we are capable of 
meeting internal subversion with our own troops 
and that we do not intend to call upon any for- 
eign power to help us with foreign troops. We 
have demonstrated this in fighting the Huk- 
balahaps, and we intend to protect and defend 
our free institutions with our lives, alone if 
necessary. But we are happy that you guaran- 
tee to us that the treaties that we have entered 
into shall be complied with and that you are an 
ally, indeed, who understands our problems. 

So, Mr. President, may I repeat what the 
Asians say in saying goodby: "I die a small 
death, we die a small death, as you go and we 
say goodby, but it is our hope that we shall live 
continuously in the friendship and affection 
that we have for each other." 

We hope, Mr. President and Mrs. Nixon, that 
you have a happy voyage and happy landings 
and that your trips to other nations will be as 
productive as your trip to the Philippines. 

Thank you. 

President Nixon 

I begin by saying that the eloquent remarks 
that President Marcos has just uttered are ones 
that I subscribe to, because they in a very defini- 
tive way sum up the conversations that we have 



had during the period that we have been 
together. 

I would also say that if this trip, which will 
take me to several other Asian nations as well 
as to two European nations — if this trip were to 
have included only the Philippines, our coming 
here, the conversations that we have had, the 
welcome that we have received, would have 
made it all worth while. We are deeply grateful 
to those of you who have welcomed us so warm- 
ly and also to the President and to Mrs. Marcos 
for their very gracious hospitality. 

I believe that, as one who has been here in that 
period of time when so many changes have oc- 
curred in Asia, I can really evaluate what has 
happened and what will happen in the future. 

When I was first here in 1953, the countries 
of Asia were moving out of a period of colonial- 
ism. They had a new sense of independence — a 
new sense of independence but not the ability 
and, in some instances, not the means, the desire, 
to use that independence to create the self-reli- 
ance which true independence requires. 

Then after moving from the period of colo- 
nialism to independence there came an imeasy 
period of dependence upon others for their se- 
curity and also for their progress. 

Now we reach a new period — a period in 
which there will continue to be assistance and 
cooperation, particularly from the United 
States of America as a Pacific power, and the 
economic and other developments that are go- 
ing forward in this exciting part of the world, 
and in which there will continue to be, insofar 
as any intervention by major powers, a military 
presence as far as the United States is con- 
cerned so that these nations can have that inde- 
pendence which they have fought so hard to 
get — where our desire is like the desire of the 
l^eople of the Philippines and, I am sure, of the 
other peoples of the other great nations that we 
will visit : that each of them can now acquire a 
new sense of independence in the most complete 
sense that we can describe it. 

I mean the independence that comes with eco- 
nomic strength, with political stability, and also 
with the means insofar as any threat internally 
that may occur in those countries — the ability to 
handle those internal problems without outside 
assistance, except that kind of assistance which 
is limited to material support and which, of 
course, would therefore exclude the kind of sup- 



August 25, 1969 



145 



I 



port which would involve a commitment of 
manpower. 

This is a goal. It is a goal that we can now 
achieve. It is a goal that all the nations of Asia 
want to achieve, and it is one that we, the people 
of the United States and the Government of the 
United States, want to work with them to 
acliieve. Certainly there is no coimtry in Asia, 
than the country which I am now leaving, which 
more symbolizes the truth of what I have said 
tlian the Philippines. 

We have a special relationship with the Phil- 
ippines which will always be in our hearts. But 
we also recognize that the Pliilippines, which 
was once in a colonial status as far as the United 
States is concerned and then in a dependent 
status, is now feeling, as it should feel, that sense 
of constructive nationalism, as President 
Quezon has described it so many years ago, 
which is so, it seems to me : the wave of the fu- 
ture in Asia and also in all of the world in which 
nations have gone through these same phases. 

It is good that we came here first — good that 
we saw our oldest friends and our closest friends 
first ; got their advice as we did on these subjects 
that I have described and also on the compli- 
cated problems of Viet-Nam, bringing peace to 
Viet-Nam — how that peace then can be achieved 
in the balance of Asia, what U.S. policies should 
be in Asia after Viet-Nam — all of these, as well 
as the many bilateral subjects, were those that 
were covered in our conversations. 

... we will cari"y from this visit many mem- 
ories, the memories of our conversations and the 
constructive activities that will come from them. 
But above everything else, we will remember 
yesterday, that drive into the city, the hundreds 
of thousands of people that lined the streets — 
and particularly the faces of the children, the 
children of the Philippines, the children of 
Asia, the children of all mankind, smiling, 
happy, looking to the future. 

The President and I share one thing in com- 
mon. We are both lawyers. Today I would say 
that we could say, as Woodrow Wilson once 
said, that we have only as our clients the chil- 
dren of the world, the children of this country, 
of our country, and of all the others of the 
world, because what we do in these years ahead 
will determine the future of those wonderful 
children that we saw j-esterday. 



This is the sentiment that I take away in my 
heart today. We thank you for giving us that 
warm welcome and this great send off on the bal- 
ance of a trip that will take us on around the 
world. 



DJAKARTA, INDONESIA 

Exchange of Greetings, Kemayoran 
International Airport, July 27 

President Suharto ^ 

First of all, in the name of the Government of 
Indonesia, of the whole people of Indonesia, and 
on my own behalf, allow me to extend to you, 
Mr. President, and to the distinguished mem- 
bers of your party, a warm welcome. 

This moment and the recent past are ex- 
tremely memorable to the relation between the 
United States of America and Indonesia, to the 
Americans themselves, and to the future of 
mankind. 

Your Excellency has previously visited In- 
donesia, but today for the first time a President 
of the United States of America pays a visit 
to the Eepublic of Indonesia. 

A few days ago, three brave American astro- 
nauts, the first human beings, have set their feet 
on the moon ; they are now safe and soimd back 
in this world. Once again, on behalf of the 
people of Indonesia and in my personal behalf, 
I would like to congratulate the United States 
of America for their extraordinary acliieve- 
ment; and as a member of the community of 
nations, we take pride in your brilliant success. 
I am sure that, in essence, the objective of the 
United States of America and other advanced 
countries is part of the efforts in attaining 
greater happiness for men in a peacefid world. 

Likewise, I am convinced that your visit to 
this country and to several others is to pave the 
way toward the realization of men's welfare and 
to strengthen the foundations of that peaceful 
world. 

We know the United States of America not 
merely as the richest coimtry in the world, nor 
for their extraordinary technological poten- 



' Translation made available by the White House 
Press Office (Weekly Compilation of Presidential Docu- 
ments dated Aug. 4). 



146 



Department of State Bulletin 



tiality, but rather as a nation which strives for 
equality of all mankind. 

As a free nation, we are also very grateful to 
the United States of America, which left us a 
profound impression, because the United States 
of America is one among many other nations 
which comprehends our national aspirations at 
the time when the Republic of Indonesia 
proclaimed its independence almost a quarter 
of a century ago. 

At present, we are implementing our develop- 
ment program as a sequel of replenishing it. We 
highly appi-eciate that during the difficult early 
stages of our development, the United States of 
America, as a friendly country, has once again 
shown its understanding and provided Indo- 
nesia with the necessary assistance. 

Mr. President, I hope that during your pres- 
ent visit you may observe closely the determina- 
tion and the efforts of the people of Indonesia 
in building their future. 

I also expect that our forthcoming discussions 
wiU be extremely valuable in exchanging views 
relating various problems toward world peace 
and a more extensive people's welfare, precisely 
because today the nations in the world, par- 
ticularly in Asia, are still alarmed by war, by 
the threat of war which menaces world peace. 
All of us, without exception, should safeguard 
mankind. 

It is my ardent desire, and I am sure it will 
be also cherished by Your Excellency, that this 
momentous visit constitutes a new page to foster 
mutual understanding, strengthen friendly rela- 
tions, and to expand cooperation between both 
our countries. 

We wholeheartedly welcome Your Excel- 
lency, Mrs. Nixon, and members of your party, 
and we hope that you will enjoy your stay in our 
country among the people of Iiidonesia. 

I thank you. 

President Nixon 

White House press release (Djakarta, Indonesia) dated 
July 27 

As I stand here in Djakarta on this beauti- 
fully brilliant day, I realize that this is a very 
special occasion for me and for my wife and, 
in a sense, in the relations between our two 
countries. 

It was 16 years ago that I first visited Indo- 
nesia, and Indonesia's was the first Asian capital 
that I visited as Vice President of the United 



States. I remember the warm welcome we re- 
ceived all over the coimtry on that occasion, and 
we have always wanted to return. 

Then again in 1967 I had the privilege of re- 
turning as a private citizen, and at that time, 
Mr. President, it was my privilege to meet you 
and to talk to you and to others in your 
Government. 

Now, as I stand here today, I realize that for 
the first time in liistory, a President of the 
United States of America is visiting Indonesia. 
This is a privilege for me, to be the President 
at tliis time — at this time in the history of our 
country, of your country, and the history of 
civilization — because this is a momentous time, 
a time that we will always remember. 

We realize that just a few days ago tlie first 
men from earth set foot on the moon, and all of 
our ideas about the heavens and the limitations 
that we have on earth thereby were changed. 

We have a saying in our country : The sky is 
the limit. And up imtil the time that these two 
men set foot on the moon, that was the ultimate 
that anyone coidd say — the sky is the limit. 

And now no longer is the sky the limit. Be- 
cause of what happened — not simply because 
two Americans set foot on the moon but because 
two men who represented all mankind, all the 
people on earth, set foot on the moon — the sky 
is no longer the limit. And if we can soar beyond 
the sky, certainly we can find the way to bring 
peace and progress to those who live beneath 
the sky on this earth. 

That is the lesson for all of us of tliis great 
adventure in which we have shared. 

As I stand here in Indonesia today, I realize 
what a great part this country will play in that 
great adventure for the future, not only because 
it is a major comitry in Asia and in the Pacific, 
not only because it is one of the great and most 
populous democracies in all the world, but 
because this country has its future before it. 

It has a great past, a past full of tradition, 
tradition which I was able to see along with Mrs. 
Nixon when we traveled over the country. 

But as one that has moved from colonial status 
to independent status and now looks to the fu- 
ture, as a nation with great numbers of people, 
with imbounded natural resources, Indonesia is 
a nation that excites the imagmation of all the 
peojDles of the world. 

Mr. President, I want you to know, the mem- 
bers of your government and all the people of 



August 25, 1969 



147 



your country to know, that the people of the 
United States wish to share with you in this 
adventure in progress, share in this way: "We 
know you want to be independent, and we un- 
derstand that. We know that you wish to be self- 
reliant, and we understand that. We know, too, 
that there is much in the way of resources that 
needs to be developed, and to the extent that 
we and other nations on a multilateral basis or 
a bilateral basis can be of assistance, we want to 
play our fair part. 

So I look forward to the talks that we will 
have, talks that I trust will bring a better under- 
standing between our two countries, between In- 
donesia and the United States of America, talks 
that will promote the cause of peace in the 
Pacific — and that means in the world — and talks 
that, above all, will provide for the future of 
this great country and of all the countries in the 
world the progress, the peace, the independence, 
and the right to choose their own way that all 
people want. 

With these thoughts in mind, I thank you 
again, Mr. President, for your welcoming re- 
marks. It is very good to return for the fourth 
time to this great country. 

Thank you. 

Exchange of Toasts at a State Dinner 
at Negara Palace, July 27 

President Suharto ^ 

It is for me a great privilege that this eve- 
ning I have the opportunity of holding a ban- 
quet in honor of the President of the United 
States of America. But beyond this formal 
banquet, leaders of both our countries assembled 
here at tliis moment are delegates representing 
the friendship of our two coimtries. 

Mr. President, although this is not your first 
visit to Indonesia, as I stated earlier this after- 
noon, your present visit is very important to us 
and also to the relation of both our countries. 
In addition to being the first American Presi- 
dential visit to Indonesia, it also coincides with 
the early stages of the implementation of our 
5-year development plan. I hope that Your Ex- 
cellency will discern the differences, the altera- 



' Translation made available by the White House 
Press Office (Weekly Compilation of Presidential 
Documents dated Aug. 4). 



tions and the spirit of the Indonesian people 
today as compared to 2 years ago. 

The target of our development is very simple 
indeed. This is not owing to our lack of liigher 
aspirations, but because we have to admit our 
limited potentiality. This does not reflect a 
lamentation either, but rather a consciousness 
coupled with full responsibilities. This reality 
and potentiality are still far away from our 
ideals. The Indonesian people, through a 
planned and progressive development, are work- 
ing hard to change the present shortcomings, 
wliich hamper us in realizing our high aims. 

Food, clotliing, infrastructure, building mate- 
rials, the extension of labor facilities, and spir- 
itual welfare are the prime targets of our 5-year 
development plan. It aims at raising tlie people's 
standard of living and at the same time at estab- 
lishing solid bases for subsequent developments. 

We have labored and lived tightly for al- 
most 3 years, so that we are now able to create 
the bases of future developments on the rem- 
nants of a deplorable past. Lamentable, owing 
either to the negligence of economic problems, or 
to aberrations of political ideologies, reaching 
their climax with the G-30-S/PKI [the 30th of 
September Movement of the Indonesian Com- 
munist Party] putsch in 1965, which was quelled 
by the Indonesian people themselves. 

We believe that we will be successful in our 
great tasks to develop our coimtry, because we 
have already succeeded in our great struggles, 
which are full of sufferings in the past, that is, 
to maintain Indonesias independence based on 
a solid political ideology, the Pantjasila. 

Similar to the American nation about two 
centuries ago, this national independence repre- 
sents our very capital and our greatest honor. 
Based on this asset, we have to attain phj'sical 
and spiritual welfare for the 115 million inhab- 
itants of Indonesia, the number of which in- 
crease annually, and which stretches from Sa- 
bang to Merauke, possessing a democratic way 
of life, politically and economically, based on 
the Pantjasila. Our national ideals go beyond 
the boundaries of our territory. As a member of 
the community of nations, we are responsible in 
establishing a lasting peace in the world, in a 
friendly atmosphere, based on mutual respect 
and assistance, in order to create a veritable 
welfare of mankind. 

We do not neglect our responsibility toward 
world peace; however, in order to give effective 



I 



148 



Department of State Bulletin 



contribution to it, we have to be strong at home, 
Tre have to possess national endurance in all 
fields, in ideologj', politics, social-economy, in 
defense and security. We are nov? concentrating 
on the economic potentiality, which is indeed 
very pressing. We fulfill our other obligations, 
internal or external, in harmony with our po- 
tentiality in this economic field. 

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, our 
world today seems to be dotted with controver- 
sial realities, toward annihilation, on the one 
liand, and toward welfare on the other. On the 
one side a strong spirit of nationalism and inde- 
pendence is flourishing — on the other, wanton 
wishes of certain forces to impose their will on 
other nations. 

Aspirations toward peace are contending 
against a limited war, which is terrifying and 
threatening world peace. On the one side, a 
number of nations owing to their backwardness 
have to strive to build their countries, but due 
to their limited potentialities, they feel that they 
have made but a slow progress ; whereas on the 
other, capital, energy, and other elements 
in large quantities are utilized for armament 
race which obviously will lead to disaster. 

Mankind, the world over, is actually for peace 
and prosperity. However, it seems that there 
exists a widening gap between nations in this 
world. 

The sj'nchronization of efficiency, with ad- 
vanced technology, capital, and extraordinary 
courage, has enabled American astronauts to 
land on the moon. Man is now able to pass a tre- 
mendous distance in the outer space and to sur- 
mount delicate journeys. But, ironically, our 
hearts in this world are still far apart and some- 
times the distance stretches even further. The 
gap between advanced countries and the devel- 
oping ones is still great. On the one side there 
are nations living in abundance furnished with 
computers ; on the other, millions of people lead 
an existence full of fear, work with primitive 
implements — there are even those who still live 
in a stone age. 

Mr. President, I underline Mr. Armstrong's 
momentous enunciation, when he, as the first 
human being, put his feet on the moon, declar- 
ing : "These are small human steps which form 
a great leap to mankind." This leap has occurred 
in the outer space, a very expansive space full of 
mysteries, but it has not taken place in this 
world of ours, which seems to be contracting and 



is relatively simpler. The flags of aU nations, 
representing peace and unity of mankind, have 
been planted on the moon. It is the task of all 
nations in this world to realize peace and unity. 

I believe that your visit to our country and to 
other countries having different social and po- 
litical systems will promote world peace, close 
in the relations among nations, master their 
rupture arising from bias and prejudice, en- 
hance closer cooperation among nations in order 
to flatten this gap between advanced and devel- 
oping coimtries and create instead a more equi- 
table prosperity. 

Yesterday all men followed anxiously and 
prayed for the safety of three American astro- 
nauts. Today the world is witnessing very close- 
ly your steps during your journey and further 
measures which vdll be taken by the great 
American people. 

Mr. President, during our struggle for inde- 
pendence in 1945, we were set alight by the 
American spirit and independence. In the course 
of our patriotic war, slogans like "A govern- 
ment from the people, by the people and for the 
people," "For existence, for freedom and for 
happiness," were written everywhere, on walls, 
trains, vehicles in Djakarta up to the remotest 
villages; they are even rooted deep in our heart. 
I see similarities between the Declaration of the 
Independence of America and the Preamble of 
the 1945 Constitution of Indonesia. Both con- 
tain a promise and solemn determination of free 
and responsible nations, either to ourselves or 
to the world at large. 

The relations between our two countries have 
indeed passed through delicate periods ; it was 
even very tense several years ago. Thank God 
that we have passed those difficult moments. We 
have opened a new page in our friendly relation 
full of expectations. 

I earnestly hope that your present visit con- 
stitutes the zenith of a friendly manifestation, 
of a mutual understanding and assistance bene- 
ficial to both our countries or to the welfare of 
mankind. We will not stop at this pinnacle, 
because there is quite a lot to do and our aims 
are still distant. 

On this occasion, on behalf of the people of 
Indonesia, I would like to express our highest 
appreciation and our heartfelt thanks for the 
understanding and the effective assistance ren- 
dered to us by the Government and the people 
of America. Those aids are very significant and 



Augusf 25, 1969 



149 



of great use to our efforts in developing Indo- 
nesia's economy. 

Once again, I wholeheartedly welcome you 
and members of your party. Your visit is a 
great honor to us. 

In conclusion, allow me to invite you all to 
raise our glasses and propose a toast to the health 
and happiness of Mr. President and Mrs. Nixon 
and to the welfare and glory of the people of 
America. 

Thank you. 

President Nixon 

White House press release (Djakarta, Indonesia) dated 
July 27 

I first wish to express on behalf of those who 
are your guests from the United States our 
grateful appreciation for this beautiful dinner 
and also for the kind remarks that you have just 
made about our country and particularly about 
our astronauts, whose great feat, as I mentioned 
earlier today, we considered as one that was 
beyond the acliievement of a nation but which 
belonged to all mankind. 

Also on this occasion I realize that the posi- 
tion that I am in is a unique one — one that will 
not come again — because since I am the first 
American President ever to pay a state visit 
to Indonesia, the next American President who 
comes here will not be in the position I presently 
find myself in. 

Consequently, I would like to respond to your 
very gi-acious remarks by trying to relate our 
policy as I miderstand it to the hopes and 
desires of your great people. 

You have spoken very properly of the fact 
that we in many ways have similarities in back- 
grovmd, the fact that we both were once colonies 
and had revolutions. 

Ours is older than yours by almost 200 years, 
but we went through many of tlie same prob- 
lems that your nation has gone tlirough and is 
going through today. And because we are a na- 
tion that has an immense interest in all the de- 
velopments in the world, we have followed what 
has happened in Indonesia. We have followed 
it because this is one of the major countries of 
the world. "What happens here, the future of the 
115 million people of Indonesia, will have an 
enormous effect on the future of peace in the 
Pacific and, therefore, on peace in the world. 

We, therefore, are interested in Indonesia for 



that reason, but we are also interested in Indo- 
nesia for another one, because those of us who 
have had the privilege — a privilege that I have 
had — of visiting this country, of knowing your 
people, realize how rich this country is in its 
resources and, more important, how rich it is in 
its people. 

Today, again, we were reminded of that 
wealth as we visited the Djakarta Fair. We saw 
many, many people. But we saw represented 
there, too, all of the coimtry, the customs and 
the culture of the past, and the diversity of this 
country which gives it such wealth. 

But we saw also the plans for the future — the 
exciting 5-year plan which your Government 
has initiated. 

As I thought of those things, the past and the 
plans for the future, I realized that our country 
is privileged to play a part with you in helping 
to achieve those plans, those ideals, and those 
goals. I say "privileged," because sometimes we 
think of the assistance that we provide to other 
countries as being a burden. I do not consider 
it that way. As I see it, only wlien it is mutually 
helpful to us both is such assistance something 
that either of us would want. 

As I consider Indonesia and all that it means 
to peace in the Pacific and in the world, as I 
consider the possibilities for progress in this 
country in the years ahead — possibilities that 
probably are as exciting as for any nation in the 
world today — then I realize that the United 
States of America should welcome the role of 
being of some assistance in achieving that goal. 

Let me be also quite precise in another respect. 
You referred in your remarks to the fact that 
when our astronaut first set foot on the moon 
that he uttered the liistoric words that it was: 
"One small step for man and a giant leap for 
mankind." And so it was. But you also very 
appropriately referred to the fact that, here on 
earth, too often the steps for mankind are very, 
very small, if at all. 

That is why, as we consider your country, all 
the countries of Asia that I will visit, we will be 
thinking of how those steps can be larger, how 
they can become, finally, a giant leap for man- 
kind on earth at a time that we have made a 
giant leap for mankind in expanding his knowl- 
edge beyond the earth — toward the heavens. 

I would like to say in this connection that we 
have admired, Mr. President, your policies, ad- 



150 



Department of State Bulletin 



mired them because, as we study the history of 
nations, it can truly be said that while a revolu- 
tion is very difficult — difficult and costly in men, 
in treasure and in lives — many times the more 
difficult part of a nation's development is what 
comes after a revolution: that hard, daily 
drudgery of building again after the revolution 
has necessarily destroyed some of the institu- 
tions of the past. 

So we see you engaging in tliat task, you and 
your colleagues repi-esented in this room today. 
We saw evidence of it at the fair and your 5- 
year plan. 

I liave seen it quite precisely in an issue that 
we are trying to deal with in the United States. 
I noted that 3 years ago Indonesia had one 
of the highest rates of inflation in the whole 
world, and today it is one of the lowest. If you 
would tell us the secret, that would be very 
helpful for me to take back to the United States. 

But as we look at that achievement, as we 
look at the stability, the strength, the political 
stability, the economic stability, that you have 
provided to this country during the time that 
you have been present — you and your col- 
leagues — we have confidence that Indonesia now 
is ready to move forward — move forward with 
just small steps, but bigger and bigger steps, so 
that in the end it will mean a giant leap forward. 

We want to be with you. We want to assist 
you in any way that you think is appropriate, 
we along with other nations who have the capac- 
ity to do so. 

For that reason, it is a very great privilege 
for me to return to this country for the third 
time, to return in an official capacity as Presi- 
dent of my country, and to reaffirm the ties of 
friendship which sometimes, as you have in- 
dicated, have been strained but which, for- 
tunately, today are very, very strong. 

If tliere is one goal that the administration 
which I now head in Washington will have, it 
will be to see that the ties of friendship, coopera- 
tion, mutual trust and assistance between In- 
donesia and America will be stronger and 
stronger, because this is in our interest as well 
as in yours. It is in both of our interests, because 
what happens here, as I have indicated earlier, 
may well determine whether peace and inde- 
pendence survives in the Pacific and, therefore, 
in the world. 

I ask all of you to join me in raising your 



glasses to the President and Mrs. Suharto and to 
the great Indonesian people, to their prosperity, 
their progress, their independence, and the 
peace that we will all enjoy. 

Exchange of Remarks, Kemoyoran 
International Airport, July 28 

President Suharto ^ 

In a few moments you are leaving Indonesia. 
Although your visit is very brief, you have 
nonetheless left us with a profound impression. 

You have held discussions with leaders of In- 
donesia ; you have also had the opportunity to 
mingle among the people of the capital and 
talked with some of them. I am sure that you 
have a clearer picture on our ideals, on our views 
with regard to world problems in general, as 
well as on our current issues, on our working 
programs and our firm determination in build- 
ing a better future. 

The frank discussion held in an understand- 
ing atmosphere, the desire to enhance fi-iendly 
I'elations in a sincere and straightforward man- 
ner, are indeed very fruitful to us. 

I greatly value your comprehension with re- 
gard to our identity. On behalf of the people of 
Indonesia, I would like also to express our ap- 
preciation to the United States of America, 
which is constantly disposed to assist us in build- 
ing our fiiture, in harmony with our principles, 
aspirations, and our own ways. 

The mid-20th century is characterized by the 
emergence of nations having their own identi- 
ties. Every nation which has earlier gained in- 
dependence should understand and accept this 
reality. One cannot evade this obligation, be- 
cause it consititutes a guarantee to world peace. 

Mr. President, on this occasion, I would like 
to express my thanks for your kind invitation to 
visit the United States of America. God willing, 
I will gladly honor it on an appropriate time. 

You have added some pillars to the "bridge" 
of friendly relations between our two countries ; 
it is our conmion duty to foster and strengthen 
it further. We should launch on it a closer co- 
operation, beneficial to both our countries, which 
may contribute to the welfare of a new South- 



' Translation made available by the White House 
Press Office (Weekly Compilation of Presidential Docu- 
ments dated Aug. 4). 



August 25, 1969 



151 



east Asia, to world peace, and to the prosperity 
of mankind. 

I wish, with your intermediary, Mr. Presi- 
dent, to extend a warm greeting from the people 
of Indonesia to the great people of America. The 
whole people of Indonesia and I personally wish 
you and l\Irs. Nixon a great success in your jour- 
ney to other countries and a safe homecoming 
in the United States of America. 

Plave a nice trip, and till we meet again. 

May God the Almighty perpetually bless all 
mankind. 

President Nixon 

White House press release (Djakarta, Indonesia) dated 
July 28 

This is the third time that I have said good- 
hy at this airport to the people of this country. 
As I leave, I leave with the most pleasant 
memories of a wonderfully warm recejition 
evervjilace that we were. I only wish that we 
could have stayed longer. I look forward to 
the time that we can return. 

Also, as I leave, I leave with the conviction 
that the future of this country is in good hands 
and that the chances for a great breakthrough 
for progress, economically, are better than they 
have ever been before in the history of this 
country. 

I am confident that is the case because of my 
meetings with the leaders of tliis nation and also 
because of what I have seen insofar as the 5- 
year plan and the other policies that have been 
adopted by your government, Jfr. President. I 
can only say that the future of Indonesia is, of 
course, important to the 115 million people who 
live in Indonesia, but it is also vital to the fu- 
ture of the billions of people who live on this 
earth and particularly who live in the Pacific 
and the Asian area, because what happens here 
will have a dramatic effect on what happens 
everyplace else. 

So we in the United States are proud that we 
have the opportunity to not only visit your 
country but, to the extent that you desire, to 
work with you in building tliat new future, 
to work with you always with the idea that we 
will work together, but always also with the idea 
that you choose your own way and you develop 
your own policies ; that there will never be any 
domination ; that there will always be the free- 
dom, the merdeka that means so much to the 
hearts of all the people of tliis country. 



And, Mr. President, I can say that I am par- 
ticularly pleased that you may be able to come 
to the United States. We want you to come on a 
return visit at a time that will be convenient 
for you, and we only hope that we can give you 
and Mrs. Suharto and the members of your 
party as warm a welcome, as friendly a welcome, 
that all of us found everyplace that we were on 
this visit. I can say, in conclusion, that I have 
appreciated the great numbers of people that 
we have seen and the very friendly signs that 
we have seen from place to place, some in Eng- 
lish and some in your language. I have learned 
a little of your language while I have been here. 
One word I learned from you, and I heard it on 
several occasions. I repeat it as I leave. Hidup, 
President Suharto. Hidup, Indonesian and 
American friendship. 



BANGKOK, THAILAND 

Exchange of Greetings, 

Phan Fah Bridge Pavilion, July 28 

White House press release (Bangkok, Thailand) dated July 28 

Lord Mayor Chalit Kulhanthom 

Tlie citizens of Bangkok consider today as a 
wonderful occasion in the history of the city of 
Bangkok, for it is a great honor for us to wel- 
come you once again. 

Mr. President, you have honored us \vith five 
previous visits over the past 15 years : first as 
Vice President of the United States and more 
recently as a private citizen. You know of the 
great and rapid progress of our country during 
these years. Together with the material progress 
evident, we are fast developing our latent 
abilities in order that we may secure maximum 
benefit in the near future. These developments 
have been enhanced through various sources, 
and one is the strong cooperation wliich we have 
received from your country. We owe a great deal 
to the United States. We have changed for the 
better since your first visit, Mr. President. 

That great respect and admiration with 
which we greeted you previously also has de- 
veloped into something greater, at once a pro- 
found friendship and an unshakable trust. We 
look to you as the leader of the peaceseelung na- 
tions. We are deeply honored by your presence 
in our city. 



152 



Department of State Bulletin 



To indicate the warmth of our welcome, may 
I present to you, sir, the key to our city. Never 
was a key more symbolic than this, for the gates 
of our city already are open wide to you, Mr. 
President. 

President Nixon 

Your Majesties, Mr. Lord Mayor, Your Ex- 
cellencies, and all of the citizens of Bangkok 
and those from the United States who are gath- 
ered here today : I want to express my deepest 
appreciation for receiving the key to this city — a 
city that I have known and, lilve anyone who 
knows this city, I have come to love. 

As I think back on the many occasions that I 
have been here, I realize why this city means so 
much to so many people, not only in Thailand 
but throughout the world. 

Some of you who are listening to me today 
may recall that not long ago an article appeared 
in an American magazine in which I was asked 
to describe among all the great cities of the 
world I had visited the one that I would recom- 
mend first and above all to any tourist, and I 
chose the city of Bangkok. 

I did so for a niunber of reasons: first, be- 
cause it is truly a beautiful city; and second, 
because here, as much as any city in the world, 
we have combined the old with the new, a great 
sense of history with all of the monuments that 
remind us of a magnificent past, and yet all of 
the progress of a modern city. 

But there was a deeper reason that I chose 
this city, as I called it, "the perfect city," if I 
were to pick one of all the cities of the world 
that I would like to visit again : It is because of 
the people of this city and the people of this 
nation. They are a people who command respect 
from all those who know them. They are a 
people who have a proud tradition of freedom. 
This is truly the land of the free. And they are 
also a people who have a capacity for hospitality 
that is unequaled anywhere in the world. 

I speak deeply from my heart when I say 
that this key will be a treasured possession — a 
treasured possession as President of the United 
States but, more than that, as a citizen of the 
United States and as a citizen of the world who 
knows most of the great cities and who comes 
back to this city with a deep feeling of affection. 

I would like to add one other thought. As we 
drove in through the streets from the airport 



and saw the thousands of people gathered there, 
including many of the schoolchildren, we were 
reminded again of the association between the 
American people and the Thai people, associa- 
tion in war and association in peace. 

We wei'e reminded, too, of that when we came 
by the SEATO Treaty Building and realized 
that the SEATO organization has its offices 
here. That leads me to say that everyone knows 
that Thailand and the United States are signa- 
tories of that treaty. We are bound together by 
that treaty. 

A treaty can have many meanings. It can be 
]"ust a scrap of paper with no meaning at all. 
But as far as Thailand and the United States 
are concerned, a treaty means far more, because 
we share common ideals ; because what we want 
for Asia and the world is the right of freedom 
which Thailand enjoys for all peoples here; 
because we have been willing to fight for that 
as we are fighting for it together in Viet-Nam ; 
because of these deep spiritual and ideological 
ties that bind us. 

The treaty that we have with Thailand means 
that it is not just another treaty, not just an- 
other piece of paper, but that it is one that has a 
significance far beyond that — a significance 
which I have indicated time and agam in public 
statements and I indicate today in my first 
public statement as I visit Bangkok and this 
coimtry. 

We will honor our obligations under that 
treaty. We will honor them not simply because 
we have to because of the words that we have 
signed but because we believe in those words, 
and particularly believe in them in the associa- 
tion that we have with a proud and a strong 
people — the people of Thailand. 

We have been together in the past. We are 
together at the present. And the United States 
will stand proudly with Thailand against those 
who might threaten it from abroad or from 
within. 

So, again, Mr. Lord Mayor, I thank you for 
presenting the key to the city. I can only say 
that I hope that on many occasions in the fiiture, 
both in a public capacity and a private capacity, 
I will have the opportunity to use this key and 
to return again to Bangkok, the great city for 
all the tourists and for others in the world. 

Thank you. 



August 25, 1969 



153 



Statement by President Nixon * 

In returning once again to Thailand, I am 
deeply conscious of the fact that Thailand has a 
special interest in the strength of America's 
determination to honor its commitments in Asia 
and the Pacific. We will honor those commit- 
ments — not only because we consider them 
solemn obligations but, equally importantly, be- 
cause we fully recognize that we and the nations 
of Southeast Asia share a vital stake in the fu- 
ture peace and prosperity of this region. 

Both geography and common interest link 
the United States with the nations of South- 
east Asia. We recognize the Pacific Ocean not as 
a barrier but as a bridge. We recognize also that 
whether peace can be maintained in Asia and the 
Pacific will determine whether peace can be 
maintained in the world, and we recognize here 
in Asia the beginnings of patterns of dynamic 
development that can be of enormous 
significance. 

Our determination to honor our commitments 
is fully consistent with our conviction that the 
nations of Asia can and must increasingly 
shoulder the responsibility for achieving peace 
and progress in the area. The challenge to our 
wisdom is to support the Asian coimtries' efforts 
to defend and develop themselves, without at- 
tempting to take from them the responsibilities 
which should be theirs. For if domination 
by the aggressor can destroy the freedom of a 
nation, too much dependence on a protector can 
eventually erode its dignity. 

What we seek for Asia is a community of free 
nations able to go their own way and seek their 
own destiny with whatever cooperation we can 
provide — a commimity of independent Asian 
coimtries, each maintaining its own traditions 
and yet each developing through mutual co- 
operation. In such an arrangement, we stand 
ready to play a responsible role in accordance 
with our commitments and basic interests. 

Seven centuries ago the great Thai King 
Eama Kamheng, father of the Thai alphabet, 
had his belief inscribed in the new written lan- 
guage : "In the water there are fish ; in the fields 
there is rice. . . . Wlioever wants to trade in 
elephants so trades. Whoever wants to trade in 

♦ Issued at Bangkok on JtUy 28 (White House press 
release (Bangkok, Thailand) ). The President's arrival 
remarks at the Phan Fah Bridge Pavilion were de- 
livered extemporaneously; this is an additional 
statement. 



horses so trades; whoever wants to trade in 
silver and gold so trades." 

These words expressed the philosophy that a 
nation, like a man, should be free to seek its own 
destiny. In Korea, and again in Viet-Nam, 
Thailand has been in the forefront of those na- 
tions actively engaged in protecting this prin- 
ciple. The Thai contribution to the struggle to 
preserve the independence of South Viet-Nam 
has been of great significance, as befits a na- 
tion that places so high a value on its own long 
history of independence. As a nation wliich has 
shared so generously in the burdens of war, 
Thailand has a special interest in the strategy 
for achieving a durable peace ; that is, one which 
guarantees to the people of South Viet-Nam the 
right to determine their own future without 
outside coercion. In developing tlais policy, the 
Government of Thailand has been fully con- 
sulted and will continue to be so in the future. 

I believe that the greatest problem before us 
is not the war in Viet-Nam, but the bringing 
about of a dynamic set of international relation- 
ships which guarantee peace and progress. This 
camiot be done by the United States alone; it 
must be a cooperative effort. We must con- 
tribute to relationsliips by which the peoples 
of the area can master their challenges and 
shape their future. 

Thailand is one of the foremost examples of 
the promise that the future holds in Asia— in 
terms of its economic development, its commit- 
ment to advancing the welfare of its people, and 
its larger view of new patterns of regional co- 
operation that can benefit all the nations and 
peoples of Asia. We are proud to consider Thai- 
land our friend. 

In this spirit, I see the vision of King Rama 
coming time not only for Thailand, but for all of 
Asia. ! 

Remarks by President Nixon at a Reception, 
Sanfi Matri Hall, Government House, July 29 

White House press release (Bangkok, Thailand) dated July 29 

I thmk it is well for all of us here who are 
Americans — and there are a number of Ameri- 
cans—to be reminded of the fact that Thailand 
is a country that not only stands on its own two 
feet, handling its own problems, dealing with 
subversive forces in this country which are par- 
ticularly difficult to deal with m the North and 



154 



Department of State Bulletin 



Northeast, but in addition to that, Thailand 
lias furnished armed forces to fight beside those 
of South Viet-Nam and the United States and 
other Asian countries in Viet-Nam. 

This can only mean one thing : that it would 
be easy for this Government and the people of 
Thailand to say simply that their problems are 
enough and that if they can defend their own 
freedom without asking for outside manpower, 
a point which the Prune Minister has made in 
the talks that we have had today, they should 
not be asked to undertake in addition the bur- 
den of sending troops to Viet-Nam. 

But the fact that the people of Thailand value 
freedom so much for themselves that they are 
willing also to fight for it for others is an in- 
dication of why this country has a special mean- 
ing to us who visit you from the United States, 
or Americans who may live here. 

This is truly the land of the free ; and it is this 
same sense of self-reliance, of freedom, of will- 
ingness to fight for freedom both at home and 
abroad, that we wish to develop all over the 
world as something we are very proud to be 
associated with, with our friends from Thailand. 



SAIGON, REPUBLIC OF VIET-NAM 

Statement by President Nixon ° 

I am happy that the moon landing, which in 
its universality signifies a symbolic drawing to- 
gether of all mankind, has provided an occasion 
for me to meet with President Thieu in the capi- 
tal of his country. 

We have reviewed the developments which 
have taken place since Midway : 

— ^the steady progress in pacification, involv- 
ing the people in greater political participation 
and in decisions about their future ; 

— the elections of village and hamlet officials, 
and in training for more effective local 
administration ; 

— the improving performance of the Viet- 
namese armed forces, and in their equipment 
and training, and their determination to take 



over an increasing share of the burden of the 
conflict ; 

— the plans for a revolutionary land reform 
program ; 

— and, most importantly, the moves we to- 
gether have made toward peace. 

Our purpose is peace. 

We have repeatedly come forward with pro- 
posals which could lead to the beginning of the 
end of this tragic conflict. 

On March 25 President Thieu offered to talk 
with the NLF [National Liberation Front] 
without preconditions. 

In the six points of Ms speech of April 6 he 
proposed a basis on which those opposed to the 
government would be welcomed as full mem- 
bers of the national commimity. 

On May 14 I proposed eight points which 
could lead to the withdrawal of all non-South 
Vietnamese forces, a cease-fire, and elections 
under international supervision." 

On July 11 President Thieu midertook an- 
other major step in lus six-point proposal, 
through which all the people of South Viet-Nam 
could exercise their right of self-determination 
through internationally supervised elections in 
which they can genuinely express their choice, 
free from fear and coercion. An electoral com- 
mission in which all political parties would be 
represented would assure equal opportunities to 
all candidates. 

The GVN has offered to abide by the results 
of the elections, whatever they may be. 

On July 20 President Thieu made the offer to 
North Viet-Nam for direct discussions toward 
reunification through free and internationally 
supervised elections. 

President Thieu, after his return from Mid- 
way, said "everything is negotiable." 

We have gone as far as we can or should go 
in opening the door to negotiations which will 
bring peace. It is now time for the other side 
to sit down with us and talk seriously about 
ways to stop the killing, to put an end to tliis 
tragic war which has brought so great destruc- 
tion to friend and foe alike. We have put for- 
ward constructive proposals to bring an end 
to the conflict. We are ready to talk with the 
other side about their proposals. Let us with 



' Issued July 30 (White House press release (Saigon, 
Republic of Viet-Nam) ). 



" Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



August 25, 1969 



155 



determination and good will seek to put an 
end to the destruction and suffering which the 
people of Viet-Nam, North and South, have 



borne so long 



Statements Following a Meeting 
at Independence Palace, July 30 

President Nixon 

White House press release (Saigon, Republic of Vlet-Nam) 
dated July 30 



As I evaluate the situation today, I wish 
first to point out that what happens in Viet- 
Nam, the kind of peace that we are able to 
achieve in Viet-Nam, will have an enormous 
impact on the future of peace and freedom 
in all of Asia. I say this based on what I have 
been told by the leaders of the countries I 
have already visited on my Asian trip. 

So the stakes here, important as they are 
for the people of North and South Viet-Nam, 
are important also to all the people of the 
Asian area and, of course, the people of the 
world. That is why the sacrifices that your peo- 
ple, our people, and other Allied forces have 
been making in Viet-Nam are so important — so 
important beyond simply the vitally important 
object of seeing that the people of South Viet- 
Nam have the right to choose their own future. 

I also wish to point out that when I first 
came here in 1953, I had the opportunity not 
only of visiting Saigon but also Hanoi. Since 
then the country has been divided. But as I think 
back over those 16 years and as I think of your 
statement pointing out that for 20 years you 
have been engaged in what is all of the diffi- 
culty of war in this now divided country, I 
realize how much suffering the people of South 
Viet-Nam have gone through — and also the 
people of North Viet-Nam. The time has come 
to stop that suffering. 

Mrs. Nixon today, accompanied by Mrs. 
Tliieu, has visited an orphanage. The children 
in that orphanage are there because tlieir par- 
ents, both mother and father, were killed in 
this war. 

These tragedies, whether they are in Nortli 
or South Viet-Nam, have been going on long 
enough and it is time to bring an end to the 
war, but to bring an end to the war in a way 
that will not encourage another war; bring an 



end to the war in a way which will provide the 
right to choose the kind of government they 
want for the people of South Viet-Nam and, 
in providing that right, make it more possible 
for the other nations in Southeast Asia to retain 
that same right for themselves. 

I say to you, too, Mr. President, that as I look 
over the period that has elapsed since the time I 
became President of the United States, I believe 
the record is clear as to which side has gone the 
extra mile in behalf of peace. "We have stopped 
the bombing of North Viet-Nam. "We have with- 
drawn 25,000 American troops. They have been 
replaced by South Vietnamese. "We have made, 
and you have made, a peace offer which is as 
generous as any ever made in the liistory of 
warfare. It is a peace of reconciliation that is 
offered, a peace in which the people will decide, 
a peace that is just for both sides, a peace which 
is fair to both sides, a peace which offers an equal 
chance to both sides. 

"We have gone as far as we can or should go in 
opening the door to peace, and now it is time for 
the other side to respond. Otherwise, the other 
side must assume the responsibility for the con- 
tinuing suffering among a people who have al- 
ready suffered much too long both in South and 
North Viet-Nam. 

And finally, Mr. President, I can say that as 
I leave Saigon on this very short visit, I go 
away with, again, the admiration for the brave 
men who have fought for their freedom and in 
fighting for their freedom have helped the cause 
of freedom and peace for all of their neighbors 
in the Pacific area, and I go away with a deep 
appreciation for the hospitality that you and 
Madame Thieu have extended to Mrs. Nixon 
and me on this occasion. 

President Thieu ' 

It is a very great pleasure for Madame Thieu 
and me to welcome President and Mrs. Richard 
Nixon in Viet-Nam. 

President Richard Nixon has been well ac- 
quainted with Viet-Nam, having made many 
trips to our covmtry in the past years. This is, 
howe\-er, the first time that he visits Viet-Nam 
as President of the United States, and, indeed, 
the first time that we have the privilege of re- 



' Translation made available by the White House 
Press Office (Weekly Compilation of Presidential Docu- 
ments dated Aug. 4) . 



156 



Department of State Bulletin 



ceiving the President of the United States in 
Saigon. 

Mr. President, in the name of the Vietnamese 
Government and the Vietnamese people, I am 
very happy to extend to you and Mrs. Nixon 
our heartiest welcome. 

I would like also to take this opportunity to 
convey to you again our warmest congratula- 
tions for the historic achievement of the United 
States in landing men on the moon, and open- 
ing new frontiers for human knowledge, and 
broadening human horizons in the universe. The 
Vietnamese people fully concur in the message 
of peace which the three brave American astro- 
nauts deposited on the moon for all mankind. 

With other Asian chiefs of state, I welcome 
the President of the United States to Asia. We 
are happy to hear liis statement, made a few 
days ago, that the United States is a power 
turned also toward the Pacific and is searching 
in coimnon with Asian nations the best formula 
for fruitful cooperation among the countries in 
the Pacific conmiunity, in peace and prosperity. 

At the Midway summit meeting last month,^ 
President Richard Nixon and I have agreed to 
meet at regular intervals to review the problems 
confronting the two countries in the common 
defense of freedom in Viet-Nam. In this spirit, 
we have just reviewed together, in an atmos- 
phere of utmost cordiality, the questions of 
mutual concern. 

I expressed again to President Richard Nixon 
the steadfast purpose of the GVN to assume 
again the major share in the struggle, which the 
people of SVN have undertaken for more than 
10 years, in facing Communist aggression. 

President Richard Nixon and I noted with 
satisfaction the smooth and efficient replace- 
ment by the ARVN of the first U.S. troop 
reduction of 25,000 men, which we decided upon 
jointly at Midway. As stated at Midway, the 
three criteria for further U.S. troop reductions 
are: 

1. The progress in equipping, modernizing, 
and strengthening the ARVN; 

2. The reduction in the level of Communist 
hostilities ; 

3. The progress in peace negotiations. 

After the initial reductions, increasing atten- 



' For background, see BuixBrriN of June 30, 1969, 
p. 549. 



tion will be given to the second and third cri- 
teria, and especially the third criterion relating 
to the progress in the peace negotiations, for 
subsequent U.S. troop reductions. 

Concerning the first criterion, President Rich- 
ard Nixon expressed the readiness of the U.S. 
Government to help the ARVN to strengthen 
and modernize, as promptly and completely as 
possible. 

I also discussed with President Richard 
Nixon my major peace initiative of July 11, in 
which I offered free and internationally super- 
vised elections, in wliich the NLF can partici- 
pate not only in the elections but also in the 
control of the elections. I also recalled the re- 
iteration of my offer of private talks, without 
preconditions, with the NLF, for detailed dis- 
cussions of the various modalities of the elec- 
tions, and other relevant questions. 

President Richard Nixon concurred with me 
that this constitutes a most reasonable and gen- 
erous offer toward national reconciliation and a 
peaceful settlement and that the Communist 
side has nothing to gain by waiting. 

I also discussed with President Richard 
Nixon the offer I recently made to NVN for 
direct talks to discuss the question of reunifica- 
tion of the two Viet-Nams through free and in- 
ternationally supervised elections, the offer I 
made on July 20, the 15th amiiversary of the 
1954 Geneva agreement, which partitioned Viet- 
Nam along the I7th parallel. President Richard 
Nixon expressed warm support for this addi- 
tional initiative I made toward the restoration 
of peace. 

President Richard Nixon and I reviewed the 
general situation in this area, and we viewed 
with great concern the intensification of Com- 
munist North Viet-Nam's military activities in 
Laos and Cambodia, in violation of the neu- 
trality and territorial integrity of these neigh- 
boring countries, and threatening at the same 
time the security of the RVN. 

On the domestic front I expressed to Presi- 
dent Richard Nixon the great importance that 
the RVN attaches to economic development to- 
ward gradual economic self-sufficiency, at the 
same time that the RVN is making efforts to 
shoulder an increasingly larger share in the 
military struggle. President Richard Nixon 
wholeheartedly supported these goals of the 
RVN and expressed the readiness of the U.S. 



August 25, 1969 

359-68S— 69 3 



157 



Government to provide energetic assistance to 
the RVN in these efforts. 

Discussing the future of Southeast Asia, Pres- 
ident Richard Nixon and I shared the view that 
a lasting peace can be secured only when the 
peoples of this area can live free from fear and 
coercion and when an equilibrium of powers can 
be maintained in this part of the world. 

We also agreed that most promising perspec- 
tives await all the countries in this area, when a 
just and durable peace can be restored, laying 
the foimdations for constructive regional co- 
operation and development, in which all the 
countries can participate, irrespective of their 
social systems. 

I am most happy to have this opportunity to 
fully exchange views with President Richard 
Nixon on a wide range of questions of mutual 
interest. I greatly appreciate his visit and 
would like to take this opportmiity to convey 
to him, in the name of the Vietnamese Govern- 
ment and Vietnamese people, our heartfelt 
gratitude for the noble and valiant part which 
the United States has taken in the struggle to 
defend freedom in Viet-Nam, and to secure a 
just and long-lasting peace for tliis part of the 
world. 

Thank you, Mr. President. 



NEW DELHI, INDIA 

Statement by President Nixon ° 

It is a privilege and a pleasure for me to re- 
turn for my fourth visit to India, the largest 
nation in free Asia. I first came here m 1953 as 
Vice President of the United States, and since 
then I have followed with particular interest the 
steady progress that has been made in this land 
that has the sublime combination of great tradi- 
tion, deep philosophical and religious insight, 
and enormous progressive spirit. 

The first principle of the relationship between 
India and the United States is that our two 
countries share fully the basic objective of peace 
in Asia and peace in the world. 

Only in peace can Asian nations devote their 
full energy and attention to the most important 
pi-oblem they face: the grave human problem 
of meeting the expectations of men, women, and 

" Issued on July 31 (White House press release (New 
Delhi, India)). 



children to share in all the benefits of modern 
science and technology. Mankind has reached 
the moon. Now we must improve the quality of 
life here on earth. 

India's leaders have a vision, a vision of Asian 
nations working together bilaterally and in re- 
gional groupings reflecting shared interests. 

The United States shares that vision. The 
United States will support efforts toward that 
goal — when we are asked and when our con- 
tribution can be significant. 

The United States respects the determina- 
tion of Indians — and of their Asian neighbors — 
to work out their destiny and their security in 
their own way. We respect India's way^ em- 
phasizing national independence while accept- 
ing the interdependence of nations. We firmly 
believe that Asian problems must be resolved 
by the people of Asia. But we stand ready to 
help. 

We stand ready to help because of our friend- 
ship and human concern for the people of Asia 
and because we have our own interest in helping. 
The United States has an important stake in the 
stability of Asia, and the United States knows 
that the changes taking place in Asia in the last 
third of this century will have an impact on the 
history of the world over the next several cen- 
turies. As we apply the scientific, technological, 
agricultural, and industrial achievements of this 
age to all of our national and human problems, 
Asia can be the area of greatest opportunity. 
India will be a leader in that Asian future. 

The United States is proud of the role it has 
played, through economic assistance, in India's 
economic progress. We honor the people and 
leaders of India for what they have achieved 
with their own resources and their own hard 
woi-k — their genuine revolution in agriculture 
and their progress in industry. But Indian 
leaders know, as do we, that problems, large 
problems, remain to be solved. 

Coming to India, I fuid this a time to remem- 
ber the words of President Eisenhower when he 
addressed a joint session of the Parliament of 
India in 1959 : ^» 

Before us we see long years of what can be a new 
era — mankind in each year reaping a richer harvest 
from the fields of earth, gaining a more sure mastery 
of elemental power for human benefit, sharing an ex- 
panding commerce in goods and in knowledge and In 
wisdom, dwelling together in peace. 



' Bulletin of Jan. 11, 1960, p. 46. 



158 



Department of State Bulletin 



I 



The new era spoken of by President Eisen- 
hower 10 years ago is within our reach. Let us 
cooperate to grasp it, knowing that peace is not 
only the absence of war but a process of crea- 
tive order, of orderly change. 

I am certain that this new era will be one in 
which the ancient goal of dwelling together in 
peace finds inspiration in the title of a collection 
of the writings of Mahatma Gandhi : "All Men 
Are Brothers." 

It is in this spirit that I come to New Delhi, 
and it is in this spirit that I look forward to 
fruitful discussions with Prime Minister 
Gandhi and the other leaders of this bastion of 
democracy in Asia. 

Exchange of Toasts at a State Dinner, 
July 31 

White House press release (New Delhi, India) dated July 31 

Acting President Hidayatullah 

Your visit, Mr. President, though very brief, 
brings the United States of America close to 
India. Such visits are helpful in promoting 
international imderstanding. It would be a bet- 
ter world if all the sovereign states came close 
in harmony and became interdependent. It is 
fortunate that the advance of science and tech- 
nology has conquered space and nations far 
apart are yet near enough for their leaders to 
get together and frame policies. We value tliis 
opportunity to welcome you and to be able to 
exchange thoughts on subjects of great moment. 

Mr. President, you come to us after your coun- 
try and particularly your spacemen have blazed 
a new trail. The epic flight to the moon and back 
by three of your countrymen has amazed the 
world and marks a new stage in science and tech- 
nology. On behalf of the Government and 
people of India and myself, I congratulate you 
and, through you, the people of your country on 
tliis historic occasion. 

This achievement is symbolic of the restless 
spirit of man and his desire to widen the hori- 
zons. We are glad to laiow that you are sliaring 
the knowledge you have gained with the rest 
of the world, and this leads us to hope that the 
new knowledge of science and technology will 
always be shared between the more advanced 
and the less developed countries of the world. 

We, of course, wish that you and Mrs. Nixon 
had spent some more time in our country, 



traveled in it, and seen the problems we face 
and the efforts we are making to overcome those 
problems and the measure of our success. This 
would have also given you an opportunity to 
sense and feel the warmth of our friendship and 
the depth of our good will for you and the 
people of your great country. We can only hope 
that you and Mrs. Nixon will come to India 
again soon and for a longer visit. You will be 
most welcome. 

Mr. President, your journey to India and 
some other countries of Asia in the wake of 
peaceful exploration of our satellite may be 
described as a journey in quest of peace. We 
sincerely appreciate it. We firmly believe that 
peace and security, pi-ogress and stability, par- 
ticularly in the developing countries, can only 
come by waging a ceaseless war on poverty, 
hunger, ignorance, and disease. 

Asian countries can have security and sta- 
bility only if the economic conditions are 
healthy. Political stability is tied to economic 
well-being. 

Most of the coxmtries of Asia have won 
their independence recently, and they desire to 
achieve stability and economic self-sufficiency 
under their own leadership. They do not want 
to work alone, but in cooperation with other 
friendly countries in Asia and outside. 

In this behalf, your country, ]\Ir. President, 
has a distinguished record of economic aid to 
and cooperation with many countries in tliis 
region. We ourselves have received much as- 
sistance from your country, for which we are 
grateful. 

We have, however, many difficult problems 
which we are trying to solve in our own way 
and according to our own traditions and con- 
victions. Our policy of nonalignment and 
peaceful coexistence is not a mere slogan but 
stems from oiir history, traditions, and beliefs 
and from our determination to remain inde- 
pendent and to exist in peace and friendsliip 
with others. As Jawaharlal Nehru said, our 
freedom and independence are but a part of 
freedom and independence of all nations. 

]Mr. President, I believe this world is now 
entering a new era. It has already learned 
the hard way that slogans must be mistrusted 
and seldom relate to the complex realities of 
changing situations. Decisionmaking today re- 
quires thinkers and intellectuals wlio share the 



August 25, 1969 



159 



hopes and aspirations of the masses and feel 
with them, thus wiiming their willing consent. 

Our two countries have a very similar sys- 
tem of govermnent, and we have adopted a 
social organization which is based on the cor- 
nerstones of individual liberty, democracy, and 
security. 

We in India are at the same time face to 
face with the problem of ensuring that the 
weaker elements in our society are not made 
victims of uncontrolled economic forces. For 
this purpose we believe that capital, which is 
scarce, must often be employed in certain 
priority sectors for the nation's collective good. 

We are apt to hear that ours is a mixed 
economy; but our economy, by reason of our 
situation, is incapable of being interpreted in 
strict ideological terms. The real and prac- 
tical problem in India today is how to increase 
production and attain equitable distribution 
of wealth with equal opportunity for all. Our 
Constitution emphasizes these as the directive 
principles in the governance of the country. 

In many ways your coimtry, Mr. President, 
was a pioneer in what we are ourselves trying 
to achieve, but in more difficult circumstances 
and in a comparatively shorter time. 

We in Asia are facing major changes, more 
fundamental than elsewhere in the world. It 
is no coincidence that everywhere tliere is a 
call for a fresh look at old presumptions. The 
traditional concepts of friend and enemy, of 
war and peace, of spheres of influence and bal- 
ance of power, have to be modified. 

In Asia we have to remove the basic causes 
of tension and insecurity. The discontent of a 
deprived and underprivileged people is a more 
potent danger than any that an enemy can 
devise. The people must have rights to protect 
and happiness to defend. If they have these, 
they will gladly share responsibilities and make 
sacrifices. 

There are tensions, both national and inter- 
national, which arise from basic factors — eco- 
nomic, social, and political. They are not 
amenable to simple explanations of power pol- 
itics and power vacuum. A military solution 
cannot remove the main causes of weakness and 
tension. 

The emphasis must, therefore, shift from a 
military solution to peaceful settlement, to 
economic and social development, so that people 



may have adequate food and shelter, health and 
education, employment and leisure, with peace 
and freedom. 

Mr. President, we are making in India a 
concerted effort both to improve the lot of our 
people and build friendsMps with our neigh- 
bors and with others. We are glad that rela- 
tions between most Asian nations are better 
today than befoi-e. Certain tensions and con- 
flicts remain still, but they can and must be 
resolved only through peaceful means and not 
by force. 

Your country, Mr. President, has a deep and 
abiding interest in the peace and progress of 
tliis region. The prestige and potential of 
America can be of great help in strengthening 
the framework of economic cooperation in this 
area. We in this country have admiration for 
the high sense of responsibility and earnest- 
ness and the new and realistic approach to Asia 
which has been shown by your administration. 

We hope that your visit to India and other 
countries will open a new ei-a of friendships. 
We also hope that your visit, brief though it is, 
will enable you to have a glimpse of the im- 
mense good will and friendship that exists in 
India for your country. Though sometimes 
there have been differences, they are but natural 
between friendly sovereign and independent 
countries. These differences are not in the aims 
and objectives but only in the means to achieve 
tliem. 

It is our hope, Mr. President, that India and 
the United States can go forward together in 
friendship and cooperation for their mutual 
benefit and for the benefit of Asia and the world 
community. 

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen: May I 
request you to join me in a toast to the health of 
the President and Mrs. Nixon, to the happiness 
and welfare of the people of the United States 
of America, and to the growing friendship be- 
tween our two countries and peace in the world. 
To your health, Mr. President, and to the pros- 
perity and greatness of the American people. 

President Nixon 

I want to thank you first, Mr. President, for 
your very generous and gracious remarks and to 
tell you, indeed, though this visit is a short one, 
that Mrs. Nixon and I have already felt the 
warmth of the friendship of the people of India. 



160 



Department of State Bulletin 



We regret that we have only this brief time to 
be here, but we think tliat had we only planned 
this trip to come to India for one day, it would 
have been worthwhile — worthwhile because of 
the opportunity that was provided to see and 
know this country again but, more important, 
for the opportunity that was provided to see 
and know the people of India and the leaders of 
India and to talk to them face to face about some 
of the great problems that we face together. 

It was appropriate that you spoke of peace 
and progress and cooperation. As you noted, 
this journey that I am now on is a journey in 
quest of peace. This afternoon I had a very 
great privilege, that of laying a wreath, a me- 
morial, to a great man of peace, one of the truly 
great men of all times and of all nations. 

It was an honor for me, a great honor, to pay 
homage to Mahatma Gandlii in this his cen- 
tennial year. 

In responding to your remarks, Mr. Presi- 
dent, I find myself reflecting on the lessons of 
Gandhi. If I would not presume before this 
audience that knew him much better than I, I 
would like to talk about those lessons, what they 
mean to me, what they mean to the world. 

Forty years ago, speaking from a personal 
standpoint, when I was graduated from high 
school, my grandmother, who was a devout 
Quaker and a deeply believing pacifist, gave me 
as a graduation present a biography of Gandhi. 
I learned to know him through that book. 

And since then I, of course, like many 
throughout the world who never met liim, knew 
him through his writings, knew him for what 
he stood for. Gandhi's life was inspired by 
truths which know no boundary of space or 
tune, because they are eternal truths. 

There is a greatness which transcends the 
ordinary meaning of that word, a greatness at 
once mysterious and self-evident, a greatness 
beyond the trappings of power, beyond the opin- 
ions of men, a greatness of the spirit. Such a 
greatness was his. 

He was, above all, a man of peace who knew 
both the need for peace and the power of peace. 
He once wrote : "Love is the strongest force the 
world possesses and yet it is the humblest imag- 
inable." Love was at the center of his greatness — 
a love of India, a love of mankind, a love of 
peace — and he forged it into a power that moved 
nations and transformed the world. 



As we reflect on his greatness, it is appropri- 
ate that we reflect also on the nature of peace. 

The concept of peace is as old as civilization, 
but the requirements of peace change with a 
changing world. Today we need a new definition 
of peace, one which recognizes not only the many 
threats to peace but also the many dimensions of 
peace. 

Peace is much more than the absence of war ; 
and as Gandhi's life reminds us, peace is not the 
absence of change. Gandhi was a disciple of 
peace. He also was an architect of profound and 
far-reaching change. He stood for the achieve- 
ment of change through peaceful methods, for 
belief in the power of conscience, for faith in the 
dignity and grace of the human spirit and in 
the rights of man. 

In today's rapidly changing world there is no 
such thing as a static peace or a stagnant order. 
To stand still is to build pressures that are 
bound to explode the peace; and more funda- 
mentally, to stand still is to deny the universal 
aspirations of mankind. Peace today must be a 
creative force, a dynamic process, that embraces 
both the satisfaction of man's material needs 
and the fulfillment of liis spiritual needs. 

The pursuit of peace means building a struc- 
ture of stability with wliich the rights of 
each nation are respected : the rights of national 
independence, of self-determination, the right 
to be secure within its own borders and to be 
free from intimidation. 

This structure of stability can take many 
forms. Some may choose to join in foraial al- 
liances ; some may choose to go their own inde- 
pendent way. We respect India's policy of non- 
alignment and its determination to play its role 
in the search for peace in its own way. What 
matters is not how peace is preserved, but that it 
be preser\'ed ; not the formal structure of trea- 
ties, but the informal network of common ideals 
and common purposes that together become a 
fabric of peace. Wliat matters is not whether the 
principles of international behavior these rep- 
resent are written or unwritten principles, but 
rather that they are accepted principles. 

Peace demands restraint. The truest peace ex- 
presses itself in self-restraint, in the voluntary 
acceptance, whether by men or by nations, of 
those basic rules of behavior that are rooted in 
mutual respect and demonstrated in mutual 
forbearance. 



August 25, 1969 



161 



"When one nation claims the right to dictate 
the internal affairs of another, there is no peace. 

"NAHien nations arm for the purpose of threat- 
ening their weaker neighbors, there is no peace. 

There is true peace only when the weak are 
as safe as the strong, only when the poor can 
share the benefits of progress with the rich, and 
only when those who cherish freedom can ex- 
ercise freedom. 

Gandhi touched sometlung deep in the spirit 
of man. He forced the world to confront its con- 
science, and the world is better for having done 
so. Yet we still hear other cries, other appeals 
to our collective conscience as a commimity of 
man. 

The process of peace is one of answering those 
cries, yet doing so in a manner that preserves 
the right of each people to seek its own destiny 
in its own way and strengthens the principles of 
national sovereignty and national integrity, on 
wliich the structure of peace among nations 
depends. 

However fervently we believe in our own 
ideals, we cannot impose those ideals on others 
and still call ourselves men of peace. But we can 
assist others who share those ideals and who 
seek to give them life. As fellow members of 
the world community, we can assist the people of 
India in their heroic struggle to make the 
world's most populous democracy a model of 
orderly development and progress. 

There is a relationsliip between peace and 
freedom. Because man yearns for peace, when 
the people are free to choose their choice is more 
likely to be peace among nations ; and because 
man yearns for freedom, when peace is secure 
the thrust of social evolution is toward greater 
freedom within nations. 

Essentially, peace is rooted in a sense of com- 
munity : in a recognition of the common destiny 
of mankind, in a respect for the common dignity 
of mankind, and in the patterns of cooperation 
that make common enterprises possible. This is 
why the new patterns of regional cooperation 
emerging in Asia can be bulwarks of peace. 

In the final analysis, however, peace is a 
spiritual condition. All religions pray for it. 
Man must build it by reason and patience. 

On the moon, now, is a plaque bearing these 
simple words: "We came in peace for all 
mankind." 



Mahatma Gandhi came in peace to all 
mankind. 

In this spirit, then, let us all together com- 
mit ourselves to a new concept of peace : 

— A concept that combines continuity and 
change, stability and progress, tradition and 
innovation ; 

— A peace that turns the wonders of science 
to the service of man ; 

— A peace that is both a condition and a proc- 
ess, a state of being and a pattern of change, a 
renunciation of war and a constructive alterna- 
tive to revolution ; 

— A peace that values diversity and respects 
the right of different peoples to live by different 
systems — and freely to choose the systems they 
live by ; 

— A peace that rests on the determination of 
those who value it to preserve it but that looks 
forward to the reduction of arms and the 
ascendancy of reason; 

— A peace responsive to the human spirit, re- 
spectful of the divinely inspired dignity of 
man, one that lifts the eyes of all to what man in 
brotherhood can accomplish and that now, as 
man crosses the threshold of the heavens, is more 
necessary than ever. 

It is, then, in a spirit of peace, in a spirit of 
brotherhood, and in a spirit of confident hope 
that I ask you to join me in a toast to the Acting 
President, the Prime Minister, and the people 
of India — a nation rich in spirit, proud of its 
heritage, advancing toward a future bright with 
promise, and marked by destiny to play an his- 
toric role in man's progress toward that peace we 
all so fervently seek. 



LAHORE, PAKISTAN 

Exchange of Greetings, August 1 

White House press release (Lahore, Pakistan) dated Aneast 1 

President Yahya 

It gives me great pleasure to welcome Your 
Excellency and Mrs. Nixon and the members of 
your distinguished party to Pakistan. 

In your person, Mr. President, we are not only 
welcoming you as the head of a great and 
friendly country, but also an old friend whose 



162 



Department of State Bulletin 



abiding interest in Pakistan and its people is 
demonstrated by several visits over the years. 
We still remember your first visit in 1953, when 
you came as your country's Vice President. 
That was the beginning of a new era of coopera- 
tion and mutual collaboration between our two 
countries. 

The pattern of our relations has changed 
somewhat since then, but there is no diminution 
in our mutual regard nor, I am happy to say, 
in your coimtry's interest in Pakistan's 
well-being. The United States contribution to 
Pakistan's development efforts has been very 
substantial and will always be remembered with 
gratitude. 

Your visit, Mr. President, is taking place at a 
critical time. It will provide us with an oppor- 
tunity to get to know each other and exchange 
views on mutual interests. 

The city of Lahore is happy to receive you on 
its historic soil and to share your joy at the 
most recent and the most memorable triumph of 
human courage, determuiation, and scientific 
skill which was achieved by your astronauts 
when they were the first to land on the moon. 

I hope during your all-too-brief stay, Mr. 
President, you and Mrs. Nixon will have a 
glimpse of Lahore's unique character and its 
traditional hospitality. 

I wish you and Mrs. Nixon and your party a 
pleasant stay, Mr. President. 

President Nixon 

This is the sixth time I have had the privilege 
of visiting Pakistan. And, as I stand here, I am 
aware of some of the impressions that were 
deeply imbedded in my mind on those previous 
visits: first, of a people with great courage; 
second, of a people with great vitality; tliird, of 
a people with a great idealism and great con- 
fidence insofar as their future is concerned ; and 
fourth, of a people in terms of hospitality who 
cannot be exceeded by any people in the world. 

And I come, Mr. President, here today in a 
different capacity than on previous occasions: 
the first two times as Vice President of the 
United States, the next two times as a private 
citizen, and now in an official capacity as Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

And, as I speak today, I want the people of 
this coimtry to know, and I want those with 
whom I will be talking to know, that I come 



just not as the political leader, the head of state 
of my comitry, but I come as a friend of Paki- 
stan. I value the friendships that I have had 
here over the years and that my wife has had on 
those occasions that she has accompanied me. 

I know, too, that, as you have indicated, there 
have been some strains in our relationships over 
recent years. And I do not suggest that on one 
visit that all differences will be resolved. 

But I do know this: that what we can do 
and what we intend to do on this visit is to 
restore a relationship of friendship based on 
mutual trust, which is so essential to good rela- 
tions between two countries. That is what we 
will do. 

And so in that spirit I welcome the oppor- 
tunity to visit this coimtry again, to meet with 
you and your colleagues in government, and to 
extend to all of the people of Pakistan from all 
of the people of the United States our warm 
good wishes and our friendship as a people from 
one great people to another great people. 

Thank you. 

Statement by President Nixon " 

It is a great pleasure for me to visit Pakistan, 
where I always have foimd a warm welcome 
from a great and friendly people. It is a special 
pleasure for me to return on this, my sixth 
visit, but my first as President. 

This will be a working visit, during wliich I 
look forward to discussing many matters of 
mutual interest with Pakistan's leaders. At the 
outset, however, there are several points I 
would like to emphasize. 

First, I want to convey the sense of friend- 
sliip and respect that the people of my country 
feel for the people of Pakistan and that my 
GoveiTunent feels for the Government of 
Pakistan. This is a feelmg that has existed 
between our countries for many years and 
under a variety of circumstances. There have 
been good times, and there have been some dif- 
ficult times. There have been times when we 
have not understood each other as well as we 
might, and there have been other times when 
we have worked veiy closely together. But 
through all of these experiences, the basic feel- 



" Issued at Lahore on Aug. 1 ( White House press 
release (Lahore, Pakistan) ). 



August 25, 1969 



163 



ing of friendship and respect has not been lost. 
I come here today to reexpress that feeling and 
to reaffirm the stable and cordial relationship 
between our nations which that feeling makes 
possible. 

Second, a stable and cordial relationship must 
be built on a clear understanding by each of 
our Governments of the interests and view- 
points of the other and of the way in wMch the 
other sees important problems. I look forward 
on this visit to our sharing in candor our re- 
spective assessments of our national interests 
and informing each other of our views on a 
wide variety of subjects. 

Third, I want to stress the continuing inter- 
est of the United States in the progress of 
Pakistan and all of Asia. Just as the historic 
trip to the moon has opened a new era in human 
history, so the dramatic changes taking place 
in this part of the world will have an enormous 
impact on men everywhere. The United States 
will continue to give strong encouragement to 
Asian development. 

Fourth, I wish to communicate my Govern- 
ment's conviction that Asian hands must shape 
the Asian future. Tliis is true, for example, 
with respect to economic aid, for it must be 
related to the total pattern of a nation's life. 
It must support the vmique aspirations of each 
people. Its purpose is to encourage self-reliance, 
not dependence. And this it has done in 
Pakistan. 

Fifth, I want to say that we share your con- 
cern for the well-being of the great numbers of 
individuals who form the backbone of our so- 
cieties. Governments are at their best when they 
look not just to the overall well-being of the 
nation but to the opportunity of individual 
men, women, and children. That is where the 
strength of a nation lies. 

Finally, it is our hope that Asians will work 
more closely with each other in a variety of 
constructive bilateral and regional projects. 
The Regional Cooperation for Development 
organization, in which Pakistan participates 
with Iran and Turkey, is one encouraging ex- 
ample of such activity. 

I mention all these points because I believe 
these policies represent the best way of bring- 
ing peace and progress to Asia. I am confident 
that our talks here in Lahore will advance that 
common goal. 



Exchange of Remarks on Presentation 
of Nishan-e-Pakistan Medal, August 1 

White House press release (Lahore, Pakistan) datod August 1 

Pakistan Chief of Procotol Anwar Khan ■ 

Mr. President, the Government and people of 
Pakistan have the highest regard for your con- 
stant efforts to strengthen the ties of friendship 
and cooperation between Pakistan and the 
United States of America. 

For your personal contribution in bringing 
about a closer understanding between the peo- J 
pies of our two countries, and for the deep " 
interest you have shown in Pakistan during 
your previous visits to our country, for the way 
in which you have upheld the right of indi- 
vidual freedom and dignity, for your constant 
efforts to promote greater collaboration between 
the industrially advanced and developing na- 
tions of the world, for your education in the 
advancement of science and technology that has 
led to the attainment of new frontiers in human 
knowledge, and for your unfailing support of 
the Charter of the United Nations to serve as 
a bulwark for peace and a just order in the 
world : 

In recognition of these contributions, I, on 
behalf of the Government and people of Paki- 
stan, give expression to our sentiments of deep 
regard by presenting to you, Mr. President, the 
Nishan-e- Pakistan, which is the highest civilian 
award in our country. 

President Nixon \ 

Mr. President, I wish to express my deep 
appreciation to you and the Government of 
Pakistan and the people of Pakistan for honor- 
ing me tliis way. 

I think you would be interested to'lmow that 
for me this is the first time since becoming 
President of the United States — this is the first 
citation of this type or any decoration that I 
have received. I am proud of it. 

I want you to know, too, that the citation^ 
the eloquent words expressed — I only hope that 
I can be worthy of those words, of those senti- 
ments — and also to say finally that I accept this 
award as President of the United States for 
the American people, but also I accept it in 
another sense, for personal reasons, as one who 
has been, is, and always will be a friend of 
Pakistan. 



164 



Department of State Bulletin m 



Exchange of Toasts at a State Dinner 
at Government House, August 1 

WUte House press release (Lahore, Pakistan) dated August 1 

President Yahya 

We are glad, Mr. President, that you decided 
to undertake your present tour and tlius afforded 
us this early opportunity to meet you and some 
of your distinguished officials for an exchange 
of views on important questions of the day. 

Our discussions today were wide-ranging. 
They were marked with cordiality and frank- 
ness, and I found them very useful. I trust, as a 
result, both of us understand each other's view- 
point on bilateral, regional, and world affairs a 
little bit better. We were greatly interested to 
know how you viewed the current situation in 
this region, the intraregional problems, and the 
shape of things after, as everyone hopes, peac« 
comes to the troubled land of Viet-Nam. We 
are grateful to you, Jilr. President, for giving us 
your assessment. 

It is natural that in the course of our discus- 
sions we should have covered our bilateral re- 
lations. We attach great importance to con- 
tinued friendly and meaningful relations with 
the United States. 

We are grateful for the generous assistance 
your coimtry has given us in the past, and your 
own personal initiative and role, Mr. President, 
therein is remembered with gratitude and ap- 
preciation. We hope that we shall continue to 
receive this assistance, of which in the past we 
have made excellent use. 

As you know so well, we are at a critical stage 
in our efforts to attain the takeoff stage for self- 
sustaining economic growth. "Wliile endeavor- 
ing to sustain a high rate of economic growth, 
we must ensure that progress in the social sec- 
tor goes hand in hand with economic develop- 
ment and does not lag behind. 

With the demands of the social sector being 
accorded high priority, our main hope for pre- 
^■enting the rate of development from slipping 
below the rate of population growth lies in the 
continued adequate availability of aid from 
friendly coimtries like the United States. 

Mr. President, the world is passing through 
deeply troubled times. There is hardly a coun- 
try which is not going through an excruciating 
self-examination over domestic conflicts or tor- 



mented by one aspect or another of the interna- 
tional situation. We in Pakistan are convinced 
that peace is mankind's most urgent need of the 
day. Nations need peace at home and peace 
abroad. 

As a developing country, we regard peace 
among nations as the most essential prerequisite 
of progress. It is out of this conviction that we 
actively seek, and not merely desire, durable 
f riendlj' relations with all countries, especially 
our neighbors. 

It is for this reason that we have always been 
urging that the basic disputes between India 
and Pakistan be resolved and got out of the way 
so that the two of us can live in peace and amity 
and bend all our energies for the betterment 
of our people. 

This also explains our deep concern over the 
dangerous situation in the Middle East and 
over the Viet-Nam conflict. We know, Sir. Presi- 
dent, how strongly you and your countrymen 
feel on the peace issue. We earnestly hope that 
through your policies and your administration's 
endeavors a way will be found to reduce tensions 
everywhere and to bring peace to the embattled 
lands. 

Your countrymen have just performed what 
may be rightly regarded as man's most outstand- 
ing feat in science, technology, and high adven- 
ture. Wliile sharing your joy and pride in this 
historic achievement, it is our fervent hope that 
this feat, and the many further triumphs that 
await man, will be used solely in the sei-vice of 
man and for peace and prosperity of the human 
race. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I would request you 
now to join me in a hearty toast to the health 
and happiness of our distinguished guest. His 
Excellency Mr. Eichard M. Nixon, President 
of the United States, and Mrs. Nixon, and to 
the lasting friendship between Pakistan and 
the United States. 

President Nixon 

I have the privilege of responding to the very 
gracious and eloquent words of the Pi-esident on 
this occasion, and in doing so I want to respond 
for all of those from the United States that are 
here and for the many who are friends of Paki- 
stan in the United States who could not be here. 

Mr. President, I can say that this has been a 
very memorable day for all of us, and particu- 



August 25, 1969 



165 



larly for me and for Mrs. Xixon — memorable 
from the time that vrc arrived at the airport, 
when we saw the very friendly people who wel- 
comed us as we drove through the roads on the 
way here to this residence, and then the very 
constructive talks that we had during the after- 
noon, the truly magnificent presentation on the 
grounds, where we saw not only the dances but 
in addition the splendid — I perhaps should say 
the best — bagpipe group that probably exists in 
the world. 

Then tonight at this dinner, one that we shall 
always remember because of the historic setting 
in which it takes place, because of the good com- 
pany that is here, and because of the really 
superb way in wliich this dinner has been 
presented. 

In that connection, if I could be permitted one 
personal comment, we have particularly enjoyed 
the music, the chance alternately to appreciate 
and understand the music of Pakistan and then 
the music of the United States. "We are most 
grateful to the orchestra, and we thank you for 
that. 

But if I may turn to what are more serious 
thoughts for a moment, earlier this evening in 
the reception, one of your guests pointed out 
that on tliis occasion our stay in Pakistan would 
be exactly 22 hours, which happens to coincide 
with the exact number of hours that the two 
astronauts spent on the moon. 

I think there is a lesson in that, a lesson in it 
that I would like to expand on very briefly. Tliis 
journey came about due to the fact that I wanted 
to be present when our astronauts came back 
from the moon. It was truly a very exciting ex- 
perience, after having talked to them on the tele- 
phone when they were on the moon, to be there 
in the Pacific when they completed their success- 
ful journey. 

• • • • ■ 

Now, with this visit to Pakistan, we complete 
the Asian phase of our journey around the 
world. It is true that the visits have been brief, 
only 1 day in each country — except for a longer 
stay in Bangkok, where we had 2 days. But in 
that period of time it gave us the opportunity — 
and particularly me the opportunity — to revisit 
a number of coimtries that I had known before, 
to talk to a number of leaders that I have met 
before, and to meet some that I had not had the 
opportimity to talk to before; but beyond that, 



putting it in the perspective of that 22 hours on 
the moon and the 22 hours that we are spending 
in Pakistan, it brmgs home this one thought : 

Unfortunately — I say "unfortunately" be- 
cause all around this table, I am sure, would like 
to participate in the high adventure of being the 
first to go to the Moon or the first to go to Slars, 
provided we had an absolute, guaranteed, free 
ticket, whatever the case might be — but we all 
know that that is not possible, that none of us 
here will be in that experience, although we will 
share in it, share in it through the medium of 
television and radio and communication which 
now brings the world together as it has never 
been brought together before. 

On the other hand, while that was a very great 
adventure and, as the President very generously 
has pointed out, an achievement which we are 
very proud of, I tliink that what we have seen 
in this less than a week in Asia is also adventure 
of the very highest order. 

I visited all of these coimtries 16 years ago. 
Many problems have developed since that time, 
and I know that there are still many problems 
today. But looking at the perspective of 16 
years, I know that virtually all of the nations 
that I visited then have moved forward sub- 
stantially from where they were. That is true 
of Pakistan. It is true in terms of your eco- 
nomic development. It is true in terms of your 
industrial development. Despite whatever other 
problems may have occurred in the meantime, 
keeping it in the long perspective of history, 
this is something we must always have in mind 
as a symbol of hope for the future. 

But looking further down the road, in the 
countries that we have visited and the area that 
we have covered, what we see are li/o billion 
people in Asia. In 25 years there will be 3 bU- 
lion people in Asia. And from this part of the 
world will either come the greatest progress, 
and thereby the peace that we all want in the 
Pacific and in the world, or the greatest destruc- 
tion tliat the world has ever known. 

I do not think I am overstating in putting it 
that way. So we look at these coimtries, we look 
at the hope, and we look also at the problems. 
We can see that all of our hopes are bound to- 
gether. "We have our differences, yes, between 
nations in the area, on tliis ijolicy or that policy, 
but looking toward the future, it is essential, 
absolutely essential, that we have a generation 
of peace for Asia and the world. 

We in the United States want to play our part 



J 



166 



Department of State Bulletin 



in attempting to begin that generation by end- 
ing a war in which we are presently engaged on 
a basis that will promote that real peace that we 
all want, and then to work on for peaceful 
policies all over the world in the future. 

But beyond that, and responding particularly 
to what the President has said, as we consider 
this explosion in population from IV2 billion to 
3 billion people over 25 years — the greatest ex- 
plosion that has ever occurred in the history of 
the world — it means that there must be an in- 
crease in agricultural production, in industrial 
production, and also the ability to handle this 
period of tremendous change in a peaceful way. 

"Wliat I am really trying to say is, as great and 
exciting as was the accomplishment of those men 
landing on the moon, those of us who have the 
opportunity and the responsibility and the chal- 
lenge of dealing with this problem also have 
an exciting and, it seems to me, great adventure, 
because what we do, what we do day by day in 
making the decisions that will determine 
whether peace and freedom and justice and 
progress go forward together in Asia and the 
world, what we do, can affect the future of not 
just a billion and a half, not just 3 billion, but of 
the iVi to 5 billion people that will live on tlus 
earth 25 years from now. 

Talking in such big numbers, I am sure, seems 
to raise the whole problem beyond the ability 
to comprehend. But, again, we get back to the 
moon. Who would have thought 25 years ago 
that two men from earth would stand on the 
moon ? It was too much to comprehend. But it 
happened. It happened because men worked to- 
gether and they planned together, and as a 
result, they acliieved success. 

And I say that that kind of planning and 
working, that kind of genius, is not limited to 
one nation, but that comes from all peoples all 
over the world, that kind of genius applied to 
these enormous problems and these enormous 
challenges that we see, particularly in Asia. 

We can have a period of peace, uninterrupted 
peace, for a generation. And that can mean the 
progress that we want for this area and for all 
of the world. 

And I just want to say, finally, Mr. President, 
I came here, as everybody around this table 
knows, as one who has long been a friend of 
Pakistan. You were generous to state that while 
I was Vice President of the United States, I 
played some role in seeing that the friendship 



between our two countries remained strong and 
became stronger. 

Now that I am President of the United States, 
with somewhat more influence than I had as 
Vice President, I can assure you that I am going 
to continue to work for a cause that is very close 
to my heart : the friendship, the friendship be- 
tween two great peoples, so that we can work 
together m the solutions of these great prob- 
lems — work together, possibly not in going to 
the Moon or to Mars, although we can partici- 
pate also in those great adventures in one way or 
another — but work together in the equally excit- 
ing adventure that I have described, of the 
future, the future of the hundreds of thousands, 
yes, I would say millions of children that I have 
seen on the streets of the cities of Asia over these 
past 6 days. 

And, so, with that, I conclude simply by say- 
ing that I am proud to be in this room to re- 
spond to this toast in this way, in a country 
where I have been received so often officially in 
such a generous way, and when I came as a pri- 
vate citizen in just as hospitable a way. 

Mr. President, I ask that all here stand and 
raise their glasses to the President of Pakistan 
and to the continumg and increasing friendship 
between the people of Pakistan and the people 
of the United States. 



BUCHAREST, ROMANIA 

Exchange of Greetings, Otopeni Airport, 
August 2 

White House press release (Bucharest, Romania) dated 
August 2 

President Ceausescu 

I am pleased to extend to you, the first Presi- 
dent of the United States of America ever visit- 
ing Eomania, the cordial greetings of the Coun- 
cil of State and of the Government, to express 
the feelings of sympathy of the Romanian peo- 
ple toward the American people, whose contri- 
bution to the cause of world progress and civili- 
zation is unanimously appreciated m this 
country. 

I hope that your visit to Eomania, though a 
short one, will enable you to get more closely ac- 
quainted with the endeavors made by the Ro- 
manian people for the development of economy, 
science, and culture, their determination to build 



August 25, 1969 



167 



a dignified, free, and prosperous life, and also 
with their aspirations for peace and cooperation 
with all of the states of the world, irrespective 
of their social system. 

Personally, I recall with satisfaction, Mr. 
President, the meeting we had together 2 years 
ago, the spirit of frankness and sincerity during 
our discussions at that time, and I have no doubt 
that the same spirit will characterize the ex- 
change of views we are going to have together 
these days. 

We believe that in the complex conditions of 
international affairs today, the development of 
relations between states on the basis of the prin- 
ciples of peaceful coexistence and respect for the 
independence, sovereignty, equal rights, and 
noninterference in the internal affairs, repre- 
sents the safe way toward promoting a climate 
of confidence and understanding among peoples 
and of peace and security in the world. 

In this direction an important contribution 
can be made through the contacts, meetings, and 
discussions between the leaders of states. We 
are confident that your visit and the talks we 
shall have will contribute toward the develop- 
ment of relations between our two countries, 
that they will prove useful and fruitful for the 
cause of cooperation between nations for gen- 
eral peace. 

It is with these feelings and convictions that 
we welcome you in Romania today, Mr. Presi- 
dent, with the traditional greeting of our peo- 
ple : Birie c'ati venit. 

President Nixon 

Speaking on behalf of all of the American 
people, I wish to express my deep appreciation 
for the very warm welcome that you have ex- 
tended to us on this occasion, and I bring with 
me the warm good wishes and feelings of friend- 
ship from all of the American people to all the 
people of Romania. 

As you pointed out, this is not my first visit 
to your country. I recall with pleasure that first 
visit. It was at the very end of winter, at the 
beginning of a new spring, and I had very use- 
ful talks with you at that time, and other 
Romanian Government oiRcials. I recall vivndly 
the warm welcome extended to me by the people 
of Romania. 

This is an historic occasion. While this is not 
my first visit to your country, it is the first visit 



of a President of the United States to Romania, 
the first state visit by an American President to 
a Socialist country or to this region of the con- 
tment of Europe. 

Mr. President, this significant moment in the 
Mstory of relations between our two countries 
coincides with a great moment in the history 
of the human race. Mankind has landed on the 
moon. We have established a foothold in outer 
space. But there are goals that we have not 
reached here on earth. We are still building a 
just peace in the world. This is a work that re- 
quires the same cooperation and patience and 
perseverance from men of good will that it took 
to launch that vehicle to the moon. 

I believe that if human beings can reach the 
moon, human beings can reach an understand- 
ing with each other. 

If we are to make progress in this lifetime 
effort, we must see the world as it is — a world 
of different races, of different nations, of dif- 
ferent social systems — the real world, where 
many interests divide men and many unite them. 

Our meetings represent, I am sure, the desire 
of the Romanian people and the American peo- 
ple that we do not allow our differences to pre- 
vent a deeper understanding of our national 
points of view. Yours is a European country, 
and your most direct concern is, therefore, with 
the security of this continent. I come from an- 
other continent, but from a country that twice 
in this century has shed the blood of its sons in 
the pursuit of that European security. 

We are prepared to do our part, also, in this 
era of negotiations so that all in Europe can 
pursue the fulfillment of their just aspirations 
for a better life, free from the fear of war or 
threats of war, and in constractive cooperation 
with others, near and far. 

Let us agree at the outset to be frank with 
each other. Our differences are matters of sub- 
stance; indeed, no nation's range of interests 
are identical to any other nation's. But nations 
can have widely different internal orders and 
live in peace. Nations can have widely differing 
economic interests and live in peace. 

The United States believes that the rights of 
all nations must be equal, but we do not believe 
that the character of all nations must be the 
same. 

My country has already undertaken new ini- 
tiatives to reduce the tensions that exist in the 
world. We stand ready to respond firmly and 



168 



Department of State Bulletin 



positively to sincere and concrete initiatives 
that others may take. Every nation, of what- 
ever size and whatever region of the world, will 
find us receptive to realistic new departures on 
the path to peace. 

The purpose of your invitation, Mr. Presi- 
dent, and the purpose of my visit here, is to 
improve communications between our two na- 
tions. Tliis is a useful and a peaceful purpose. 

In that spirit of realism and of open-minded- 
ness, I look forward to our talks, and I thank 
you for your hospitality. 

Tralasca pnetenia Romana- Americana. 
(Long live Romanian-American friendship.) 

Exchange of Toasts at an Official Dinner 
at the Council of State, August 2 

President Ceausescu " 

I am glad to be in a position to greet you, high 
representatives of the American people, at tliis 
dinner. The welcome given to you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, by the citizens of our capital reflects the 
feelings of appreciation and esteem which our 
two peoples have for each other ; it expresses our 
people's desire to live in peace and friendship 
witli the American people, with all the peoples 
of the world. It is an undisputed fact that the 
presence in Romania, for the first time in his- 
tory, of the President of the United States of 
America, has a special significance for the de- 
velopment of the relations between our two 
states. 

At the same time this visit mirrors the favor- 
able changes which have taken place in the 
modern world and bears proof to the vitality of 
the policy of peaceful coexistence, which asserts 
itself in international affairs ever more strongly. 

It is notorious that Romania and the United 
States are two countries with different systems 
and therefore our views on the social and politi- 
cal development of the world also differ. We 
believe, however, that the existing difference 
between social systems should not prevent the 
development of relations and cooperation be- 
tween nations; on the contrary, this very fact 
calls for active work to promote in interna- 
tional affairs the policies of peaceful coexist- 
ence, a realistic, sober, and constructive policy, 



"Translation made available by the White House 
Press Office (Weekly Compilation of Presidential 
Documents dated Aug. 4 ) . 



the wide cooperation of all countries with an 
aim to consolidate peace and security. 

Your visit to Romania, Mr. President, takes 
place on the eve of the anniversary of a quarter- 
century since the liberation of our people from 
the Fascist yoke. Taking its fate in its own 
hands and energetically proceeding along the 
path of a free and independent life, the Roma- 
nian people was able, during a short period in 
history, to change the country image, from the 
very foundations, to develop the economy, sci- 
ence, and culture to build a new system, the 
paramount goal of which is the well-being and 
happiness of those who work. Our people is de- 
termined to continue with intensity its vast, 
peaceful, and creative work, to ensure the steady 
and many-sided progress of the nation to turn 
Romania into an advanced country of the world. 
It is on this basis that it participates more and 
more actively in the exchange of material and 
spiritual assets of the contemporary world. 

In our comitry the outstanding achievements 
of your people in the field of economy, science, 
technology, and culture are well known. The 
magnificent space voyage of the American as- 
tronauts — the first inhabitants of the earth who 
stepped on the moon and brought back to our 
planet fragments of matter from another celes- 
tial body — was a source of joy for us for it rep- 
resents a brilliant victory of human genius and 
of universal knowledge. This event shows once 
more how necessary it is to establish peaceful 
coexistence and cooperation between all nations 
on our own planet. We express our hope that 
this achievement of the human mind will con- 
tribute not only to the progress of science and 
teclinology but also to the development of co- 
operation between peoples, in the interest of 
peace and civilization. 

We appreciate the fact that the relations be- 
tween Romania and the United States — two 
countries between which there are no interstate 
disputes — have seen an upward trend of devel- 
opment. During our talks it has been put into 
evidence that the stage reached by the coopera- 
tion between our two countries is still far from 
exhausting the existing opportunities, and a mu- 
tual desire has been expressed to explore new 
ways of expanding our economic, scientific, 
technological, and cultural exchanges and co- 
operation. I express my firm belief that your 
visit to Romania, Mr. President, will prove to be 
a significant step in the development of many- 



August 25, 1969 



169 



sided, mutually advantageous relations between 
our two countries. 

We also appreciate favorably the fact that our 
talks have outlined some possibilities to broaden 
our cooperation in the world arena, in the inter- 
est of the cause of peace. Naturally, in the course 
of our discussions different oi^inions were also 
voiced on certain problems pertaining to the 
present international situation; but this cannot 
inliibit joint action along the way of detente and 
the search for new ways of improving the world 
political atmosphere. Romania proceeds from 
the idea that all the countries of the world, big 
and small, bear the responsibility for the fate of 
peace, for the development of international rela- 
tions, and that they are dutybound to contribute 
to the settlement of the thorny issues of contem- 
porary life and to the establishment of confi- 
dence and cooperation between nations. 

Being a Socialist country, Eomania places in 
the center of her foreign policy the many-sided 
cooperation with the Socialist countries, to 
which she is boimd by a common social system. 
At the same time, she steadily develops fruitful 
relations in all the fields with the other countries 
of the world. In our opinion, when more and 
more new nations assert themselves in the world 
arena, showing their firm desire to step as in- 
dependent entities on the way to progress and 
civilization to secure the conditions enabline: 
each nation to decide its own future and the road 
of its social and political development is the es- 
sential imperative requirement of international 
life. In our view, at present the condition sine 
qua non of peace is to establish in the relations 
between all states the i^rLnciples of independence 
and national sovereignty, to liquidate once and 
for all the policy of domination and interfer- 
ence in the internal affairs of others, to instate 
the full equality among nations. These i^rinci- 
ples acquire an ever wider international recogni- 
tion, they assert themselves more and more 
strongly in the relations between countries and 
enjoy broad adhesion from public opinion everj'- 
wliere. The infringements upon these principles 
endanger world security, breed tension, con- 
flicts, and new hotbeds of war. 

In this connection, we cannot fail to express 
our concern, which is indeed the concern of the 
whole world, about the continuation of the war 
in Viet-Nam. During our discussions we ex- 
plained our position on this problem. "We hope 
that the negotiations in Paris will lead to the 



cessation of the war and the withdrawal of 
troops from Viet-Xam, thus creating the condi- 
tions for the Vietnamese people to decide by it- 
self the course of its economic and social de- 
velopment, in an independent way, without any 
interference from outside. Eomania also believes 
that it is necessary that all efforts should be 
made to solve the conflict in the Middle East in 
the spirit of the Security Council resolution of 
19G7, aiming to bring about the withdrawal of 
the Israeli troops from the occupied territories 
and to ensure the right of every state in the area 
to independent existence, to development and 
progress. 

Romania believes that one of the crucial prob- 
lems of the international affairs today, the solu- 
tion of which could make a radical contribu- 
tion to the strengthening of peace, is to achieve 
disarmament, nuclear disarmament in the first 
place, to carry out concrete measures aimed at 
reducing and liquidating the thermonuclear 
danger. To this effect, the liquidation of the 
present division of the world into military blocs 
confronting each other, the dissolution of the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization and, con- 
currently, of the "Warsaw Treaty, the liquidation 
of the foreign military bases, and the with- 
drawal of all troops within their national bomid- 
aries would be of particular importance. 

An important progress in the direction of 
detente would be achieved, in our opinion, by the 
establishment of lasting security on the Euro- 
pean Continent. European security can be ac- 
complished only by proceeding from the real- 
ities established as a result of "World "War II, 
from the existence of the two German states, 
from the recognition of the inviolability of the 
postwar frontiers, including the frontier on 
Oder-Neisse. A favorable impact would be pro- 
duced by holding an European conference, a 
desideratum expressed by an increasing number 
of states. The accomplishment of security on 
tlais continent is a matter in which not only the 
European peoples are vitally interested, but also 
all the peoples of the world ; the attainment of 
tliis objective would exert a particularly favor- 
able influence on the political climate, on all 
coimtries. 

I express my firm belief, Mr. President, that 
the meeting and the talks we had together, our 
determination to develop the cooperation be- 
tween Romania and the United States, will make 
a substantive contribution to the cause of peace 



170 



Department of State Bulletin A 



and international cooperation, to the ever-wide 
promotion of the principles of peaceful co- 
existence in the world. 

Our meeting, taking place only a few days 
after the accomplisliment of the millenary 
dream of mankind to voyage on celestial bodies, 
gets a particular significance. It symbolizes the 
possibility for peoples to live in peace and mu- 
tual understanding on this planet — the ancient 
cradle of their existence — to unite their efforts 
for the achievement of the other millenary 
dream : a world without war, without destruc- 
tion, a world of cooperation and progress. We 
are confident that this meeting and our talks 
signify a decisive moment in expanding the 
many-sided cooperation and collaboration be- 
tween Romania and the United States, between 
our two peoples. At the same time we would like 
this visit, wliich is appreciated by the public 
opinion as an outstanding event of the interna- 
tional life, to mark a progress on the way of im- 
proving the relations between all nations of the 
world, free and equal in rights. 

Allow me to propose this toast to the triumph 
of peace, this grand ideal of human beings on 
all continents regardless of their race, creed, 
political and philosopliical beliefs. 

To your health, Mr. President, to your health, 
dear Mrs. Nixon, to the health of our other 
guests, to the health of all here present. 

President Nixon 

White House press release (Bucharest, Romania) dated 
August 2 

Before I make my formal reply to the very 
eloquent remarks of the President, I would like 
to say that for all of us today, the wonderful 
welcome we received here in Bucharest, in 
Romania, has touched our hearts, and we are 
most grateful for the reception we have 
received. 

I have traveled to many countries in the world 
and have gone through the great capital cities 
of the world, but perhaps never in all of the 
years I have traveled have we received a warmer 
welcome, and we are most gratefid to the people 
of Romania for the warmth of your hearts. 

This visit to your coimtry is a brief one and I 
regret that it is not longer, for though your 
coimtry is smaller geographically than ours, 
we share many of the same qualities of diversity. 

You have magnificent valleys and great 
mountains and seashores and forests and farm- 



lands. In addition, several peoples make up the 
Romanian nation, just as the American nation 
is made up of many different peoples who came 
to our country from different lands. 

Indeed, one bond we share is that of ancestiy. 
Almost a quarter of a million Americans can 
claim one or both parents born in Romania. 

"While our visit here is brief, we will have the 
opportunity to view some of your nation's 
natural beauty and also some visible manifesta- 
tions of your economic progress in recent years. 

From my previous visit in 1967, and also be- 
cause of our information, we are aware in the 
United States of the strides your nation has 
made in building a modern industrial society. 
We welcome the opportunity to see examples of 
that progress, as we will tomorrow, and we wish 
you more progress in the future. 

'W'lien I arrived, I spoke of a cause very close 
to the hearts of the American people, the cause 
of a just peace, a peace among peoples of differ- 
ing races and differing beliefs about the nature 
of man and of God, a peace among nations of 
different interests and vastly different social 
systems. 

Of tliis one tiling we are sure : We know man- 
kind cannot build a just and lasting peace until 
all nations recognize and respect the sovereignty 
and rights of other nations, large and small. 
There are great similarities between the United 
States and Romania; but as I have mentioned, 
there are also great differences. Our political 
and social systems are different. Our economic 
policies are different. We do not share each 
other's views on many issues about the nature 
of our world and the shape of the future. But 
having mentioned the differences, let us look at 
some of those areas where we agree. 

Both Romania and the United States are 
members of the family of nations, and we both 
enjoy the rights of all nations. Each of us wishes 
to preserve its national institutions and to 
advance the economic well-being of its own 
people. Each of us seeks peaceful solutions to 
international disagreements; each believes in 
better understanding and greater communica- 
tion between those who disagree — and that is 
why these meetings are being held. 

Mr. President, your coimtry pursues a policy 
of communication and contact with all nations — ■ 
you have actively sought the reduction of inter- 
national tensions. My coimtry shares those 
objectives. 



August 25, 1969 



171 



We are seeking ways of ensuring the security, 
progress, and independence of the nations of 
Asia, for, as recent history has shown, if there 
is no peace in Asia there is no peace in the world. 
My country will bear the proper sliare of the 
burdens in that part of the world. 

In Europe we are prepared to consider all 
concrete and promising possibilities of remov- 
ing tensions. We favor negotiations on disputed 
issues — not just for the sake of negotiations, but 
for the sake of resolving the disputes in order to 
improve the existing situation and advance the 
security of all nations. 

We are prepared to negotiate seriously on the 
crucial and complex problem of strategic arms 
and will consider any arrangement that equi- 
tably protects the security of all concerned while 
bringing the qualitative and quantitative 
growth of arsenals under control. 

We seek a stable peace in the Middle East, a 
peace in which all the countries of the region, 
and those outside of it, can repose confidence — 
and a peace which no one, whether inside the 
region or outside, will seek to exploit for narrow 
purposes. 

Mr. President, as I told you today in our meet- 
ings, we seek normal relations with all coun- 
tries, regardless of their domestic systems. We 
stand ready to reciprocate the efforts of any 
country that seeks normal relations with us. 

We are flexible about the methods by which 
peace is to be sought and built. We see value 
neither in the exchange of polemics nor in a 
false euphoria. We seek the substance of de- 
tente, not its mere atmosphere. 

We seek, in sum, a peace not of hegemonies 
and not of artificial uniformity, but a peace 
in which the legitimate interests of each are 
respected and all are safeguarded. 

Mr. President, as we came into the city today, 
I noticed a number of people holding up signs 
with a picture of the three astronauts on them. 
More than a billion people around the world 
saw and heard the landing on the moon. And 
thoughtful men all over the world saw the earth 
in a new perspective — as the home of a human 
family whose similarities and common interests 
far outweigh their differences. 

Because all nations must search for imder- 
standing, I value the very frank discussions 
we had today, and I look forward to those that 
we will have tomorrow. I note the growth of bi- 
lateral relations between us in recent years ; our 
bilateral ties in many fields have expanded and 



as a result of our talks they will continue to 
grow. 

And now, Mr. President, I wish to express 
again to you and on behalf of all of the mem- 
bers of our party our appreciation for this su- 
perb dinner tonight, for the magnificent music, 
and for the warm welcome you have extended 
to us. 

I know that the welcome we received, as we 
rode in from the airport, was not for me or for 
my wife individually, but for our country, for 
the American people, and for all of the Ameri- 
can people we express our appreciation. And 
speaking for the American people, I want you 
to know that we respect and admire your na- 
tional independence and sovereignty. We wish 
you success and prosperity in the development 
of your country. 

In the United States, as you may know, if you 
followed our inaugural ceremonies, we have oc- 
casionally used the phrase "Forward together." 
I have discovered that that concept is not origi- 
nal with me. And for my toast tonight, may I, 
therefore, use the words of a great Romanian 
poet, Miliai Eminescu : "May your sons go for- 
ward, brothers hand in hand." 

And so I ask you all to join me in raising 
your glasses to the President of Romania and 
to Romanian-American friendsliip. 

y 

Exchange of Toasts at a Luncheon 

at the Government Guest House, August 3 

White House press release (Bucharest, Komania) dated 
August 3 

President Nixon 

As we near the end of our brief visit to Ro- 
mania, we only regret that we were unable to 
entertain the President and the members of the 
Romanian Government at the American Em- 
bassy. I recall in 1967, when Ambassador Davis 
had a luncheon for me at the Embassy, that it 
was rather difficult to get more than 25 or 30 in 
the room. So regardless of whatever else comes 
out of these talks that we have had — and much 
good will come from them — one decision I have 
made: We will build a new embassy residence 
so that we can have this party next time in the 
embassy residence. 

After seeing the splendid Titan Housing 
Project, I am sure we can find a good architect 
for the residence. 

Mr. President, it is very difficult on this oc- 
casion to tell you how deeply we have appre- 



172 



Department of State Bulletin 



i 



ciated the courtesies that j'ou have extended to 
us and also to tell you how deeply moved we 
have been by the reception we have received 
from the people of Bucharest on this visit. 

We have tried on this occasion to bring as 
much of the United States to Bucharest as we 
could. The placecards, the matches, and the 
menus were all printed in the United States. 
The beef came from Kansas City; the peas 
came from California ; the tomatoes came from 
Florida; and the hearts of palm came from 
Hawaii. But one thing we could not bring were 
the flowers, because no place in the world can 
you go and find more beautiful flowers than in 
Bucharest. 

So, consequently, I simply want to conclude 
by saying that we have had very exhaustive 
talks but they have not been exhausting, be- 
cause talk is exhausting only when it is boring; 
and wlien President Ceausescu and I talk, it is 
never boring. TVe have discussed matters of 
tremendous importance to relations between the 
United States and Romania and also the whole 
problem of world peace. I know that from the 
talks we have had that much good will come in 
terms of bringing closer the day when we can 
have world peace. 

President Ceausescu 

I should like first of all to express on behalf 
of all of my associates present here our thanks 
for the warm welcome, for the good welcome, 
given to us, and particularly for the things you 
have treated us with, brought over from the 
United States. 

Listening to President Nixon saying that 
beef, matches, cigarettes, wine, champagne, were 
all brought over from the United States, a 
thought crossed my mind : that it is unjust when 
people say that Romanians are nationalistic. I 
see that United States representatives are able 
to go faster than we do in this field, too. 

Secondly, I should beg to apologize to Mrs. 
Nixon and the President for the fact that we 
organized a tough program for them and left 
no time for them to have a rest during the visit. 

As to the talks we had yesterday and today, 
it is true that they covered a broad range of 
subjects. Some parts of our discussion were 
rather lively, but I have to say that they were 
always civilized and constructive. Of course, 
not on all problems did we share the same poiat 



August 25, 1969 



of view, but I wonder that if the representatives 
of states had the same point of view on all 
things, on all problems, then they would cer- 
tainly meet much less frequently than they do 
now. 

We hope, however, that notwithstanding the 
differences of views even on such problems, our 
two sides would work together toward finding 
appropriate solutions in order to strengthen 
cooperation between peoples and bring about 
peace to the world. 

I should also like to express my gratitude to 
the President for having especially brought over 
the band of the Air Force, bypassing at the same 
time both NATO and the Warsaw Treaty. 

It is true that music is called upon to serve 
friendship between peoples and peace. It might 
be a good thing in order that music should not 
follow roimdabout ways in order to get to 
places, and just to dismantle the military blocs 
in order to let music free. We could turn both 
the Warsaw Pact and the NATO into instru- 
ments of international cooperation in the field 
of music, for instance, and let us have competi- 
tion between the two blocs then. 

President Nixon: I agree. 

President Ceausescu: May I be permitted to 
propose this toast to the President of the United 
States and to ]\Irs. Nixon, who has already 
promised to come again to Romania one day : To 
the friendship between the United States and 
Romania ; to the peace in the world. 

Exchange of Remarks, Otopeni Airport, 
August 3 

White House press release (Bucbarest, Romania) dated 
August 3 

President Nixon 

It has been a privilege to visit over 60 coun- 
tries in the world, and of all the countries I have 
visited, there has been none that has been more 
memorable than the visit to Romania. This is 
true not only because of the very substantive 
talks you, Mr. President, and I have had on is- 
sues — talks which I am convinced history will 
record will serve the cause of peace, but it is 
true also because of the wonderfully heartwarm- 
ing welcome we have received from the people 
of Romania everyplace we have gone. 

Mr. President, I am convinced, after this visit, 
as I am sure you are, that regardless of the dif- 
ferences in policies, the peoples of the world 



173 



are determined to be one and, Mr. President, 
from the bottom of my heart, as I leave your 
country, I want to say, in your own language 
as well as I can : Traiasca prietenia noastra. La 
revedei'e. 

President Ceausescu 

As President Nixon has already said, in the 
brief period of time he spent, together with 
Mrs. Nixon and accompanying persons, in the 
territory of Romania, I should also like to men- 
tion that the conversations we had together 
were focused on the concern for the develop- 
ment of relations between our two countries 
and also for finding new avenues to contribute 
to the cause of cooperation among peoples and 
peace in the world. 

The welcome extended to you, Mr. President, 
by the population of the city of Bucharest is an 
expression of the feelings of friendship our peo- 
ple have for the American people, and it mir- 
rors the hospitality of the Romanian people and 
the desire to live in friendship and peace with 
the people of America, with all the nations of 
the world. 

Upon your return to your homeland, sir, I 
should like you to convey, on my own behalf, 
on behalf of the Romanian people, our friendly 
greeting to the people of America, our best 
wishes for prosperity and peace. And now al- 
low me to bid you hon voyage. 



MILDENHALL AIR FORCE BASE, ENGLAND 
Exchange of Greetings, August 3 

White House press release (Mildenhall Air Force Base, Eng- 
land) dated August 3 

Prime Minister Wilson 

Mr. President, it is a very real pleasure for 
me to welcome you and Mrs. Nixon this evening 
as you touch down on British soil — currently 
here in a very real sense Anglo-American 
soil — at the last stage of a round-the-world 
tour wliich I hope you, Mr. President, feel has 
been as rewarding as it has been arduous and 
which, when its full implications have been 
worked out, may well prove to have been 
historic. 

While your mind must be teeming, Mr. Presi- 



dent, with the accmnulated thoughts of your 
talks and your welcome in seven different 
countries, I am sure that even these will not 
have displaced your memory of seeing the 
splashdown after the momentous and successful 
Apollo mission. 

This evening gives me the opportunity to ex- 
tend to you, and this time without the aid of a 
hot line, the congratulations of Her Majesty's 
Government and of the whole British people 
on what has been acliieved. 

IMeanwhile and immediately, j-ou, Mr. Presi- 
dent, and I seek to make the maximum use of 
the short time that you are here with us. "While 
we have kept in the closest touch since your 
visit in February, I look forward to this chance 
of hearing from you, firsthand, your first im- 
pressions of your discussions on your world 
tour; equally, to exchange views on the sub- 
jects of our informal agenda, for both of us are 
conscious of the possible developments, chal- 
lenges, and opportunities that lie ahead as we 
pursue our common tasks together. 

President Nixon 

I wish to express to you, Mr. Prime Minister, 
my grateful appreciation for tliose very warm 
words of welcome, and to tell you that, though 
tliis is but a brief stop, I welcome the opportu- 
nity that is provided to talk with you again 
about some of the problems that we mutually 
face in the world and to discuss them in the con- 
text of the trip that I am now bringing to a 
conclusion. 

You have graciously mentioned the adventure 
which took three Americans to the vicinity of 
the moon, and two to step on the moon. I found 
that as I traveled all over the world, in every 
nation, whether it was in Asia or in Eastern 
Europe, this was uppermost in the minds of all 
people, leaders and people that I met from all 
walks of life. 

I think in this is perhaps a lesson for all of us. 
There are differences that divide the world to- 
day — very deep differences. But as we saw very 
dramatically and very movingly in Bucharest 
today and yesterday, those things which unite 
men and women in the world are much stronger 
than those which divide us. 

I can assure all who are listening to me now 
that while the path to peace may seem veiy 



174 



Department of State Bulletin 



difScult — and preserving the peace is, of course, 
a task which we have found to be tremendously 
arduous and hazardous over these past few 
years — that the people of the world deep in 
their liearts want peace. 

They are on tlie side of peace. That is the 
message that comes from all over Asia ; it comes 
from Eastern Europe; and I sense it agam as 
I step here on British soil. 

It is the responsibility of leaders — leaders 
like those that I had the privilege of meeting 
on this trip, leaders, Mr. Prime Minister, like 
yourself — it is our responsibility to develop 
those policies that will reflect the deep yearn- 
ing of people to be together rather than apart, 
to commimicat© rather than being denied the 
opportunity to know each other. 

It is this great goal to which we are 
dedicated. 

I believe that this trip may have served a use- 
ful purpose in bringing us closer to that goal. 
I am confident that our conversations will also 
further that purpose as they have in the past. 

Finally, I say again, it is always a great 
privilege to come here, to be welcomed here on 
British soil, and I can only say that I wish my 
stay were longer; but there will be another day. 
On this occasion, at least, for this one hour, 
we can talk about the world and perhaps de- 
velop some constructive thoughts that would 
further that cause of peace, to which we are all 
so deeply dedicated. 

Thank you. 



, THE RETURN TO WASHINGTON 

\ 

Exchange of Remarks, Andrews Air Force Base, 
August 3 

White House press release dated Au^st 3 

Vice President Agnew 

1 1 Mr. President, it is indeed a privilege to wel- 
come you back. This return from a successful 
trip in Asia in many waj-s represents a repeti- 
tion of a return from a successful trip earlier 
this year in Europe. There is one distinct dif- 
ference that I appreciate very much, and that 
is that the runway is not icy. 

However, as successful as both those trips 
were, ilr. President, this one has a significant 



difference in that it began on a soaring of the 
spirit as you stood on the deck of the carrier 
Hornet and watched the astronauts return to 
safety again. 

We could see mirrored in your face, sir, a re- 
action that was within each one of us, of pride 
and indeed, in awe, that man has come to this 
great accomplishment. 

Mr. President, I tliink that spirit accomjDa- 
nied you on your trip throughout the Asian na- 
tions, to the Philippines, to Indonesia, to Thai- 
land, and then that trip to Viet-Nam, where 
you visited our battleline troops. I think it was 
reflected on the faces of the troops and on the 
faces of the people of Asia, as they heard you 
say what I thought was your most significant 
remark: that we are not going to treat the 
Pacific Ocean as a barrier, but as a bridge. 

Then after Viet-Nam, your visits to India 
and Pakistan and finally that wonderful experi- 
ence that each of us shared with you when you 
went to Romania and received that tremendous 
outpouring of spirit that could not conceivably 
be arranged by any nation under any circum- 
stances. It assured us that there is a brother- 
hood of man — a brotherhood of man that in- 
dicates that there is a brotherhood for peace, 
peace for all nations — and we should all strive 
for this. 

"We should all be determined that the people 
can prosper and grow together as long as the 
people's wishes are being met and I tliink that 
basically is the message that you so successfully 
put around the world, and we are so pleased to 
have you back and so proud of what you have 
accomplished. 

President Nixon 

It seems the way to get weather is for me to 
return from either Europe or Asia. Wlaen I 
returned from Europe it snowed, and when I 
returned from Asia it rained. So that means 
from now on I will be called "Nixon the Rain- 
maker." That is better than being called a 
"troublemaker." 

I do want to say in response to your very 
warm remarks of welcome that we have had 
very warm receptions around the world in seven 
countries. I knew those receptions were not for 
me as an individual, but for what this country 
stands for. 



August 25, 1969 



175 



America has many friends in this world and 
we can be proud of America, and I was proud to 
represent America as I visited these nations and 
saw friendship for Americans in the eyes of 
people from seven countries that you have 
mentioned. 

I would also like to point out that on this trip 
the theme was as pretty well stated as it could 
be, by the Acting President of India, when he 
proposed a toast a few nights ago : that it is a 
trip in quest of peace. 

"VVliat we were trying to do was to bring this 
message to the world : that the United States 
wants to bring peace to the world and we want 
to do our fair share in working with others 
to maintain peace in the world. That feeling, 
believe me, is shared by people all over the 
world. 

Another thought that occurs to me is with 
regard to the visit to Bucharest. This was the 
most moving experience that I have had in trav- 
eling to over 60 countries in the world, not that 
all the other countries were also not extremely 
exciting and interesting and receptive ; but here 
in this country, in which we have an entirely 
different political philosophy from our own, 
people were out by the hundreds of thou- 
sands — not ordered by their Government, but 
cheering and shouting; not against anybody, 



but simply showing their affection and friend- 
ship for the people of the United States. 

This means to me one simple thing : that dif- 
ferences in political pliilosophy cannot perma- 
nently divide the people of the world. This has 
a great meaning to the future. It means that we 
can live in peace in the world, live in peace with 
other nations who may have different political 
philosophies. 

Finally, another thought occurs to me. I want 
to bring this to a conclusion, because I know 
this has been a long day for you and this is the 
end of a 24-hour day for me. It is raining; so 
imder the circumstances, I do want to leave one 
final thought that you touched upon. 

In Bucharest I noted that so many, particu- 
larly of the young people, held up a newspaper 
picture of the astronauts landing on the moon, 
and everywhere we went it was the same. Some 
way, when those two Americans stepped on the 
moon, the people of this world were brought 
closer together. 

As I stand here today, I really feel in my 
heart that it is that spirit, the spirit of Apollo, 
that America can now help to bring to all rela- 
tions witli other nations. The spirit of Apollo 
transcends geographical barriers of other na- 
tions. It can bring the people of the world 
together in peace. 



176 



Department of State Bulletin 



President Nixon's Round-the-World Trip 
July 26-Aogust 3 

Selected Documentation 

Page 

Manila, the Philippines 

Exchange of greetings between President Ferdinand E. Marcos and President 

NLxon, July 26 141 

Statement by President Nixon on the Asian Development Bank 143 

Exchange of remarks between President Marcos and President Nixon at de- 
parture ceremonies, July 27 144 

Djakarta, Indonesia 

Exchange of greetings between President Suharto and President Nixon, 

July 27 146 

Exchange of toasts between President Suharto and President Nixon at a 

state dinner, July 27 148 

Exchange of remarks between President Suharto and President Nixon at de- 
parture ceremonies, July 28 . 151 

Bangkok, Thailand 

Exchange of remarks between Lord Mayor Chalit Kulkanthorn and President 

Nixon, July 28 152 

Statement by President Nixon, July 28 154 

Remarks by President Nixon at a reception at Government House, July 29 

(excerpt) 154 

Saigon, Republic of Viet-Nam 

Statement by President Nixon, July 30 155 

Statements by President Nixon and President Nguyen Van Thieu following 

their meeting at Independence Palace, July 30 156 

New Delhi, India 

Statement by President Nixon, July 31 158 

Exchange of toasts between Acting President Mohammed Hidayatullah and 

President Nixon at a state dinner, July 31 159 

Lahore, Pakistan 

Exchange of greetings between President Yahya Khan and President Nixon, 

August 1 162 

Statement by President Nixon, August 1 163 

Exchange of remarks between Chief of Protocol Anwar Khan and President 

Nixon upon presentation of Nishan-e-Pakistan Medal, August 1 . . . . 164 

Exchange of toasts between President Yahya and President Nixon at a state 

dinner, August 1 165 

Bucharest, Romania 

Exchange of greetings between President Nicolae Ceausescu and President 

Nixon, August 2 167 

Exchange of toasts between President Ceausescu and President Nixon at an 

official dinner, August 2 169 

Exchange of toasts between President Nixon and President Ceausescu at a 

luncheon, August 3 172 

Exchange of remarks between President Nixon and President Ceausescu at 

departure ceremonies, August 3 173 

Mildenhall Air Force Base, England 

Exchange of greetings between Prime Minister Harold Wilson and President 

Nixon, August 3 174 

The Return to Washington 

Remarks by Vice President Agnew and President Nixon, August 3 . . . . 175 



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BULLETIN 




SECRETARY ROGERS' TRIP TO ASIA AND THE PACIFIC 

Statements and News Conferences 177 

ANZUS COUNCIL HOLDS 19TH MEETING AT CANBERRA 

Text of Communique 186 

DEPARTMENT REVIEWS HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS 
GOVERNING ACTIVITIES ON THE SEABED - ■'' 

Statement by Under Secretary Johnson 191 



For index see inside hack cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETI 



VOL. LXI, No. 1575 
September 1, 1969 



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Secretary Rogers' Trip to Asia and the Pacific 



Secretary Rogers met tvith President Nixon 
at the Western White House, San Clemente, 
Calif., on August 11 to report on his trip to Asia 
and the Pacific. Following is the transcript of 
a news conference the Secretary held after that 
meeting and ths text of his address iefore the 
National Press Club at Canberra, Australia, on 
August 8, together with tlie Secretary's state- 
ments and news conferences at Taipei August 1 
and 3 and at Hong Kong August 3. 



NEWS CONFERENCE, SAN CLEMENTE, CALIF., 
AUGUST 11 

White House press release (San Clemente, Calif.) dated 
August 11 

Gentlemen, I have just had an opportunity to 
report to the President about the trip that I 
took in Asia after I left him. 

I told the President that I had found sup- 
port, great support, for his Asian policy in all 
the countries that I visited. I visited Japan, 
South Korea, the Republic of China, and then 
returned to Indonesia for a few days, went to 
Australia and New Zealand. Without exception, 
the leaders of those countries were enthusiastic, 
strongly supported the positions the President 
was taking on this trip. 

I tliink that— at least I felt and those in my 
party felt — our trip was most successful. The 
joint Cabinet meeting we had in Japan was said 
by the Foreign Minister, after I left, to be the 
most successful joint Cabinet meeting that he 
had attended, and I felt the same way.^ 

At the ANZUS meeting in Australia,^ Prime 
Minister Holyoake, who I think has been at all 
the meetings, stated publicly that he thought it 



' For Secretary Rogers' opening statement before the 
Joint U.S.-Japan Committee on Trade and Economic 
Development on July 29 and the text of a joint com- 
munique issued at Tokyo on July 31, see Bulletin of 
Aug. 18, 1969, p. 121. 

* For text of a communique issued at the conclusion 
of the ANZUS Council meeting, see p. 186. 



was one of the most successful meetings that he 
had attended. 

So I am encouraged by what I think was the 
success of the trip. Certainly the President's 
trip was most successful. I am encouraged to 
think that our trip was, too. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, did you find any thought 
that some of our Pacific allies would like to 
withdraio their troops from, Viet-Nam? 

A. No, I did not find that sentiment ex- 
pressed. I did find that, naturally, they were 
interested in our program and how fast it would 
proceed and how many troops would be re- 
placed. And they did show an interest, as you 
might expect, in wanting to be phased in at 
some point along the line. But there was no 
feeling, I think, on the part of any that I talked 
to that any immediate withdrawal on their part 
should take place. 

Q. Do you have any new sign of encourage- 
ment of a lessening of hostilities in the war 
zone? 

A. Nothing other than what you have read. 
There still seems to be a lull in the activity, al- 
though I noticed that 1 or 2 days we have had 
some increased activity. But I think on the whole 
the conclusion is that the lull is still in existence. 

I talked to Admiral McCain [Adm. John S. 
McCain, Jr., Commander in Chief, Pacific Com- 
mand] last night on the way in Honolulu. He 
felt that way. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that the Presi- 
dent's conditions for the further withdrawal of 
American troops are being met? 

A. I don't think the President has made any 
decision on that. He is considering that now. I 
tliink it will be some time before he will make a 
decision on whether to announce any further 
troop replacements or not. 

Q. Is there any indication that this new mili- 
tary activity by the enemy in Viet-Nam is going 



September 1, 1969 



177 



to continue and that the lull is ending? How do 
you interpret this new activity? 

A. I think it is too early. You can never tell 
what the enemy is up to. I wouldn't say that 
just because there was a little flurry that was 
the end of the lull. You just have to wait and see. 
We don't have any hard intelligence whether 
this is symptomatic of the future plans or not. 
But our general feeling is that the lull wliich 
has been in existence now for some time, 7 
weeks or so, probably is still continuing. 

Q. Do you drmo any diplomatic conclusions 
from the continuing lull? Does this mean they 
are trying to signal, us, that they are in effect 
deescalating the war? 

A. There again, it is difficult to draw any 
conclusions from that at the moment. As I said 
in a press conference, I think in New Zealand, 
the other day, I don't imderstand why, if they 
are trying to give us a signal, they don't just 
tell us. They are in communication with us all 
the time. We will have to analyze their activity 
and make our decisions based on what they do 
rather than what they say. 

Q. Is tJiere any new sign of encouragement 
coming from Paris? 

A. I don't think I have anything to add to 
what has been in the press on the Paris 
negotiations. 

Q. Is enemy infiltration from, the North still 
down? 

A. Yes, it is. It is down to a considerable 
extent. 

Q. Can you give us any figures on what it is 
running now? 

A. No, I can't. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, toliat was your reaction to 
Red China's bellicose reaction to your proposals 
to reopen talks? 

A. It is a little difficult to figure out. Wlien I 
was in Hong Kong I made some statements to 
the effect that the United States was prepared 
to attempt to normalize some of our relations 
with them to see if it was possible to become 
somewhat more friendly in order to reduce 
tensions. 

In the next day, there was a very vitriolic 
attack on me calling me a "plague of war." I 



have a little difficulty in the logic of that, why 
when you say you would like to be a little friend- 
lier, they call you a warlord. So I have difficulty 
in giving any answer to your question. 

Q. Is it about what you expected or does it go 
beyond what you expected? 

A. It is about what I expected. This seems to 
be their propaganda attack. Whether this is 
what they mean or not is another thing. But 
they seem to love to engage in this hyperbole 
and venomous attacks on people without any 
reason. 

I want to say our point is that we would like 
to reduce tensions in the world. Obviously, a 
nation that is causing a great deal of tension is 
Communist China. We can't reduce tensions if 
they are not willing to. We are willing to. We 
are willing to discuss matters with them. We 
are willing to be more friendly. If they don't 
want to, that is up to them. We would like to 
very much. 



ADDRESS BEFORE THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB, 
CANBERRA, AUSTRALIA, AUGUST 8 

Press release 238 dated August 8 

I am happy to be vasiting Australia toward 
the end of what I believe has been a useful and 
constructive trip. 

It began by watching the return of men from 
the moon — an experience shared through the 
magic of television by over 500 million people, 
the largest audience in history. 

The success of Apollo 11 makes any extended 
comment about it unnecessary. 

Over 17,000 Americans — scientists, techni- 
cians, engineers, military personnel, and 
others — were involved in direct support of the 
mission. But the achievement was a cooperative 
effort. Facilities were made available from 20 
other countries. Some 2,000 people in six other 
nations were directly involved. Notable among 
these was Australia, whose longstanding co- 
operation and help on space matters we deeply 
appreciate. 

On behalf of the American people, let me ex- 
tend our thanks to the people of Australia for 
your help and your enthusiastic support. 

I would like to turn now to more immediate 
matters which have been central to the purposes 
of my trip. These have to do with the future 



178 



Department of State Bulletin 



security and progress of the Pacific community. 

First, let me refer briefly to the situation in 
Viet-Nam. 

We had hoped that the carefully prepared 
proposals for a negotiated solution put forwai-d 
by the United States and its allies would meet 
with reciprocity from Hanoi and lead to serious 
negotiations. So far, this has not been the case. 

We have proposed mutual withdrawal of 
troops and thus the deescalation of the war. 
President Tliieu has proposed free elections for 
all of the people of South Viet-Nam, including 
those in the NLF [National Liberation Front] ; 
he has proposed international supervision that 
would assure the fairness of such elections. 

Unfortunately, the position of Hanoi is 
against mutual force withdrawals, against free 
elections, against international supervision. In 
fact, it persists in its position — an inhumane 
position — of refusing even to provide us with 
the names of American military personnel they 
hold prisoners. These positions are indefensible 
and are recei^^ng little international support, 
and they are inherently untenable. 

We are convinced that settlement of the war 
in Viet-Nam under circumstances permitting 
the South Vietnamese people to decide their 
own destiny is a necessary foundation stone for 
future security in Southeast Asia and in the 
whole Asian-Pacific area. We firmly believe 
that self-determination is the political force of 
the future. We also believe that so-called 
"struggles of national liberation," organized 
and supported from the outside, increasingly 
i will become recognized for what they are: 
vehicles for Communist colonialism. 

We are entering an interesting period in the 
affairs of Asia and the Pacific community. Not 
only in Viet-Nam but elsewhere, new chapters 
are about to be written. 

Virtually all of the ambassadors of Com- 
munist China have been in Peking for the past 
3 years. Now, since the Ninth Party Congress 
in Peking, many ambassadors are leaving 
Peking for new posts. 
|| Before the Moscow meeting of the Com- 
■ munist parties in May, all of the Soviet Union's 
ambassadors to East Asia were recalled to Rus- 
sia. They — or their successors — are returning to 
their posts. The deep and bitter conflict be- 
tween the Soviet Union and Communist China 
continues to fester and broaden. 

At the recent Moscow meeting, Mr. Brezhnev 
[Leonid I. Brezhnev, First Secretary of the 



Soviet Communist Party] made his elliptical 
reference to the need for an Asian collective 
security system, obviously directed against 
Communist China. Thus, it is clear there is great 
uncertainty in the Communist world about the 
course of recent events. 

By the way of contrast, there has been great 
progress in recent years in non-Communist 
Asia. Indeed, I believe, it is here that the most 
exciting success story of the next decade may 
be written. As leading members of the Pacific 
community, Australia and New Zealand are 
playing an important role in that story. 

Japan has already become the second most 
productive economy in the free world. 

The Republics of Korea and China, Thai- 
land, Singapore, and Malaysia have all doubled 
their gross national product in the last decade. 

Indonesia is putting its financial house in 
order and is launched on a development pro- 
gram which, hopefully, will put an end to the 
long stagnation under the previous regime. 
India, Pakistan, and the Philippines have 
achieved significant breakthroughs in agricul- 
tural production. These are dramatic examples 
of what free societies can accomplish. 

Before World War II the only independent 
countries in East Asia were China, Japan, and 
Thailand. Today, more than three times as 
many countries of this area are independent. 

Regional cooperation is becoming more of a 
rule and less of an exception. This strengthens 
political confidence and cohesion. 

This is not to deny the existence of many 
dangers and unresolved problems in and among 
Asian countries. But it does show the many 
changes that have occurred in Asia. 

It was against this background of change, of 
new expectations, and of many uncertainties 
that President Nixon has just visited a number 
of countries and I have made two trips to Asia 
in the past several months. There are a few 
observations I would like to share with you as a 
result of these trips. 

First, a few words about the greatest ques- 
tion mark over the future of Asia and the 
Pacific: Communist China. 

We recognize, of course, that the Republic of 
China on Taiwan and Communist China on the 
mainland are facts of life. We know, too, that 
mainland China will eventually play an impor- 
tant role in Asian and Pacific affairs — but cer- 
tainly not as long as its leaders continue to have 
such an introspective view of the world. 



September 1, 1969 



179 



It goes without saying that most of the world 
is concerned about a nation which opposes a ne- 
gotiated settlement of the Vietnamese conflict, 
which has such belligerent policies toward its 
neighbors, which provides training and supplies 
for insurrectionist groups, and which is now 
exhorting her people to make sacrifices in antici- 
pation of war with the Soviet Union. 

Although we are inclined to speak of China 
as a "great power," we should remember that 
this power is potential more than actual. I be- 
lieve there is a tendency in many quarters to 
build up the Chinese Communists by equating 
their capabilities with their rhetoric. 

Public expressions of attitude toward the 
United States from Communist China since the 
inauguration of our administration in Wash- 
ington certainly have been strident. They pre- 
tend to feel they are encircled by hostile forces. 

I doubt very much if Peking's leaders really 
consider that they are threatened by the mili- 
tary strength of the United States. I suspect 
they sense that the real threat to them comes 
from the superior performance of open societies. 
The evidence is all around them. 

While the Chinese Communists seek to repair 
the economic damage of the so-called cultural 
revolution — following the disaster of the Great 
Leap Forward — many of their neighbors are 
experiencing economic growth at rates among 
the highest in the world. 

Alone among major nations, Conununist 
China has at best stood still. Communist China 
obviously has long been too isolated from world 
affairs. 

This is one reason why we have been seeking 
to open up channels of communication. Just a 
few days ago we liberalized our policies toward 
purchase of their goods by American travelers 
and toward validating passports for travel to 
China.^ Our purpose was to remove irritants in 
our relations and to help remind people on 
mainland China of our historic friendship for 
them. 

Previously, we had suggested other steps such 
as an exchange of persons and selected trade in 
such goods as food and pharmaceuticals. As I 
have said on previous occasions, we were pre- 
pared to offer specific suggestions on an agree- 
ment for more normal relations when the Chi- 
nese canceled the scheduled resumption of the 
ambassadorial talks in Warsaw last February. 



126. 



' For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 18, 1969, p. 



None of our initiatives has met with a posi- 
tive response. 

Apparently the present leaders in Peking 
believe that it serves their purposes to maintain 
a posture of hostility toward the United States. 
They seem unprepared for any accommodation. 
Their central position is that they will discuss 
nothing with us unless we first abandon support 
of our ally, the Republic of China. This we do 
not propose to do. 

We nonetheless look forward to a time when 
we can enter into a useful dialogue and to a 
reduction of tensions. We would welcome a re- 
newal of the talks with Communist China. We 
shall soon be making another approach to see if 
a dialogue wdth Peking can be resumed. This 
could take place in Wai-saw or at another mutu- 
ally acceptable site. We would like to resume 
this dialogue ; we would hope that they do, too. 

One of the main motivations of the trips the 
President and I have made recently to Asia has 
been to reaffirm the permanence of American 
foreign policy interests in the well-being and 
security of Asia and the Pacific. We are a Pacific 
power, and we intend to remain so. We 
have every intention of remaining constant to 
our commitments in Asia — to SEATO, to 
ANZUS, and to our several bilateral defense ar- 
rangements. Geography, history, economics, and 
mutual interest make us a part of the Pacific 
community, and we intend to continue to play 
the supporting role to which we are committed 
by treaty. There is no equivocation in our deter- 
mination in this regard, and we have made 
this clear. 

At the same time we are changing the empha- 
sis of our relationships in line with current 
realities. 

Policies designed to meet one set of conditions 
should not remain frozen in the face of new 
conditions. New conditions do exist in Asia. 
There is a new dynamism, a new sense of confi- 
dence, a new impulse toward regional coopera- 
tion and regional responsibility in Asia. There 
is an enhanced desire and capability among 
Asian nations to assume larger shares of their 
own security. 

We thus increasingly look to the independent 
countries of Asia to enlarge their own capacities 
and responsibilities. 

In particular we have stressed the need for 
them to assume full i-esponsibility for their in- 
ternal security problems, and they agree. We 
will continue, of course, to supply material as- 



180 



Department of State Bulletin 



sistance to countries which are subject to exter- 
nally instigated subversion or insurgency. 

I have had extensive consultations with Asian 
leaders. I am persuaded that they are highly 
responsive to this approach. So the new direc- 
tion toward greater responsibility for security 
and economic development and political com- 
mimity is something we want — and Asians 
want — because it is natural and because it is 
increasingly possible. 

Security must continue to have a high prior- 
ity in the quest for peace. Only with a sense of 
security will governments and people make the 
necessary efforts and sacrifices required for eco- 
nomic and social progress. 

The Soviet Union has floated the idea of a 
new system of regional collective security in 
Asia. We do not know exactly what the Rus- 
sians had in mind when they broached this 
vague idea. It must have been clear to everyone, 
however, that the Soviet objective was the con- 
tainment of Communist China. Reactions in 
Asia generally, as they have been reported to 
us, have been something less than enthusiastic. 

Obviously any Soviet proposal to cooperate 
witli non-Communist states in a security system 
directed against another Communist state is an 
interesting political development in itself. But 
our own view is that the more constructive 
course would be for the countries of Asia 
to continue to develop mstitutions they already 
have created, to expand associations among 
themselves. 

Meanwhile, it is our intention not to take 
sides in the struggle between China and the 
Soviet Union but to seek to improve our rela- 
tionships with either or both. 

We do not intend to abandon negotiations 
with the Soviet Union because tlie Chinese do 
not like it nor to give up pursuit of contacts 
with the Chinese because the Soviets do not like 
it. 

We intend to disregard Peking's denuncia- 
tions of United States efforts to negotiate with 
the Soviet Union. And we intend to disregard 
Soviet nervousness at steps we take to reestab- 
lish contacts between us and the Cliinese 
Connnmiists. 

In summary, then, I can outline our present 
policy in Asia along the following lines : 

— To achieve a peace in Viet-Nam which per- 
mits the people of South Viet-Nam to determine 
their own future free of external pressures from 
anvone. 



— To reafiirm our role as a Pacific power and 
our determination to meet our treaty obliga- 
tions in the area. 

— To encourage the leaders of Asia to meet 
their own internal security needs while provid- 
ing material assistance when required. 

— To encourage continued rapid economic de- 
velopment of the area with emphasis on increas- 
ing regional cooperation. 

—To stand unaligned in the Sino-Soviet con- 
flict while persisting in efforts to engage in a 
constructive dialogue with both. 

— To play a full supporting role in the gen- 
eral evolution of a secure and progressive Pacific 
community. 

Ours is a world of pluralism and diversity. 
But we know that beneath diversity there are 
shared needs and universal aspirations. We 
know that there is common ground between na- 
tions which are different in their cultural back- 
grounds, historical experience, and social pref- 
erences. We know that we are interdependent 
in the modern world. In the recognition of this 
interdependence lies the road to i^eace. 



TAIPEI, TAIWAN 

Arrival Statement, August 1 

Press release 230 dated August 4 

I have looked forward for many years to the 
opportunity to visit the Republic of China. 
Your nation has a reputation, which it so justly 
deserves, for preserving the best in the moral 
and cultural values of Chinese life. In addition 
to that, Taiwan's outstanding economic prog- 
ress has won wide admiration and respect. 
And you have been willing to share that success 
with other nations by providing economic aid 
to 21 coimtries in Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America. 

During my brief stay I hope to be able to 
carry away a better and more personal appreci- 
ation of your great cultural tradition, now en- 
hanced by the rapid progress you have made in 
improving the well-being of your people. 

This is what I wish to gain during my stay. 
Wliat I wish to give while I am here is an as- 
surance of my country's continuing deep con- 
cern for East Asia, a concern having firm roots 
in history. We will continue to meet our treaty 
obligations to our allies, including, of course, 
our ally of long standing, the Republic of 



September 1, 1969 



181 



China. The United States seeks nothing more 
fervently than a lasting peace in Asia. In this 
effort we welcome the continued cooperation 
and imderstanding of your Government. 

I hope in my exchanges with your President 
and others to convey the warm affection and 
sincere admiration which my countrymen have 
always felt for the Chinese people. I also hope 
that our talks will further that mutual under- 
standing and trust which has been the hallmark 
of the long association between our peoples. 

In closing these brief remarks let me, on be- 
half of President Nixon, extend his warm re- 
gards to the President of the Republic of China 
and the people of the Republic of China. 

Statement and News Conference 
on Departure, August 3 

Press release 231 dated August 4 

Since arriving in the Republic of China a 
little less than 2 days ago, I have had a series 
of meetings witli officials of the Government 
and, of course, with Ambassador McConaughy 
and officers of the Embassy. 

I met with the Vice President, the Foreign 
Minister, and the Vice Premier, and later they 
were joined by members of their staffs. 

Yesterday afternoon I met with President 
Chiang Kai-shek and had a good talk before 
dinner and then we had another talk during 
the dinner. This morning we had still another 
meeting, wliich had not been scheduled but 
which was held at the request of the President. 

We covered a broad range of topics in these 
conversations. One of these, of course, was Viet- 
Nam. I think it is fair to say that there is no 
fundamental difference between us on the objec- 
tive of bringing this conflict to an end at the 
earliest possible time so that the people of South 
Viet-Nam can be guaranteed the right to make 
their own decisions without interference or 
pressure from any outside quarter. 

I think it is also fair to say that in a general 
way we were in agreement on the program of 
troop replacement that President Nixon has 
initiated. 

I feel that this visit has been a full one and 
a valuable one from my point of view. 

This is especially so because we have been 
talking primarily about favorable trends in free 
Asia over the past several years, the new ele- 
ments of dynamism that exist in this area, and 
the kind of future that we both want in the 
Asian and Pacific community. 

Of course, we do not underrate the very real 



threats and dangers that may lie ahead. Obvi- 
ously, we must remain alert. But we will not 
allow the dangers to deflect us from the con- 
structive policies and pi'ograms that can lead to 
a more stable and progressive and dynamic 
community of nations in this area. 

As your leaders fully recognize, the Republic 
of China has an important role in that future. 

In an area where the major drive is toward 
economic and social progress in an atmosphere 
of security, you already have reached the stage 
of self-sustaining economic growth. 

This is an extraordmary achievement in it- 
self. But there is something even more hearten- 
ing and, I believe, more significant than the na- 
tional achievement of independence from exter- 
nal aid. You needed a certain amount of help 
to reach that stage. We are pleased to have been 
in a position to provide it. Now you have taken 
up your role as a provider of aid to others. 

Now we are in a position — the Republic of 
China and the United States — of being co- 
sponsors of economic and social growth for our 
other Asian neighbors and, indeed, the nations 
of Africa and Latin America. We have other as- 
sociates among the more developed nations, and 
still others will join us as they, in turn, come to 
stand on their feet economically. 

So we applaud not only the internal accom- 
plishments of your Government but your gen- 
erosity in assisting others less f ortimate. 

I cannot leave Taiwan without expressing 
deep gratitude on behalf of myself, Mrs. 
Rogers, and the members of my party for the 
hospitality and the close spirit of friendship 
that has been so evident throughout our meet- 
ings and consultations. 

We are truly friends and allies now and in 
the future. 

Q. Mr. Secretai'y^ we understand that the 
United States has been expressing support for 
a regional collective security system in Asia 
among non-Comrrvunist nations. Have you any 
comment on that, and have you discussed this 
topic icith the leaders of the three countries ymi 
have visited? 

A. Well, I think it's important to be sure we 
understand the terms that you use. We have had 
several discussions about regional cooperation 
and we have talked some about security mat- 
ters, but we have not talked about any par- 
ticular security arrangement at the moment. 
We think it's im]iortant for more regional co- 
operation to take place, and we think it is im- 
portant for the Asian nations to consider 



182 



Department of State Bulletin 



possibilities in this regard and to work more 
closely together in economic and cultural and 
social projects; but that is not directly related 
to any particular security arrangement at tliis 
time. 

Q. As you know, our people are very much 
concerned about your Govem'nient''s decision to 
ease the travel and trade ban against Peiping, 
a/nd so far as I know, your spokesman, Mr. Mc- 
Closkey, has expressed his doubts over the pos- 
sibility of a favorable response to this question. 
But the reports from Tokyo indicate that such 
a favorable response had not been received, as 
you expected. Why, Mr. Rogers, do you intend 
to pursue this policy? Is this due to the pres- 
sure of a segment of popxdar opinion in your 
country? 

A. We intend to pursue tliis policy because 
we want to make it clear that the reason Com- 
munist China is not a member of the inter- 
national community is because of its own at- 
titude. Communist China refuses to take its 
rightful place in the international community ; 
it is intransigent in its opposition to the United 
Nations ; it uses vitriolic language against many 
other nations, including the Soviet Union, the 
United States, and the Republic of China, 
Japan, and so forth. So we want to make it clear 
to the rest of the world tliat the United States, 
for its part, is willing to try to have more 
friendly relations with Communist China. The 
fact is that they refuse to; so it's quite clear 
who the responsible nation is. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, does that mean the begin- 
ning of a change in your China policy? 

A. Well, to the extent that we have done this, 
it's a very minor change. No, it means that we 
have done what I've just, said : We want to make 
it clear to the rest of the world that the reason 
tensions exist in the world is because of the 
attitude of Communist China. The steps that 
we have taken are fairly minor steps, but they 
are symbolic of the fact that we think that it's 
important for nations to attempt to live to- 
gether in peace and we are willing to discuss the 
future in terms of how we can better achieve 
peace with any nation. I tliink it's quite clear, 
because there has been total silence on the part 
of the CMnese Communists, that they have no 
intention of playing any such role. 

Q. Sir, do you plan any more moves along 
this line in the near future? 

A. We have nothing planned at the moment. 



Q. Mr. Rogers, according to Lin Piao^s 
[Minister of National Defense of the PeopWs 
Republic of China^ political report given at 
the Ninth Congress, the United States once 
again has been named its archenemy. 

A. Number-two archenemy. 

Q. Oh, well. . . . Do you think there is any 
possibility tliat your recent move will cause the 
Chinese Com/munists to modify their attitude? 
If so, is there any evidence to warrant such a 
belief? If not, what is your reason for adopting 
such a conciliatoi^ posture? 

A. I just tried to explain why we have : We 
want to be conciliatory, we want to try to make 
it clear that we're willing to get along with any 
nation in the world. Secondly, we want to make 
it clear that the reason that the Communist 
Chinese are playing the role that they are in 
the world is because of their own attitude. We 
didn't expect that they would respond, because 
of what they've said in the past ; but we want to 
make it clear that we're ready to become friendly 
with any nation, if it's reciprocal. 

Q. {Unclear) 

A. Well, other than what I've just said, that's 
all it indicates. It indicates that we would be 
willing, if the Communist Chinese were willing, 
to discuss international matters, to discuss ways 
that might relieve the tensions in the world, 
particularly the tensions that are caused by the 
Chinese Communists. We have not had any re- 
sponse, and we doubt if we're going to get any ; 
but we want to make it clear that the failure to 
get a response, the failure to reduce these ten- 
sions, is the fault of the Communist Chinese. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you spent quite some tims 
in talking with the President. Would you 
characterize these discussions as lively? 

A. Well, they were very frank and direct. 
They were extremely interesting and I think 
each of us has a better idea of the other's views, 
and I think we ended up with an understanding 
that maybe did not exist before. For my part, 
they were helpful, and I think we ended the dis- 
cussions with the feeling that we were friends. 
Certainly, he expressed the thought and I did, 
too. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, as you mentioned on your 
arrival, the United States is one of the Pacific 
nations. Will you consider joining the Asia and 
Pacific concert in the future? 



September 1, 1969 



183 



A. No, vre don't at the moment contemplate 
joining any other associations or pacts. We have, 
as you know, many agreements, treaty obliga- 
tions, -with nations in this area, including multi- 
lateral treaty obligations, but we don't foresee 
any additional security arrangements or any 
additional memberships in organizations at 
this time. 

Q. Would you Kafpen to buy up to 100 U.S. 
dollars of Communist products when you stop 
in Hong Kong because of minor change in your 
policy toward Red China? 

A. I'm sorry, I didn't quite get the question — 
I know you are talking about the change in our 
trade restrictions — 

Q. Are you yourself going to buy $100 worth 
of Communist products? 

A. I'm afraid my wife will. [Laughter.] But 
I don't have any intention of buying Communist 
Chinese goods, if that's what you mean. I think 
we might have time for another question. 

Q. Did you discuss with the Chinese Govern- 
ment the renewal of the Sino-American re- 
sources exchange program? 

A. Yes, we did. We had a very satisfactory 
discussion on the whole Vanguard program and 
the future of the Vanguard program, and I 
must say it's one of the most encouraging things 
that I've listened to. The Kepublic of China has 
contributed, now, aid to about 40 other nations. 
It's made a very important impact, particularly 
in Africa, and it shows what a nation like the 
Republic of China can do when it's willing to 
assist others; and we not only congratulated 
the officials who are responsible for its success, 
but we indicated our willingness to do what we 
could within our ability to assist in the future. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, according to press reports, 
the United States is ivilling to consider Japan'' s 
request that the U.S. nuclear base be removed 
from Okinawa. Would you care to elaborate on 
this? 

A. No, except to say that we are willing to 
consider it. Mr. McCloskey just reminded me — 
I thought it went without saying, but I want to 
be sure there's no misunderstanding — that in 
commenting on our policy toward Communist 
China and what we thought might be the result 
of our initiatives, I did not want to leave any 
implications about our policy toward the Eepub- 
lic of China. Our policy toward the Republic of 



China is going to remain constant ; it's going to 
remain firm ; we expect to live up to our treaty 
obligations ; we intend to continue to work very 
closely with the Republic of China in the future, 
and I think that this short visit of mine has 
helped to reassure the officials of your Govern- 
ment that this is the case and that nothing we 
do in Viet-Nam or other areas is going to affect 
our relationship with the Republic of China. 



NEWS CONFERENCE, HONG KONG, 
AUGUST 3 

Press release 232 dated August 4 

Q. Is there any possibility of a resumption of 
the Warsaw talks with China? 

A. That depends on Communist China; we 
have indicated a willingness from the beginning 
of this administration to enter into such talks. 
The failure of the other side to be willing to 
engage in such talks is the reason the talks are 
not in progress. So the answer to your question 
is, yes, we would be willing to talk with Com- 
munist China. 

Q. Have there been any roundabout contacts 
toward Peking, aimed at getting the talks 
started again? 

A. We are not making any roundabout at- 
tempts. The Communist Chinese know we are 
ready to talk. All they have to do is indicate 
that they are willing to talk. 

Q. Is it possible in the coming session of the 
U.N. General Assembly that the A?nerican stand 
on voting in connection with China^s admission 
to the U.N. will be changed, in that it might 
not go for it being an important question requir- 
ing a two-thirds majority? 

A. If I understand your question, we do not 
intend to change our policy vis-a-vis Communist 
China in this session of the General Assembly. 

Q. Do you feel the easing of travel and trade 
restrictions announced by President Nixon last 
jnonth will have a significant effect on tlie Sino- 
American relations? 

A. We do not know. Of course, it depends on 
Communist China. We have attempted from the 
beginning of tliis administration to make it 
clear that we would like to do what we can to 
eliminate some of the tensions in the world ; and 
we think discussions with the Chinese Commu- 



184 



Department of State Bulletin 



nists, if they were willing to engage in such dis- 
cussions, might lead to that end. So far, they 
have not been willing to enter into any such 
discussions. As far as these steps that were taken 
recently by the President are concerned, they 
show our willingness to be forthcoming in our 
attempts to be on better terms with the Chinese 
Communists. So far, they have not reacted, and 
I would be inclined to think that they would 
not. Their statements in their recent Congress 
would indicate that they are as intransigent as 
ever. 

Q. How did you explain the relaxation to the 
Nationalist Chinese Government? 

A. Well, just as I have explained it to you. 
We are not going to change our policy vis-a-vis 
the Republic of China. On the other hand, we 
are willing to talk to the Chinese Communists. 
We are willing to take steps such as we have 
taken to show that we are very serious in our 
attempts to try to relieve tensions in the world. 
One of the ways to relieve tensions is to talk to 
the people who are causing the tensions. 

Q, Do you think hy easing some restrictioTis, 
it will be easier to talk with the Chinese 
Communists? 

A. No, I do not think it makes much differ- 
ence on talking to them. But I think it certainly 
is an indication of our willingness to be a little 
more relaxed in our approach to Communist 
Cliina. 

Q. On the Presidents Asian trip, what has 
been the reaction am,ong Asian leaders to the 
new American posture in Asia — the new Am,eri- 
can thoughts for Asia? 

A. In the countries that I have been in — and 
I have not been with him in the last few coun- 
tries, Thailand, India, or Pakistan — the reac- 
tion has been quite favorable, because they, I 
tliink — the countries that I have visited — have 
been quite reassured by the statements we have 
made and by the explanations of our new policy, 
and I tliink they understand that they do have 
to take on a greater share of the burden in the 
future. So I would say that the visits I have 
made, I believe, have been rather successful in 
doing what we sought to do, and that is to re- 
assure them on the one hand and on the other 
hand to explain that we think there is an obli- 
gation on the part of these nations to take over 
a greater share of the burden. 

Q. Will you take to Australia any specific 
September 1, 1969 

360-316—69 2 



thoughts, proposals, or plans for Australia and 
New Zealand to take a greater role in Asia? 

A. No. I am going to Australia because of 
the ANZUS meeting. I saw the Australian For- 
eign aiinister at the SEATO meeting and had 
a good talk with him there. So that is my real 
purpose. Of course, we have been pleased by the 
attitude of Australia toward Malaysia and 
Singapore, and I will express that again. 

Q. If the V.8. is not going to change its pol- 
icy vis-a-vis the Republic of China, what might 
we have to discuss with the People^s Republic 
of China? 

A. Oh, we have a lot of things to discuss with 
them other than that. 

Q. Can you give us an example? 

A. Trade would be one. But another would 
be these vitriolic attacks that they make on the 
rest of the world. We would like to know why 
they feel that they have to be so virulent in 
their attitude toward the outside world. Sec- 
ondly, we would like to know why they don't 
take part in world activities. For instance, I'd 
be interested in knowing why they didn't even 
have any publicity about Apollo 11. Do they 
expect it is going to be kept a secret ? 

Q. In other words, you would encourage their 
increased jjarticipation? 

A. Of course, we would like to encourage 
them to quit their belligerent attitude toward 
the rest of the world. 

Q. Did you repeat tlie expression of concern 
about the recent Chinese Nationalist raid on the 
mainland which the State Departm,ent has 
made? 

A. No, I didn't think it was necessary. 

Q. Are they going to persist in that kind of 
thing? 

A. We had had previous talks on the matter. 
So it wasn't necessary for me to make any 
comments — 

Q. Where does the U.S. stand on recognizing 
Mongolia? 

A. We haven't come to any final decision. 
That is one of the matters we are considering 
now, and when we get ready to make a decision 
on it we will announce it. No final decision has 
been made. 



Q . Was it discussed in Taiwan ? 



185 



A. No, it wasn't. 

Q. You said trade would he one of the itemfi 
to discuss with the Chinese. Would you amplify 
this? 

A. No, I don't think so. I mean there are a lot 
of things we could discuss with them. The fact 
of the matter is — No, I say I don't want to dis- 
cuss what we would talk to them about. I think 
it's quite premature, because they don't indicate 
any interest in talking to us about it. 

Q. Since you left Japan, the Japanese For- 
eign Ministry sources say you have agreed to 
return Okinawa hy 1972. Would you comment? 

A. We have agreed in principle to the rever- 
sion of Okinawa. We have not agreed as to any 
particular date. I did indicate that we are quite 
anxious to resolve this matter before Prime 
Minister Sato comes to the United States in 
November or December, but I did not say any- 
thing specific of that kind. I do not believe he 
said that. I think he said we agreed in principle 
to the reversion, but the particular date has not 
been set yet. 

Q. Has anything heen done about the release 
of the American yachtsmen seized hy the Chi- 
nese last February? 

A. We have made some attempts. 

Q. Has therebeen any response? 

A. No. We regret that very much, and we do 
not imderstand it. It is another example of the 
almost inhuman or inhumane kind of conduct 
they engage in. Why wouldn't they let us know 
about it ? Wliy wouldn't they release them ? 

Q. The United States has made it very clear 
that she would like Asian countries to play a 
greater role as far as their domestic affairs are 
concerned. What caused this change in Ameri- 
can foreign policy toward Asia, and what toere 
the factors affecting this change? 

A. Like most tilings in foreign affairs, the 
events change attitudes and the passage of time 
changes attitudes. The fact of the matter is that 
there have been developments in the last few 
years that we think are significant. For ex- 
ample, there has been a great deal of economic 
progress in some of the countries, particularly 
Japan, Korea, the Republic of China, Thailand. 
So those developments in themselves require a 
reevaluation of the policy, and I do not think 
it is any particular thing. I think it is just the 
course of history. 



Q. The withdrawal of U.S. presence is going 
to create a vacuum in Asia. Can Asian countries 
stand up to any form of aggression — and I am 
referring here to Communist aggression? 

A. No decision has been made about total 
withdrawal. This is not an east-of-the-Suez 
kind of policy, and I think the policy that we 
are pursuing will permit greater cooperation 
among the Asian nations on a regional basis and 
still permit a presence of the United States 
which will be significant and which will add to 
the stability of this area. 

Q. There have been reports that while you 
were in Tokyo you reached with the Japanese 
an agreement &n textiles exports to the United 
States. Is this correct? 

A. No, this is not correct. The reports are 
quite clear. A Japanese committee, a group, is 
going to Washmgton to discuss the matter in 
September. No decision has been made. 

Q. Will you have any discussions with offi- 
cials here on the problem? 

A. I don't think so. 

I just wanted to say I am very happy to be 
here, and I think I'm the first Secretary of State 
of the United States to have visited Hong 
Kong. So I am looking forward to a pleasant 
stay. 



ANZUS Council Holds 19th Meeting 
at Canberra 

Following is the text of the communique is- 
sued at the conclusion of the ANZUS [Austra- 
lia, New Zealand, and United States Secunty 
Treaty'] Council meeting at Canberra August 8. 

Press release 239 dated August 8 

The ANZUS Council held its Nineteenth 
Meeting in Canberra on 8th August, 19G9. The 
Right Honourable Keith Holyoake, Prime Min- 
ister and Minister of External Affairs, repre- 
sented New Zealand; the Honourable William 
Rogers, Secretary of State, represented the 
United States; and the Honourable Gordon 
Freeth, Jklinister for External Affairs, repre- 
sented Australia. The Australian IMinister for 
Defence, the Honourable Allen Fairhall, also 
participated. 

The Ministers had a general exchange of 



i 



186 



Department of State Bulletin 



views on the world situation and on major ques- 
tions atl'ecting international security and sta- 
bility, since such questions are of concern to all 
the ANZUS partners and have implications for 
regional security and progress everywhere. Tliey 
expressed hope for improvement in the climate 
between the major powers and for greater un- 
derstanding and cooperation in specific areas. 
In the context of the global situation they dis- 
cussed such matters as the prospects for the 
forthcoming talks between the United States 
and the Soviet Union on strategic arms 
limitation. 

In discussing Viet-Nam, the IVIinisters re- 
gretted that the North Vietnamese and their as- 
sociates had still not responded positively to 
proposals for a settlement put forward by Pres- 
ident Xixon on 14th May ^ and by President 
Thieu on 11th July. Those proposals were in 
accord with the policies of countries contribut- 
ing forces to the defence of the Republic of 
Viet-Nam, and had the full support of the three 
members of ANZUS. They regretted that the 
reductions in American force levels announced 
by President Nixon and President Thieu at 
Midway on 8th June had been denounced by the 
other side. In talks in Paris, the other side had 
shown no readiness for serious negotiation. The 
ANZUS partners now looked to them for a 
serious response permitting early movement 
towards the just and lasting settlement which 
remained the allied objective. Meanwhile, the 
representatives welcomed the increased capacity 
of the South Vietnamese to defend themselves. 
It was also agreed that the ANZUS partners 
would continue to consult on such matters as 
the rate at which forces of the Republic of Viet- 
Nam are going to be increasingly able to take 
over from forces of other countries the defence 
of the country against aggression and external 
penetration, thereby permitting the reduction 
of those forces. The representatives reaffirmed 
the determination of their govermnents to con- 
tinue support for the Republic of Viet-Nam and 
for the right of the people of South Viet-Nam 
to exercise self-determination. 

The Ministers expressed concern at the dete- 
riorating military situation in Laos. They de- 
plored North Viet-Nam's failure to honour 
obligations it had assumed imder the 1954 and 
1962 Geneva Accords, its continued unwilling- 
ness to stop its military attacks against that 
coimtry and its use of Lao territory to support 
aggression against South Viet-Nam. 

The Ministers discussed the problem of Com- 
munist China's continued isolation from the 



world commimity. They considered that this 
isolation was essentially self-imposed and that 
the situation was unlikely to improve imless 
there was a change in the attitude of the Peking 
regime itself. Nevertheless the ANZUS Council 
members agreed that efforts should be con- 
tinued to resume a dialogue with the regime. 
They noted the recent decision by the United 
States Government to relax its restrictions on 
travel and commercial relations with Com- 
munist China and expressed the hope that the 
Conmiimist Chinese might be prepared to 
resume conversations with United States 
representatives. 

The Ministers welcomed the further progress 
made by the five powers concerned at their 
meeting in Canberra in June on questions aris- 
ing from the withdrawal of British forces from 
Malaysia and Singapore and on the larger ques- 
tions of peace and stability in the area. The rep- 
resentative of the United States commended 
the decisions of the Governments of Australia 
and New Zealand to continue maintaining ele- 
ments of their armed forces in Malaysia and 
Singapore after the British withdrawal in 1971 
and expressed the view that these decisions con- 
tributed in a practical way to the defence cap- 
ability of these two countries and to the general 
stability and security of the area. The Ministers 
welcomed the reaffirmation of Britain's inten- 
tion, expressed at the five-power meeting, to 
continue exercises and training in the area. The 
Ministers saw these arrangements as a sig- 
nificant part of the wider trends towards the 
desirable increase in cooperation among the 
countries of the Asian and Pacific region. 

The representatives of Australia and New 
Zealand took note of and commended the 
American decision recently enimciated by 
President Nixon to continue contributing in ac- 
cordance with its treaty commitments to collec- 
tive security in Asia. They shared with Asians 
the view that the responsibility for internal 
security could be increasingly assumed by 
Asian nations themselves. 

They noted that consultations had been held 
among ANZUS officials since their last meeting 
and that further considtations at that level will 
be held later this year. They expressed their 
belief that such meetings from time to time 
were a usefid supplement to regular consulta- 
tions and exchanges at ministerial level. 

The Ministers reaffirmed the continuing im- 



'■ For President Nixon's address to ttie Nation on May 
14, see Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



September 1, 1969 



187 



portanco and significance which their govern- 
ments attached to mutual undertakings in the 
ANZUS Treaty. The ANZUS relationsliip 
wliich supports collective security and regional 
cooperation had grown in strength from year to 
year, reflecting the depth of mutual imder- 
standing among the three partners and their 
conunon determination, in cooperation, to main- 
tam and strengthen peace and prosperity in the 
Pacific area. 



29th and 30th Plenary Sessions 
on Viet-Nam Held at Paris 

Following are texts of opening statements 
made by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge., head 
of the U.S. delegation, at the 29th plenary ses- 
sion of the meetings on Viet-Nam at Paris on 
August 7 and at the 30th plenary session on 
August H. 



29th PLENARY SESSION 

Press release 237 dated August 7 

Ladies and gentlemen : In Saigon on July 30 
President Nixon summarized in a few words 
the history of the repeated efforts for peace 
made by the Kepublic of Viet-Nam and bj' the 
United States. He said : "Our purpose is peace. 
We have repeatedly come forward with pro- 
posals which could lead to the beginning of the 
end of tliis tragic conflict." ^ 

Let me recall some of the most significant of 
these proposals and the concrete actions we have 
taken. On November 1, 1968, we stopped all acts 
involving the use of foi-ce against the entire 
territory of North Viet-Nam. The limited aerial 
reconnaissance that was continued is not an act 
involving the use of force. Only when our re- 
connaissance planes have been attacked have we 
responded in defense to protect our aircraft and 
pilots. 

On January 25, 1969, at the first plenary ses- 
sion of these meetings, the United States and 
the Kepublic of Viet-Nam presented proposals 
aimed at reducing the degree of violence and at 
moving us all toward a negotiated peace. In 
particular, we made it clear that we and our 



allies were prepared to begin the immediate and 
mutual withdrawal of non-South Vietnamese 
forces from South Viet-Nam. 

On March 25, 1969, President Thieu stated 
his readiness to hold private talks, without any 
prior conditions, with representatives of the 
National Liberation Front on the question of a 
political settlement. 

On April 7, 1969, President Thieu proposed 
six principles ujjon which a peace settlement 
could be based and made it clear that those 
South Vietnamese who were bearing arms 
against the Government of the Eepublic of 
Viet-Nam would be welcomed as full members 
of the national community in a spirit of 
national reconciliation. 

On May 14, 1969, President Nixon made an 
eight-pohat proposal aimed at bringing about: 
the withdrawal of all non-South Vietnamese 
forces, cease-fires, and free elections under inter- 
national supervision.^ The eight points consti- 
tuted a reasonable basis for negotiations. The 
President made clear the willingness of the 
United States to consider other approaches 
consistent with those principles. 

On June 5, 1969, at these meetings, I dis- 
cussed in considerable detail the 10-point pro- 
gram proposed by the NLF and pointed out 
areas in which there seemed to be common 
ground. I also asked questions about ambigui- 
ties in that proposal. I regret to say those ques- 
tions have never been answered. 

On June 8, 1969, President Thieu and Presi- 
dent Nixon met at Midway Island and reviewed 
the proposals that had been made by both sides.' 
They reiterated their determination to seek a 
just settlement in a spirit of patience and good 
will. They also observed that, despite the fact 
that the NLF 10-point proposal contained cer- 
tain unacceptable provisions, there were certain 
points in it which appeared to be not too far 
from positions taken by the Eepublic of Viet- 
Nam and the United States. 

At their Midway meetings, the two Presidents 
also announced a reduction by 25,000 in the 
number of United States military personnel in 
South Viet-Nam, to be completed by the end of 
this month. They stated that further reductions 
would be considered on the basis of the following 
three factors: the progress in training and 
equipment of the armed forces of the Republic 



• Bulletin of Aug. 25, 19C9, p. 155. 



- Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 
' For background, see Bulletin of June 30, 1969, 
p. 549. 



188 



Department of State Bulletin 



of Viet-Nam, the level of enemy activity, and 
the progress made in the Paris meetings. 

On July 11, 1969, President Thieu made a 
generous and unprecedented proposal for free 
elections in which all the people and political 
parties of South Viet-Nam could participate, 
including the NLF and its adlierents. President 
Thieu's proposal called for an electoral commis- 
sion in which all political parties and groups 
would be represented, including the KLF, and 
which would have the responsibility for ensur- 
ing equal opportunities to all candidates. Presi- 
dent Thieu also proposed international super- 
vision for these elections to guarantee their free 
and fair conduct. He made it clear that the Gov- 
ernment of the Eepublic of Viet-Nam would 
abide by the results of the elections, whatever 
they may be. 

On July 20, 1969, President Thieu proposed 
direct discussions with North Viet-Nam on the 
question of unification of North and South 
Viet-Nam, with the object of bringing about 
unification through free and internationally 
supervised elections. 

Wliat has been the response by your side to 
these many proposals for peace? It has been 
flatly and consistently negative. You refuse to 
discuss and explore our proposals, much less 
negotiate about them. You denigrate our efforts 
to find common ground between our proposals 
and yours. You reject discussion of mutual 
withdrawal, including the withdrawal of North 
Vietnamese forces from South Viet-Nam, Laos, 
and Cambodia to North Viet-Nam. You reject 
consideration of proposals for early free elec- 
tions that would be fair to all and would ensure 
early exercise of the right of self-determination 
by the people of South Viet-Nam. 

We speak as persons who still desire to move 
from confrontation to negotiation. We are thus 
constrained to say that the record which I have 
just reviewed is a history of constant efforts to 
negotiate by our side and of constant rejection 
by yours. The lack of progress at these meet- 
ings is not the result of a lack of proposals by 
our side. It is because you have shown no inclina- 
tion to negotiate on any of the many proposals 
which we have made. 

You reject all thought of compromise, and 
you consistently reiterate your demands — which 
you have made ever since I arrived here in Janu- 
ary — that we withdraw all United States and 
Allied forces, while all North Vietnamese forces 
remain behind. You also demand that we over- 
throw the legitimate Government of the Eepub- 



lic of Viet-Nam and impose in its place a so- 
called "coalition" government. Your consistent 
position since January has thus been to refuse 
to negotiate and to insist on actions by us which 
will enable you to dominate South Viet-Nam. 

We make reasonable proposals which take 
into consideration the legitimate interest of all 
parties. We are not making demands; we are 
making reasonable proposals. We are prepared 
to discuss and examine both our proposals and 
yours. Our offers remain open, and we remain 
ready for serious negotiation. 

But until your side shows a similar readiness, 
we can expect no progress. We have done all 
that we can do by ourselves to bring a negotiated 
peace to Viet-Nam. Now it is time for you to 
respond. 



30th PLENARY SESSION 

Press release 240 dated August 14 

Ladies and gentlemen: At the 25th plenary 
session, on July 10, 1969, I concluded my re- 
marks by calling on your side to negotiate 
realistically and sincerely, and I pointed out 
that "Delay only brings more death and de- 
struction." Since that meetmg, thousands of 
people, Vietnamese, American, and others, have 
died in the Viet-Nam war. This is tragic and 
inexcusable. 

It is clear that a negotiated settlement of the 
war in Viet-Nam requires serious consideration 
of the positions put forward by both sides, fol- 
lowed by examination, discussion, and compro- 
mise. Each day of delay in beginning this 
process brings another day of death and destinic- 
tion to South Viet-Nam. We have made it clear 
that we are prepared to negotiate sincerely. By 
word and by deed, you show that you are not 
prepared for genuine negotiation. 

In Paris, in Hanoi, and wherever your propa- 
ganda can reach, your words are words of war. 
We hear of General Giap's resolve to fight on, 
no matter how protracted the war, until your 
forces win complete victory over ours. We hear 
your repetition of the false charge that our 
forces are intensifying the war. We hear your 
demands for unilateral withdrawal of our 
forces while your forces remain in South Viet- 
Nam. We hear your continued refusal to negoti- 
ate sincerely with the Government of the Eepub- 
lic of Viet-Nam and your continued demand 
that that constitutionally elected government be 
overthrown. From an American recently in 



September 1, 1969 



189 



Hanoi, we hear that Premier Pham Van Dong 
predicts that the coming year will witness the 
fiercest fighting yet. 

In South Viet-Nam your actions match your 
bellicose words. 'WTiile 25,000 American soldiers 
are in the process of departing from South Viet- 
Nam and decisions are being taken on the de- 
parture of additional American forces, your 
army has been preparing systematically for a 
new offensive. Within the past 2 weeks, we have 
seen growing evidence tliat major units of your 
forces are being moved to launch new attacks 
and supplies are being pre-positioned to support 
such attacks. Two North Vietnamese divisions 
and a number of Viet Cong battalions have 
massed around Binh Long Province north of 
Saigon and mounted attacks there. Near the 
DMZ [demilitarized zone], in Quang Tri Prov- 
ince, tliere is another new concentration of 
troops — including the 9th Regiment of the 304th 
Division, wliich recently launched large-scale 
attacks just after returning to South Viet-Nam 
for the first time since the siege of Khe Sanh in 
1968. And there are other places in South Viet- 
Nam similarly threatened. 

Wliat useful purpose can be served by inten- 
sifying the fighting in South Viet-Nam? What 
goals do you expect to achieve? How can your 
violent acts move us closer to a negotiated settle- 
ment of the war ? There can only be one certain 
result : the death of many brave soldiers on both 
sides and of many innocent and helpless 
civilians. 

Your statements and your acts can have only 
one meaning: You are unprepared to compro- 
mise and negotiate, and you continue to place 
your trust in violence and terror. 

It is revealing that your armed forces have 
recently perpetrated terror raids directed prin- 
cipally against schools and hospitals. On Au- 
gust 7 you sent terrorists armed with explosive 
charges into the middle of a well-lighted and 
well-marked military hospital at Cam Eanh. On 
August 12 j'our forces shelled another hosj^ital 
near Da Nang. There can be no question of a 
mistake ; your forces deliberately chose to strike 
at the sick and wounded in an effort to cause 
maximiun injury and terror at minimum cost. 
This is unfortunately typical of your acts of 
terror to those who are helpless. 

These recent acts of terrorism are nothing 
new, but they demonstrate the means upon 
which you have continued to rely for victory 
in South Viet-Nam. This is vain and futile. The 



people of South Viet-Nam have experienced 
your campaigns of terror for many years, and 
their resolve to defend themselves against you 
has not been shaken. I can assure you that the 
people of the United States also detest such 
atrocities. 

We have hoped that the reports of a relative 
lull in the fighting in South Viet-Nam and the 
beginning of the reduction of American forces 
in South Viet-Nam would begin to create an 
atmosphere in which genuine negotiations could 
take place, leading eventually to peace. We still 
hope that this can happen, but we are deeply 
concerned at the indications I have described 
which point to intensification of the war by your 
side. Now is the time to break out of the cyclic 
pattern of lull and offensive and establish a pat- 
tern of deescalation and negotiation. As Presi- 
dent Nixon said on July 30 : 

It is now time for the other side to sit down with us 
and talk seriously about ways to stop the liUIlng, to put 
an end to this tragic war which has brought so great 
destruction to friend and foe alike. We have put for- 
ward constructive proposals to bring an end to the 
conflict. We are ready to talk to the other side about 
their proposals. Let us with determination and good 
will seek to put an end to the destruction and suffer- 
ing which the people of Viet-Nam, North and South, 
have borne so long. 

Last week, at the 29th plenary session, I sum- 
marized the repeated efforts for peace made by 
the United States and the Eepublic of Viet- 
Nam. I emphasized the fact that the proposals 
we have made constitute a reasonable basis for 
negotiation and that we have put them forward 
not as demands but in a sincere effort to 
negotiate. 

I think there can be no doubt about our inten- 
tions. We want to bring the war to an end. AVe 
want to reach agreement on a settlement that 
will be fair to all parties. Such a settlement will 
ensure the withdrawal of all non-South Viet- 
namese forces and will enable the people of 
South Viet-Nam freelj' to exercise their right 
of self-determination. We are fully prepared to 
discuss and consider both your proposals and 
ours. We want genuine negotiation. 

We hope that your response to these moves 
will be positive, directed toward a negotiated 
settlement, rather than negative, directed to- 
ward a military victory. All Americans hope 
you will respond both here and in Viet-Nam in 
ways that will permit this war to be brought 
quickly to an end. 



190 



Department of State Bulletin 



THE CONGRESS 



Department Reviews History of International Efforts 
Governing Activities on the Seabed 



Statement hy V. Alexis Johnson 
Under Secretary for Political Affairs '■ 



It is a pleasure today to testify on behalf of 
the Dejjartment of State on Senate Resolution 
33 and the international legal and political as- 
pects of developing principles governing ac- 
tivities on the seabed. Accompanying me are Mr. 
Samuel DePalma, Assistant Secretary for 
International Organization Affairs; Mr. Jolin 
R. Stevenson, the Legal Adviser ; and Mr. Her- 
man Pollack, the Director of International 
Scientific and Technological Affairs of the De- 
partment. Mr. Donald L. McKernan, the Spe- 
cial Assistant to the Secretary for Fisheries and 
Wildlife, has already testified before the com- 
nuttee on the fisheries aspects of the resolution. 
I would like to state for the record that we have 
also had the opportunity to review Senate Res- 
olution 92, wliich is a further refinement of the 
earlier resolution. 

Mr. Chairman, I would note at the outset that 
the resolutions we are addressing today have 
an impressive history which antedates the 91st 
Congress. The problems addressed in these res- 
olutions were the subject of earlier resolutions 
which have already made an important contribu- 
tion to consideration of the matter, both within 
the United States Government and elsewhere. 
We in the Department have foimd our continu- 
mg dialogue with interested congressional com- 
mittees and Members of Congress to be most 
helpful in our efforts to deal with the problems 
confronting the United States in international 
negotiations and discussions regarding the 
seabed. 

The range of subjects involved in the resolu- 



tions before us is extremely broad. It would be 
impossible to address any one of them with the 
necessary degree of precision and detail at this 
time. I will, however, briefly review the history 
of our international efforts and outline our ap- 
Ijroach to current problems. 

After Ambassador Pardo of Malta raised in 
1967 the question of the peaceful uses of the sea- 
bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national 
jurisdiction, the United Nations General As- 
sembly established an Ad Hoc Committee to 
look into the matter. 

The United States played a leading role in 
this Committee, mtroducing at its June 1968 
meeting a draft statement of prmciples con- 
cerning the deep ocean floor.^ The United States, 
noting the need for further scientific and techni- 
cal knowledge, also proposed an International 
Decade of Ocean Exploration.^ 

Further, the United States proposed the 
establishment of international marine preserves 
in selected areas of particular scientific interest.^ 

The 23d General Assembly adopted three res- 
olutions last December cosponsored by the 
United States. 

The first resolution [A/RES/2467 A 
(XXIII) ] created a Committee on the Peaceful 
Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor 
beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction, 
composed of 42 states. The new Committee was 
mstructed to study the elaboration of the legal 
principles and norms to promote international 



' Made before the Subcommittee on Ocean Space of 
the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on July 30 
(press release 222). 



'■ For test, see Bulletin of Aug. 5, 1968, p. 152. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 22, 1968, 
p. 543. 

' For background, see Bulletin of July 22, 1968, 
p. KM. 



September 1, 1969 



191 



cooperation in the exploration and use of the 
seabed and ocean floor beyond the limits of 
national jurisdiction. 

The second resolution [A/RKS/24:67 B 
(XXIII)] welcomed the adoption by states of 
appropriate safeguards against the dangers of 
marine pollution. 

The third resolution [A/KES/2467 D 
(XXIII)] supported the International Decade 
of Ocean Exploration proposed by the United 
States. 

A fourth resolution [A/RES/2467 C 
(XXIII)], on which tlie United States ab- 
stained, requested the Secretary General to 
undertake a study on the question of establish- 
ing in due time appropriate international ma- 
chinery for the exploration and exploitation of 
the seabed resources. The United States ab- 
stained on tliis resolution because it had made 
no decision as t-o the desirability of such inter- 
national machinery and felt the resolution, 
wliich called for a study on the question by the 
Secretary General, in effect prejudged tliis issue. 

The Secretary General has now completed his 
report, which sets forth a wide range of possi- 
bilities with respect to a possible regime. This 
report, among other subjects, will be discussed 
at the August session of the Seabed Committee. 

Among the many political and economic 
forces at work in the seabed debates, the follow- 
ing four stood out : 

1. Rapidly emerging recognition of the im- 
portance of the seabed, covering thi-ee- fourths 
the earth's surface, from political, economic, and 
other points of view ; 

2. The desire of the lesser developed countries 
to play a substantial role in the development of 
seabed policies and to ensure that the seabed be 
exploited in ways wliich will benefit all coun- 
tries and not merely the teclmologicaUy ad- 
vanced countries ; 

3. The underlying conflict as to where the 
boundary of the area beyond national jurisdic- 
tion should be located ; and 

4. The demand of many countries that the 
arms race not be extended to this new 
environment. 

Seabed Arms Control Proposals 

At the start of this spring's meeting of the 
Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee, 
President Nixon instructed the U.S. delegation 
to seek discussion of the factors necessary for 
an international agreement that would prohibit 



the emplacement or fixing of nuclear weapons or 
other weapons of mass destruction on the sea- 
bed.^ Several weeks later, the United States in- 
troduced a draft treaty on this subject.'' This 
conmiittee has already heard detailed testimony 
from the Arms Control and Disarmament 
Agency on our efforts in respect to a seabed arms 
control agreement. 

In the broadest sense of foreign policy, our 
objectives with regard to the seabed are an as- 
pect of our general foreign policy objectives. We 
wish to achieve effective arms control measures. 
In this field this desire is clearly manifested in 
our seabed arms control proposals. We desire to 
ensure that relations among nations are con- 
ducted in a manner which avoids disputes and 
which accommodates the broadest possible range 
of interests and which will provide optimum 
understanding and use of tlie world s environ- 
ment and its natural resources. This is reflected 
in our concerted efforts to encourage the devel- 
opment of rules of uiternational law which will 
be respected by all nations regarding the use of 
ocean space. 

Tliis is a complex process, the completion of 
which will require both time and continuing 
effort. Because of its teclinological capabilities 
and its established role in the development of 
the law of the sea, the United States has in- 
evitable responsibilities of leadership in this 
field. For the United States there can be no es- 
caping the necessity for timely decisions; the 
failure to make such decisions will in itself be 
a decision to encourage the likely results of 
nonaction. 



Exploitation of Seabed Resources 

Much of the recent attention being devoted to 
the oceans has focused largely on the problems 
arising from the exploitation of seabed 
resources. I would point out that older, more 
traditional uses of the oceans are also of great 
importance to the United States and the world. 
Among them are navigation, including air navi- 
gation, telecommunications, fisheries, as well as 
national and international security. There are 
many well-developed rules of international law 
regarding these activities, and yet imi^ortant 
problems persist. 

When we turn to the seabed, we discover that 
the development of a comprehensive set of legal 



' For President Nixon's letter of Mar. 15, see Bul- 
letin of Apr. 7, 19G9, p. 289. 
" For text, see Bulletin of June 16, 1969, p. 523. 



192 



Department of State Bulletin 



rules governing exploitation of seabed resources 
dates back less than 25 years to President Tru- 
man's proclamation on the continental shelf/ 
The principle that the coastal state enjoys ex- 
clusive rights to explore and exploit the natural 
resources of the continental shelf adjacent to its 
coast was incorporated into the Convention on 
the Continental Shelf at the 1958 Geneva Law 
of the Sea Conference.* At the time, it was gen- 
erally assvuned that the establishment of rules 
governing the exploitation of other seabed areas 
was unnecessary. I note, for example, the com- 
ment of the International Law Commission re- 
garding its enumeration of the freedoms of the 
high seas : 

The Commission has not made specific mention of 
the freedom to explore or exploit the subsoil of the 
high seas. It Is considered that apart from the case of 
the exploitation or exploration of the soil or subsoil of 
a continental shelf — a case dealt with separately — such 
exploitation had not yet assumed sufficient practical 
importance to justify special regulation. 

As in so many other areas of human endeavor, 
it seems that technology may soon exceed our 
expectations. With regard to seabed exploita- 
tion, this poses two important questions for the 
iuternational community : 

First, what should be the legal regime govern- 
ing exploitation of seabed resources beyond the 
limits of national jurisdiction? 

Second, where should a boundary fixing the 
limits of national jurisdiction be established? 

Existing principles of international law pro- 
vide some relevant guidelines in answering these 
questions, but there is serious doubt whether 
these are sufEciently precise and whether there 
is sufficient agreement on them to meet our fu- 
ture needs for a body of rules which will avoid 
international conflict and at the same time pro- 
vide a sound basis for further exploitation of the 
seabed. 

Senate Resolution .33 provides very detailed 
answers to these questions : the establislmient of 
an international licensing authority to license 
exploration and exploitation activities of states 
and tlieir nationals and the establislmient of a 
precise continental shelf boundary at a depth of 
550 meters or a distance of 50 miles from shore, 
whichever is farther seaward. There can be no 
doubt tliat the provisions of the resolution are 
a useful and timely contribution to our consider- 
ation of this matter. We are also reviewing other 



' For text of Proclamation 2667 dated Sept. 28, 1945, 
see Bulletin of Sept. 30, 1945, p. 485. 
' For text, see Bulletin of June 30, 1958, p. 1121. 



contributions to this endeavor, including the 
U.N. Secretary General's report on machinery 
regarding the exploration and exploitation of 
seabed resources, the report to the President and 
Members of Congress by the Commission on 
Marine Science, Engineering and Resources, the 
report of the National Petroleum Coimcil, and 
many other materials. In addition, the executive 
branch is conducting and commissioning numer- 
ous independent studies, including a projected 
study by the Brookings Institution on the ques- 
tion of a deep seabed regime. Pending comple- 
tion of this evaluation process and further 
progress in international negotiations in and 
outside the United Nations Seabed Committee, 
it would be premature for me to comment in spe- 
cific terms on the question of the location of a 
boundary or on the details of a regime. 

Boundary and Regime Issues 

An additional question arises as to how these 
issues win be settled. If we are to further our 
foreign policy objective of avoiding interna- 
tional conflict with respect to rights to exploit 
the seabed, I think it is clear that we must avoid 
an escalation of claims and counterclaims both 
as to the boundary of national jurisdiction over 
exploitation and rights to exploit the area be- 
yond. The very expectation of great wealth in 
the seabed could stimulate such an escalation of 
claims and result in extremely serious disputes 
between states, which could involve the United 
States either directly or indirectly. I therefore 
believe it is in the long-range interests of the 
United States and the world to assure that the 
boundary and regime issues are resolved by 
widespread international agreement. The draft 
statement of principles introduced by the 
United States in June 1968 called for an inter- 
nationally agreed boimdary and internationally 
agreed arrangements regarding the area beyond. 
The so-called Set B principles, which received 
substantial support at the meeting of the Ad 
Hoc Committee in Rio de Janeiro last summer, 
particularly from Western countries, also called 
for an agreed precise boundary and an agreed 
international regime governing the exploitation 
of resources in the area beyond. It is clear that 
this is one of the major objectives of Senate 
Resolution 33 as well. 

In the Seabed Committee, which meets Au- 
gust 11-28, we hope that it will be possible to 
make substantial progress on agreement on a 
set of principles governmg exploration and ex- 
ploitation of the area beyond national jurisdic- 



September 1, 1969 



193 



tion. We are involved in informal talks in New 
York on these principles at the present time. We 
hope that ultimately the principles which are 
accepted will form the basis of a regime which 
will govern the orderly exploration and use of 
the seabed and avoid dangerous conflict in this 
last great frontier on earth. 

The Seabed Committee will also discuss the 
international machinery report, to which I have 
already referred, some safeguards against 
marine pollution, and our proposal for an Inter- 
national Decade of Ocean Exploration. The 
Committee will report to the 24th General As- 
sembly on its deliberations. I hope that suiEcient 
progress will be made on principles so that the 
General Assembly may be able to take favorable 
action on them. 

We are well aware of the problems which can 
arise during the time necessary to achieve sub- 
stantial international progress on these issues. 
This does not mean that we should arrive at 
precise conclusions on the boimdary or regime 
issue before we and other nations have a better 
understanding of what the most desirable result 
would be. Nor does it mean that the need to keep 
options open with respect to certain aspects of 
the ultimate result prevents us or other nations 
from taking affirmative actions. For example, 
agreement on principles would clearly be a ma- 
jor step in averting some of the problems wliich 
could arise in the interim. 

There are, in particular, some problems aris- 
ing out of the steady seaward expansion of both 
capabilities and grants of concessions for ex- 
ploration and exploitation of the seabed which 
relate directly to our freedom of choice with 
respect to the precise location of a boundary of 
national jurisdiction. We share the concerns ex- 



pressed by the chairman in his recent address 
to the Senate on this subject and can assure the 
committee that we do not intend to remain silent 
on the question of a new round of expansive uni- 
lateral claims. Nevertheless, exploitation must 
go forward during this period, and there should 
be due protection for the integrity of invest- 
ments made in the exploitation of natural re- 
sources in areas which might subsequently be 
determined by international agreement to be 
beyond the boimdary. I am confident that we 
can arrive at an approach which will permit ex- 
ploitation to continue on an economically sound 
basis without prejudicing the ultimate location 
of the boundary. 

In summary, Mr. Chairman, the conmiunity 
of nations in focusing on these seabed problems 
has taken the first step on a very difficult road. 
It should not and will not stop there. In every 
way possible we are encouraging identification 
and discussion of the relevant issues and encour- 
aging all nations to keep an open mind on these 
issues. We fully intend to exercise an appropri- 
ate role of leadership in this international proc- 
ess and intend to set an example by avoiding the 
premature adoption of definitive conclusions 
ourselves. It is our sincere hope that the national 
and international decisionmaking processes will 
proceed together, each influencing the other, so 
that in the end we may arrive at a result with 
a minimum of disputes which reflects the broad- 
est possible accommodation of the interests in- 
volved. In many ways this is an entirely new 
type of endeavor, and I cannot assure this com- 
mittee how soon it will succeed. I can say that it 
is, in our view, the proper way to approach ques- 
tions involving the oceans and that we will do 
everything possible to assure its success. 



194 



Department of State Bulletin 



TREATY INFORMATION 



United States and Japan Conclude Space Cooperation Agreement 



A U.S.-Japanese agreement providing for co- 
operation in space activities for peaceful pur- 
poses was effected iy an exchange of notes at 
Tokyo on July SI signed iy Secretary Rogers 
and Foreign Minister Kiichi Aichi. Following 
is a statement made at the signing ceremony hy 
Secretary Rogers, together with the texts of 
the notes. 



poses, navigation, communication, search for 
natural resources, and the like. 

I am confident that this is just the beginning 
of cooperation between our countries in the 
great adventure of exploring outer space. 



EXCHANGE OF NOTES 



STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ROGERS 

Press release 221 dated July 31 

I find it a very happy coincidence that this 
agreement for United States-Japan coopera- 
tion in the further development of outer space 
comes in the immediate aftermath of the Apollo 
11 moon landing. 

The act of Congress which authorized our 
space program not only authorized but directed 
the United States space agency to promote the 
maximum feasible degree of mtemational co- 
operation in the exploration of outer space. 

Wlien members of the crew of Apollo 11 set 
foot on the moon last week, they left a plaque 
saying that they had come in the name of all 
mankind. 

Today we, Japan and the United States, have 
concluded an agreement which symbolizes our 
joint participation in the age of space. But this 
is more than a symbolic step. It will bring the 
great talents and energies of Japanese science 
and technology more actively into the adven- 
tures of space exploration. It will facilitate 
Japanese initiatives in outer space. This will 
complement what others are doing in the field 
of observation and communication satellites — 
that in turn will add to the fund of knowledge 
and to the capacity of the international commu- 
nity to use outer space for socially useful pur- 



Japanese Note 

Tgkyo, July 31,1969 
Excellency, I have the honour to refer to 
recent conversations between the representa- 
tives of the Government of Japan and the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America con- 
cerning cooperation between the two countries 
in space activities for peaceful purposes. The 
understanding of my Government of the re- 
sults of these conversations is as follows : 

(1) The United States Government imder- 
takes, in accordance with United States laws 
and administrative procedures, to permit 
United States industry to provide to the Jap- 
anese Government or to Japanese industry 
under contract with the Japanese Government, 
unclassified technology and equipment listed in 
the attachment to this Note for the development 
of Japanese Q and N launch vehicles and com- 
munications and other satellites for peaceful 
applications. 

(2) The Japanese Government undertakes 
(a) to ensure that any teclmology or equip- 
ment transferred to Japan under paragraph 
(1) above will be used solely for peaceful pur- 
poses; (b) to take all available steps in accord- 
ance with Japanese laws, regulations and 
administrative procedures to prevent transfer to 
third countries of such technology and equip- 
ment, and any launch vehicles and communica- 



September 1, 1969 



195 



tions or other satellites, and components, parts, 
accessories and attachments thereof manufac- 
tured by use of such teclmology or equipment 
except by mutual agreement between the two 
Governments; and (c) to use communication 
satellites developed or launched with United 
States cooperation compatibly with the objec- 
tives and purposes of the Intelsat arrangements 
as they exist or evolve. 

I have the honour to propose that the present 
note and your note in reply confirming the fore- 
going understandings on behalf of the Govern- 
ment of the United States shall constitute an 
Agreement wliich shall enter into force on the 
date of your Note. 

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to 
Your Excellency the assurance of my highest 
consideration. 

KncHi AiCHi 



Attachment to U.S. /Japanese Agreement Concebn- 

INO THE PBOVISION BT U.S. INDUSTRY OF CERTAIN 

Categories op Unclassified Technology and 
Equipment for the Development op Japanese Q 
and N Launch Vehicles and Communications and 
Other Satellites for Peaceful Applications 

TECHNOLOGY AND EQUIPMENT 

A. The technology and equipment referred to in this 
Agreement include that software and hardware per- 
taining to communications and other satellites for 
peaceful applications, and to Q and N launch vehicles 
technology, and to associated ground support technol- 
ogy related directly to, and necessary for, placing 
satellites in geo-stationary orbit 

Software is understood to comprise information con- 
cerning program management, systems engineering and 
design, testing and manufacture. Hardware is under- 
stood to comprise components, parts, accessories, 
attachments and associated equipment 

B. This agreement will cover unclassified technology 
and equipment up to the level of the Thor-Delta 
vehicle systems, exclusive of reentry and related 
technology. 

0. In exceptional cases, the United States may li- 
cense the export of hardware rather than export of 
design, development or production information. 

D. United States supplying companies will be re- 
sponsible for filing application for all United States 
export licenses required. To facilitate the provision of 
United States technology and equipment, it is under- 
stood that each export license application under this 
program will include a statement by the Japanese 
Government as to whether the technology or equipment 
requested is (i) directly for a specified Japanese Gov- 
ernment agency or (ii) for a Japanese company which 
is acting pursuant to a Japanese Government contract 

B. The Japanese Government, as referred to In para- 



graph (1) of the agreement and in subparagraphs D 
(i) and (ii) of the Attachment, is understood to in- 
clude the Space Development Corporation, a public 
corporation which will come into operation in October, 
1969. 



U.S. Note 

Tokyo, July 31, 1969 
Excellency: I have the honor to acknowl- 
edge receipt of Your Excellency's Note of to- 
day's date reading as follows: 

[Full text of Japanese note and attachment.] 

In reply, I have the honor to confirm on behalf 
of the United States Government that the fore- 
going also represents the understanding of my 
Government. It is the understanding of the 
United States Government that this Agreement 
enters into force as of the date of this Note. 

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew 
to Your Excellency the assurance of my highest 
consideration. 

WiLLLiM p. EOGERS 



United States and Romania Sign 
Understanding on Libraries 

Following is the text of an understanding 
between the United States and RoTuania signed 
at Bucharest on August 3 hy Richard H. Davis, 
American Ambassador to Rotnania, and Vasile 
Gliga. Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of 
the Socialist Republic of Romania. 

Press release 233 dated August 6 

Understanding between the Government of 
THE Untted States of America and the 
Government of the Socialist Kepublic of 
Romania 

The Government of the United States of 
America and the Government of the Socialist 
Kepublic of Eomania (hereinafter designated 
as the Parties) , in accordance with the arrange- 
ment relating to a program of exchanges in 
cultural, educational, scientific and other fields 
between the United States of America and the 
Socialist Republic of Romania, and in accord- 
ance with the desire of the two countries to con- 



196 



Department of State Bulletin 



[tribute to a better mutual understanding 
between their peoples, agree to conclude the fol- 
lowing understanding regarding the establish- 
ment and operation in the United States and 
Romania of an American and a Romanian 
library, respectively. 

Article 1 

I The Government of the United States of 
America will establish and operate a library in 
Romania and the Government of the Socialist 
Republic of Romania will establish and operate 
a library in the United States. The Library in 
Romania will be known as the American Li- 
brary and the Library in the United States will 
I be known as the Romanian Library. They will 
■ be entitled to use the designations on their letter- 
head, posters, signs and other materials. 

Article 2 

The American Library in Romania will func- 
tion mider the sponsorship of the United States 
Information Agency ; the Romanian Library in 
the United States will function under the spon- 
sorship of the State Committee for Culture and 
Art of the Socialist Republic of Romania. 

Article 3 

The sending government will appoint a di- 
rector to carry out the administrative manage- 
ment of its library. 

Article ^ 

The director of each library will carry out 
the development of the library's activities in 
accordance with the laws and regulations of the 
host country. 

Article 5 

The director of the library will not permit 
the sponsorship of activities or distribution of 
publications or materials critical of the host 
country or of the government of any other 
country which maintains diplomatic relations 
with the host country. 

Article 6 

For the resolution of problems concerning 
these two institvitions, the director of the Ro- 
manian Library in the United States will be able 
to maintain relations with the appropriate U.S. 



government agencies, and the director of the 
American Library in Bucharest will be able to 
maintain relations with the Romanian State 
Committee for Culture and Art. 

Article 7 

The director of the American Library will 
inform the Romanian State Committee for Cul- 
ture and Art and the director of the Romanian 
Library will inform the appropriate U.S. Gov- 
ernment agencies, in advance, of programs of 
activities which will be carried out by the 
libraries. 

Article 8 

In cooperation with other appropriate insti- 
tutions of the two coimtries, the Romanian 
State Committee for Culture and Art and the 
appropriate U.S. government agencies wiU 
facilitate the operation of the libraries in order 
to help them realize the cultural objectives for 
which they have been created. 

Article 9 

The Parties agree that the following activi- 
ties be developed within the libraries : 

a) reference use and lending of books, peri- 
odicals, films and recordings, musical scores and 
tapes in the stock of the library ; 

b) sponsoring of lectures on cultural, scien- 
tific and teclinical themes; 

c) sponsoring of concerts, recitals, exhibits, 
movie showings, meetings with scientists and 
cultural personalities ; 

d) sponsoring of courses of the English and 
Romanian languages, respectively; 

e) the distribution to institutions or persons, 
of bulletins, periodicals, art books, folders and 
other printed materials. 

Article 10 

The public shall have unrestricted access to 
the libraries and their circulating and reference 
books as well as to the cultural and scientific 
events organized by the libraries. 

Article 11 

If Nationals of the host country are em- 
ployed in connection with the operation of the 
library, their employment shall be in compli- 
ance with the applicable laws of that country. 



September 1, 1969 



197 



Article 12 

The activities of the respective libraries will 
ordinarily take place on the premises of the 
libraries. 

The Parties will facilitate, through the com- 
petent authorities of the two countries, the rent- 
ing (or making available on a reciprocal basis) 
of appropriate sites for the activities of the 
respective libraries. 

Article 13 

The present Understanding shall come into 
force upon signature. 

Either of the Parties may terminate this 
Understanding by written notice to the other 
Party, such termination to become effective 
ninety days following the date of such notice. 

Done in duplicate in the English and 
Komanian languages, both of which shall be of 
equal authenticity, at Bucharest this 3rd day of 
August 1969. 

Richard H. Davis V. Gliga 



For the Government 
of the United 
States of America 



Current Actions 



For the Government 
of the Socialist Re- 
public of Romania 



MULTILATERAL 



Antarctica 

Measures relating to the furtherance of the principles 
and purposes of the Antarctic treaty of December 1, 
1959 (TIAS 4780). Adopted at Paris November 29, 
1968.' 

Notifications of approval: Belgium, July 31, 1969, rec- 
ommendations V-1 through V-4, V-7 through V-9 ; 
Norway, July 18, 1969, recommendation V-2. 

Aviation 

Convention on the international recognition of rights 
in aircraft. Done at Geneva June 19, 1948. Entered 
into force September 17, 1953. TIAS 2847. 
Adherence deposited: Central African Republic, 
June 2, 1969. 

Cultural Relations 

Agreement on the importation of educational, scientific, 
and cultural materials, with protocol. Done at Lake 
Success November 22, 1950. Entered into force May 
21, 1952; for the United States November 2, 1966. 
TIAS 6129. 
Acceptance deposited: Singapore, July 11, 1969. 



Health 

International health regulations, with appendixes 
Adopted at Boston July 25, 1969. Enters into force 
January 1, 1971. 

Judicial Procedures 

Convention on the service abroad of judicial and ex- 
trajudicial documents in civil or commercial matters 
Done at The Hague November 15, 1965. Entered into 
force February 10, 1969. TIAS 6638. 
Ratifications deposited: Denmark. Norway. Sweden 
August 2, 1969.'' 

Labor 

International Labor Organization Convention (No 58) 
fixing the minimum age for the admission of children 
to employment at sea (revLsed 1936). Adopted by 
the International Labor Conference, 22d session 
Geneva, October 24, 1936 (TS 952). 
Ratification registered: Southern Yemen April 14 
1969. ' 

Load Lines 

International load line convention, final protocol, and 
annexes. Signed at London July 5, 1930, with ex- 
changes of notes at Washington February 8, June 1 
and 28, August 9, and October 5, 1932. Entered into 
force January 1, 1933. 47 Stat 2228. 
Denunciations deposited: United Kingdom, July 10 
1969 ; United States, July 29, 1969. ' 

International convention on load lines, 1966. Done at 
London April 5, 1966. Entered into force July 21 
1968. TIAS 6.331. ' 

Acceptance deposited: Korea, July 10, 1969. 

Marriage 

Convention on consent to marriage, minimum age for 
marriage, and registration of marriages. Signed at 
New York December 10, 1962. Entered into force 
December 9, 1964.^ 

Accession deposited: Federal Republic of Germany 
July 9, 1969.* 

Satellite Communications System 

Agreement establishing interim arrangements for a 
global commercial communications satellite system. 
Done at Washington August 20, 1964. Entered into 
force August 20, 1964. TIAS 5616. 
Ratification deposited: Belgium, definitively. Au- 
gust 5, 1969. V. u 

Trade 

Certification relating to rectifications and modifica- 
tions of schedules to the General Agreement on Tar- 
iffs and Trade. Done at Geneva January 15, 1963. 
Entered into force: July 12, 1969. 

Second certification relating to rectifications and modi- 
fications of schedules to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva April 29, 1964. 
Entered into force: July 12, 1969. 

Third certification relating to rectifications and modi- 
fications of schedules to the General Agreement on 



' Not in force. 

" With declarations. 

' Not in force for the United States. 

* Applicable to Land Berlin. 



198 



Department of State Bulletin 



Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva May 5, 1967. 
Entered into force: July 12, 1969. 
First certification of changes to schedules to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Ge- 
neva July 12, 1969. Entered into force July 12, 1969. 



BILATERAL 



Australia 

Agreement extending the agreement of January 13, 
1969 (TIAS 6647), relating to the establishment and 
operation of a receiving station on Norfolk Island to 
study ionospheric propagation in relation to long- 
range radio paths. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Canberra July 10, 1969. Entered into force July 10, 
1969. 

Belgium 

Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense 
assistance agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 
2010). Effected by exchange of notes at Brussels 
June 20 and 30, 1969. Entered into force June 30, 
1969. 

International Atomic Energy Agency 

Agreement extending the agreement of June 15, 1964 
(TIAS 5621), for the application of safeguards to 
United States reactor facilities. Effected by exchange 
of letters at Vienna July 28 and 31, 1969. Entered 
into force July 31, 1969. 

Iran 

Amendment to the agreement of March 5, 1957, as 
amended (TIAS 4207, 6219), for cooperation con- 
cerning civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at Wash- 
ington March 18, 1969. 
Entered into force: August 1, 1969. 

Agreement extending the military mission agreement 
of November 27, 1943, as amended (57 Stat 1262, 
TIAS 1941, 2946, 3207, 3519, 6594). Effected by ex- 
change of notes at Tehran June 29 and July 23, 1969. 
Entered into force July 23, 1969. 

Japan 

Agreement concerning cooperation in space activities 
for peaceful purposes. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Tokyo July 31, 1969. Entered into force July 31, 
1969. 



Luxembourg 

Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense 
assistance agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 
2014). Effected by exchange of notes at Luxembourg 
July 11 and 24, 1969. Entered into force July 24, 1969. 

Romania 

Understanding regarding the establishment and opera- 
tion of an American library in Bomania and a 
Romanian library in the United States. Signed at 
Bucharest August 3, 1969. Entered into force 
August 3, 1969. 

Trinidad and Tobago 

Agreement relating to training programs in Trinidad 
and Tobago for Peace Corps volunteers. Effected by 



exchange of notes at Port-of-Spain July 11 and 21, 
1969. Entered into force July 21, 1969. 

Turkey 

Agreement amending the agreement for sales of agri- 
cultural commodities of February 6, 1969 (TIAS 
6645). Effected by exchange of notes at Ankara 
July 22 and 24, 1969. Entered into force July 24, 1969. 

Viet-Nam 

Agreement for sales of agricultural commodities, relat- 
ing to the agreement of March 13, 1967 (TIAS 6271). 
Signed at Saigon July 28, 1969. Entered into force 
July 28, 1969. 




Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, B.C. 20402. 
Address requests direct to the Superintendent of 
Documents. A 25-percent discount is made on orders 
for 100 or more copies of any one puMication 7nailed 
to the same address. Remittances, payable to the Su- 
perintendent of Documents, must accompany orders. 

Background Notes. Short, factual summaries which 
describe the people, history, government, economy, and 
foreign relations of each country. Bach contains a map, 
a list of principal government officials and U.S. diplo- 
matic and consular officers and, in some cases, a se- 
lected bibliography. (A complete set of all Background 
Notes currently in stock (at least 125) — $6; 1-year 
subscription service for approximately 75 updated or 
new Notes — $3.50 ; plastic binder — $1.50. ) Single copies 
of those listed below are available at 100 each. 



Argentina 


Pub. 


7836 


6 pp. 


Finland 


Pub. 


8262 


5 pp. 


Iceland 


Pub. 


8227 


4 pp. 


Italy 


Pub. 


7861 


7 pp. 


Mexico 


Pub. 


7865 


6 pp. 


Nepal 


Pub. 


7904 


5 pp. 


The Netherlands 


Pub. 


8223 


4 pp. 


Antilles 








Nigeria 


Pub. 


7953 


5 pp. 


Rwanda 


Pub. 


7916 


4 pp. 


Senegal 


Pub. 


7820 


4 pp. 


Seychelles 


Pub. 


8246 


4 pp. 


Thailand 


Pub. 


7961 


6 pp. 



A Pocket Guide to Foreign Policy Information Ma- 
terials and Services of the U.S. Department of State. 
This revised pamphlet describes how the public can 
obtain Information on services and materials from the 
Department of State. Pub. 8382. 18 pp. 200. 

International Exchange, 1968. A report of the Bureau 
of Educational and Cultural Affairs; includes tables 
and graphs. Pub. 8459. International Information and 
Cultural Series 99. 37 pp. 45i. 



September 1, 1969 



199 



Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Bolivia. 
TIAS 6652. 5 pp. 100. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Bolivia. 
TIAS 6653. 4 pp. 10*. 

Alien Amateur Radio Operators. Agreement with Indo- 
nesia. TIAS 6654. 4 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities — Rescheduling of Payments 
Under the Agreement of April 18, 1966, as Amended. 
Agreement with Indonesia. TIAS 6655. 7 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities — Rescheduling of PajTnents 
Under the Agreement of June 28, 1966. Memoranda of 
agreement with Indonesia. TIAS 6656. 7 pp. 10#. 

Education — Financing of Exchange Programs. Agree- 
ment with the Philippines amending the agreement of 
March 23, 1963. TIAS 6657. 4 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Ceylon. 
TIAS 6658. 6 pp. 10^ 

Atomic Energy — Cooperation for Mutual Defense Pur- 
poses. Agreement with the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland amending the agreement 
of July 3, 1958, as amended. TIAS 6659. 2 pp. 10^. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with Afghanis- 
tan amending the agreement of July 2, 1968. TIAS 6660. 
2 pp. 10<}. 

Agricultural Commodities. Agreement with the Repub- 
Uc of Korea. TIAS 6661. 8 pp. 100. 

Sea Level Canal Site — Geologic Studies on Route 10. 
Agreement with Panama. TIAS 6662. 6 pp. 10*. 

Social Security — Coverage of Philippine Citizens Em- 
ployed by USAID, JUSMAG, and Peace Corps. Agree- 
ments with the Philippines. TIAS 6663. 9 pp. lO^J. 

Defense — Acquisition and Production of F-4EJ Air- 
craft. Agreement with Japan. TIAS 6664. 7 pp. 10*. 

Weather Stations. Agreement with Mexico extending 
the agreement of February 4, 1966. TIAS 6666. 3 pp. 
10*. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Confirmations 



The Senate on August 13 confirmed the following 
nominations : 

Taylor G. Belcher to be Ambassador to Peru. ( For i 
biographic details, see Department of State press re- 
lease 248 dated August 21. ) 

Walter L. Rice to be Ambassador to Australia. ( For i 
biographic details, see Department of State press re- 
lease 245 dated August 20.) 



Designations 

John Howard Burns as Director General of the For- 
eign Service, effective August 1. ( For biographic details, i 
see Department of State press release dated May 29. ) | 

Miriam Camps as Deputy Director for Planning, 
Planning and Coordination Staff, effective August 5. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press t 
release 235 dated August 5. ) 

Theodore L. Eliot, Jr., as Special Assistant to the 
Secretary and Executive Secretary of the Department, 
effective August 4. ( For biographic details, see Depart- 
ment of State press release 179 dated July 1.) 

Joseph N. Greene, Jr., as Deputy Assistant Secretary 
for International Organization Affairs, effective Au- 
gust 6. 

Arthur A. Hartman as Deputy Director for Co- 
ordination, Planning and Coordination Staff, effective 
August 5. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 235 dated August 5. ) 



I 



200 



Department of State Bulletin 



INDEX September 1, 1969 Vol. LXI, No. 1576 



Asia 

ANZUS Council Holds 19th Meeting at Canberra 

(text of communique) 186 

Secretary Rogers' Trip to Asia and the Pacific 
(news conference at the Western White House, 
address at Canberra, statements and news con- 
ferences at Taijiei and Hong Kong) . . . 177 

Australia 

ANZUS Council Holds 19th Meeting at Canberra 

(text of communique) 186 

Rice confirmed as Ambassador 200 

Secretary Rogers' Trip to Asia and the Pacific 
(news conference at the Western White House, 
address at Canberra, statements and news con- 
ferences at Taipei and Hong Kong) .... 177 

China. Secretary Rogers' Trip to Asia and the 
Pacific (news conference at the Western White 
House, address at Canberra, statements and 
news conferences at Taipei and Hong 
Kong) 177 

Ongress 

Confirmations (Belcher, Rice) 200 

Department Reviews History of International 
Efforts Governing Activities on the Seabed 
(Johnson) 191 

Department and Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Belcher, Rice) 200 

Designations (Burns, Camps, Eliot, Greene, 
Hartman) 200 

Educational and Cultural Affairs. United States 
and Romania Sign Understanding on Libraries 
(text) 196 

Hong Hong. Secretary Rogers' Trip to Asia and 
the Pacific (news conference at the Western 
White House, address at Canberra, state- 
ments and news conferences at Taipei and 
Hong Kong) 177 

International Organizations and Conferences. 
Greene designated Deputy Assistant Secretary 
for International Organization Affairs . . . 200 

Japan 

Secretary Rogers' Trip to Asia and the Pacific 
(news conference at the Western White House, 
address at Canberra, statements and news con- 
ferences at Taipei and Hong Kong) .... 177 

United States and Japan Conclude Space 
Cooperation Agreement (Rogers, exchange of 
notes) 195 

Marine Science. Department Reviews History 
of International Efforts GovemiDg Activities 
on the Seabed (Johnson) 191 

New Zealand. ANZUS Council Holds 19th Meet- 
ing at Canberra (text of communique) . . . 186 

Peru. Belcher confirmed as Ambassador . . . 200 

Publications. Recent Releases 199 

Romania. United States and Romania Sign 
Understanding on Libraries (text) .... 196 

Space. United States and Japan Conclude Space 
Cooperation Agreement (Rogers, exchange of 
notes) 195 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 198 

United States and Japan Conclude Space 
Cooperation Agreement (Rogers, exchange of 
notes) 195 

United States and Romania Sign Understanding 
on Libraries (text) 196 

United Nations. Department Reviews History 
of International Efforts Governing Activities 
on the Seabed (Johnson) 191 



Viet-Nam 

Secretary Rogers' Trip to Asia and the Pacific 
(news conference at the Western White House, 
address at Canberra, statements and news con- 
ferences at Taipei and Hong Kong) . . , . 177 

29th and 30th Plenary Sessions on Viet-Nam 

Held at Paris (Lodge) 188 

Name Index 

Belcher, Taylor G 200 

Burns, John Howard 200 

Camps, Mrs. Miriam 200 

Eliot, Theodore L., Jr 200 

Greene, Joseph N., Jr 200 

Hartman, Arthur A 200 

Johnson, U., Alexis 191 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 188 

Rice, Walter L 200 

Rogers, Secretary 177, 195 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: August 4-17 

Press releases may be obtained from the OflBce 
of Press Relations, Department of State, Wash- 
ington, D.C. 20520. 

Releases issued prior to August 4 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 221 of 
July 31 and 222 of July 30. 

Subject 

Pritzlaff sworn in as Ambassador to 
Malta (biographic details). 

Rogers : arrival statement, Taipei, 
August 1. 

Rogers : departure statement, Taipei, 
August 3. 

Rogers : news conference. Hong 
Kong, August 3. 

Understanding with Romania on 
establishment of libraries. 

Replogle sworn in as Ambassador to 
Iceland (biographic details). 

Designations of Deputy Directors of 
Planning and Coordination Staff 
(biographic details). 

Meeker sworn in as Ambassador to 
Romania (biographic details). 

Lodge : 29th plenary session on Viet- 
Nam at Paris. 

Rogers : National Press Club, Can- 
berra, Australia. 

ANZUS communique. 

Lodge : 30th plenary session on Viet- 
Nam at Paris. 

Symington sworn in as Ambassador 
to Trinidad and Tobago (biogra- 
phic details). 

U.S.-Hungarian understanding on 
establishment of Hungarian com- 
mercial office in New York, means 
of payment of Hungarian post- 
World War II surplus property 
debt, staffing of Embassies. 

Meyer: eighth anniversary, Alliance 
for Progress. 



No. 


Date 


■229 


8/4 


230 


8/4 


231 


8/4 


232 


8/4 


233 


8/5 


234 


S/5 


•235 


8/5 


'236 


8/6 


237 


8/7 


238 


8/8 


239 
240 


8/8 
8A4 


241 


8/14 


242 


8A5 



243 8/16 



•Not printed. 

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u.s. government printing office 

washington, d.c. 20402 



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STATE 

BULLETIN 




SECRETARY ROGERS' NEWS CONFERENCE OF AUGUST 20 201 

31st PLENARY SESSION ON VIETNAM HELD AT PARIS 

Statement by Philip C. Habih and Text of Statement iy U.S. Senators 
on Treatment of American Prisoners of War 



PRESIDENT NIXON MEETS WITH CHANCELLOR KIESINGER 

OF THE FEDERAL, REPUBLIC OF GERMANY 

ExcJumges of Remarks and Joint Statement 211 



Boston Public Library 
- ' nt of Documents 

SFP 2 9 1969 



For index see inside haxik cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



BULLETIN 



Vol. LXI, No. 1576 
September 8, 1969 



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Secretary Rogers' News Conference of August 20 



Press release 246 dated August 20 

Q. Mr. Secretary, at your most recent press 
conference here in W ashington early in July^ 
you took note of the lull in battlefield activity 
in Viet-Nam. At that time you said it was too 
early to tell whether this had any political sig- 
nificance. Since that time the lull has continued, 
although activity has flared up and down from 
time to time. My question is: Do you find any 
political significance in it? have you since that 
timie? do you now? And in that connection, 
how about significance in Paris? In other 
words, are we getting any closer to peace? 

A. Well, in answer to the question about 
whether the lull has any political significance 
or not, I thiak that I would have to say that it 
cannot be determined now. There was a while 
that it looked as if it might have some signifi- 
cance. But I think the events of August 11 and 
12, which resulted, as you know, in very intense 
enemy activity, made it very difficult to say that 
the lull had any political significance. 

So we are disappointed at the activity on 
August 11 and 12, and we had hoped that the 
enemy was continuing to pursue less intense 
offensive activity in Viet-Nam. 

I think, though, that I do want to say that 
since then, since August 11 and 12, the activity 
is back to what it was prior to that time. And 
although we cannot be sure that it has any 
political significance, we do not want to put too 
much emphasis on the activity of those days, 
because, as you know, the President listed three 
criteria that he was going to use to determine 
the future troop replacements: One was the 
level of activity of the enemy ; two was the abil- 
ity of the South Vietnamese to take over the 
combat responsibilities; and three was the 
negotiations in Paris. 



' For a transcript of Secretary Rogers' news confer- 
ence of July 2, see Bulletin of July 21, 1969, p. 41. 



Now, insofar as the level of activity is con- 
cerned, over the last 9 weeks it has been rela- 
tively low. We recognize that — I think all of 
us recognize that war itself has grave risks. 
And we are willing to take sensible risks for 
peace. 

So in deciding what to do in terms of troop 
replacements in the future, the President and 
all of us are going to keep those considerations 
in mind. 

We are prepared to take sensible risks for 
peace. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, does the lull in actuality 
have any effect on the Presidents immediate 
decisions to make a further announcement of 
troop replacements this month? 

A. Yes, it wUl be taken into consideration by 
the President. Secretary [of Defense Melvin 
E.] Laird and I will see the President from time 
to time the remainder of the month, and the 
President intends to make a decision before the 
month is up. 

We will take into consideration the oifensive 
activity of the enemy for the last 2 montlis. We 
will obviously have to consider the activity of 
August 11 and 12. 

But as I say, on the whole the enemy activity, 
the offensive activity of the enemy, has been 
somewhat less these last 2 months than 
previously. 

I think I should also point out that the infil- 
tration that I referred to in my last press 
conference is still down. It is considerably 
down. 

So that would indicate that although the 
enemy may have the ability to launch offensive 
actions, as he did August 11 and 12, he might 
have more difficulty in launching a sustained 
offensive action. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is it a fair conclusion from, 
ivhat you have said that the United States has 
done nothing in response to this lull, whatever 
its political meaning may he? 



September 8, 1969 



201 



A. No, I hiiven't said anything to suggest 
that at alL 

Q. What have we done? 

A. What I have indicated is that we are 
taking what we think are sensible risks for 
peace. And we are going to proceed with a pro- 
gram of troop replacement with that basic 
principle in mind. 

Now, insofar — I gather what you are talking 
about, Mr. Roberts [Chalmers Roberts, Wash- 
ington Post] , is whether there has been a change 
of battle plans, orders. Is that what you have 
reference to? 

Q. Well, that is one of the things. Secretary 
Laird has mentioned the change there. But it 
has never been very clear as to whether in 
fact this is an official policy change by the 
Government. 

A. Well, I don't want to get into an extended 
discussion about military orders, except to say 
that the military activity on our part since — 
well, certainly for the last couple of months, has 
been consistent with the President's sjjeech on 
May 14,^ which is to Vietnamize the war to the 
fullest possible extent, to conduct our opera- 
tions in a way to protect American lives, and 
to take into consideration the activity of the 
enemy. 

Now, this has occurred. And until August 11 
and 12 the level of activity, as you know, was 
very low ; casualty rates were down. So that the 
increase in activity is a result of the enemy's 
action. 

Q. What I am trying to get at. if I may pur- 
sue that — following Mr. Hensley's [Stewart 
Hensley. United Press Intemationall question^ 
you said at that last press conference, if I 
remem,her correctly, that if after a couple of 
weeks' examination of the lull then beginning, 
you would make some decision, or the Govern- 
ment might make some decision, in response. 
Now are you saying that the lull continued oidy 
because of the Communist activity, level of 
activity, or decision or that the United States 
also did something to lower the level of 
hostilities? 

A. I think that the T'nited States did 
something to lower the level of activity. 

Q. What did we do? 



M 



A. Well, we are not going to disclose, Sir. 
Roberts, all the orders in a war. And you under- 
stand why we can't do that. The fact is that the 
lull was partly because of the reaction of the 
United States, and the reason that the activity | 
increased was because of the enemy's action, , 
Now, I am not going to get into military orders, 
except to say we did respond and we are 
prepared to if the other side wants to. 

Strategic Arms Limitation Talks 

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us what the 
prospects are at the moment on getting 
something from the Russians on SALT talks? 

A. Mr. Bailey [Charles W. Bailey, Minneap- 
olis Tribune], we have not heard from them. 
We have been somewhat surprised that we have 
not, because when I spoke originally to Mr. 
Dobrynin [Soviet Ambassador Anatoliy F. 
Dobrynin] about our wishes to proceed in Au- 
gust, he indicated some enthusiasm, was pleased 
that we had so indicated. But we have not heard 
from them since. They know that we are willing 
and would like to proceed with these talks. 

I am informed that IVIr. Dobrjmin has been 
having some health problem, minor health prob- 
lem. But I tliink he is expected to return to 
Washington in the near future. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, has the Sino-Soviet border 
confict in any way interrupted your initiative 
toward Communist China for resumption of 
our Warsaio talks? 

A. No, not at all. We have indicated from the ' 
beginning of this administration — and I re- 
peated it in Canberra in a speech there at the 
Press Club ^ — our willingness to enter into these 
discussions with Communist China. I also in- , 
dicated at the time that we would, at the 
appropriate tune, attempt through diplomatic 
channels to see if it was possible to get these 
talks resumed. At the appropriate time, when it 
seems the best opportiuiity to elicit a favorable •■ 
response from tlie Communist Chinese, we will 
renew that offer. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, how do you appraise the 
situation in Laos? < 

A. Well, since my last press conference there 
has not been a great deal of change. We have , 
obviously felt that this was a matter of grave i 



' For text, see Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. ' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 1, 1969, p. 178. 



202 



Department of State Bulletin 



concern. We have discussed the matter with the 
Soviet Union and the U.K., who are cochairmen 
of the Geneva agreements. We think that Laos 
and Cambodia should be inchided in any settle- 
ment involving Viet-Nam. At the moment we 
are watching it very carefully. 

Q. Mr: Secretary, there are some people who 
ielieve that the Soviets are not doing all that 
they can to help achieve an end to the fighting 
in Viet-Nam aiid Laos. Do you agree? 

A. Yes, I agree. I don't think they are doing 
as much as they could. I suppose they have a 
problem. At least they say they have a problem 
with their constituencies. They are supplying 
most of the military equipment for the North. 
And I suppose that if they were willing to and 
felt politically they could, they could be of 
greater help. I have not detected recently any 
help at all on their part. 

" Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us the 
scenario for the evolution of the administra- 
tiorCs policy on Latin Amenca? Where do we 

■■•■ stand now on the nsw policy? 

i\ A. Well, we talked to Governor [Nelson A.] 
, Rockefeller, who is working on his report, and 
3: I think when the President returns to Wash- 
ington, Governor Eockefeller will make a re- 
port. We intend to discuss the matter with 
" Latin American coimtries further, and we 
1 would hope that we can have some decisions in 
ii the next few months. 



Troop Replacement Program in Viet-Nam 

Q. Mr. Secretary, toe have been led to believe 
that the process of disengage?nent, withdrawal, 
or replacement of American troops in Viet- 
Nam doesn't necessarily depend upon the enemy 
cuition, lulls or non-lulls. 

A. That is correct. 

Q. Is that correct? 

A. That is correct. 

Q. So we could continue the withdrawal 
whether there was a high level or a low level 
of enemy activity in Viet-Nam? 

^ A. Yes. Of course, a high level of activity 

kill would make it less likely and make the troop 

ji'l replacement program more difficult. As I said, 

the President aimounced three criteria, and 

we will consider all of them in making the 



decision. But one of the most important factors 
in that decision is the ability of the South Viet- 
namese to handle the combat responsibilities in 
that area. And I must say that they have — so 
far they have taken over the responsibilities 
very well, and we are pleased with the develop- 
ments up to this time. 

Q. My point is that all three cnteria do not 
have to apply at the same time — any one is 
applicable? 

A. That is correct. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been some report 
here that you have a neic front opening up on 
reorganizing the State Department. Is that 

true? 

A. I don't think we have a new front. We 
have pretty well completed our personnel 
changes. We have a few staffing problems left. 
But on the whole the Department, I think, so 
far as administration is concerned, is in good 
shape. We have, as I say — I\Ir. Cargo's [William 
I. Cargo, Director of the Planning and Coor- 
dination Staff] operation still has some peo- 
ple — we have some places to fill. But on the 
whole, I think it is well staffed. And I am very 
proud of the people we have. I think they are 
unusually capable. 

Anniversary of Invasion of Czechoslovakia 

Q. Mr. Secretary, tomorrow is the first anni- 
versary since the Soviet invasion of Czechoslo- 
vakia. A year ago, adrninistration officials had 
quite a lot to say on that subject. Do you have 
anything to say on that subject today? 

A. Well, the anniversary of the military in- 
vasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet LTnion 
and four of its allies is a reminder, a grim re- 
minder, of the difficulty we face in entering an 
era of negotiation with the Soviet Union. 

Certainly, the American people are still 
firmly convinced that this was a profound 
tragedy, not only for the people of Czechoslo- 
vakia but for all people that believe in peace 
and security and justice. We believe — our peo- 
ple believe and our country believes — that all 
nations, large and small, have the right to pur- 
sue their own interests and aspirations. And no 
doctrine, whether it's the doctrine of limited 
sovereignty or any other doctrine, can interfei'e 
with that right. 

So I think I can say that this anniversary 



September 8, 1969 



203 



serves as a grim reminder, with ominous over- 
tones, of the difficulty that we have in trying 
to resolve some of these differences among na- 
tions by peaceful means. And it does point up 
life as it is, as distinguished from life as we 
wish it were. 

U.S. Position on Mutual MIRV Test Ban 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there seems to he some open 
disagreement now in the adyninistration on how 
to approach the question of a mutual test tan 
on MIRV \7nultiple independently targeted re- 
entry vehicle^ . We have Jieard fro?n, the Penta- 
gon, from Dr. Foster [John S. Foster, Director 
of Defense Research and Engineering'^ and 
also from Dr. Nutter [G. Warren Nutter, As- 
sistant Secretary of Defense {International Se- 
curity Affairs)^ in their testimony iefore the 
House suhcommittee, that they don't feel that 
our MIRV^s and the Soviet MIRVs are appro- 
priate trade-offs, while at the same time we have 
the release of a letter frotn Mr. \_Oerard (7.] 
Smith of the Arms Control Agency, in which 
he states his personal opinion to Senator Brooke 
that he felt that a MIRV test ban, a mutual 
MIRV test ban, should he given priority, and 
so on. Can you tell us where you stand on this 
issue and when we can get an administration 
position on this? 

A. Yes. The President has said — and I'll re- 
iterate — that we think this is a very important 
matter. And although there may be slight dif- 
ferences of opinion, I don't think they are very 
serious in the administration. 

The President has announced that we are 
willing to consider some kind of a mutual mora- 
torium on MIRVs if it's beneficial to both the 
Soviet Union and the United States. 

Now, that is a matter that he has now under 
consideration, and when the SALT talks start 
it will be one of the items that he will have to 
decide upon. 

I think that we have talked to Senator 
Brooke on two or three occasions. We think that 
his proposal has been helpful, and we have it 
under consideration. We will give it full 
consideration. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, returning to Viet-Nam for 
a moment, would you define further what you 
inean by "sensible risks for peace"? 

A. No, I don't think I will. [Laughter.] 

Q. Mr. Secretary, pursuing the SALT talks 



204 



question for a minute, do you think there is a 
possibility — II 

A. — Excuse me. I don't mean to be flippant. 
But I don't think j'ou can define what's sensible. 
It depends on the facts in the situation, and 
when we analyze them we recognize that — in 
other words, if we were going to give, to guaran- 
tee everything, then I suppose we just maintaia 
a status quo. I mean, if we wanted to be sure 
that we took no chances at all. 

Now, the President has decided on another 
policy. The policy is that we will proceed to 
Vietnamize the war. And in that process there 
are certain risks that have to be taken, and we 
are prepared to take those risks as long as they 
are sensible. 

What we do want to emphasize to the other 
side is that that does not indicate at all that 
we are going to be softheaded about it. The 
President's policy, as announced on May 14, is 
the policy of this administration. And if they 
read it again, they will see that there is nothing 
in there that suggests that we are going to 
either take careless risks — be careless in taking 
risks — or that we are going to back away from 
our responsibilities. 

On the other hand, we are going to proceed 
with the policy as he announced it. 



Sino-Soviet Conflict 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is it possible, in your view, 
that the Soviet Union is hacking away from the 
SALT talks because of our foot-dragging on 
the MIRV issue? 

A. No, I don't tliink so at all. I think that 
they probably — and this is speculation — they 
are probably preoccupied with a lot of things. 
The most important is the Sino-Soviet conflict. 

As you know, they have had their ambassa- 
dore back in Moscow for some time. And you 
also know that they have been acting in a way 
which is quite dilferent than they have ever 
acted before. They have gone to embassies aU 
over Western Europe and tliis hemisphere pre- 
senting their case against the Chinese, which is 
really quite unusual. They have gone into West 
Germany, for example, and pleaded their case 
and pointed out that the Chinese are responsible 
and they aren't. It's pretty clear that they are 
really preoccupied with the Chinese problem. 
They moved a lot of equipment toward the 
border. 

So I don't believe that it's that. And the word 



Department of State Bulletin 



I 



I 



we get back throiigh diplomatic sources is that 
I they plan to let us know. But I think they have 
their problems. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., soTne of the Navy spokes- 
men ielieve that the Soviet Union is practicing 
seapower diplomacy. They have had a flotUla 
in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico., and 
noio they have got over 60 ships in the 
Mediterranean. Would you want to comment on 
that? 

A. Yes. Since 1967, in the Mediterranean, they 
have varied from having about 30 ships — and 
I"m speaking of both combat and auxiliary 
ships — to about 60. Recently, they have had 
really a high point; they have had about 63 
vessels in there. 

We have not noticed any correlation between 
their naval activity and political activity as 
such. But we are watcliing it very closely ; and 
as you know, NATO particularly has been ob- 
serving this. And they are going to take any 
necessary action to be sure that the security of 
the area is not in any way impaired. 

Contingency Plan With Thailand 

Q. On the subject of the contingency agree- 
ment loith Thailand, do you regard this as a 
common and standard type of agreement of this 
sort? Or do you regard it — does it give you any 
concern? 

A. No, it doesn't give me any concern, and 
I think it has gotten sort of blown out of 
proportion. It's a contingency plan, and it's 
based on a lot of assumj)tions, just as all mili- 
tary planning is. And we have a good many of 
them. All nations have a lot of contingency mili- 
tary plans. Obviously, they can't be made pub- 
lic. If they were made public, they wouldn't be 
of any value. 

Now, that is all this is. It was started in 1964, 
completed in 1965. It's an old plan. It's pur- 
suant to the SEATO Treaty. It expressly pro- 
vides that it cannot be operative, that it's just 
for planning purposes, and that it requires a 
mutual agreement and consent of both nations 
liefore it could ever become operative. 

So I honestly don't see what the problem is. 
I have talked — I have sent a long letter to Sena- 
tor Fulbright. It's something that we haven't — 
that we were not involved in, we are not re- 
sponsible for. And we are perfectly willing to 
make it available for his inspection and the in- 



spection of the committee. Two of the Senators 
have already seen it, and I vmderstand Secre- 
tary Laird has extended an invitation — and 
Senator Fulbright, I think, has accepted — for 
hmch to discuss the matter. So I don't really 
believe it's a problem. 

Q. Then why was it necessary to enter into 
the agreement? 

A. It isn't an agreement. It's like all military 
plans, it's a contingency plan. And as you know, 
the President of the United States, all of us in 
the administration, say that it has no binding 
effect. It's a plan pursuant to the SEATO 
Treaty, just as we have plans pursuant to trea- 
ties all over. NATO has a lot of military plan- 
ning, contingency planning. All nations do. 

Now, that is all it is. And the President has 
agreed that it doesn't have any binding ef- 
fect. The Prime Muiister of Thailand has said 
so. The Foreign Minister of Tliailand has 
said so. The Foreign Minister announced yes- 
terday that it had no binding effect. 

Now, why we keep insisting that it somehow 
is binding I don't understand. It isn't binding. 
It's a contingency plan. We are willing to let 
the Senate look at it. And it has no meaning 
beyond that. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., would it require action by 
Congress before it became effective? 

A. Well before it gets to Congress, it would 
require action on the part of both governments, 
just as if it hadn't existed. Any plan requires 
action on the part of both governments. And 
whether you have one in existence or whether 
you took one up a week before trouble arises, it 
requires action on the part of both govermnents. 

Now— 

Q. What about Congress? 

A. Well, it depends, of course, on what was 
involved finally. As I say, this plan assumes a 
lot of things which obviously wouldn't all oc- 
cur, just as all military planning does. I mean, 
the actual military situation never really fits 
into a plan completely. 

Now, in terms — I think what Congress prob- 
ably is concerned about is the prospect that 
somehow we could be dragged into another land 
war in Thailand. And I have said to the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee and the House 
Foreign Affairs Committee that we fully un- 
derstand the necessity for support of any mili- 



September 8, 1969 



205 



tary venture both by Congress and the public. 
If there is one thing that Viet-Nam has made 
clear, it's that. 

Now, we will, to the full extent of our abil- 
ity, get the advice of Congress, consult with 
them along the way, and in any approi^riate 
circumstances we will get their consent. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said earlier that the 
United States did its part in contributing to 
the lull. Has that situation changed since the 
enemy resumed its activity, or are we still — 

A. No, it has not changed. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in connection with Viet- 
Nam, what are the -prospects for what some 
people have called '■'-territorial accommoda- 
tions^' ivhere there are areas where the enemy 
has bases and strong either support or control 
of the population wliere we donH send our mili- 
tary forces, and vice versa. Is that the situation 
on the ground in some areas now? 

A. Well, I wouldn't want to describe it quite 
that way, I think, on the broad question that 
you pose. If the other side wanted to negotiate 
a political settlement and they did have politi- 
cal strength in certain areas, I think that would 
be a factor we'd have to consider. But at the 
moment, I don't think it's under consideration. 

The War in Nigeria 

Q. Mr. Secretary, as head of the State De- 
partment, do you see any reasons for optitnism 
in regard to the Nigerian war, now in its second 
year? 

A. No, unfortvmately, I don't. It's a tragic 
war. We applaud the efforts of so many people 
who have attempted to help, the latest being the 
efforts of Pope Paul. The chiefs of state of the 
Organization of African Unity are going to 
meet next month. All we can say is that we 
hope that some negotiated settlement could be 
worked out. 

We have made, as you know, the largest con- 
tribution in terms of food and medicine. In 
other words, we have done more than our part 
in a humanitarian way. And we have urged 
others to attempt to help in resolving the prob- 
lem. It is one of those problems that occur in 
foreign affairs, and it's extremely difficult. I 
must say that I don't see any particular hoj^e. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Ambassador Lodge has re- 
turned to this country for consultation, at a 



time when it appears there is absolutely no 
progress of any sort in Paiis, unless it is prog- 
ress in circles. Why should he come back now 
for consultation? 

A. Well, I agree with you that there cer- 
tainly has been very little progress in Paris. 
We always have hope that something may 
develop, and we are constantly attempting to 
think of new approaches, new suggestions, new 
ways to discuss our common problems. 

He is going to talk with the President and 
me in San Francisco tomorrow. We're going 
back to San Clemente and have further dis- 
cussions about it, still hopeful that we can find 
some avenue that will lead to negotiations that 
will result in peace. So far we haven't found 
any willingness on the part of the other side 
to enter into meaningful discussions. i 

Q. Mr. Secretai-y, you have said that we 
dont have any ground combat troops in Laos. 
But it is a fact Jcnown to everybody, even 
though not conceded by the last administration 
or this one, that we are bombing in Laos, that 
we have special force units in Laos. What is 
our coTnmitjnent to the Government of Laos? 

A. Well, we have, as I said a little earlier — 
under the Geneva accords we have all pledged, 
and the nations who were involved pledged, the 
independence and neutrality of Laos. And 
our commitment is the same as other nations', 
and that is we hope that they will remaia 
independent. 

At the moment, there is the very serious 
threat of aggression by the North Vietnamese. 
We haven't any commitment beyond what you 
have just referred to. We do not have combat 
troops in Laos. We are quite concerned about 
the problem. But there hasn't been any 
particular deterioration since my last press 
conference. 

President Nixon's Trip to Romania 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you address your- ; 
self to the Presidents visit to Romania on two 
scores? One, has it complicated and hurt our 
relations with the Soviet Union? And number 
tioo, what about the reports that yoxtr people in 
the State Department didnH want tlie President 
to go to Romania? 

A. Well, let me talk about the latter part of 
your question first. I don't know where those 
reports emanated from. The President spoke to 



206 



Department of State Bulletin 



I me about 10 days before he decided to announce 
his trip to Eomania, and I was enthusiastic 
about it. It was consistent with everything that 
I had said. If you go back and look at my state- 
ments about attempting to improve our rela- 
tions with all countries, and whether they are 
in Eastern Europe or Communist China, I had 
indicated that we were willing to do that. 

Now, I talked with the top people concerned 
with Eomania in the Department, and they 
agreed with me. They all thought it was a fine 
idea. So I just don't know where the stories 
emanated from. It may well be that some of the 
subordinates in the State Department had some 
questions about it. 

And I think any one of these trips does 
involve pros and cons. There are certain risks 
and advantages and disadvantages. And I don't 
think the fact that someone suggested that there 
might be some disadvantages is a really serious 
matter. I would hope that in all these cases 
people in the Department will express their 
honest points of view. But I didn't detect any 
opposition to the trip. And certainly I was 
enthusiastic about it. 

Now, the first part of your question, dealing 
with the result of the trip — I think that the 
result of the trip has been very good. I think it 
was most successful. I haven ■t--there is no way 
of knowing whether it has affected the Soviet 
thinking or not. And as I said in Australia, I 
don't think we can conduct our foreign policy 
based on whether it's going to make Communist 
China unhappy or the Soviet Union unhappy. 
We are going to try to improve our relations 
with all countries, includmg countries in 
Eastern Europe. 

On the trip as a whole, I tliink that the trips 
that we took were extremely successful. And I 
think that our prestige in all the countries that 
I visited has never been higher. I didn't detect 
any opposition on the part of government ofii- 
] cials, on the part of the public, on the part of 
' the press, or anywhere else, about our policies in 
Asia ; with a single exception of some question 
raised in the Republic of China about our new 
policy toward — in the Republic of China con- 
cerning our new policy toward Communist 
China, I didn't find any reservation about our 
policy. It met with enthusiastic response in all 
of these countries. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, along with this China pol- 
icy., are you at all concerned that this may he 
at least making it a hit difficult for the Soviet 



Union to get around to talking on the SALT 
matter ivith us? 

A. No, I am not. And I don't see why it 
should. I mean I don't see why, if we make sen- 
sible approaches to Communist China and we 
indicate a willingness to become more friendly 
with them and improve our relations, in the 
hope that we can reduce tensions in that area — 
why that should cause the Soviet Union to have 
any doubts about their willingness to pursue 
the SALT talks. I just don't understand that 
logic. And if they are reasoning that way, then 
we cannot figure out their logic because it is so 
illojrical. 



U.S. Policy Toward Communist China 

Q. In connection with the China question, 
you talked about it a great deal on your recent 
trip. Is this administration deliberately head- 
ing into or toward a two-Chinas policy? Do we 
recognize both the mainland regiine and the 
regime on Formosa? 

A. No, I don't think we are headed in any 
generalization of that kind. What we have said 
is our policy. We have taken initiatives in both 
the field of trade and travel. And we intend in 
the future, if we think it is wise, to take further 
steps in that direction. We would like to enter 
into discussions with Communist China. After 
that, depending on their reaction, if they show 
any interest in improving relations, then we 
will decide how to proceed. 

But we want to make it clear that their isola- 
tion from the rest of the world is of their own 
choosing. It is not our policy ; it is their policy. 
And if they have this belligerent attitude 
toward the rest of the world and toward the 
United States, it is their attitude, their 
belligerency. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I have been frying to in- 
voke your considerable legal ability to ask a 
legal question which concerns the Thai and 
Laotian situation. It has been contended on 
the Hill — or it has been stated as a matter of 
record — that when the SEATO Treaty was up 
for discussion. Secretary Dtdles said that '■'■con- 
stitutional processes,^'' as defined in the treaty, 
meant consideration by the executive branch 
and by the legislative branch. Noio, you have 
said here this morning that the administration 
will, to the fullest extent possible, get the advice 
of Congress and consult with them in any fu- 



September 8, 1969 



207 



ture operations concerning the use of troops. 

A. And I said their consent, when 
appropriate. 

Q. Their consent when appropriate. Well, is 
it possible for you to say in any 'broad way in 
regard to the application of a treaty, such as the 
SEATO Treaty, whether in your legal jjidg- 
ment constitutional processes do involve action 
hy the legislative branch as well as by the execu- 
tive branch, or do you define it more narrowly? 

A. Well, I tliink that when we say "constitu- 
tional processes" it involves a whole bundle of 
things. Now, in terms of declaration of war, ob- 
viously it requires action by the Congress. In 
other areas it may not. But it may require con- 
gressional action — I mean appropriations, all 
kinds of things, require congressional action. 

But what I am saying, rather than trying to 
now decide and to tell you what we do under 
any given set of hypothetical facts — which I 
think would be most unwise— I do want to say 



that we intend to do our utmost to consult with 
Congress, to get their advice, and to get their 
approval and in any appropriate circumstance 
get their consent. 

We don't have any intention of having a run- 
ning battle with Congress. And I have a feeling 
that some of this is sort of an appendage that 
is a hangover from bygone days. It is not our 
attitude. We are not going to do that. And I 
woixld hope that in the discussions that Secre- 
tary Laird has with Senator Fulbright this 
could be made clear. 

Certainly Thailand is not asking for any- 
thing. Thailand has said yesterday that they 
will not ask for any help from us by way of 
armed forces, either in terms of insurgency 
created by internal conditions or insurgency 
resulting from outside instigation and support 
and direction. I don't know how you could say 
it more directly than that. 

The press : Mr. Secretary, thank you, sir. 

A. OK— thank you. 



31st Plenary Session on Viet-Nam Held at Paris 



Following is the opening statement made by 
Philip C. Habib, acting chief of the U.S. dele- 
gation, at the 31st plenary session of the meet- 
ings on Viet-Nam at Paris on August 21, to- 
gether with the text of an August 13 statement 
by U.S. Senators on the treatment of American 
prisoners of war, which Mr. Habib distributed 
at the meeting. 



Press release 247 dated August 21 

STATEMENT BY MR. HABIB 

Ladies and gentlemen : The United States 
and the Government of the Republic of Viet- 
Nam have put forward a series of reasonable 
proposals for the settlement of the Viet-Nam 
war. We are waiting for you to respond and 
engage in serious discussions of the issues. 

Your side has continually denigrated and 
vilified our proposals and our motives. You 
have also failed to face up to and deal with 
some of the most important issues. The with- 



drawal of non-South Vietnamese forces is a key 
issue. Yet you continue to insist upon unilateral 
withdrawal from South Viet-Nam of United 
States and Allied forces, while North Viet- 
namese forces remain behind. That cannot be 
considered a serious proposal — nor is it reason- 
able. The basic terms of our position can be 
stated simply : mutual withdrawal of all non- 
South Vietnamese forces from South Viet- 
Nam and free choice for the people of South 
Viet-Nam. 

Mutual withdrawal is essential if the people 
of South Viet-Nam are to be ensured the oppor- 
tunity to exercise freely the right of self- 
determination. We will not agree to imilateral 
Allied withdrawal. The withdrawal of our 
forces must be linked to the withdrawal of 
North Vietnamese forces. 

I^t me recall the specific proposals for 
mutual withdrawal made by President Nixon 
on May 14, 1969.' He proposed that : 



' Bulletin of June 2, 1969, p. 457. 



208 



Department of State Bulletin 



— As soon as agreement can be reached, all non- 
South Vietnamese forces would begin withdrawals 
I'i'om South Viet-Nam. 

— Over a period of 12 months, by agreed-upon stages, 
the major portions of all U.S., Allied, and other non- 
South Vietnamese forces would be withdrawn. At the 
eud of this 12-month period, the remaining D.S., Allied, 
and other non-South Vietnamese forces would move 
into designated base areas and would not engage in 
combat operations. 

— The remaining U.S. and Allied forces would move 
to complete their withdrawals as the remaining North 
Vietnamese forces were withdrawn and returned to 
North Viet-Nam. 

— An international supervisory body, acceptable to 
both sides, would be created for the purpose of veri- 
fying withdrawals and for any other purposes agreed 
upon between the two sides. 

— This international body would begin operating 
in accordance with an agreed timetable and would 
participate in arranging supervised cease-fires. 

There can be no negotiated settlement to the 
war in Viet-Xam unless you are prepared to 
withdraw all North Vietnamese troops and ele- 
ments from South Viet-Nam, Laos, and Cam- 
bodia back to North Viet-Nam. We are flexible 
as to how this withdrawal is arranged and car- 
ried out. As President Nixon said on May 14 : 

If North Viet-Nam wants to insist that it has no 
forces in South Viet-Nam, we will no longer debate the 
point — provided that its forces cease to be there and 
that we have reliable assurances that they will not 
return. 

In setting forth your views on withdrawal, 
as on many other issues, you have tried to avoid 
the problems and principles that must be faced. 
You continually repeat your insistence on your 
own demands, and you distort our position in 
order to evade discussion of the real issues. Your 
voice is that of the propagandist, not the 
negotiator. 

We do not choose to debate your tortured 
propaganda. We do not believe anyone is con- 
vinced by your exaggerations, your misconcep- 
tions, or your false allegations. Your statements 
about the war, its origins and its conduct, are 
tlioroughly inaccurate and self-serving. Your 
words and your actions are inconsistent with 
peaceful intentions. They underline your con- 
tinued reliance on violence and terror. They 
illustrate your lack of interest in negotiating a 
settlement and your misuse of these meetings 
for purposes of propaganda. 

We have set forth reasonable proposals, and 
we are prepared for serious negotiations. Only 
when you begin to address the real issues and 
show an interest in serious negotiation shall we 
be able to move toward an end to this tragic war. 

I wish to add a few remarks on another 



subject. On August 13, 40 members of the 
Senate of the United States signed a statement 
condemning North Viet-Nam's treatment of 
American prisoners.^ These Senators speak on 
this issue for all Americans. 

The Senators denounced your continued re- 
fusal to inform the families which of the miss- 
ing men are alive and which are dead. I wish 
to underline for your attention some of the 
things they said : 

It is hard for us to understand how Hanoi can main- 
tain so callous a position. By our own standards, this 
kind of cruelty imposed on innocent bystanders is both 
repugnant and virtually unthinkable. 

Yet it may be that North Vietnam hopes through 
such cruel pressure to influence the policy of the United 
States toward the Vietnam conflict. 

If this is their intention, they are doomed to failure. 
Neither we in Congress, nor the Administration, nor 
the American people as a whole, nor indeed the fami- 
lies directly affected, will be swayed by this crude 
attempt. 

The Senators endorsed the position taken by 
the United States Govermnent in protesting the 
mistreatment of American prisoners. They also 
said: 

With the Administration, we too ask Hanoi to prove 
the "humane and generous" policy it claims to follow 
in treatment of prisoners by naming the men in cap- 
tivity, by immediately repatriating the sick and 
woimded, by permitting impartial inspection of prison 
facilities, by assuring proper treatment of all prison- 
ers, by making possible a regular flow of mail, and by 
undertaking serious negotiations for the prompt re- 
lease of all American prisoners in their custody. 

We shall now hand you copies of the complete 
senatorial statement, with the request that you 
consider it carefully. This demand for humani- 
tarian treatment of our prisoners reflects the 
view of all who cannot accept your excuses, your 
self -justification, or your continued neglect of 
commonly accepted standards. 



TEXT OF SENATORIAL STATEMENT 
OF AUGUST 13 

Along with Americans everywhere, we too rejoiced 
with the families of the three servicemen freed from 
North Vietnamese captivity. 

These gallant men emerged from their ordeal physi- 
cally weakened, but unwavering in their courage and 
loyalty. 

Yet even as we share the joy of their release, our 
happiness is clouded by the knowledge that 1,365 other 
American families are stiU waiting — some for the re- 



^ Two additional Senators, Howard W. Cannon, Nev., 
and Ted Stevens, Alaska, also signed the statement. 



September 8, 1969 



209 



lease of a husband or son, some even for definite word 
whether a loved one Is dead or alive. 

For many of these families, the North Vietnamese 
could devise no subtler cruelty than their persistent 
refusal even to provide a list of names of the prisoners 
in their custody. Each of us regularly receives poignant 
letters from parents and wives of the more than 1,000 
men who are missing and thought to be prisoners of 
the North Vietnamese and the more than 300 known 
to be in custody. 

When, they ask, will our men be able to come home? 

And, all too often, how can we find out if they are 
still alive? 

It is hard for us to understand how Hanoi can main- 
tain so callous a position. By our own standards, this 
kind of cruelty imposed on innocent bystanders is both 
repugnant and virtually unthinkable. 

Yet it may be that North Vietnam hopes through 
such cruel pressure to influence the policy of the United 
States toward the Vietnam conflict. 

If this is their intention, they are doomed to failure. 
Neither we in Congress, nor the Administration, nor 
the American people as a whole, nor indeed the fami- 
lies directly affected, will be swayed by this crude 
attempt. 

Though we may differ in our views on the future 
course of American policy in Vietnam, we are firmly 
united in support of the position on our prisoners made 
clear both by the present Administration and by its 
predecessor. 

In 1967, for example, the United States formally 
protested mistreatment of American prisoners and 
urged North Vietnam to observe the provisions of the 
1949 Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of 
Prisoners of War.'' Equally important, our government 
asked Hanoi to permit impartial observers to verify 
its claims that our men were being treated humanely — 
claims contradicted by a growing body of evidence 
that prisoners were being subjected to emotional and 
physical duress. 

Indeed, Hanoi had threatened a year earlier to put 
American prisoners on trial as war criminals, a clear 
violation of the Geneva Convention. Fortunately, they 
were dissuaded from their plans by worldwide pro- 
tests against this extreme form of inhumane 
treatment. 

Efforts to help our servicemen held by North Viet- 
nam have been pursued with equal vigor by the present 
Administration. Secretary of State Rogers, Secretary 
of Defense Laird, and Ambassador Lodge in Paris have 
all pressed North Vietnam in recent months for com- 
pliance with the provisions of the Geneva Convention. 
In particular, they have urged such basic steps as 
repatriation of sick and wounded prisoners and the 
furnishing of a list of men actually in North Viet- 
namese hands. 

This latter, most basic, request was brutally rebuffed 
by North Vietnamese representative Xuan Thuy in 



'For a Department statement of May 8, 1967, see 
Bulletin of May 29, 1967, p. 825. 



Paris, who flatly refused even to identify the American 
prisoners held in his country so long as the United 
States "continued its aggressive war in Vietnam." 

This obvious attempt by Hanoi to capitalize on our 
deep concern for these men, and to turn it to their 
propaganda or political advantage, is inhumane and 
inexcusable. 

We urge Hanoi not to be misled by our divergences 
on policy into believing that we are not united on this 
issue of simple humanity. Cruelty of the kind being 
practiced in this instance by North Vietnam can serve 
only to increase our determination and, in the words 
of Ambassador Lodge, "cannot have a favorable effect 
on our negotiations." 

We therefore pledge our full support to the Admin- 
istration in its efforts on behalf of the American service- 
men held captive in North Vietnam. 

With the Administration, we too ask Hanoi to prove 
the "humane and generous" policy it claims to follow 
in treatment of prisoners by naming the men in cap- 
tivity, by immediately repatriating the sick and 
wounded, by permitting impartial inspection of prison 
facilities, by assuring proper treatment of all prison- 
ers, by making possible a regular flow of mail, and by 
undertaking serious negotiations for the prompt re- 
lease of all American prisoners in their custody. 

And, finally, we urge the governments, the states- 
men, and the ordinary men and women around the 
world who spoke out against "war crimes trials" in 
1966 to make their voices heard once more. Then, as 
now, the issue was not political but humanitarian — 
and Hanoi responded to the force of world public 
opinion. If that force can again be mobilized, this too 
may contribute to inducing from Hanoi greater respect 
for human decency and for the rule of law. 

Following is the complete list of Senators signing 
the statement: 

Democrats : 

Birch Bayh, Ind. ; Alan Bible, Nev. ; Robert C. Byrd, 
W.Va. ; Howard W. Cannon, Nev. ; Alan Cranston, 
Calif.; Thomas F. Eagleton, Mo.; Allen J. Ellender, 
La. ; Mike Gravel, Alaska ; Fred R. Harris, Okla. ; 
Philip A. Hart, Mich. ; Ernest F. Hollings, S.C. ; Harold 
E. Hughes, Iowa ; Henry M. Jackson, Wash. ; Thomas 
J. Mclntyre, N.H. ; Walter F. Mondale, Minn. ; Joseph 
M. Montoya, N.Mex. ; Edmund S. Muskie, Maine ; Gay- 
lord Nelson, Wis. ; Claiborne PeU, R.I. ; William Prox- 
mire. Wis. ; Abraham Ribicoff, Conn. ; William B. 
Spong, Jr., Va. ; Joseph D. Tydings, Md. ; and Harrison 
A. Williams, Jr., N.J. 

Republicans : 

Gordon Allott, Colo. ; J. Caleb Boggs, Del. ; Edward 
W. Brooke, Mass. ; Marlow W. Cook, Ky. ; Peter H. 
Dominick, Colo. ; Barry Goldwater, Ariz. ; Charles E. 
Goodell, N.Y. ; Robert P. Grifl3n, Mich. ; Edward J. 
Gurney, Fla. ; Charles McC. Mathias, Jr., Md. ; 
George Murphy, Calif. ; Robert W. Packwood, Oreg. ; 
James B. Pearson, Kans. ; Charles H. Percy, 111. ; 
Richard S. Schweiker, Pa. ; Hugh Scott, Pa. ; Ted 
Stevens, Alaska; and Strom Thurmond, S.C. 



210 



Department of State Bulletin 



President Nixon Meets With Chancellor Kiesinger 
of the Federal Republic of Germany 



Kurt Georg Kiesinger, Chancellor of tlie Fed- 
eral Repitlilic of Germany, made an official visit 
to Washington August 7-9. Following are an ex- 
change of remarks between President Nixon and 
Chancellor Kiesinger at a welcoming ceremony 
on the South Lawn of the White House on Au- 
gust 7 and their exchange of remarks and joint 
statement issued after their meeting on 
August 8. 



EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS 

White House press release dated August 7 

President Nixon 

I want to take this opportunity to extend on 
behalf of 200 million Americans a very warm 
welcome to the Chancellor of the Federal Re- 
public to our country, and particularly a warm 
welcome of the millions of Americans who are 
proud of their German background, including, 
incidentally, my wife, whose mother was bom 
in Germany, and our two daughters, who there- 
fore are one-fourth German. 

Mr. Chancellor, as you come here today, this 
visit is tremendously significant because the dis- 
cussions that now are taking place on East-West 
relations revolve around the problem of Eu- 
rope and the heart, of the problem of Europe is 
the Federal Republic. 

I know from our previous discussions, and 
from my analysis of events in Europe, that your 
country has almost inevitably been the focus of 
not only discussion but sometimes of violent at- 
tack. Sometimes I am sure that you and your 
colleagues and those who live in the Federal Re- 
public and those who live in Berlin must think 
that you are somewhat lonely with all of the at- 
tacks that are made on you, at least verbally. 

We just want you to know that here in the 
United States we proudly stand with you as 
friends and allies. Here in the United States 
we are proud to welcome you as the leader of 
your country to our nation. 

I know that the talks that we will have will 



continue — as did our talks in February, when I 
visited your country — to advance the cause of 
our mutual defense but, beyond that, to expand 
the great alliance of which we are a part into 
one which will deal not only with those problems 
that result from fear but with the more exciting 
problems in which we can make progress to- 
ward the peace and the understanding in all 
areas which people throughout this world so 
deeply seek. 

Finally, I would add — having come recently 
from a visit to Eastern Europe, knowing, there- 
fore, that what seems to divide Eastern Europe 
from Western Europe may be a barrier which 
seems insurmountable at times — that deep down 
the peoples of all of Europe, of all of the world, 
for that matter, are determined to be together, 
together in their search for peace and together 
in their determination to have progress. 

Having seen all this, I know that the spirit of 
our talks and the result of our talks will be most 
helpful, most helpful because you, coming from 
the Federal Republic, are so keenly aware of 
what it means to live in a divided country. 

Mr. Chancellor, finally, I simply want to say 
to you that I will always remember the warm 
welcome that we received on our visit to your 
country, in Bonn and Berlin. I can assure you 
that everyplace you go in the United States you 
will receive an equally warm welcome from all 
of your friends in America. 

Chancellor Kiesinger^ 

First of all, thank you very much, Mr. Presi- 
dent, for these very kind words of welcome that 
you have extended to us on your own behalf and 
on behalf of the American people. 

I, for my part, would like to extend to you the 
cordial and respectful greetings of the German 
people living in the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, and I know that I could extend this to 
mean and include the entire German people. 

You have mentioned, Mr. President, the ties 
that exist between our two nations, through the 

' Chancellor Kiesinger spoke in German. 



September 8, 1969 



211 



fact that many Germans have come over here to 
America, and in that way, Mr. President, they 
are participating. My two grandcliildren today 
are citizens of the United States and in fact 
citizens of Washington, and I should like to say 
that they rejoice in this relationship, this direct 
tie that exists. 

We have had, several times, the opportunity 
of talking to each other and exchanging our 
views. 

I am gladly remembering your stay in Bonn, 
when you came at the time as a private citizen, 
and you came to me and spoke to me about your 
ideas concerning the situation in the world and 
the situation of the United States. I must say 
that you spoke very clearly. 

Now in these 2 past years since I have been 
here at this place last time, and at that time 
greeted by President Lyndon B. Jolinson, in 
these 2 years a lot of things have happened in 
the world. You, Mr. President, have been elected 
President of the United States ; and very soon 
after having taken that very high office, you 
have come to Germany. 

I will never forget the very overwhelming 
impression during the long drive from Tempel- 
hof Air Field in Berlin to Charlottenburg 
Castle, the drive of many miles where hundreds 
of thousands of Berliners cheered you and ex- 
pressed to you their confidence and trust in your 
personality and in your policy. 

I was here again, for a sad occasion, par- 
ticipating in the funeral of that great son of the 
United States, President Eisenhower, and at 
that occasion also we had the opportunity of 
exchanging views. 

I say a lot has happened during these 2 years. 
A lot has happened in the world, a lot that causes 
us concern in Europe, too. 

I just recall the events in Czechoslovakia and 
the military intervention of the Soviet Union. 

We know, Mr. President, that you are under- 
taking everj' effort in order to secure peace and 
consolidate peace in tliis world. In that under- 
taking of yours, you enjoy the wholehearted 
support and sympathy of the German people 
and tlie wholehearted support of my Govern- 
ment, any support that we are capable to give. 

It is not an easy task, and it is not one that 
one will resolve overnight. What is required is 
patience and that power of endurance which 
many people in our hectic times imfortunately 
no longer have. But I know that you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, have that patience and that power. 

We wish you luck, and wherever you are di- 
recting these efforts — be it in Viet-Nam, be it in 



your efforts to find a solution to the Middle East 
conflict, be it in your attempt to improve the 
situation with Europe — you can be sure that 
wherever we can we will cooperate with you in 
these efforts. 

We are looking forward to the attempts. We 
are closely following and sympathetically fol- 
lowing all the attempts you are undertaking in 
tliis respect and especially in these days when 
you try to get into contact with the Soviet 
Union in trying to improve the situation in and 
around Berlm and between the two parts of 
Germany. 

Let me tell you that we are grateful to you, to 
the United Kingdom and to France for taking 
that initiative and that we hope that that initia- 
tive will be successful. Without illusion, but 
with a firm determination never to slacken in 
our efforts toward peace in this world, we shall 
continue to support and join our efforts with 
those of your administration. 

]\Iay you, the representative of the great 
leaders of the Western World, succeed ; and as 
I said, we shall do our share in contributing to 
that. May you succeed in securing to the nations 
and to the world the achievement of their long 
aspiration to enjoy the happiness of freedom and 
the blessings of peace. 

What human beings are capable of doing, I 
think, has been most strikingly demonstrated to 
us by Americans in these very weeks ; that great 
event, the landing of the first human beings on 
the moon, has proved what humans are capable 
of doing. This feat should encourage us to try 
and join our forces, the forces of all mankind. I 
think if all mankind joined forces we would be 
living the days where we would really be able 
to experience what the combined efforts of men 
of good will are capable of achieving. 

Thank you again, Mr. President, for this very 
kind and honoring reception, and I am now 
looking forward to exchanging views with you. 



EXCHANGE OF REMARKS 

White House press release dated August S 

President Nixon 

I want to express on behalf of all of us who 
have had the opportunity to talk to you and your 
colleagues our appreciation for your making 
this journey and for paying us this visit. 

Our talks in February in Bonn were ex- 
tremely useful, and our talks here in Washing- 
ton have been equally useful — even more so, 



212 



Department of State Bulletin 



because we were able to go into matters that 
then we could only touch upon at the beginning. 
We were further along, and we were able to get 
into more depth and more detail. 

As we complete these talks, I would say first 
that the joint statement that has been issued sets 
forth some of the substance. Beyond that, I 
would add that the bilateral relations between 
our two countries have never been closer. They 
will continue to be close, because we are friends, 
we are allies, and each coimtry is proud of that 
alliance and of that friendship and will seek to 
maintain it. 

However, clearly beyond our bilateral rela- 
tions, we are glad that you came, because it was 
very valuable for me to get your views on the 
situation in Europe generally and in the world. 
It is vitally important that we recognize that 
tlie best thinking of the world's statesmen must 
be applied to the terribly difficult problems we 
face in the world. 

Finally, I would say that when I speak of our 
alliance, it is truly an alliance in the very best 
sense. It threatens no one. It is an alliance 
which is strong enough to defend ourselves but 
also strong enough to negotiate with those who 
might oppose us — negotiate as freely, as can- 
didly, as openly as we possibly can with the 
thought that we can reduce those tensions that 
divide the world, that we can bring down the 
barriers that divide the world and that divide 
Europe. This is our goal, and I believe we have 
made progress in achieving that goal. 

Thank you. 

Chancellor Kiesinger 

May I say first that I and my countrymen who 
are here are deeply impressed by the cordiality 
and generosity of the hospitality we found here, 
which you gave us, and likewise deeply im- 
pressed by the i"esults of our consultations. 

I was very glad that we had no difficult bi- 
lateral problems to talk about, so we found time 
to cover all the field of world politics. 

I must confess, Mr. President, that you, in a 
masterful way, portrayed this picture of world 
politics, wliich impressed me deeply. It is a very 
sound policy. I just said to you, listening to you 
when you summarized the results of our discus- 
sions, that I should have wanted our people to 
listen, to be aljle to listen to you, because I am 
quite sure that that would have been most valu- 
able because they would have seen that the lead- 
ing power of the West is led by a statesman of 
clear and realistic outlook. 



I am glad to say that I fully agree with what 
you said in our talks, and that is not only a 
polite formula. I am quite sure that this visit 
vrill contribute to strengthening the bonds of 
friendship and cooperation between our two 
countries, within NATO and outside NATO. 

I wish you full success, Mr. President, in 
whatever you have started to do. 



JOINT STATEMENT 

White House press release dated August 8 

President Nixon and Chancellor Kiesinger is- 
sued the following joint statement at the con- 
clusion of their meeting at the White House on 
August 8 : 

The President and Chancellor Kiesinger are 
very pleased to have had the opportunity to meet 
together during the past two days and to con- 
tinue their personal consultations on important 
issues which they had begun during President 
Nixon's visit to Germany in February. They 
agreed that the meetings just concluded were 
extremely useful. They were characterized by 
an atmosphere of warm friendship and mutual 
confidence which is an important element in re- 
lations between the United States of America 
and the Federal Republic of Germany. 

During their meetings President Nixon and 
Chancellor Kiesinger agreed on the importance 
of staying in close communication with one 
another. In order to assure that they will be able 
to commimicate rapidly in case of emergency, 
the President and the Chancellor have agreed to 
the establishment of a "hot line" between the 
White House and the Chancellor's office. The 
line will be installed as soon as technical 
arrangements are completed. 

The Chancellor and the President exchanged 
views on the international situation. In par- 
ticular, they discussed the full range of issues 
affecting relations between East and West, in- 
cluding prospects for strategic arms limitation 
talks and broadening discussions on European 
security. They agreed on the desirability of con- 
tinuing efforts to bring existing international 
conflicts to a just end, to achieve progress toward 
disarmament and to seek to eliminate the causes 
of tensions in Europe. The President and the 
Chancellor agreed that negotiations to this end 
are desirable. The Chancellor welcomed the op- 
portunity for full consultation in NATO on the 
strategic arms limitation talks and on issues 
affecting European security. The President as- 
sured the Chancellor that the United States 



September 8, 1969 



213 



would take full account of the interests of its 
Allies in the strategic arms limitation talks. 
They were of the opinion that progress in stra- 
tegic arms limitation is interrelated with a cli- 
mate faA'orable for dealing with long-existing 
European problems. 

President Nixon took the opportunity during 
the meetings to give Chancellor Kiesinger a de- 
tailed account of the impressions he gained dur- 
ing his recent trip to Asia and Komania. 

Chancellor Kiesinger reported on develop- 
ments in Berlin and Germany which have oc- 
curred since the last meeting between the Chan- 
cellor and the President. Chancellor Kiesinger 
and President Nixon share the liojDe that the 
Soviet Union will respond in a constructive 
manner to the tripartite initiative aimed at im- 
proving the situation in and around Berlin and 
between the two parts of Germany. President 
Nixon expressed his strong support of the efforts 
of the Federal Republic of Germany to alleviate 
the hardships that result from the division of 
Germany. 

The Chancellor and the President reaffirmed 
their conviction that the North Atlantic Alli- 
ance is an essential instrument in the mainte- 
nance of i>eace and stability in the North 
Atlantic area. They agreed that the proposed 
NATO committee on the challenges of modern 
society would add a new dimension to the Alli- 
ance and give it a direct part in the challenging 
task of marshalling resources of member nations 
to improve the quality of life for all people. 

The President and the Chancellor welcomed 
the recently-concluded offset agreement between 
the United States and the Federal Eepublic 
which they regarded as symbolic of the deter- 
mination of the two governments to cooperate 
in the maintenance of a sound defense posture 
within the necessary framework of economic 
stability. 

The Chancellor and the President expressed 
satisfaction over the agreement envisioned on 
Special Drawing Rights which is one important 
step to an orderly development of the interna- 
tional monetary system. The President and the 
Chancellor are confident that agreement on 
SDR's will facilitate the continued advance of 
world trade and investment. President Nixon 
outlined his Government's resolve to bring in- 
flation mider control and to strengthen the posi- 
tion of the dollar as a world currency. In the 
interest of international trade and monetary de- 
velopments, the Chancellor and the President 
agreed on the continued necessity of maintain- 
ing closest cooperation between the United 



States and Germany. Both opposed additional 
barriers to international trade. 

Chancellor Kiesinger reported to the Presi- 
dent on recent developments in the European 
Community and on prospects for future de- 
velopment. The President affirmed that the 
United States has consistently sujjported Euro- 
pean unity, and expressed his conviction that 
European nations will move forward in a way 
which will meet their interests and at the same 
time contribute to an international climate of 
cooperation and prosperity. 

On the subject of bilateral teclmological co- 
operation, the Pi-esident and the Chancellor wel- 
comed the progi-ess made, especially in the field 
of space research, where the joint Project Helios 
is of great importance. They agreed to continue 
and to widen this cooperation. 

The Chancellor extended the invitation to the 
astronauts of Apollo 11 to visit Germany as liis 
guests in the near future. 

At the conclusion of their talks the President 
and the Chancellor expressed their renewed con- 
viction that the close undei*standing and har- 
mony of interests between the United States 
and the Federal Republic provide a soimd basis 
for continuing constructive cooperation between 
the two countries and, beyond that, constitute a 
very important element of strength in the search 
for the resolution of international problems and 
the acliievement of a just and lasting peace to 
which both countries are dedicated. 



U.S. and Hungary Reach 
Understanding on Certain Matters 

Press release 242 dated August 15 

As the result of U.S.-Hungarian talks in 
Budapest, letters have been exchanged reflect- 
ing understanding reached on the following ■ 
points : the establishment of a Hmigarian com- l| 
mercial office in New York City, means of pay- 
ment of the Hungarian surplus property debt 
that was incurred following World War II, and I 
staffing of the United States Embassy in Buda- 
pest and the Hungarian Embassy in "Washing- 
ton. It was also noted that the United States 
would begin making Federal pension ijayments 
to certain beneficiaries in Hungary. 

The exchange of letters followed discussions 
between Hungarian Deputy Foreign Minister 
Bela Szilngyi and United States Ambassador 
Alfred Pub an. 



214 



Department of State Bulletin 



Eighth Anniversary, 
Alliance for Progress 

FoUowlng is a statement issued on August 16 
by Cliarles A. Meyer, Assistant Secretary for 
Inter-American Affairs and U.S. Coordinator, 
Alliance for Progress. 

Press release 243 dated August 16 

Sunday, August 17, marks the eighth anni- 
versary of the Alliance for Progress. On Sun- 
day millions of people in this hemisphere could 
well pause for a moment to reflect that never 
before in history have so many dedicated men 
and women participated in a program of devel- 
opment on such a scale — never have so many 
done so much for so many. 

In the years ahead, the Americas will build 
on the foundation laid down in these past 8 
years. Those who dreamed 8 j'ears ago, those of 
us who have been part of that dream for 8 
years, and those who will be the architects of 
ongoing adaptations will be united, even though 
unknown to one another, by a dedication to a 
nation, to a hemisphere, and to a way of life. 



U.S.-Japan Medical Science 
Committee Meets at Washington 

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT 

The Department of State announced on 
July 31 (unnumbered iiress release) that the 
fifth meeting of the U.S.-Japan Cooperative 
Medical Science Committee would be held at the 
Department of State in Washington Au- 
gust 7-8.^ Previous meetmgs were held in 
Honolulu, Hakone, Palo Alto, and Tokyo. 

The Committee was to hear and review reports 
from the six panels on tuberculosis, leprosy, 
cholera, parasitic diseases, viral diseases, and 
malnutrition on their research activities during 
the past year and their proposals for future 
projects. The Committee was to make prepara- 
tions for a comprehensive review of the first 5 
years of its activities and discuss future policies 
of the U.S.-Japan Cooperative Medical Science 
Program. 

On August 4r-6, the panels on parasitic dis- 
eases and viral diseases were to convene at the 



Pan American Health Organization head- 
quarters in Washington to review their past ac- 
tivities and consider future research activities 
designed to meet the objective of the program. 
This objective is to undertake a greatly ex- 
panded joint research program of medical sci- 
ence in areas of human health which are of 
great concern to all the people of Asia. 

The primary emphasis of the Conmaittee has 
been placed on medical research as the basis for 
advanced knowledge necessary for effective 
action. 



TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE - 

The fifth meeting of the United States-Japan 
Cooperative Medical Science Committee was 
held at the Department of State in Washington, 
D.C., on August 7 and 8, 1969. This was the 
third meeting of the Committee held in the 
United States but the first held in Washington. 
Welcoming remarks were made by Mr. U. 
Alexis Jolinson, Under Secretary of State for 
Political Affairs, and Minister Bunroku Yo- 
shino, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of 
Japan, Washington, D.C. Dr. Colin MacLeod, 
Chairman of the United States Delegation, and 
Dr. Toshio Kurokawa, Chairman of the 
Japanese Delegation, alternately chaired the 
meeting. 

The Committee listened to reports of achieve- 
ments of cooperating scientists working under 
the supervision of the Joint Panels responsible 
for research on tuberculosis, leprosy, cholera, 
viral diseases, parasitic diseases, and malnutri- 
tion, respectively. These efforts have been under- 
way for several years, and now show significant 
results, some of which are summarized at the 
end of this Communique. 

The Committee recommended that two sub- 
committees be appointed, one to consider exten- 
sion of cooperative activities into new areas of 
medical science important for understanding 
health problems of the people of Asia, and the 
other to prepare a report of the work accom- 
plished during the first five years of the activi- 
ties of the Joint Committee. 

The Committee decided to meet again in 
Japan on September 3 and 4, 1970, and to hold 



' For names of members of the U.S. and Japanese 
delegations, see Department of State press release 
dated July 31. 

' Issued at Washington on Aug. 8 at the close of the 
meeting. 



September 8, 1969 



215 



conferences sponsored by the Joint Panels on 
Cholera and Tuberculosis just prior to those 
dates. 

Members of the Committee and Panel Chair- 
men from both countries attended Panel con- 
ferences on viral vaccines with special emphasis 
on Japanese encephalitis, and on parasitic dis- 
eases, respectively, held on August 4, 5 and 6, 
1969, immediately prior to the meeting of the 
Committee itself. 

Highlights of scientific results achieved under 
the joint program are now summarized: 

The most intensive efforts of the U.S.-Japan 
tuberculosis research are aimed at understand- 
ing mechanisms of immunity against the dis- 
ease. Cooperating investigators are attempting 
to standardize animal models which may clarify 
some of the immunological problems of 
tuberculosis. 

Important accomplishments in leprosy re- 
search included recognition of genetic differ- 
ences in individuals which reflect variation in 
ability to metabolize drugs used in treatment of 
the disease, and differences in strains of leprosy 
bacilli which reflect variation in their responses 
to the same drugs. Strains resistant to certain 
drugs have been isolated from patients who, 
after initial favorable response, subsequently 
failed to benefit from treatment with those 
drugs. To the well-established teclmique for cul- 
tivating leprosy organisms in the foot pads of 
mice, there has been added the use of thymecto- 
mized and irradiated mice, and the hamster. 

Joint studies have clarified the nature of 
cholera antigens necessary for developing effec- 
tive vaccines. Vaccines of the toxoid type are 
now being prepared commercially and will be 
available soon for field trials. It has been found 
that the severe, dehydrating diarrhea of cholera 
is due to an exotoxin produced by the cholera 
vibrio. Immunity directed against this toxin 
may be more important in affording protection 
against the disease than is immunity directed 
against cholera cell wall components. Experi- 
mental cholera has been produced in baby mice. 
This achievement has provided a valuable new 
tool for study of treatment and immunity of 
this disease. 

Joint studies of virus diseases have empha- 
sized development of improved vaccines for the 
control of Japanese encephalitis. Efforts are 
directed towards purification and concentration 
of viral antigens based on killed virus material 



for purposes of immunization, and towards de- 
velopment of attenuated virus, living or dead, 
as vaccine base. Field trials of such vaccines are 
planned. 

Laboratory models of the parasitic diseases, 
schistosomiasis and filariasis, in various experi- 
mental hosts, have provided new inf onnation on 
the mechanisms of disease production, inmiu- 
nity and treatment. The development of new 
effective drugs has been reported. New knowl- 
edge of the genetics and physiology of snails 
and mosquitoes, which serve as carriers of 
schistosomes and filariids, offers promise of 
biological control of the infection. 

In the field of malnutrition, Japanese and 
American investigators are pursuing leads 
which may clarify variation in the nutritional 
requirements of different racial groups. It has 
been discovered that dietary deficiency in preg- 
nancy and in infancy may lead to impaired men- 
tal development, learning and behavior in the 
child. Such children show abnormal electro- 
encephalograms and a deficiency in numbers of 
brain cells. Correction of such deficiencies may 
be possible through dietary reinforcement early 
in life. It has been discovered that nutritional 
anaemias involving folic acid deficiency are of 
considerable public health importance. J 

The Panel Chairmen also reported on con- | 
ferences and meetings sponsored by the several 
panels. 



U.S., Chile, Ecuador, Peru Hold 
First Session of Fisheries Talks 

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT 

The Department of State amiounced on 
July 29 (press release 219) that Ambassador 
Donald L. McKernan, Special Assistant for 
Fisheries and Wildlife to the Secretary of State, 
would be chairman of the U.S. delegation to a 
fisheries conference vsdth Chile, Ecuador, and 
Peru begimiing on July 30 in Buenos Aires, 
Argentina. 

On July 3 the United States invited those 
countries by diplomatic note to meet with the 
United States for this purpose. On July 9 the 
three countries, meeting in Lima, Peru, an- 



216 



Department of State Bulletin 



nounced their acceptance of the U.S. invitation. 
Several U.S. Government departments and 
the fishing industry are represented in the dele- 
gation, which includes: Charles A. Meacham, 
Commissioner of Fisheries and Wildlife, U.S. 
Department of Int«rior; Ernest V. Siracusa, 
Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge d'Affaires 
a.i.. Embassy of the United States, Lima, Peru ; 
Rear Adm. Joseph B. McDevitt, Judge Advo- 
cate General, U.S. Navy ; William P. Stedman, 
Jr., Counti-y Director for Ecuador and Peru, 
Department of State. 



JOINT DECLARATION ' 

Delegations from the Governments of Chile, 
Ecuador, Peru and the United States have met 
in conference in the city of Buenos Aires from 
the 1st to the 19th of August, 1969, to seek prac- 
tical solutions to problems of mutual concern 
related to fishing in the Southeast Pacific. To 
this end, the delegations of the four govern- 
ments had at their disposal for the meeting the 
exceptional and pleasant facilities graciously 
provided by the government of the Argentine 
Republic. 

The above delegations have engaged in inten- 
sive discussions on the different points of the 
agenda which was approved at their prelimi- 
nary meeting. This agenda was based on the 
imderstanding of the juridical positions of the 
parties regai-ding maritime jurisdiction and on 
agreement not to debate or alter any aspects of 
these positions. 

As a result of these conversations, carried out 
in a permanent atmosphere of cordiality and 
respect, the four delegations arrived at a better 
understanding and appreciation of the points of 
view of their respective countries. It is antici- 
pated that further exploration of the subjects of 
the agenda and a continuation of the talks in 
the future may permit an understanding and, 
eventually, an agreement, always within the 
purpose of not altering the above-mentioned 
juridical systems. As a means of improving this 
opportunity for eventual agreement, the delega- 
tions agreed to suspend their meeting, in order 
to carry out the necessary consultations with 
their governments during the recess. 

Delegations from the four coimtries will meet 



again in the course of the present year, in the 
city of Buenos Aires, at a date that the cor- 
responding governments will agree to and 
announce in a short time. 

The results of the talks carried out in the dif- 
ferent conunittees will be considered by the gov- 
ernments in order to promote greater progress 
in the next session of the conference. 

The delegations of Cliile, Ecuador, Peru and 
the United States want to express their deep 
gratitude to the Argentine Government, its 
Ministry of Foreign Relations and their 
pertinent authorities for their contributions to 
the administrative work of the conference, for 
their splendid and imparalleled cooperation and 
for the deep sense of hemispheric concern that 
their contribution has meant for the develop- 
ment of the meetings. 



United Nations Day, 1969 



A PROCLAMATION! 

On December 22, 1968, the crew of Apollo Eight 
transmitted a television picture of the entire planet 
Earth. The inescapable unity of mankind was dramati- 
cally and forcefully presented for aU to see. 

The realization of this unity has been at the heart 
of the United Nations since its creation twenty-four 
years ago. The United Nations has long realized that 
the world abounds with problems which call for a co- 
operative international approach : problems of conflict 
and war and the keeping of peace in troubled areas ; the 
settlements of disputes by i)eaceful methods ; the con- 
trol and reduction of nuclear and other weapons, and 
many other problems ranging from hunger to the shar- 
ing of the manifold benefits of science and technology. 

Yet the history of the last twenty-four years tells us 
that the realization of mankind's unity is not enough ; 
men must constantly strive to see to it that in inter- 
national practice, as well as physical fact, mankind 
realizes its unity. 

On United Nations Day, 1969, it should be the resolve 
of the American people that our Nation, conscious of 
mankind's growing interdependence on this planet, 
shall be a steadfast partner with all who strive for the 
fulfillment of those hopes. 

Now, THEEEFOKE, I, RICHARD NixoN, President of the 
United States of America, do hereby proclaim Friday, 
October 24, 1969, as United Nations Day and I urge the 
citizens of this Nation to observe that day by means 
of community programs which will contribute to a 
realistic understanding of the United Nations and its 
associated organizations. 

I also call upon officials of the Federal and State 
governments and upon local officials to encourage 



' Issued at Buenos Aires on Aug. 19 upon recess of 
the conference. 



' No. 3924 ; 34 Fed. Reg. 13357. 



September 8, 1969 

361-053—69 3 



217 



citizens' groups and agencies of commnnleation — press, 
radio, television, and motion pictures — to engage In 
appropriate observance of United Nations Day tills 
year in cooperation with the United Nations Associa- 
tion of the United States of America and other inter- 
ested organizations. 

Moreover, in anticipation of the Twenty-fifth An- 
niversary Year of the United Nations, I call upon the 
citizens of this Nation and its citizens' groups to plan 
such community and organization programs for 1970 as 
will contribute both to an appreciation of the accom- 
plishments of the United Nations and to a realistic 
understanding of its aims, its limitations, and its 
potentialities. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
this fifteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord 
nineteen hundred and sixty-nine, and of the Independ- 
ence of the United States of America the one hundred 
and ninety-fourth. 




Interoceanic Canal Study Commission 
Submits Fifth Annual Report 

Following is the text of a letter from Presi- 
dent Nixon transmitting to the Congress the 
fifth annual report of the Atlantic- Pacific Inter- 
oceanic Canal Study Commission.'^ 

White House press release dated August 6 

To the Congress of the United States: 

I am transmitting the fifth annual report of 
the Atlantic-Pacific Interoceanic Canal Study 
Commission. The report covers the period 
July 1, 1968 to June 30, 1969. 

The Commission has now completed its data 
collection activities on all of the five sea-level 
canal routes under investigation. Field opera- 
tions have been terminated, and all facilities 
and equipment not removed from the routes 
have been turned over to host-country govern- 
ments under the terms of the survey agreements. 
Within the United States the office and labo- 
ratory evaluations of route data are well- 
advanced, as are the Conunission's studies of 



' H. Doc. 91-14.3, 91st Cong., 1st sess. Single copies of 
the 56-page illustrated report are available upon re- 
quest from the Atlantic-Pacific Interoceanic Canal 
Study Commission, Room 6217, 726 Jackson Pi. NVT., 
Washington, D.C. 20506. 



the diplomatic, economic, and military consid- 
erations that bear on the feasibility of a new, 
sea-level canal constructed by conventional or 
nuclear excavation. The Commission will ren- 
der its final report not later than December 1, 
1970, pursuant to its authorizing legislation. 

During the year the Atomic Energy Com- 
mission conducted the third of its planned series 
of nuclear excavation experiments in support of 
the canal investigation. Although all the now 
planned nuclear cratering experiments will not 
be completed soon enough for full evaluation by 
the Commission, it is expected that the Com- 
mission will be able to reach general conclusions 
as to the feasibility of employment of nuclear 
explosives for canal excavation. 

This anniversary sees the canal investigation 
entering its final phase, and I take great pleasure 
in forwarding the Commission's fifth annual 
report to the Congress. 

Richard Nixon 
The White House, August 6, 1969. 



Nominations to International Court 
of Justice Announced 

Press release 228 dated August 1 

Tlie United States National Group in the 
Permanent Court of Arbitration announced on 
August 1 its nomination of four candidates for 
election to the International Court of Justice. 
They are : 

Hardy C. Dillard of the United States 
Eduardo Jimenez de Arechaga of Uruguay 
Thanat Khoman of Thailand 
Constantin Stavropoulos of Greece 

Dr. Arechaga is a professor of international 
law and a member of the International Law 
Commission. Dr. Thanat Khoman is Foreign 
Minister of Thailand and a former member of 
the International Law Commission. Mr. Stav- 
ropoulos has for many years been Legal Coimsel 
of the United Nations. 

Professor Dillard is James Monroe Professor 
of Law at the University of Virginia Law 
School and a past president of the American 
Society of International Law. He was bom in 



218 



Department of State Bulletin 



Xew Orleans on October 23, 1902, and received 
a B.S. degree from the United States Military 
Academy in 1924, an LL.B. degree from the 
University of Virginia Law School in 1927, and 
was a Carnegie Fellow at the University of Paris 
1930-31. He has taught at the University of 
Virginia Law School since 1931 and was dean 
of the Law School from 1963 to 1968. In 1953 
Professor Dillard was Fulbright Lecturer at 
Oxford University and in 1957 was Carnegie 
Lecturer at the Hague Academy of Interna- 
tional Law. He is a member of the Coimcil of 
the American Law Institute, a Fellow of the 
American Bar Foundation, and a member of 
the boards of editors of the American Journal 
of International Law and the American Journal 
of Comparative Law. He is the author of nu- 
merous articles and reviews, including many 
articles on international law and legal 
education. 

The nominations were made by the U.S. Na- 
tional Group in response to an invitation from 
the United Nations Secretariat to nominate, not 
later than August 1, 1969, successors to the 
members of the International Court of Justice 
whose terms expire on February 5, 1970. The 
new members of the International Court will be 
elected by the General Assembly and the Se- 
curity Council of the United Nations during the 
21th regular meeting of the General Assembly, 
commencing in September. 

Among the members of the Court whose terms 
win expire next February is Philip C. Jessup 
of the United States. Prior to liis election to the 
Court in 1960, Judge Jessup was Hamilton Fish 
Professor of International Law and Diplomacy 
at Columbia Univei'sity. 

The members of the United States National 
Group in the Permanent Court of Arbitration 



are Kichard R. Baxter, professor of interna- 
tional law at Harvard Law School; Herbert 
Brownell, former U. S. Attorney General, now 
a practicing lawyer in New York City ; Herman 
Phleger, former Legal Adviser of the Depart- 
ment of State, now a practicing lawyer in San 
Francisco; and John R. Stevenson, Legal 
Adviser of the Department of State. 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 



91st Congress, 1st Session 

On Unking Reserve Creation and Development Assist- 
ance. A staff study prepared for the Subcommittee 
on International Exchange and Payments of the 
Joint Economic Committee. April 1969. 14 pp. [Joint 
Committee print.] 

1969 Joint Economic Report. Report of the Joint Eco- 
nomic Committee on the January 1969 Economic 
Report of the President, together with minority, sup- 
plementary, and dissenting views. H. Rept 91-142. 
April 1, 1969. 165 pp. 

Political Advisers to U.S. Military Commanders. Analy- 
sis and assessment submitted by the Subcommittee on 
National Security and International Operations of 
the Senate Committee on Government Operations. 
April 10, 1969. 18 pp. [Committee print.] 

Extension of Temporary Duty Suspension on Certain 
Classifications of Yam of Silk. Reports to accompany 
H.R. 2718. H. Rept. 91-159; April 23, 1969; 3 pp. 
S. Rept. 91-218 ; May 29, 1969 ; 3 pp. 

Increasing U.S. Participation in the International De- 
velopment Association. Report, together with sup- 
plementary views, to accompany H.R. 33. S. Rept. 
91-100. May 8. 1969. 15 pp. 

Extension of Temporary Duty Suspension on Elec- 
trodes for Use in Producing Aluminum. Report to 
accompany H.R. 10015. S. Rept. 91-220. May 29, 
1969. 2 pp. 

Temporary Suspension of Duties on Metal Scrap. Re- 
port to accompany H.R. 10016. S. Rept 91-221. 
May 29, 1969. 4 pp. 



September 8, 1969 



219 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



The Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands 



Following are statements made in the 36th 
session of tlie United Nations Trusteeship Coun- 
cil hy Christopher H. Phillips, V.S. Representa- 
tive on the Trusteeship Council; Edward E. 
Johnston, High Corwmissioner of the Trust 
Territory of the Pacific Islands and UjS. Spe- 
cial Representative on the Trusteeship Council; 
and Olympic Borja and Chutomu Ninvwes, 
special advisers to the U.S. delegation. 



STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR PHILLIPS, JUNE 6 

U.S./D.N. press release 54 dated June 6 

The United States delegation is pleased to 
report on our administration of the Trust Ter- 
ritory of the Pacific Islands during the past 
12-month period. It is a great privilege for me 
personally to be able to do so for the first time. 

In reviewing the United States administra- 
tion of the territory not only during the past 
year but earlier, I have been struck by the im- 
mense problems which the territory faces — 
problems of geography, of history, as well as 
economics. 

But I have also been struck by the serious 
effort which the United States has made to meet 
its obligations under the charter and under the 
trusteeship agreement to bring about the polit- 
ical, economic, educational, and social develop- 
ment of the people of the territory. I have been 
particularly impressed by the new determina- 
tion displayed by Secretary of the Interior 
Hickel and by our newly appointed High Com- 
missioner to accelerate this process. 

Althougli the U.S. Special Representative 
will discuss in detail the developments which 
have taken place in the territory since the last 
Trusteeship Coimcil session ^ and will describe 
the program for the future, I would like to 
highlight a few of the major events of the past 



' For U.S. statementa m.ade In the Trusteeship 
Council on May 27 and June 5, 1968, see Bdixetin of 
Aug. 26, 1968, p. 225. 



year and several of the new steps in progress. 

The Congress of Micronesia met twice in 
1968-69. Its regular session in July and August 
last year was followed, on November 5, 1968, by 
the third general election in the territory. Three 
new Senators (two of whom had served in the 
previous House) and 10 new Representatives 
were elected at that time. Thus the democratic 
process continued to gain strength in the ter- 
ritory, with new members filling one-third of 
the seats in the Congress. The new Congress 
held its first regular session in Januaiy of this 
year. 

The year has also witnessed the beginning of 
a major effort which will result in the complete 
rehabilitation of Bikini Atoll and the return 
and resettlement of its former inhabitants. The 
return will have to be gradual, however, since 
not only is it necessary to complete the cleanup 
efforts, which were begun in March 1969 and 
should be completed by this coming fall, but 
steps also must be taken to rebuild the villages, 
replant coconut trees, and otherwise prepare for 
the people's return. Once the clearing of debris 
is completed, the former residents of Bikini will 
participate in the replanting and rebuilding. 
Tliey are currently involved in the planning 
process for resettlement. 

New Team of Officials 

Perhaps the most significant event of the year 
has been the assumption of responsibility for 
the territory by a new team of dedicated and 
experienced officials, both in Washington and in 
the territory. 

Tliis team is headed by Secretary of the In- 
terior Walter J. Hickel. Secretary Hickel, as the 
Council is undoubtedly aware, is a former 
Governor of Alaska and thus brings not only 
administrative experience and skills to his new 
position but also the invaluable experience of 
having worked with territorial problems from 
the territorial point of view. 



220 



Department of State Bulletin 



Secretary Hickel has also appointed a new- 
Director for the OiSce of Territories in the De- 
partment of the Interior, Mrs. Elizabeth Far- 
rington of Hawaii, who is responsible for the 
Washington end of the territory's administra- 
tion. We are h