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VOLUME VIII: Numbers 184-209 

January 2 -June 26, 1943 

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APRIL 3, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 197— Publication 1913 



The War Page 
United Nations Conference on Food and Ai^iicultural 

Production 271 

Address by the Former American Ambassador to Japan . 272 
What Lies Ahead in Foreijjn Kelief and Keliahilitation i 

Address by Luther Gulick 274 

Visit of Herbert H. Leliman to London 279 

Visit to the United States of the British Secretary of 

State for Foreign Affairs 279 

Commercial Policy 

Post-War Commercial Policy of the United States: 

Address by the Under Secretary of State 280 

The Department 
Appointment of OflScers 285 

Publications 285 

Legislation 286 

APR 21 1943 

The War 


[Released to the press for publication March 30, p.m.] 

The Department of State released for publi- 
cation on March 30 the text of the invitation 
to a United Nations conference on food and 
other essential agi'icnltural products. Tlie invi- 
tation is being extended by the Government of 
the United States to the United Nations and 
those nations which are associated with them in 
tlie war. The invitations were transmitted 
through usual diplomatic channels. 

The text of the invitation follows : 

"The Government of the United States of 
America is of the opinion that it is desirable 
now for tlie United Nations and those nations 
which are associated with them in this war to 
begin joint consideration of the basic economic 
problems with which they and the world will be 
confronted after complete military victory shall 
have been attained. Accordingly, and as a first 
step in this direction, the Government of the 
United States proposes to convene, on April 27 
at some suitable place in the United States, a 
conference on food and other essential agricul- 
tural products, and hereby invites the Govern- 
ment of to send to that conference 

a small number of appropriate technical and 
expert representatives. 

"The purpose of the conference is to provide 
an opportunity for an exchange of views and 
information with respect to the following topics 
and for exploring and seeking agreement in 
principle as to the most desirable and practi- 

cable means and methods of dealing with the 
following problems : 

"Plans and prospects of various countries for 
the post-war period regarding production, im- 
port requirements or exportable surpluses of 
foodstuffs and other essential agricultural prod- 
ucts, with a view to improving progressively in 
each country the levels of consumption within 
the framework of the oppoi'tunities and possi- 
bilities of an expansion of its general economic 
activity. Such consideration will be entirely 
divorced from the question of the provision of 

"Possibilities of coordinating and stimulat- 
ing by international action national policies 
looking to the improvement of nutrition and 
the enhancement of consumption in general. 

"Possibilities of setting up international 
agreements, arrangements and institutions de- 
signed to promote efficient production of food- 
stuffs and other essential agricultural products 
and to ensure for the world adequate supplies 
of such products with due consideration to the 
attainment of equitable prices from the view- 
point of both producers and consumers. 

"Commercial, financial and other arrange- 
ments which will be necessary in order to enable 
the countries of the world to obtain the food- 
stuffs and other essential agricultural products 
which they will need and to maintain adequate 
markets for their own surplus production." 





[Released to the press April 1] 

One year ago I was in Tokyo. The Chinese 
and British were at that time still fighting the 
first campaign of Burma. Americans and Fili- 
pinos were holding out on Bataan; and else- 
where in the Philippines they were still hitting 
hard at the Japanese. But the Japanese mili- 
tary and naval machine had already uncoiled 
its terrible power across the tropics, and in 
Australia Port Darwin was being bombed from 
the air. 

I remember that period as a time of waiting 
for us who were besieged, as it were, in the 
American Embassy in Tokyo ; and now I realize 
that the world was waiting. The Japanese had 
done tliat wliich many of us thouglit could not 
be done; tliey had swept British, Dutch, and 
American power aside in their mighty south- 
ward thrust. Everywhere men wondered how 
soon our fleets, armies, and air forces would re- 
turn to Singapore and Manila, to Rangoon and 
Hong Kong, rolling up the map of Japan's con- 
quests as swiftly as the Japanese had unrolled 
it. Most particularly, the scattered defensive 
soldiers of the United Nations in the Far East 
held on and hoped for relief: some thought it 
would come in weeivs; some, in montlis. Many 
of tliose men are now dead ; others are prisoners 
of the Japanese, and they must listen to the ene- 
my's boast that help can never get through 
waters made deadly to us by the Imperial Jap- 
anese Navy; still others escaped and are now 
participating in the globe-circling rim of pres- 
sure which Chinese, British, Dutch, Philippine, 
and American power has built around Japan. 
The vast perimeter of Japan's conquests is con- 
fined and is beginning to shrink; we have 
reached the end of the beginning of this war. 

We have done tremendous things. We have 
taken a world war and turned it around. What 
was a war against peace has become a war 
against aggression. The darkest period of 

' Delivered by the Honorable Joseph C. Grew, who is 
now Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, before 
the Phoenix Club of Baltimore, Md., and broadcast 
over the Mutual Network, Apv. 1, 1943. 

China's long agony has gone forever. The blitz 
which imperiled London now imperils Berlin, 
Bremen, Turin, and a score of other enemy 
cities. Never again will free nations fall like 
autumn leaves in a great storm of violence and 

The initiative has passed to us, but it is now 
our responsibility to use that initiative. We 
cannot assume that the enemy no longer hopes 
to win. We cannot count on the Germans and 
Japanese to give up because they see what we 
can do or might do. If they had been that kind 
of men, they would not have started the war 
in the first place. They are still fighting be- 
cause they still hope to win — still hope to in- 
flict on us some terrible, incalculable, mortal in- 
jury ; or, at the worst for them, they still hope 
to wear us down until we are resigned and 
weary and thereupon to cheat us out of our vic- 
tory by a false peace. 

The fact that Germany and Japan are now 
relatively weaker than they have been should 
not make us less vigorous or more complacent. 
Rather, we should be more on our guard than 
ever before. We know that the Hitlerites and 
the militarists of Japan are ruthless men ; now 
we are beginning to trap them and to make them 
desperate. Instead of being less dangerous, 
they have become more so. The surer they are 
of their own defeat, the more cunning, savage, 
and novel will be their expedients to escape that 
defeat. Let us not be fooled by the vanity pe- 
culiar to war — by the assumption that victory 
is so sure that we no longer need impose on 
ourselves the iron discipline, the unrelenting 
self-sacrifice, the unshaken unity of the first 
hours of danger. Now, more than ever before, 
we have the real work of war ahead of us. 

We are all in this war — some of us in uni- 
form and some not. Modern war knows no 
frontiers and no limits. If we at home, who are 
the combatants of the industrial and armaments 
front, fail to do our duty, we shall be bringing 
death upon our own men in uniform overseas. 
Tliere can be only one standard of sacrifice, of 
work, of devotion in this war : the utmost from 
each and every one of us, all the time. The 

APRIL 3, 1943 


Germans think of us Americans as degenerate ; 
the Japanese fanatics consider us wilful, pam- 
pered, and decadent. We are all objects of their 
attack, and we are fighting enemies who exert 
their maximum strength. None of us can be a 
part-time fighter or a part-time patriot. The 
reality of the bombing plane hovers in the offing; 
the only reason that Baltimore is not a heap of 
ruins, smelling of death and ashes, is the power 
of the British and American fleets and air 
forces. Otherwise, the Germans would have 
blasted and ravaged this city — men, women, and 
children; factories, shops, homes, and churches; 
everything indiscriminately — as they did Cov- 
entry. We can escape being killed by our ene- 
mies only by keeping them preoccupied with 
meeting our forces over their own soil. 

In this universal, all-comprising war we must 
all be good soldiers. The first lesson of war- 
fare — you can see it in Sun Tzu, the Chinese 
strategist, or Caesar, the Roman, who wrote on 
war long, long ago — is discipline. We must 
give and take orders. AVe must decide what to 
do and then organize ourselves to do it. War 
cannot be conducted on a town-meeting basis. 
Modern war has added immeasurably to the 
disciplines required of the fighters, since mod- 
ern war is a complex process with raw mate- 
rials — crops, mines, forests — at one end and 
with the mass-production of destruction at the 
other. When this process is set to go a given 
way, the dictates of modern strategy require 
that the plan be followed. The Japanese did 
not improvise their conquest of southeastern 
Asia. They organized and planned for months, 
years, even generations before they struck. Tlie 
evidence of foresight, calculation, and planning 
became everywhere manifest. 

We too can plan. You have heard the broad 
outlines of our plan from the President of the 
United States and the British Prime Minister. 
You have seen the evidence of that plan in the 
Atlantic and in North Africa. You have 
watched it unfold. You have seen parallel, in- 
tegrated plans developing along the Don and 
the Donets, in China, in Burma, and in the 
south Pacific. We must fight in all parts of the 
world, since the enemy, by starting the war, 
chose the areas of aggression ; and to fight in all 

parts of the world we must plan for one war 
throughout the world. 

It is impossible to plan for a war against 
Germany apart from Japan, or vice versa. To 
be successful we must unify our forces and fight 
our one great war, the war which covers the 
world. Japan is at this moment being defeated 
in Tunisia, just as Germany suffered a setback 
on Guadalcanal. It is not the partnership of a 
reciprocal loyalty which binds the Germans and 
the Japanese together. It is the companionship 
of a common doom. Neitlier of tliem can escape 
ruin singly. AVhen one falls, the fall of the 
other will follow. If one wastes our power, the 
other profits by the waste ; if one yields ground, 
the United Nations have just that much more 
force to turn against the other. Japan and 
Germany staitecl each of the many beginnings 
of this war; Japan and Germany corrupted 
their own peoples with militarist racialism ; and 
Japan and Germany are inseparable in infamy. 

Hence I exhort you to fight Japan and Ger- 
many here at home so that our soldiers can fight 
Japan and Germany in the Mediterranean, in 
North Africa, over Berlin, can fight Germany 
and Japan in China, in Burma, and in the 
Pacific. I call to you, as I have called in all my 
utterances since coming out of internment in 
Japan, for an ever greater war effort, because 
what you at home do — or fail to do — has many 
simultaneous effects on all theaters of war. 
You, the people at home, are the ultimate force 
behind all fronts. AVe fight both Germany and 
Japan, no matter which we engage in battle or 
where we send our materials and our men. 

From this one truth another truth is plain. 
Whoever fights Germany and Japan is our 
friend and our ally. The fight for Stalingrad 
is our struggle and our victory. AA^'hen the Red 
Army destroys Germans it helps us. The Brit- 
ish public, which has become grimly realistic, 
is enthusiastic about Russian victories; the 
most hard-headed British businessmen hail and 
salute the Soviet forces unreservedly as Brit- 
ain's allies; the British people resent and ridi- 
cule the Nazi attempt to split the Soviet Union 
from themselves and us. The inconsistency of 
this Nazi attempt is shown by the fact that the 
Germans talk about "the Bolshevik menace" 



only ■«'hen it suits their purposes. We too 
should remember that the bogey of Bolshevism 
is raised by Goebbels only when the Germans 
are losing; when Germany is winning, the 
Nazis shift the emphasis to the rich farms, 
factories, mines, and cities they have stolen 
from Russia. 

Whoever fights Germany is oiir friend and 
our ally and is deserving of our respect, confi- 
dence, and trust. I say this to you as a matter 
of liard common sense, learned or confirmed in 
almost 40 years of diplomacy. I am not a 
dreamy idealist, you may be sure ; but I am in- 

sistent on the reality of our common cause with 
the Soviet Union, and I am opposed to any at- 
tempt — Nazi or domestic — to undermine that 
common cause. 

The United Nations fight a single war. We 
fight a single enemy: the militarist fanaticism 
engendered by cultivated racial superstitions 
and inflated national arrogance. We fight on a 
single field : the whole world. And the Govern- 
ments and people of the United Nations must 
and will achieve a single victory and a single 
peace, in which liberty, security, and prosperity 
will become the common possession of all men. 


Address by Luther Gulick ^ 

[Released to the press March 29] 

I appreciate the opportunity of coming here 
to meet with you and to review the problems 
which lie ahead in foreign relief and rehabilita- 
tion. I am glad to be here, first of all, because 
you represent a very special group of our people 
who have demonstrated over many years how 
business brains and humanitarian charity can 
together reach across the barriers of sea and 
land and political frontiers in ministering to 
human need. If I may say so, I think the 
secret of the success of the relief work done 
abroad by the Friends is found not in their un- 
doubted ability in organization and business 
management — others liave that too; not in the 
impressive amounts they have raised — others 
have done that too ; not in the number of work- 
ers they have enlisted — others have used more; 
but in the devotion and personal modesty of the 
top officers and the humility and humanity of 
the rank and file of the whole organization. 
Those who enter foreign relief in order to sit 
at the head table at home and to build a "big" 

' Delivered before the Friends' Peace Committee, Phil- 
adelphia, Pa., Mar. 29, 1943. Mr. Gulick is Chief of 
the Division of Program and Requirements, Office of 
Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation Operations, Depart- 
ment of State. 

organization are, whether they know it or not, 
dealing not with relief but with the struggle for 
prestige and power. 

The world-wide need for relief and rehabili- 
tation which now lies before us presents a task 
which will be done well or ill precisely in pro- 
portion to the freedom from institutional ambi- 
tion with which the work is inspired from be- 
ginning to end. 

The subject you have asked me to discuss 
tonight sounds over-ambitious. I must assure 
you that I have no intention of foretelling the 
future course of events or presenting a time- 
table of the war. Nor can I present a statement 
of the policies which will be followed or of the 
solutions which will be found for all the difficul- 
ties. This also reaches into the future in a way 
that is beyond my powers. What I propose to 
do is, rather, to state certain of the major prob- 
lems with which we shall be confronted as we 
see them at this early date. The wisdom and 
help of your experienced leaders can be of tre- 
mendous assistance in developing the most 
promising approaches to the way out. 

What I shall do this evening is, therefore, to 
turn your thinking to three aspects of foreign 
relief and rehabilitation : 

APRIL 3, 1943 


First, what we shall find abroad as our troops 

move in ; 
Second, wliat we sliall find at home; and 
Third, what first steps the (lovernment of the 

United States is now taking to meet the 


What Shall We Find Abroad? 

Wliat shall we find when our allied armies 
push their drives toward the cruel, iron heart 
of the Axis slave S3'stem? Wliat shall we find 
as our mechanized forces grind forward and 
liberate Europe, and China, and the Philippines, 
and the Dutch Indies? On this we do not have 
to guess. We already have seen enough behind 
the first front, in the territories freed by the 
Russian armies. Given time, the retreating Ger- 
mans and Japs loot, pillage, and destroy, not 
solely in vengeance but to make rehabilitation 
all the harder and to handicap all their neigh- 
bors in their recovery after the war is over. In 
Kharkov sewing machines in private homes 
were found smashed and written instructions 
were found on German officers ordering the 
appointment of demolition squads in case of re- 
treat and outlining the most effective destructive 
use of limited time. In cities and villages and 
farms fire is the chief instrmnent recommended. 

So we will find terrific and systematic destruc- 
tion. Undoubtedly this will occur primarily in 
the line of tlie military drives, and some of it 
will be caused by our own attack. But it will 
also be found in other areas if time permits. 

Tlie ordinary necessities and utilities of the 
cities like water, power, sewage, and transport 
will be wrecked. Gas and electricity will be 
scarce. The larger industries will be unable to 
operate and will have been out of commission 
for many months. Throughout the land trans- 
port will be blasted, confiscated, or worn out. 
This alone brings modern city life to a virtual 
standstill. Conmiunication will be destroyed, 
except for rumors and rumors of rumors, with 
perhaps a hidden radio here and there. 

Food supplies, which are meager even now, 
will be below the point of starvation. Some 
food will be in hiding in the rural areas, but most 

peasants will not part with any of this for paper 
money ! Even into an area which has seen no 
figliting in North Africa, a land which generally 
has plenty for export, we are now shipping some 
wheat for city people, all because internal trans- 
port is lacking and because money is not accept- 
able back in the hills thanks to the Nazi "new 
economic disorder". We will find the same 
thing, but worse, in all liberated areas, because 
there will be dire shortages as well. The live- 
stock generally will be driven off or slaughtered 
before the United Nations forces come in. 
Crops, except some vegetables, will have been 
only partly planted for lack of incentives, 
manpower, seed, fertilizer, insecticide, and 

And what of the people under such condi- 
tions? Will they come forward with out- 
stretched hands, happy hearts, and resounding 
cheere to welcome their deliverers? No, they 
will cringe in fear of new suffering; they will 
be broken, sick, ragged, homeless, frightened 
human animals : the young who have known no 
childliood or youth or family life, the aged who 
have known no rest and tranquillity, women who 
have carried continuous hopeless burdens be- 
yond their strength, and a few weakling men, 
munitions slaves, and released prisoners. 

The great passion everywhere will be for 
food. Among the ordinary people in the ring 
of oncoming starvation in Europe and Asia 
which has been created by the German and 
Japanese oppressors, almost the only subject 
of conversation even now is food, food, food. 
When the Axis robbers have been driven out and 
the United Nations forces move in, the civilian 
need for food will be a craze, a wailing, a prayer. 

And then there are the homesick ; not count- 
ing the 4 to 6 million prisoners in army camps, 
or the displaced Russian peasants and city- 
dwellers, or the 2 to 4 million Frenchmen who 
moved south in France, the Germans have force- 
fully moved over 10 million people from their 
homes for industrial and agricultural slavery, 
for defense purposes, and as a means of altering 
their ethnograj^hical distribution to suit the 
Nazi blueprint. It is safe to assume that most 
of these poor, driven people are already sick 



at heart for their homes and kin and that the 
desire to move, to return to homes wliich are no 
more, to find the remnants of broken families 
will exceed all bounds once the war is over. 

But in all this wreckage, physical and human, 
there will still be a foundation on whicli to 
build. That foundation is the basic will to 
survive, the fundamental determination to live, 
which dominates living creatures everywhere, 
and the equally basic social instincts of man. 
From these will spring hope, and faith, the 
willingness to work together in good-will as 
soon as there is a little food, a little decency, and 
a little chance that things will work out for a 
better world and a little honest leadership. 
Men have been througli the valley of the shadow 
of war, starvation, and pestilence before. And 
before this they have come back to health, peace, 
and dignity. And it will happen again — slowly 
with incalculable suffering if we fail humanity 
and the world now ; quickly and happily if we 
show the wit and the will to do the work that 
lies ahead. 

Yes, I know, in all these lands there will be 
traitors and fifth columnists, many of them left 
there by the Axis to make trouble. There will 
be those who sneer at the four freedoms and 
who would be willing to start the war-cycle over 
again. But even with all this there will be a 
larger number of able and devoted men and 
women the moment there is hope. And there 
will be the foundations of organized life also, 
especially local governments, the churches, and 
the cooperatives. No amount of fighting can 
wipe these out. 

The picture abroad is thus fairly clear. It 
may be worse than I have pictured it, or it may 
be less ghastly. This will depend on the nature 
and the speed of the Axis collapse. But, what- 
ever happens, what has already been done makes 
it clear that the need of the people of the liber- 
ated areas will reach far beyond anything here- 
tofore in the black history of war. If we are a 
great people, truly great in spirit as well as re- 
sources, the chance to prove it greatly is now 
upon us. 

What Shall We Find at Home? 

What problems shall we encounter here at 
home as we join with other nations in the work 
of relief and rehabilitation? I shall pass over 
this question briefly as I know the points I wish 
to make will need no emphasis before tliis audi- 
ence. You know America as well as I. 

I will begin then with the material handicaps 
which we face. First comes shipping. While 
the submarine war is still effective and the Army 
and Na\'y themselves are pressed to ship muni- 
tions, men, and supplies to all the battlef ronts of 
all the world it will be extremely difficult to find 
shipping space which will be needed to deliver 
our relief supplies abroad. One ton of shipping 
is required to feed, clothe, and carry medical 
supplies for a family of four for a year. Such 
a problem looks easy until you start multiplying 
by the millions that are involved in this under- 

The next problem is the shortage of supply. 
Except for wheat, we shall find that the Amer- 
ican people, the British, the Canadians, the 
Australians, and others will have to hold down 
their own consumption of food, clothing, and 
other supplies in order to share their compara- 
tive abundance to lift up the fallen people of re- 
occupied lands. Of course we shall plan to take 
surpluses for relief and to use what is least short. 
But it is perfectly clear that the surpluses alone 
are not enough. 

Men can be kept alive on wheat, but they can- 
not be kept well without at least a small supply 
of the protective foods like meat, milk, and cer- 
tain fruits and vegetables. There is an ample 
supply of wheat, but the protective foods are 
scarce and expensive. We thus face this ques- 
tion: Shall we ask the overworked peoples of 
the allied lands to sacrifice their own consump- 
tion of rationed meats, eggs, milk, fats, and other 
good things to make possible adequate relief 
diets? After the last war about 75 percent of 
the food supplied in international relief was 
wheat. But wheat alone is a dangerous diet for 
mothers and growing children and a poor diet 
to rehabilitate any population. 

APRIL 3, 1943 

Medical supplies are another problem. Epi- 
demics follow war in waves of typhus, dysen- 
tery, and other diseases invariably taking a 
larger toll than the fighting. This time medical 
science is far better prepared. The public- 
health doctors know how to control the situation 
provided we give them the supplies, the author- 
ity, and the manpower to act. 

Another problem is bound to be that of de- 
termining how we shall go at agricultural and 
industrial rehabilitation. I think we must start 
from the very beginning to assist in furnishing 
seed, agricultural equipment, fertilizer, and 
tools, even at the expense of shipping space and 
further sacrifice at home, where these same seeds 
and tools are bound to be scarce. 

Then there is the question of determining on 
what basis and how extensively we can send in 
raw materials and industrial machinery to re- 
vive once again the industrial economies which 
have been damaged or destroyed either by bat- 
tle or by the scorched-earth policy which the 
Axis will follow. There can be little question 
that the initial stages of providing food, cloth- 
ing, shelter, and medicines to stop deaths must 
be on a basis of clear-cut gifts. But the question 
of initial stages of rehabilitation involves tre- 
mendous problems which must be worked out 
as we move gradually into the post-war period. 

"Politics" is still another aspect of our domes- 
tic problem. The American people are gener- 
ous, but they are far away from knowing the 
needs of mankind and the cause-and-effect 
relations in world affairs. We don't like regi- 
mentation and rationing and are easily confused 
by ill-informed and power-seeking men into 
thinking that anj' foreign relief and rehabilita- 
tion is a senseless blunder. Of course, it could 
be a blunder if badly planned and done. The 
United States, with 130 million people, cannot 
take on the task of feeding and clothing all the 
600 million people in the war-torn lands of the 
world. But there is no call for such an effort. 
The real need is manageable. It will not come 
all at once. We propose merely to help others 
to help themselves. Other nations will help. 


especially if we take the lead. Relief is being 
jjlanned so that it will not cut into our short 
supplies by more than 2 to 4 percent at any time. 
What a small price is this to lay the foundations 
for world regeneration and world peace ! And 
when the war is over and war contracts are cut, 
might it not be a godsend to our factories to 
have large orders on hand for relief and rehabil- 
itation goods to be sent abroad ? And what will 
be a better distribution of tlie unneeded trucks 
and shoes and coats and blankets which the 
armies will then have on hand ? Personnel will 
be a crucial problem from the very first. We 
hope and expect that ultimately an organization 
will be created to enable the United Nations to 
approach the over-all problem of relief and 
rehabilitation on a joint basis. Our conversa- 
tions toward this end are under way, and prog- 
ress is being made. "^Hiile this cooperation is 
being worked out, however, we do not expect 
even on the present basis to send an army of 
thousands of relief workers into the liberated 
areas. We expect, rather, that while Americans 
will handle the principal administrative respon- 
sibilities and regulate distribution, the great 
bulk of operating personnel will be drawn from 
the extraordinarily rich personnel resources of 
the lands in which the work is to be carried for- 
ward. This is both desirable and inevitable. 
Such arrangements, however well worked out, 
will introduce problems of differing ideas as 
to standards and concepts and structure and a 
diversity of languages. World-wide relief un- 
der the conditions which we shall face is partly 
a large-scale business operation. It is careful 
scheduling, wise procurement, shipping, whole- 
sale distribution, and financing. But it is much 
more than this; it is also an extremely delicate 
human imdertaking, calling also for the sympa- 
thetic understanding which rebuilds the human 
soul and will at the same time that it sustains 
life and restores health. 

World relief today is also a third thing. It is, 
what shall I say, a medium for communicating 
ideas and helping to prepare the suffering 
peoples to participate in the peace which will 

519838 — 43- 


follow victory. We are determined to free our 
relief administration from individual favorit- 
ism, discrimination, and politics, and this, in 
itself, should have a powerful reaction in 
demonstrating that we are working in good 
faith toward a new and better world. Nothing 
must stand in the way of the distribution of 
food, clothing, and medical service to those who 
are in need within each country without dis- 
tinction of race, color, or previous condition of 
political allegiance within each country. We 
have a grave obligation to see to it that those 
people who actually operate the distribution of 
the necessities of life will operate on that 
basis — a basis founded upon an unshakable be- 
lief in human dignity, international order, and 
peace. The development of a staff of Amei'i- 
cans and of other nationals who can undertake 
this work with a full understanding of its long- 
range significance, with a capacity for business 
efficiency, with the magic touch of human under- 
standing, with the skill of modern social work, 
and with knowledge of two or more languages, 
is, you will agree, a problem of paramount im- 
portance and extraordinary difficulty. 

It is only necessary to state these problems of 
transport, of supply, of policy, of politics, and 
of personnel to make it perfectly clear that the 
course of foreign relief here at home will call 
for wise decisions, intelligent leadership, and 
wide understanding. 

What Action Has the Government Taken? 

In the face of these facts and problems at home 
and abroad, our government, in concert with 
other governments, has taken a number of im- 
portant preliminary steps. 

Many months ago, the President and the 
Prime Minister of Great Britain reached the 
conclusion that the time had come to make plans 
and to get organized to deal with the relief and 
rehabilitation of liberated peoples. These de- 
cisions were reached at about the same time that 
military plans were laid for the major lines of 
military action. As long as a year and a half 
ago, the British set up the Inter-Allied Com- 
mittee for Post- War Kequirements, under Sir 
Frederick Leith-Ross, a distinguished economist, 


administrator, and civil servant of His Majesty's 
Government. The eight friendly governments 
then sheltered in London also joined in the effort 
and set to work determining the problems and 
needs of their several peoples when they were 
once set free. At the same time our State De- 
partment made post-war relief a major interest. 
A year ago in June, Sir Frederick Leith-Ross 
came to the United States and the opportunity 
presented itself for British and American dis- 
cussion of the problems of world relief and re- 
habilitation. Following this, important steps 
were taken to bring about the full collaboration 
of the other allied governments. 

A number of further important steps have 
been taken, chief of which are the International 
Wheat Agreement, under which the United 
States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, 
and Argentina have set up a world pool of wheat 
for relief ; and the master lend-lease agreements 
which govern the liquidation of our war aid. 
Both of these are significant contributions to 
world relief. 

Early in December 1942 Governor Herbert 
H. Lehman resigned his post in New York State 
and entered immediately on his duties as Direc- 
tor of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation. The 
President and the Secretary of State insisted 
that the matter could not wait. 

This new Office of Foreign Relief and Re- 
habilitation is within the State Department and 
has the benefit not only of the aid of other sec- 
tions of the Department in its work but also of 
the specific studies which the Department has 
made. The Office of Foreign Relief and Re- 
habilitation has also taken over within the State 
Department certain of the personnel which was 
already at work on foreign relief and the inter- 
departmental committees which had been or- 
ganized and which have contributed so much to 
the formulation of the supply requirements for 
the immediate relief needs which lie ahead. 

The organization of the Office which Gov- 
ernor Lehman has accomplished is an indica- 
tion of his concept of the undertaking. He has 
set up four major operating divisions. These 
are Field Operations, which will organize and 
supervise the work abroad; Personnel and 

APRIL 3, 1943 


Training, ■which will pick, train, and send out 
to the field the men and women who will do the 
work; Supply and Transport, which will pro- 
cure and turn relief supplies over to the field 
organization; and Finance and Budget, which 
will handle financial and other management 
problems. To help these major divisions the 
Governor has also set up a series of auxiliary 
and staff divisions to deal with legal affairs, 
public information, special problems, studies 
and reports, and programs and requirements. 
At this stage the entire organization is very 
small — less than 50 professional persons — and 
is devoting its main efforts to determining re- 
quirements, acquiring supplies, finding and 
training personnel, and getting organized. The 
only field operation now is in North Africa, 
where we have had the finest cooperation of the 
representatives of the Friends Service Com- 
mittee and the Red Cross, both of whom are 
operating there under the aegis of the Office of 
Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation so that there 
may be complete unity of action. It is in 
Tunisia that we shall be confronted by the first 
real call for mass relief of the victims of war. 
This relief will begin directly behind our ad- 
vancing lines and will be under complete mili- 
tary control. At the request of General Eisen- 
hower, Mr. Fred Hoehler, the chief of the North 
Africa Mission of the Office of Foreign Relief 
and Rehabilitation, is actively working with 
the Army in organizing this relief for the civil- 
ian population of Tunisia. When the fighting 
is over, relief will become a responsibility of 
the civil government. The successful oper- 
ation of this method of dealing with the needs 
of civilians in war-torn lands will be observed 
with deep interest. 


This brings me to the end of my remarks this 
evening. I have endeavored to turn your 
thoughts to three aspects of what lies ahead 
in relief and rehabilitation: First, the scene 
abroad; second, the problems at home; and 
third, the steps which are being taken by our 
government to be prepared to act effectively and 
promptly when the need arises. In spite of the 

preparation which is being made I am sure that 
no one realizes all that is involved in this under- 
taking. It ma}' well prove to be not only a 
colossal business of practical international poli- 
tics and philanthropy but also the most pro- 
found spiritual cause to which mankind has 
ever dedicated itself. The decision rests with 
you and with others like you in America. 


[Released to the press April ."J] 

Herbert H. Lehman, Director of Foreign Re- 
lief and Rehabilitation for the United States, 
announced on April 3 that at the suggestion of 
the President and the Secretary of State he will 
leave in a few days for a brief visit to London. 
Mr. Lehman said he is going to London to pro- 
cure all the information available on problems 
connected with the relief of victims of war in 
areas liberated from Axis control. Mr. Leh- 
man stated that he did not intend to carry on 
negotiations for a joint LTnited Nations ap- 
proach to the relief and rehabilitation problem, 
since such negotiations will be conducted here by 
the Secretary of State. 

Mr. Lehman will be accompanied by Hugh R. 
Jackson, Special Assistant to the Director of 
Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation. 


[Released to the press March 31 ] 

The Secretary of State has received the fol- 
lowing message from Mr. Anthony Eden : 

"On leaving the United States after my brief 
but most fruitful visit, I wish to express my 
heartfelt gratitude for the unfailing kindness 
and openhearted friendliness with which I have 



been everywhere received and in particular for 
your own most generous welcome. The talks I 
have had in Washington have shown that we 
think alike on the problems that face us. I 
return to London with a new understanding of 
the policies and ideals of your Government and 
people and a deepened conviction that close 
collaboration between us is an indispensable 
basis for the development of common action by 
the United Nations now and after the war." 

The Secretary has replied as follows : 

"I said good-bye to you at the airport on 
Tuesday with very real regret. Your presence 
in Washington and the occasions it offered for 
exchanges of views has been a very real con- 
tribution to the cause we have in common. 
Thank you for your friendly note. I send 
with this an expression of warm regards to you 
and the members of your party who so much 
contributed to the discussions in Washington." 

Commercial Policy 


Address by the Under Secretary of State ^ 

[Released to the press April 1] 

I am glad to have been afforded the privilege 
at this particular time of addressing a meeting 
of the Chamber of Commerce of the State of 
New York. 

We are passing through the gravest period in 
our national history. And while I am con- 
vinced that we and the other peoples of the 
United Nations have now reached that high 
plateau from which we can see in the distance 
the goal for which we fight, you and I know that 
the struggle in which we are engaged will still 
demand the utmost of which we are capable, 
and may still be far longer in duration than 
some of the more optimistic of our fellow citi- 
zens sometimes believe. 

The American j^eople are bravely and reso- 
lutely facing tlie great crisis of war. They are 
confident that the United Nations will obtain 
the unconditional surrender of the Axis forces 
to which we are pledged. They are eager to 
do all they can, to make any sacrifice, to hasten 

' Delivered by the Honorable Sumner "Welles before 
the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, 
Apr. 1, 194.3, and broadcast through the facilities of 
station WEAF. 

that victory. But I want to speak to you briefly 
about another crisis that lies ahead, a crisis 
which no less than that on the many fighting 
fronts will determine the fate of the future gen- 
erations of the people of the United States. 

The greatest single interest, the greatest 
single objective of the American people is to pre- 
vent the recurrence of war, to create a reliable 
and permanent j^eace. The thing that lies near- 
est the hearts of all of us is to avoid again sac- 
rificing our young men on the field of battle, 
to avoid the untold suffering, heartache, and 
bereavement of war, and to avoid the huge eco- 
nomic cost of war and the social chaos that 
inevitably follows in the wake of all wars. 

I have no illusions whatever as to the diffi- 
culty of this task. In attempting to put an end 
to war we face a problem that the human race 
has never yet been able to solve. But of one 
thing I am perfectly sure : the greatest obstacle 
to success is defeatism — the assumption that 
nations are by nature so antagonistic, that for- 
eign peoples are so untrustworthy, or that the 
technical problems of constructing peace ma- 
chinery are so great that the task is a hopeless 
one. For my part I do not consider it hopeless. 
I believe that from the moment its hopelessness 

APRIL 3, 1943 


is generally denied, from the moment people 
abandon a defeatist attitude and begin searching 
for ways to solve the problems presented rather 
than for reasons why they can't be solved, from 
that moment we will be well on the way to suc- 
cess in this greatest of all human undertakings. 

And I am even more convinced that unless the 
American people are willing to assume their 
fair share of responsibility for the maintenance 
of peace in the world of the future, by joining 
in the exercise of police powers when that may 
be determined by international agreement to be 
necessary, and by participating in such other 
forms of international cooperation as may effec- 
tively prevent the rise of economic or political 
dangers, the peace of the world cannot be main- 

Wlren the war is over we shall be faced with 
domestic problems of the utmost difficulty. We 
have enormously expanded our productive facil- 
ities in many lines of industry and agriculture. 
We shall be faced with the problem of main- 
taining the present level of employment and at 
the same time re-absorbing millions of demobil- 
ized soldiers. As a result of the war we shall 
have incurred an enormous debt and our people 
must bear the heaviest burden of taxation in 
their history. 

In the field of our international relations it 
will be necessary, in order to preserve the peace 
in which we have so much at stake, to supply 
our fair share of immediate relief for the mil- 
lions of people left destitute in the wake of war. 
We must do this not only for humanitarian 
reasons but for reasons of purest self-interest. 
If we want the world in which we are to live 
to be a peaceful one, we must prevent interna- 
tional anarchy. There are no more disrupting 
forces than starvation and pestilence. 

The provision of our fair share of relief will 
help to keep our productive facilities employed, 
but this will be at the expense of the already- 
burdened taxpayer. In his interest the relief 
period must be made as short as possible, which 
means that peoples in the devastated countries 
must be placed upon a self-reliant and a self- 
sustaining basis as rapidly as possible. From 
this standpoint wise trade policies are essential. 

Foreign countries can attain a self-sustaining 
basis only if there are markets for their prod- 
ucts. Full employment of our men and 're- 
sources can be maintained only if there are mar- 
kets for our products. In a larger sense, also, 
sound international trade policies are essential 
in relation to our vital interests. They are essen- 
tial, above all, from the standpoint of construct- 
ing a durable peace. 

Any organization whereby the nations who 
want peace will cooperate to enforce it would 
fall apart if the economic underpinning were 
unsound. Unemplo}'ment, poverty, and declin- 
ing living standards will not be tolerated for 
long. Short-sighted measures will be resorted 
to. Peoples will in desperation take any action 
which pi'omises momentary relief even if it 
means the destruction of world order and world 

From whatever standpoint our domestic or 
our international problems are approached, it 
becomes apparent that in the post-war world an 
expansion of international trade is indispen- 
sable. Consider for a moment in elementary 
terms why this must be so. 

What would happen to the living standards 
of any of our States if their trade with the other 
States were shut off? The answer is obvious. 
Cut off any of our States from commercial inter- 
course with the other States, or seriously inter- 
fere with it, and you would create so grave a 
political issue as to threaten the destruction of 
the Union. Under such conditions would these 
United States continue to act as a unit? 

Is it stretching the point in the least to ask 
similar questions about international trade? 
Suppose the trade of any one of the United Na- 
tions with the others were cut off or seriously 
disrupted. Would that nation, with unemploy- 
ment lines gi'owing and living standards sink- 
ing, cooperate whole-heartedly with the other 
United Xations in any common objective? It is 
highly significant that the tragic period between 
the wars was characterized by widespread trade 
warfare and by the fact that the spirit of co- 
operation among peace-loving nations was so 
weak that they did not unite against the Axis 
until war was actually upon them and their very 
existence was at stake. 



My purpose in mentioning these considera- 
tions is to focus your attention on a question 
which must be acted upon by the present Con- 
gress of the United States. I refer to the fact 
that the Trade Agreements Act, which provides 
an effective means for international trade co- 
operation by the United States with other coim- 
tries, in our own national interest, will expire in 
June unless the Congress shall meanwhile have 
renewed it. I doubt whether the vital import- 
ance of this legishation in relation to the crisis 
which lies ahead is fully realized by our people. 
Its importance goes beyond trade and employ- 
ment ; it is the first concrete test of whether we 
really intend to cooperate with the rest of the 
world in a matter that is essential not only to 
the full solution of our domestic problems but to 
the construction of a durable peace. 

Let me recall to your minds the nature and 
significance of this piece of legislation. It was 
adopted in 1934 following the disastrous effects 
of successive tariff acts which closed this market 
to many foreign products without regard to 
the interests of other countries and without re- 
gard to the interests of American producers for 
export, of American consumers, and of the Na- 
tion as a whole. It was adopted at a time when 
our own policy and that of other countries con- 
sisted of cutthroat trade warfare, each country 
seeking by acts of economic desperation to bene- 
fit itself at the expense of others. It was en- 
acted in a period of stark international trade 
anarchy which was part of a developing state 
of general anarchy in international affairs out 
of which grew the catastrophe of another world 
war. That was a period characterized by high 
and rising tariffs, quotas, exchange-controls, 
depreciated currencies, clearing agreements, dis- 
criminations, and every conceivable device for 
waging trade warfare that the ingenuity of man 
could devise. Our trade-agreements program 
represented one spark of sanity in a world out- 
look that seemed wholly and hopelessly dark. 

We, as well as other countries, had seen our 
export industries all but destroyed, our sur- 
pluses backed up on the domestic market with 
ruinous effects on prices. Our export industries 
were sick and the buying power of the large 

and important interests dependent on foreign 
trade was rapidly shrinking. We saw the sick- 
ness spread throughout our economy. The de- 
cline of our foreign trade had contributed mate- 
rially to creating the worst depression in our 

It was in these circumstances that the Trade 
Agreements Act of 1934 was passed. It author- 
ized the Executive to enter into agreements 
reducing our tariffs, within specified limits, in 
return for corresponding reductions in the bar- 
riers erected against our trade by foreign coun- 
tries. In brief, it sought to substitute 
commercial jDeace for trade war. 

Under this act we have negotiated some 30 
agreements during the last 9 years. In doing 
so we have approached the problem with the 
extreme care which circumstances so obviously 
required. We have been well aware of the fact 
that the tariff protection which an industry en- 
joys may have a very real relation to the wel- 
fare of the industry and the people employed 
in it. We have proceeded cautiously, realizing 
that drastic action might cause serious disloca- 
tions and affect the livelihood of thousands of 
Americans. In the administration of the act 
we have sought to deal with conditions as they 
are, not to apply any theoretical conception of 
the way things should be if we were able to 
go back 100 years and start our economic 
policies from scratch. 

An effective interdepartmental organization 
has been developed with a view to bringing to 
bear upon each detailed question presented all 
the facts available. These facts are obtained 
from the Tariff Commission, the Department of 
Agriculture, the Department of Commerce, and 
other interested agencies of the Government, 
and interested private individuals. The ap- 
proach is a highly selective, practical approach, 
not a broad, theoretical one. The Government 
experts who pool their knowledge in this work 
do not, as some thoughtless critics seem to imply, 
spend their time discussing the philosophy of 
Adam Smith or any other philosophy. They 
study the facts and considerations bearing on 
the question of what can be done to promote our 
foreign trade without creating serious disloca- 

APRIL 3, 1943 


tions in the process. The formulation of the 
provisions of any trade agreement concluded 
pursuant to the act is based on a minute exam- 
ination of the problem in detail, industry by 
industry, product by product. 

I shall not burden j'ou with the detailed pro- 
cedural steps whereby recommendations as to 
the precise terms of these agreements are for- 
mulated for submission by the Secretary of 
State to the I'resident, with a description of the 
great care that is taken to obtain and examine 
information and views submitted by business 
interests, or with the system of balances and 
checks whereby anything in the nature of arbi- 
trary or capricious action is absolutely pre- 

If you examine the agreements for yourselves, 
you will find in them the evidence of the truth 
of what I have just said. For example, you will 
find evidence that the approach is detailed and 
selective, ratlier than sweeping and academic. 
You will find great variation in the extent of 
the reductions made in our tariff within the 
50-percent limitation provided for in the law. 
You will find that the concessions made will 
vary from no reduction at all, that is to say a 
mere binding of the present duty or duty-free 
treatment, to 5, 10, 15 down to the full 50 per- 
cent, not a sweeping unifonn reduction to the 
full extent permitted by the law such as might 
result from the non-selective application of any 
general formula or theory. 

You will note also the changes made in classi- 
fications. Ask yourself why these have been 
made. You will find that the purpose is to 
segregate for duty-reduction those types or 
classes of a product the importation of which is 
of special importance to the particular foreign 
country concerned and of less importance to 
American production. In this way we have 
been able, where need arose, to promote our 
foreign trade while reducing to a minimum the 
competitive impact that would result if the 
breakdown in the classification had not been 
made. Ideas regarding such reclassifications 
liave sometimes been obtained from the business 
interests concerned who have indicated cate- 
gories of a product with the importation of 

whicii they would not be seriously concerned. 
In other cases, the main reason for reclassifica- 
tion has been the common-sense desire to retain 
bargaining power for use in later agreements. 

In examining the agreements you will also 
note that some of tlie duty-reductions apply only 
to specified seasons or to specified quantities 
(so-called "customs quotas") . While such reduc- 
tions are designed to increase our foreign trade, 
they at tlie same time take into account, as the 
act says, "the characteristics and needs of vari- 
ous branches of American production". These 
words of the act have real meaning and impor- 
tance. The particular situation in each in- 
dustry concerned is carefully examined and 
fully taken into account in the negotiation of 
these agreements. 

In connection with the administration of the 
act, let me refer to one point on wliicli there is 
a good deal of misconception. People often 
speak of the trade agreements "made by the 
State Department". Failure to recognize the 
part played by the Tariff Commission and the 
Departments of Commerce, Agriculture, and 
Treasury in the formulation of these agree- 
ments does serious injustice to those agencies 
and to the numerous highly qualified and de- 
voted experts whose work has made this pro- 
gram the success it has been. Indeed the fac- 
tual material, the expert analysis of it, and the 
recommendations as to what action should be 
taken are predominantly the work of these other 
agencies rather than that of the State Depart- 
ment. The role of the Department of State is 
to mobilize and coordinate the resources and 
effort of all the other agencies of the Govern- 
ment that may be concerned and, with the as- 
sistance of these agencies, to perform its func- 
tion of carrying on the international negotia- 
tions involved. The terms of the agreement 
which are the subject of the negotiations are not 
by any means solely of the State Department's 
making. Any offer to a foreign government 
witli respect to a reduction in our tariff or any 
request to a foreign government for a reduction 
in a trade barrier against American exports, or 
any otlier provision of these agreements, no 
matter how detailed, is referred for recom- 



mendation to the Trade Agreements Commit- 
tee, upon which all of the agencies concerned 
are represented. The negotiations take place 
on the basis of a detailed draft prepared by this 
committee and approved by the Seci-etary of 
State and by the President. The State Depart- 
ment in the course of the negotiations does not 
deviate in the least from that draft without 
referring any proposed deviation to the Trade 
Agreements Committee and getting its decision 
upon it. 

When agreement has been reached and the 
new rates are put into effect, the act provides 
that they "shall apply to articles the growth, 
produce or manufacture of all foreign coun- 
tries", with, of course, appropriate provision for 
suspension in the case of any country which dis- 
criminates against our products. Under this 
provision we extend to all friendly foreign 
countries the concessions that we grant to any 
one, and we expect and ask them each to do the 
same for us. The only exception on our side 
is for our special preferential arrangement with 
Cuba. This provision constitutes the so-called 
"unconditional most-favored-nation clause", 
which could better be described as the clause 
against discrimination. It has been somewhat 
criticized, as a result of what I can only think 
of as a misunderstanding of its purpose and 

That purpose and eflFect is simply to prevent 
discrimination. The policy against discrimina- 
tion in international trade was not invented at 
the time the Trade Agreements Act was passed. 
It goes back to our first commercial legislation, 
in the time of President Washington, and has 
been followed, with some vacillation, ever since. 
The recent occasion on which the policy was 
most thoroughly discussed was in the adminis- 
tration of President Harding, when Mr. Hughes 
was Secretary of State. The correspondence of 
1923 and 1924 between Secretai-y Hughes, Presi- 
dent Harding, Cliairman Culbertson of the 
Tariff Commission, and Senator Lodge, then 
chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee 
of the Senate, has been published and is most 
illuminating. Mr. Hughes summed the whole 
matter up accurately in one of his incisive sen- 

tences : "Either we are to have a policy of dis- 
crimination or a policy of obtaining immunity 
from discrimination." Needless to say, the sec- 
ond alternative was the course which was 
adopted. The Trade Agreements Act embodies 
the same view. I cannot believe that any busi- 
nessman would prefer the other policy. For if 
we applied two tariff rates, depending on the 
I^lace of origin of goods, we would discriminate 
against every country whose goods took the 
higher rate, and we could properly expect thera 
to do the same toward us. I know of nothing 
so calculated to disrupt the orderly conduct of 
private trade as such a system of reciprocal dis- 

There is one further general aspect of the 
Trade Agi'eements Act and of the agreements 
concluded under it to which I wish to invite your 
particular attention. This is a matter of first 
and fundamental importance to every American 
businessman. You will look in vain for any 
provision whereby the Goveriunent of the 
United States, as a government, undertakes to 
buy or to sell anything. You will look in vain 
for any provision whereby this Government or 
any agency of it participates in the conduct of 
business. The Trade Agreements Act is based 
upon the philosophy that it is the function of 
private enterprise to develop our foreign trade. 
It is based on the idea that the profit motive 
coupled with American efficiency, ingenuity, and 
enterprise will create for us the largest and best 
foreign commerce, from which the whole Na- 
tion will benefit. You will find from a thought- 
ful examination of the agreements concluded 
under this authority that all the Government has 
done has been to reduce in so far as practicable 
governmental obstacles to private trade, to cre- 
ate opportunities for American businessmen who 
may want to take advantage of such oppor- 

I may add that even during the unsettled 
period during which these agreements were ne- 
gotiated, American businessmen did take ad- 
vantage extensively of the opportunities created 
for them, with benefit to themselves, to our whole 
economj', and to the foreign countries with which 
the agreements were concluded. 

APRIL 3, 1943 


There is no question whatsoever that both in 
the interest of American prosperity and living 
standards and in the interest of creating condi- 
tions conducive to peace we must foster trade 
witli other countries. These are vital interests, 
for reasons which I have indicated. They are 
compelling and overriding considerations. Any 
person or party in a position of responsibility 
must face them. There has been vigorous but 
misguided opposition to these agreements by 
special interests who insist on a virtually com- 
plete monopoly of the domestic market and who 
object to facing any foreign competition at all. 

If the effort to develop a thriving foreign 
trade in the traditional American way, as con- 
templated in the Trade Agreements Act, should 
be thwarted by such opposition, other ways in- 
evitably will have to be found to meet the over- 
riding requirements I have mentioned. Doubt- 
less there are some who would favor actual gov- 
ernment trading. If private interests will not 
let private enterprise do what is essential in the 
national interest, then pressure of necessity will 
force the adoption of other methods. For my 
part, I consider it of vital importance to the 
continued functioning of this democracy that 
American foreign trade, as well as other eco- 
nomic activities, be handled in the American 

I am revealing no state secret when I say to 
you that one of the gravest doubts which exists 
in the minds of our paitners of the United Na- 
tions today is the doubt as to what the policy of 
the United States will be when the victory is 
won. They remember that when the victory of 
1918 had been achieved, this great country of 
ours withdrew from almost every form of prac- 
tical cooperation with its former allies in the 
great task of constructing that kind of world 
in which we and all other peace-loving and 
liberty-loving peoples could securely and profit- 
ably live. In very truth, we won the war and 
made no effort to win the peace. 

Our allies are asking themselves now whether 
we will again follow that same course. In a 
very real sense the decision that will be made 
with regard to the renewal of the Trade Agree- 
ments Act will be regarded by peoples through- 
out the world as an acid test of our future in- 

tentions. They will see in that decision a clear 
indication as to whether the people of the United 
States have determined upon a policy of inter- 
national cooperation for the future or whether 
they will once more turn back to that road of 
isolation which leads to inevitable disaster. 


Mr. James H. Keeley, a Foreign Service of- 
ficer of class II, was designated Chief of the 
Special Division on March 27, 1943 (Depart- 
mental Order 1149). Mr. Joseph C. Green, 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, will 
assist in the preparation of special studies in 
the field of international security (Depart- 
mental Order 1150). 


Department of St.ate 

Inter-American Highway : Agreement Between the 
United States of America and Costa Rica — Effected 
by exchange of notes signed at Washington January 
16, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 293. Publica- 
tion 1887. 2 pp. 50. 

Agricultural Experiment Station in El Salvador: Agree- 
ment Between the United States of America and El 
Salvador Approving Memorandum of Understanding 
Signed October 21, 1942 — Effected by exchange of 
notes signed November 24 and December 2, 1942; 
effective October 21, 1942. Executive Agreement 
Series 285. Publication 1889. 16 pp. 100. 

Education : Agreement Between the United States of 
America and Peru — Effected by exchange of notes 
signed at Washington August 4 and 24, 1942. Execu- 
tive Agreement Series 298. Publication 1901. 3 pp. 


Other Agencies 

Agricultural Resources of Madagascar. August 1942. 
(Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations, Depart- 
ment of Agriculture.) Foreign Agriculture Report 7. 
ii, 21 pp. illus. Processed. Free. 

Las Americas, 1943. Publicaci6n preparada por la 
Union Panamericana para la celebracion del Dia de 
las Americas, el 14 de abril. Pan American Union. 
iv, 36 pp. lOfi (paper). 

Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 
1941 (in three volumes). Vol. Ill: List of doctoral 
dissertations in history now in progress at universi- 
ties in the United States and the Dominion of 
Canada, with an appendix of other research projects 


in history now in progress in the United States and 
Canada. December 1941. H. Doc. 512, vol. 3, 77th 
Cong, vlii, 59 pp. Free. 


Communication from the President of the United States 
transmitting estimate of appropriation for the Office 
of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs of the 
Office for Emergency Management for the fiscal year 
1944, amounting to $33,860,000, and contract author- 
ization for fiscal years 1944 and 1945, amounting to 
$18,000,000. H. Doc. 148, 7Sth Cong. 12 pp. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 
Price, 10 cents - - - - Subscription price, 52,75 a year 




APRIL 10, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 198— Publication 1925 



Thk WaH Page 
The Tools of Future Peace: Address by Assistant Secre- 
tary Berle 289 

Private Relief Organizatious in North Africa .... 294 

Relief for Americans Detained in the Far East .... 295 

Capture of Prizes on the High Seas 296 

Transmission of Messages to or from Enemy Territory . 296 
Proclauned List: Cumulative Supplement 6 to Revi- 
sion IV 297 

Internation.\l Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture . . 298 

Commercial Policy 

Trade Agreement With Iran 299 

Treaty Information 

Agriculture: Agreements With Bahama Islands and 

Jamaica 312 

Arbitration: Permanent Com-t of Ai-bitration 313 

Telecommunications: North American Regional Broad- 
casting Agreement and Inter- American Radiocom- 
munications Convention 313 

Commerce: Trade Agreement With Iran 314 

Cultural Relations 

Distinguished Visitors From the Other American Re- 
publics 314 

Legislation 314 

Publications 314 


APR 26 1943 

The War 


Address by Assistant Secretary Berle '■ 

[Released to the press April 4] 

Gentlemen : 

All of us in the State Department welcome 
any opportunity to meet representative groups 
of Americans and to take coimsel with them. 
The State Department is the country's first line 
of defense. It meets foreign problems long be- 
fore they become acute. It endeavors so to han- 
dle affairs that world peace shall be promoted, 
Ajnerican interests protected, and the future 
made as secure as the situation permits. The 
State Department must make arrangements so 
that the work of our fighting forces is as easy as 
possible. A\nien peace approaches, it must bring 
into existence those agreements which are most 
likely to make for an enduring peace. 

The American State Department has no secret 
agents. Its work is done in the open. The pro- 
posals it makes are submitted to the public opin- 
ion of the country, usually through direct sub- 
mission to the Congress of the United States. 
We never have gone in for the practice of foreign 
affairs as described by popular fiction writers. 
The State Department is the smallest and least 
expensive department in Washington. Anyone 
has a right to ask us what we are doing, and 
everyone gets a prompt and clear answer. 

I am proud to have been a member of the 
Department during the past few years. I thiiik 
the record would show that, as the World War 
approached, the country was as well prepared 
diplomatically as American processes per- 


' Delivered before the Rotary Club of Reading, Pa., 
Apr. 4, 1943, and broadcast through facilities of the 
National Broadcasting Company. 

Let me give a single illustration. 

When the Nazi and Japanese warlords in all 
seriousness concocted their mad scheme to con- 
quer the entire world, we had reason to believe 
that the United States of necessity would be 
part of their plans of conquest. 

On the Atlantic side, with which I have had 
most to do, you would find there are two great 
avenues of attack on the United States. One of 
them is called, in our trade, the "Northern 
Bridge". This is the passage from the conti- 
nent of Europe to England, from England to 
Iceland, from Iceland to Greenland, and so to 
the North American Continent. 

The other great avenue of approach is some- 
times called the "Atlantic Narrows". Tliis is the 
narrowest part of the Atlantic Ocean and lies 
between the shoulder of Africa, with Dakar at 
its point, and the shoulder of South America, 
where lies the Brazilian city of Natal. 

These are two arms, encircling a huge Atlan- 
tic lake. Under the old rules of land and naval 
warfare neither of these passages was danger- 
ous. But some of us who have studied aviation, 
and particularly the rise of the German Luft- 
waffe, felt that both of these passages could be 
used by a determined enemy for surprise thrusts 
at the United States. If we had time to make 
arrangements and prepare, of course thrusts 
could be blocked. But if we were not ready, we 
should find the enemy on our flanks — and the 
whole Nazi plan of campaign was to thrust be- 
fore the nemy was ready and, if possible, to 
prevent him from being ready by fifth-column 
activities, propaganda, dirty politics, and every 




other method known to these evil men. We 
know now that the Nazis planned attack by 
both routes. 

We tackled botli problems. If you followed 
the news as events took place you will recall 
that from 1936, at the Buenos Aires Conference, 
to the present, President Koosevelt, Secretary 
Hull and Under Secretary Welles, and the State 
Department worked steadily at bringing the 
other American republics into a unified plan of 
defense of the hemisphere. We offered our aid 
and full cooperation. By 1939, before the war 
broke out, we had every reason to believe that 
any Nazi thrust across the Atlantic Narrows 
from Africa toward South America would be 
met with stiff resistance; and we firmly ex- 
pected to be there, helping. 

On the northern side we endeavored to 
strengthen the hands of the British. We had 
an added reason for doing this. Alone among 
the great powers. Great Britain had not waited 
for an attack by the Nazi and Fascist powers. 
She guaranteed the existence of Poland and 
served notice on Hitler that if he continued his 
career of world-conquest he would have to fight 
not only weak antagonists but England as well. 
When war did come, in September 1939, we 
gave to Britain such assistance as we could and 
shortly thereafter began an all-out rearmament 
program of our own. When in April of 1940, 
almost exactly three years ago, Denmark was 
invaded, with the assistance of the Danish Min- 
ister in Washington we began discussions de- 
signed to give us the right to protect Greenland. 
We set up a joint staff group to work out a 
common defense of Canada. We undertook 
the defense of Greenland and shortly after, first 
with the British and later alone, we took over 
the defense of Iceland. This made safe the 
Northern Bridge. 

The fall of France in 1940 had left Britain 
alone — the only country to oppose the Nazi 
forces then raging unchecked on the continent 
of Europe. Britain for a century has been tra- 
ditionally our friend ; and she also is the great 
island fortress lying athwart the Northern 
Bridge. During the summer of 1940 we rushed 

supplies for the defense of Britain by every 
means in our power. Both in honor and in self- 
interest we could have done no less. 

At that same time we took note of the fact 
that though France had been conquered the 
great French Empire in North Africa had re- 
tained a certain amount of freedom of action. 
We went to work to make sui'e that North Africa 
did not enter into the German orbit. The 
French Government at Vichy of course was vir- 
tually imprisoned by the Germans and was being 
led by cajolery and threat toward the Axis 
camp. Until an allied army landed in Europe 
not very much could be done except to liinder 
and delay the Germans, and this we did at 
Vichy. But in North Africa we could make con- 
nections in the hope that that great territory 
would one day rejoin the liberty-loving coun- 
tries of the world. In terms of defense this 
meant added protection against a German thrust 
in the direction of South America. In terms 
of ultimate victory it meant the possibility of 
entry into the Mediterranean for allied armies 
and planes. 

Thanks in part to these operations, and in 
greater part to the bravery of the British peo- 
ple, both the Northern Bridge and the Southern 
Narrows are now secure. With the landing of 
our troops in North Africa last November that 
operation was complete; and with it the char- 
acter of the war changed. The Nazi attackers 
were now forced to the defense. Listead of 
being able to strike at will, they can be struck 
at will — which is not nearly as much fun. 


This brief bit of history may serve to give 
you some idea of the kind of thinking and work 
the State Department has to do. You will re- 
call that it has not always been easy. There 
were those who attacked us for being unduly 
friendly to Britain — and I think those critics 
know now that they were wrong. There were 
those — there still are — who attacked us for 
fighting a rear-guard action at Vichy instead of 
abandoning old Marshal Petain outright to 
the Axis. There were others who criticized our 
maintaining our staffs in North Africa instead 

APRIL 10, 1943 


of leaving the field clear for the Germans. Most 
of those people realize now, I think, that the 
policy followed was wise. 

Certainly the hundreds of thousands of 
American boys who landed in North Africa 
know that it was sound policy to work things 
out so that resistance there was slight and so 
that they could get at the business of fighting 
the Axis, who is our enemy, instead of fighting 
Frenchmen, who are not. This kind of work 
has to continue until the war is ended. 

But besides this the State Department has 
the primary responsibility for working toward 
the agreements on which an iiltimate peace must 
be made. In speaking of this I do not wish to 
give the impression that the war is nearly over. 
I am clear that Germany has wholly lost the 
war. But to say that Germany has lost the 
war does not mean that we liave yet won it. 
The toughest part still lies ahead: a road of 
blood and sorrow which we must travel relent- 
lessly to the victorious end. In justice to our 
children we can do no less. We cannot con- 
demn another generation to do this all over 
again a few years later. 


The accords of peace must be submitted to the 
processes of American public opinion. Their 
bases are simple, and they are well understood. 

There are four great freedom-loving powers 
in the world. They are the United States, Great 
Britain, Russia, and China. On these four the 
great structure of a reorganized and peaceful 
world must inevitably rest. 

With Britain we have the ties of a friendship 
which has been uninterrupted for nearly a cen- 
tury and a half. This is partly due to the 
friendly understanding which exists between 
peoples which speak the same language and 
which have, beyond all others, the great tradi- 
tion of democracy. But this friendship has like- 
wise been founded on the fact that, in final 
analysis, British interests and ours have run 
together : the thing that was best for the United 
States was likewise best for Britain. We have 
been stijff competitors in trade — and both of us 

have prospered on competition. We have tough- 
ly argued questions of commercial policy, and 
probably will do so again. But whenever a 
crisis approaches, our two great countries draw 
together automatically. 

A strong and victorious Russia is also neces- 
sary to the United States. Let me give a bit 
of history here which ought to be better known 
in America. If you follow it you will see that 
in the last century and a half the existence of a 
strong Russia has proved a major guaranty of 
American safety. 

In the days when Napoleon attempted to con- 
quer the earth his plans included a large slice of 
the Western Hemisphere. He was never able to 
realize those plans, principally because a strong 
Russia which was not partial to his schemes 
made it impossible for him to divert sufficient 
force to make good his conquests; and the de- 
feat of Napoleon began with his retreat from 
Moscow, just as the defeat of Hitler began with 
his retreat from Stalingrad. 

Again, during our Civil AVar, certain Euro- 
pean countries showed a dangerous desire to take 
advantage of our misfortune and to seize terri- 
tory in the Americas. One of them actually 
set up a Hapsburg emperor on the throne in 
Mexico. At that time the Russian fleet stood 
by, thanks to the wise diplomacy of Mr. Seward, 
then Secretary of State, acting under the guid- 
ance of Abraliara Lincoln. This discouraged 
other European nations from taking advantage 
of our own tragic struggle and safeguarded the 
American Continent. 

Again, in the War of 1914. the Russian pres- 
sure on the East Front undoubtedly prevented 
Germany from crushing France as she did 
crush France in 1940. The time which Russia 
then bought for the Allies at the expense of her 
own men and blood made it possible for Britain, 
France, and the United States to meet the Ger- 
mans in the north of France and roll the Ger- 
man armies backward to defeat. 

Finally, the Russian resistance during the 
past 20 months has without doubt proved the 
turning point in the present World War. Both 
Britain and we would have been hard put had 



Russia abandoned her resistance in 1941 and 

I think it is thus clear that Russia is an es- 
sential part of the chain of American history. 
This does not mean that we have always felt 
that we should care to adopt the Russian form 
of government. We were not interested in the 
Czarist government at the time of the Na- 
poleonic Wars or at the time of the Civil War. 
We were glad when the Russians liberated 
themselves from the rule of the Czars. Amer- 
icans are not communist, nor ever likely to be. 
But we recognize that Russia's form of gov- 
ernment is a matter for Russia to choose ; and 
none but the ignorant fail to recognize the many 
advances made for the Russian people by the 
communist government. 

The fourth great cornerstone is, of course, 
China. She is the oldest and proudest repre- 
sentative of the Asiatic peoples, with a majestic 
history. She has also been a power for peace and 
a steady friend of freedom-loving forces in the 
western world. She has met the rise of Japa- 
nese militarism with a steadfast resistance like 
that of Washington at Valley Forge. Under im- 
possible circumstances she has stood off one of 
the strongest of modern military powers. 

Friendship between China and the United 
States is and must be the sheet anchor of our 
policy in the Pacific Ocean. Wisdom, justice, 
and mere common sense require that China shall 
be the great eastern power in the framework of 

With these four are the gallant company of 
the other 27 United Nations — and of certain of 
these a special word must be said. When a great 
country resists another great country it hopes 
and intends to be victorious. But when a small 
nation fights against overwhelming power for 
its liberty the immediate result is terrible ca- 
tastrophe. It must expect to be overwhelmed by 
impossible odds. It must rely on the tenacity 
of its people, continuing to resist even after its 
enemy has conquered its armies. It must place 
its faith in the victory of freedom-loving peoples 
and in the justice of the world. Many of the 
United Nations are small countries, weak by 
military standard, but everlastingly strong in 

patriotism and in spirit. In combination, their 
resistance, heroic beyond measure, has made 
possible the victory we hope to attain. 


In union, the United Nations, grouped around 
the United States, Britain, Russia, and China, 
will be invincible in war. It is my conviction 
that the same union, carried forward into peace, 
will make possible the reorganization of a peace- 
ful woi'ld. 

No one nation can maintain peace by itself, 
just as no one nation can make itself safe by its 
own efforts. The attempt to do so would ex- 
haust even the strongest comitry in a short space 
of years. It follows that we must work out 
ways of staying together; and our success in 
doing it will be the greatest guaranty we can 
give our children that they in their mature years 
will not go through the travail of another war. 

For that very reason our enemies have used 
every trick of propaganda to endeavor to cre- 
ate division among the United Nations. From 
reports reaching us we know indeed that the 
Nazis and the Japanese warlords have already 
lost faith in their ability to win a military vic- 
tory. But they hope to escape the stern justice 
which awaits them by di\ading the freedom-lov- 
ing countries and so achieving a compromise 
peace. They will fail, of course; but we know 
the methods they expect to use. 

One such method is the attempt to create in 
Britain and in the United States fear of Soviet 
Russia. This is based on the fact that both 
Britain and the United States are not commu- 
nist and that their civilizations are firmly built 
on individualist lines instead of on the collective 
model. Vague rumors, accordingly, are spread 
of huge imperial plans supposed to be harbored 
by Soviet Russia, in the hope that fools will 
thereby slacken aid to the Russian arms. These 
efforts of Nazi propaganda are often helped by 
trouble-makers; for both in Britain and in the 
United States there are meddlers or loose thuik- 
ers or plain liars who like to circulate wild sto- 
ries, always without evidence, that public offi- 
cials are not sufficiently friendly to Russia — or 
else, that they are too friendly to Russia. In 
Washington we know both kinds of rumors very 

APRIL 10, 1943 


■well. I make two piles on my desk every morn- 
ing. One of them is for the type of letter that 
says, "Beware of Russia" — coming usually from 
some misguided person who has heard some 
propaganda scare story. The other pile is for 
the type of letter or report which says that there 
is a plot or conspiracy among public officials to 
hamstring Russia — again, usually from well- 
meaning but misguided people who have swal- 
lowed propaganda from people who, for reasons 
of their own, want to create trouble between the 
Russians and ourselves. The latter type, re- 
cently, has frequently been built around tales 
that Britain or the United States or various offi- 
cials in one or the other were engaged in con- 
structing buffer states against Russia or in build- 
ing belts of states designed to be hostile to Rus- 
sia, known by the French name of cordon sani- 

Of course, the briefest look at the facts 
swamps both kinds of propaganda. Soviet 
Russia, when she is victorious, as she will be, 
and when she has cleared her lands of Nazi 
troops, as she will, faces a titanic job in re- 
building her own country. She will not, in our 
judgment, become the victim of any urge to 
seize great additions to her already huge em- 
pire. What she will want — and ought to 
want — is safety and security for her own coun- 
try, which has been invaded by barbarians, 
with the bloodiest results, twice in 25 years. 
In her reconstruction she will be entitled to all 
the cooperation we can give; and while she is 
fighting, the limit of our help is the limit of 
our capacity. The military operations which 
have taken place have been of material assist- 
ance; and I am convinced that they will be 
increasingly useful. 

The other story which relates to buffer states 
is built out of plain ignorance. Buffer states 
used to be dear to the secret diplomacy of a cen- 
tury ago; they were countries set up to keep 
apart great powers which could not get along 
together. Today the idea of a buffer state is 
as dead as a dodo. You cannot have buffer 
states in air warfare. Any buffer state, or 
any belt of buffer states, which could be built 
around Russia could be flown over by a modern 

air force in a few minutes and probably de- 
molished in a few hours. 

The other typical propaganda line is the story 
that Britain is scheming and plotting to seize 
the trade of the world and that America must 
beware. It is true that Britain is a trading 
nation. She will need all the trade she can get 
to repair the damage done her by German 
bombs. American businessmen themselves, for 
that matter, hope to have expanded trade when 
the war is over. But neither Britain nor the 
United States is able to exclude the other from 
the world markets; and neither country would 
if she could. The record shows that when Brit- 
ish trade expands ours expands likewise, and 
that when the prosperity of either comitry fades 
away both countries suffer. Britain is one of 
our best markets, just as the United States is 
one of the best British markets. We are far 
more likely to collaborate tlian we are to 


We can dismiss, I think, the lies circulated by 
propagandists and trouble-makers. We must, 
indeed ; for we have a great deal of very serious 
and difficult work to do. The job of building, 
patiently, quietly, and technically, a world 
peace is beginning now and will probably last 
a long tune. The guiding principles are very 
simple : 

World peace must be insured ; 

World commerce must be kept moving; 

World opportunity must be kept open. 

'V\niile the principles are simple enough, the 
actual task brings in a huge range of questions. 
They will emerge in general discussion from 
time to time. Some of them you already know : 
we are at work on the simplest steps of economic 

The United Nations, in this case at the initia- 
tive of the United States and Great Britain, 
have begun to exchange ideas on the subject of 
stabilized currency. If commerce is to revive, 
there has to be some kind of stable money to 
make commerce possible. 

Discussions are about to begin on the prob- 
lem of food — a problem which interests every 



one of us and will do so even more as war takes 
its toll. 

Preliminary studies are being made looking 
toward a solution of the vast, new problem 
opened up by civil aviation. 

These tliree discussions are merely the fore- 
runners of a great number of questions which 
will have to be discussed by experts who can 
state problems and suggest solutions, and 
placed before public opinion so that a true 
meeting of minds may be had. The nature of 
all the various problems may change and shift 
as the war goes on ; but we are making sure that 
the hour of victory will not find us unprepared. 

I am sure that in spite of the vastness of the 
task we shall achieve a great measure of suc- 
cess. The American continents have written 
a happy page in international history through 
experience in cooperative action between the 21 
republics and between the United States and 
Canada. The development of the great inter- 
American experiment through the years 
reached the point where we had achieved peace 
without empire and where the smallest nation 
on this hemisphere could cooperate with the 
largest without fear. 

An equally happy page has been written in 
the development of the British family of na- 
tions, the commonwealth which includes Brit- 
ain, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the 
Union of South Africa. Here are nations inde- 
pendent yet bound together by common ideals, 
common interests, and common desires. 

The pressures of war have brought these 
great groups of nations together and have 
brought them into ever closer relations with the 
peoples of Europe and of Asia. In our own 
lifetime we have seen the problems of organiza- 
tion and peace solved between these huge 
groups. We have reason to hope that they can 
be solved with other nations and groups of na- 
tions as well. 


Below these huge problems are always peo- 
ple : your family and mine ; our various friends ; 
boys and girls getting through school, getting 
married, getting jobs, raising families; mature 

men and women, bearing their part ; older men 
and women, nearing the sunset of life. No one 
can look soundly and sensibly at foreign affairs 
unless he looks straight through the screen of 
governments and diplomats and treaties and 
pacts, and sees clearly the millions of people, 
known and unknown, who are striving to live, 
to work, to serve their counti-y and their kind, 
to be themselves. 

The object of all this huge struggle must be 
greater security and greater opportunity for all 
these people, even to the least. When we realize 
this, it is plain that the selfish interest, the nar- 
row nationalist, the trickster who wants a cheap 
advantage, the imperialist who wishes to seize 
the countries of others have no permanent place 
in modern history. 


[Released to the press April 5] 

Mr. Herbert H. Lehman, Director of Foreign 
Relief and Rehabilitation Operations, an- 
nounced on April 5 that some personnel and 
resources of private organizations are being 
utilized to a limited extent in initial relief 
operations in North Africa. 

Mr. Lehman emphasized, however, that the 
necessity for unified operations in the field com- 
bined with the extraordinary difficulties of 
transportation to relief theaters severely re- 
strict and will continue to restrict the extent 
to which the Office of Foreign Relief and Re- 
habilitation Operations can utilize personnel 
and services of non-governmental relief or 
philanthropic groups. 

"Four men in the employ of the American 
Friends Service Committee have been attached 
to the staff of Mr. Fred K. Hoehler, Director 
of Relief in North Africa for OFRRO," Mr. 
Lehman said. "They are Mr. Leslie O. Heath, 
Mr. Kendal Kimberland, Mr. Eric Johnson, 
and Mr. David Hartley. Under the control 
and supervision of Mr. Hoehler these workers 
of the American Friends Service Committee 
are providing essential relief for refugees in 
French North Africa. 

APRIL 10, 1943 


"111 connection with making available these 
services, the American Friends Sei'vice Com- 
mittee in Philadelphia has turned over to my 
office 25 tons of new and used clothing and 
bedding for distribution among needy civilians 
in French North Africa. This gift was accepted 
by the Treasury Department for my office and 
will be shipped to Mr. Hoehler in North Africa." 

Mr. Lehman said that Mr. James G. Vail, 
foreign -service secretary of the American 
Friends Service Committee, additionally has 
turned over $25,0(;0 to the Treasury Department 
for use of the Office of Foreign Relief and Keha- 
bilitation Operations in North Africa. The 
American Jewish Joint Distrilnition Commit- 
tee, througli its honorary chairman. Mr. Paul 
Baerwald, also has turned over $25,000 to tlie 
Treasury Department for use of OFRRO opera- 
tions in the North African theater, he said. 
Under terms of acceptance of both gifts, use of 
the funds will be under complete control of 
Mr. Lelmiiiiis office and the chief of the relief 
mission in the field and will be used for pro- 
vision of relief on the basis of need without 
consideration of race, nationalit}', or political 

He emphasized additionally that American 
Red Cross personnel also has provided very 
material assistance in the initial relief opera- 
tions in North Africa. Distribution of milk to 
children in Algeria and Frencii Mt)rocco has 
been accomplished by American Red Cross per- 
sonnel working under the direction of Mr. 
Hoehler, he said. 

It was pointed out that use of non-govern- 
mental organizations in North Africa on a lim- 
ited scale was in line with the joint statement of 
January 9, 1943 by Mr. Lehman, the Honorable 
Norman H. Davis, Chairman of the American 
Red Cross, and the Honorable Joseph E. Davies, 
Chairman of the President's War Relief Control 
Board: "While the resources and services of 
Government will be drawn upon to furnish the 
primary supplies for mass emergency relief of 
civilian populations, voluntary organizations 
rendering essential services will also need to be 
maintained. . . . Continuation of such vol- 
untary relief work is essential not only as an 

520774 — 4.3 2 

expression of the generous sympathies of the 
American people but also as a distinctive serv- 
ice that quasi-public and voluntary agencies 
can render to complement public resources and 


The American Red Cross has been receiving 
the full cooperation and assistance of the United 
States Government in its endeavors to arrange 
for the continuing transmission of relief to 
American prisoners of war and civilian intern- 
ees detained by tiie Japanese in the Far East, 
including the Philippines,' according to infor- 
mation issued by the Department under date of 
February 1, 1943. Various relief supplies for 
eventual distribution to these Americans under 
the supervision of the International Red Cross 
Committee were shipped by way of Louren^o 
Marques, Portuguese East Africa, on the first 
voyage from the United States of the niotorship 
G/-//Jt<hol>7i, under the terms of the American- 
Japanese exchange agreement. The American 
Red Cross requested that the cargo be distrib- 
uted to Americans detained in Manila, Shang- 
hai, Hong Kong, and Japan. 

The supplies carried on the first exchange 
voyage of the GHpsholm included 20,000 Amer- 
ican Red Cross standard food parcels contain- 
ing evaporated milk, biscuits, cocoa, sardines, 
oleomargarine, beef, sugar, chocolate bars, pow- 
dered orange concentrate, prunes, cheese, deh}'- 
drated vegetable soup, coffee, cigarettes, and 
tobacco. The vessel also took American Red 
Cross medical supplies valued at $50,000, as well 
as 1,000,000 cigarettes and 10,000 tins of smoking 
tobacco for Americans in Japanese prisoner- 
of-war camps. Under arrangements negotiated 
through the International Red Cross Conmiit- 
tee, the American Red Cross shipped for the 
War and Navy Departments at the same time 
a supply of clothing and other necessities for 
members of the United States armed forces who 
are prisoners of the Japanese. 

' BuLiJSTiN of !<ept. 5, 1942, p. 741, and Sept. 19, 1942, 
p. 768. 



Word has since been received from the Inter- 
national Red Cross Committee that distribution 
of these supplies was begun late last autumn and 
that a portion of the supplies has been shipped 
to the Philippine Islands. It is expected that 
on any future voyages of the American ex- 
change vessel additional large quantities of re- 
lief supplies will be similarly dispatched for 
transshipment at Louren<;o Marques on boai'd 
the Japanese exchange vessels. The Japanese 
Government has not yet consented to the trans- 
portation of additional supplies by any other 


By proclamation dated April 1, 1943 (no. 
2582) the President extended to the Government 
of New Zealand "privileges with respect to 
prizes captured under authority of the said 
Government and brought into the territorial 
waters of the United States or taken or appro- 
priated in the territorial waters of the United 
States for the use of the said Government", New 
Zealand having already consented to like treat- 
ment for prizes of the United States. The full 
text of the proclamation appears in the Fed- 
eral Register of April 6, 1943, page 4275.^ 


The transmission to or from enemy territory 
of private messages or of documents intended 
for private use is subject to the restrictions here- 
inafter indicated, which have been prescribed in 
consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury, 
the Director of Censorship, and the Alien Prop- 
erty Custodian, to wliom the President has dele- 
gated certain of his powers and authority under 
the Trading with the Enemy Act to license acts, 
transactions, and connnunications prohibited by 
sections 3 (a) and 3 (c) of the act. 

1. Documents. The United States Govern- 
ment does not permit, by open mail, diplomatic 
channels, or otherwise, directly or indirectly, the 

' See also Buixbtin of Feb. 6, 1943, p. 133. 

transmission from the United States to enemy 
territory or from enemy territory to the United 
States of documents intended for private use, 
such as birth, marriage, or death certificates; 
divorce decrees ; legal notices concerning estates, 
lawsuits, etc.; powers of attorney; affidavits; 
deeds to real property ; miscellaneous legal docu- 
ments concerning property or litigation; com- 
missions to take testimony or other documents 
pertaining to depositions; subpoenas, citations, 
complaints, or other forms of legal process; or 
forms submitted in connection with claims for 
pensions, disability allowances, insurance bene- 
fits, etc. 

2. Messages. With the exceptions stated in 
paragraphs 3 and 4 below, the United States 
Government does not permit, by open mail, tele- 
phone, telegraph, diplomatic channels, or other- 
wise, directly or indirectly, the transmission 
from the United States to enemy territory or 
from enemy territory to the United States of 
private messages such as those pertaining to 
private property, business, estates, or the dis- 
charge of financial obligations. (The direct or 
indirect transfer of funds to enemy territory for 
the payment of charges arising in connection 
with private American property, real or per- 
sonal, in enemy territory, such as taxes, rent, sal- 
aries of custodians, insurance premiums, repairs, 
and cost of packing or storage is likewise 

3. Conunimication through Red Cross facili- 
ties. Brief paraphrased messages of a personal 
nature, including welfare and whereabouts in- 
quiries, may be transmitted by telegraph or, 
where possible, by mail to or from enemy terri- 
tory through the facilities of the International 
Red Cross, the American Red Cross, and other 
national Red Cross societies or those of other or- 
ganizations or societies licensed by the Director 
of Censorship. All such messages are subjected 
to censorship before being forwarded. They are 
restricted to subjects of a personal nature, such 
as the welfare and whereabouts of friends or 
relatives, and will not be transmitted if they con- 
tain references to business or financial matters. 
The facilities of the International Red Cross 
and other Red Cross societies are available to all 

APRIL 10, 1943 


persons regardless of nationality. For further 
information concerning the transmission of mes- 
sages through Red Cross facilities, application 
may be made to the nearest chapter of the Amer- 
ican Red Cross. 

4. C ammunication through official chan- 
nels. Only in exceptional circumstances will 
the Department of State undertake the trans- 
mission to enemy territor}' by official telegrams 
of messages of a personal nature. If satisfied 
that efforts have been made to communicate 
through Red Cross facilities and that such 
efforts have proved unsuccessful, the Depart- 
ment will accept for transmission to enemy ter- 
ritory by telegraph in behalf of nationals of 
the United States and at their expense brief 
messages restricted, like those transmitted 
through Red Cross facilities, to subjects of a 
personal nature. Before being forwarded, such 
messages will be paraphrased by the Depart- 
ment of State and subjected to censorship. 
Only in similar exceptional circumstances will 
the diplomatic and consular representatives of 
the Swiss Government protecting American in- 
terests in enemy territory transmit by official 
telegrams messages of a personal nature from 
enemy territory to the United States. 

5. Communication with prisanei-H of war and 
internees. The foregoing restrictions upon the 
transmission to or from enemy territory of pri- 
vate messages and documents intended for pri- 
vate use are not construed as modifying or limit- 
ing the provisions of title III, section IV, of the 
convention relating to the treatment of pris- 
oners of war, signed at Geneva on July 27, 1929. 
Information concerning the procedure to be fol- 
lowed in communicating with prisoners of war 
or with civilian internees in enemy territory 
may be obtained by addressing the Office of the 
Provost Marshal General, War Department, 
Washington, D. C. 

6. Enemy territory. The term enemy terri- 
tory as used herein shall be understood to mean 
enemy territory as defined in General Ruling 
11, issued on March 18. 1942 by the Treasury 
Department pursuant to Executive Order 8389, 
as amended. It includes Germany; Italy; 
Japan ; Albania ; Austria ; that portion of Bel- 

gium within continental Europe; Bulgaria; 
that portion of Burma occupied by Japan ; that 
portion of China occupied by Japan; Czecho- 
slovakia; Danzig; that portion of Denmark 
within continental Eui'ope; Estonia; that por- 
tion of France within continental Europe occu- 
pied by Germany or Italy; French Indochina; 
Greece; Hong Kong; Hungary; Latvia; Lith- 
uania; Luxembourg: British Malaj-a ; Monaco; 
that portion of the Netherlands within conti- 
nental Europe; that portion of the Netherlands 
East Indies occupied by Japan ; Norway ; that 
portion of the Pliilippine Islands occupied by 
Japan ; Poland ; Rumania ; San Marino ; Thai- 
land; that portion of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics occupied by Germany; 
Yugoslavia ; and any other territory controlled 
or occupied by Germany, Italy, or Japan. 

The above information was issued by the 
Department of State under date of March 1, 


(Released to the press for publication April 10, 9 p.m.] 

The Secretary of State, acting in conjunction 
with the Acting Secretary of the Treasury, the 
Attorney General, the Secretary of Commerce, 
the Board of Economic Warfare, and the Co- 
ordinator of Inter-American Affairs, on April 
10 issued Cumulative Supplement 6 to Revision 
IV of the Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked 
Nationals, promulgated November 12, 1942. 

Cunmlative Supplement 6 to Revision IV 
supersedes Cumulative Supplement 5 dated 
March 13. 1943. 

Part I of this cumulative supplement con- 
tains 280 additional listings in the other Amer- 
ican republics and 99 deletions. Part H 
contains 163 additional listings outside the 
American republics and 8 deletions. 

The deletion of the former enemy-controlled 
bank in Mexico, Banco Germanico de la Amer- 
ica del Sud, appears in this supplement. Tlie 
action of the Mexican Government in vesting 
this bank and effecting its liquidation has made 
this step possible. 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 


[Released to tlie press April 10] 

The Departiiient of Sts'ite is informing the 
governments invited to participate in the 
United Nations Conference on Food and Agri- 
culture that tlie opening date of the meeting has 
been postponed to May 18, 1943. Tlie invita- 
tion printed in tlie Bulletin of April 3, 1943 in- 
dicated April 27 as the opening date of the 

The Government has arranged for the exclu- 
sive use of The Homestead, Hot Springs, Va., 
for the Conference sessions and for the accom- 
modation of the official delegations. 

Tlie President has designated the following 
delegates to represent the United States at the 
Conference : 

The Honorable Marvin Jones, Judjje of the United 
States Court of Claims and Assistant to the Di- 
rector of Economic Stabilization; chairmati 

The Honorable Paul H. Appleby, Under Secretary of 

The Honorable \\ . L. Clayton, Assistant Secretary of 

Surgeon General Thomas Parran. Uniteil States Public 
Health Service 

Mr. Murray D. Lincoln. Executive Secretary of the 
Ohio Farm Bureau Federation 

The delegates will be accompanied by a few 
advisers who are especially qualified in their 
respective technical fields. 

It is anticipated that the Conference will be 
as informal as possible, and in view of the fact 
that it will be primarily a meeting of technical 
experts most of the discussions will take place 
in technical sections or committees. Plans are 
being made for opening ami closing plenary ses- 
sions to which press and radio representatives 
will be accredited. 

Mr. Michael J. McDermott, Chief of the Di- 
vision of Current Information, Department of 
State, has been designated press- relations officer 
of the Conference. 

[Released to tlie press April 10] 

Invitations to attend the Food Conference 
have been addressed to the following nations: 

United Nations 










New Zealand 

Costa Rica 







Dominican Republic 

Pliilippine Commonwealth 

El Salvador 



Union of South Africa 


Union of Soviet Socialist 




United Kingdom 






ted Nations 













The following acceptances have been received 
to date : 







Dominican Republic 







New Zealand 





Philippine Commonwealth 


Union of South Africa 

Union of Soviet Socialist 

United Kingdom 


Commercial Policy 


[Keleuseii to the press AiJiil S] 


A trade agreement between the United States 
and Iran, negotiated under authority of the 
Ti-ade Agreements Act, was signed on April 8, 
1943 at Wasliington by tlie H(>n()ra!)le C'ordell 
Hull, Secretary of State of the United States, 
and tiie Honorable Mohammed Shayesteh. Min- 
ister of Iran. Tlie agreement will enter into 
force 30 days after completion of the necessaiy 
foimalitios by the Goveiiunent of Iran, procla- 
mation of the agreement b}- the President of 
the United States, and exchange of the appro- 
I)riate instruments by the two Governments. 

It will icmain in force for a peritnl of 3 years 
from its effective date unless terminated earlier 
under special ciicunistances. If by the end of 
the 3-year period neither Government has given 
6 months' notice to the other of intention to 
terminate the agi'eement, it will remain in force 
thereafter subject to termination on (5 months' 
written notice or on shorter notice under special 

The text of the agreement will be printed in 
the Executive Agreement Series. 

Iran is the twenty-seventh countrj- with which 
the United States has concluded a reciprocal 
trade agreement under authority of the Trade 
Agreements Act. It is the second country in the 
Near East to sign such an agreement, Turkey 

' This information has been prepared by representa- 
tives of the Department of State, the Department of 
Agriculture, the Department of Commerce, the Depart- 
ment of the Treasury, and the Tariff Commi.ssion. 
These Government agencies, under the reciprocal-trade- 
agreements program, cooperate in the formulation, nego- 
tiation, and conclusion of all trade agreements entered 
into by the United States under the provisions of the 
Trade Agreements Act of 1934, as extended by joint 
resolutions of Congress of March 1, 1037 and .\pril IJ, 

having been the first. The agreement with Iran 
is the sixth new agreement to be signed since the 
outbreak of the present war. 

The agreement is designed to facilitate trade 
between the two countries during the existing 
emergency, so far as shipping and other wartime 
conditions permit, and to provide a basis for 
expansion of trade between the United States 
and Iran after the war. The reciprocal ben- 
efits for which it provides include tariff- 
reductions and bindings of existing customs 
treatment by each countrj- on specified products 
imported from the other, while the general 
provisions of the agreement give important 
assurance, among other things, against discrimi- 
natory tariff, quota, or exchange treatment by 
either country of imports from the other. 

Iran's leading export products are oil (of 
which Iran is the world's fourth largest pio- 
ducer) , hand-made rugs, cotton, hides and skins, 
wool, gums, opium, and sausage casings. On 
the other hand, Iran depends upon imports for 
sugar, tea, cotton and wool fabrics and cotton 
}-arn. railroad equijiment, machinery, iron and 
steel, automobiles, tires and tubes, motorcycles 
and bicycles, paper and paper products, lubri- 
cating oils and greases, kerosene, and cement. 

Trade between the United States and Iran has 
increased in recent years. Total trade between 
the two countries, according to United States 
data, amounted to $11,078,000 in 1929 and fell 
sharply during the depression years to a low of 
$3,846,000 in 1932. By 1938 total trade had risen 
to $12,364,000 but dropped again in 1939 to 
$8,800,000. It recovered in 1940, when it 
amounted to $15,113,000. 

From 1929 through 1934, United States ex- 
ports (including reexports) to Iran had an 
annual average value of $2,068,000 and the value 
of United States general imports from Iran 
averaged $4,718,000 a year. From 1935 through 




1940, the annual average value of such exports a. concessions obtained by the united states 

was $5,817,000 and of such imports, $4,931,000. 
For the whole period 1929-40, United States 
exports to Iran were valued at an annual aver- 
age of $3,942,000 and United States imports 
from Iran, at $4,824,000 a year. 

Imports into Iran of commodities for the 
use of certain organizations are exempt from the 
payment of duties. They are not included in the 
Iranian statistics of imports and are referred to 
in Iran as "non-commercial" imports. The 
Iranian trade figures cover only "commercial" 
imports, that is, other than those just described. 
United States export figures cover both "com- 
mercial" and "non-commercial" shipments as 
those terms are used in Iran. 

Automobiles and trucks, tires and tubes, lu- 
bricating oils and greases, and machinei-y nor- 
mally constitute about 70 percent (85 percent in 
the fiscal year 1939-40)^ of total Iranian "com- 
mercial" imports from the United States. Ap- 
preciable quantities of exposed motion-picture 
films, radio receivers and their component parts, 
and radio-phonographs are also imported from 
the United States. Total "commercial" im- 
ports from the United States in 1939^0 were 
valued at $2,194,000.= 

United States imports from Iran are largely 
typical Iranian handicraft products, especially 
ornamental articles, and raw materials. The 
most important item among United States im- 
ports from Iran is that of hand-made oriental 
rugs. Gum tragacanth ;nid various furs, in- 
cluding Persian lamb and caracul, are also im- 
portant items in the trade. 

II. Analysis of the Agreement 

The reciprocal concessions provided for in 
the trade agreement are set forth in schedules I 
and II appended thereto. Schedule I includes 
concessions made by Iran on imports from the 
United States, and schedule II covers conces- 
sions made by the United States on Iranian 

1 The Ii-Miiian fiscal year lu'gins on March 22. 

- In this analysis figures for Iranian Imports for the 
1039-40 ppriod have been converted at the rate of one 
rial equals $0.00-15. 

"Commercial" imports into Iran from the 
United States of products on which concessions 
were obtained v^ere valued in 1939^0 at $1,832,- 
000, or 84 percent of total Iranian "commercial" 
imports from the United States in that year. 
Approximately $1,711,000 of the Iranian "com- 
mercial" imports represents imports of products 
on wliich the duty has been removed or reduced 
or the monopoly tax, imposed under the Iranian 
law of 1931, has been abolished. About $121,000 
represents imports of jDroducts upon which the 
duty is bound against increase. 

In addition, the Iranian road taxes on items 
included in schedule I are bound against in- 
crease by the terms of article VI of the agree- 
ment. These road taxes were provided for by 
the Iranian Tariff and Road Tax Law of 1931 
and are imposed on all articles imported into or 
exported from Iran. 

Foreign-trade monopolies, which formerly 
played an important part in Iran's foreign- 
trade policy, have either been discontinued or 
modified in recent years, although the Iranian 
Government still maintains control of foreign 
trade through the remaining monopolies, ex- 
change-restrictions, and other means. Of spe- 
cial interest to American trade was the auto- 
motive-import monopoly. This monopoly has 
been discontinued, but the monopoly tax, which 
in effect is an import charge, is still collected. 
Under the terms of the agreement automotive 
products included in schedule I will be exempt 
from this monopoly tax. 

Limitations on Iran's external purchasing 
power, and Iranian tariffs and trade controls, 
were the principal factors affecting American 
export trade with that country in the years 
immediately preceding the outbreak of the war. 
The official measures to control Iranian foreign 
trade were, on the whole, of general applica- 
tion, but the clearing arrangements between 
Iran and certain foreign countries had the effect 
of affording those countries certain advantages 
not enjoyed by American exporters. Under the 
present agreement the United States is assured 
of non-discriminatory treatment in the applica- 

APRIL 10, 1943 


tion of all Iranian foreign trade and exchange- 
control measures. 

Details with regard to products on which 
concessions are obtained from Iran are given 
in table A of this analysis. 

Automotive Prodm;ts 

In recent years automobiles, buses, truck 
chassis, parts and accessories, and tires and 
tubes imported into Iran have been subject to 
a monopoly tax of 15 percent ad valorem. A 
headnote to schedule I of tlie agreement assures 
that during the life of the agreement imports of 
these items into Iran from the United States 
will be exempt from any monopoly tax. In ad- 
dition, the present moderate rates of duty and 
road taxes are bound against increase. In re- 
cent years the United States has been the chief 
supplier of most '"commercial" imports of these 
items. Such imports from the United States 
have ranged in value from $1,635,000 in 1939-40 
to $3,851,000 in 1936-37. United States exports 
of total automotive products, including both 
"commercial'' and "non-commercial" ship- 
ments, amounted to $1,813,000 in 1939. 

The rates of duty on passenger automobiles 
are bound in the agreement and range from 
2,300 rials each for cars weighing 600 kilogi-ams 
or less to 4,500 rials each on cars weighing more 
than 1.200 kilograms. The duty of 4.50 rials 
per net kilo on buses and station wagons is also 
bound in the agreement. 

The duties on truck chassis are bound in the 
agreement. They range from 2,600 rials each 
on chassis having a capacity of 2 tons or less 
to 3,200 rials each on chassis having a capacity 
of 4 tons and over. Chassis imported with 
drivers' cabs are subject to a surtax of 15 per- 
cent, and if the trucks are imported complete 
the surtax amounts to 50 percent of the import 
duties chargeable. The agreement binds this 
surtax against increase. 

"Commercial" imports of passenger cars, sta- 
tion wagons, buses, and truck chassis into Iran 
from the United States were valued in 1939-40 
at $451,300. United States exports of these 
products in 1939, including both "commercial" 

and "non-commercial" shipments, were valued 
at $638,000. 

The duty of 7.50 rials per net kilo on spare 
parts and separate pieces for automobiles, auto- 
buses, and autocars (station wagons), trucks, 
and tractors has been bound. The duties of 
1 and 2 rials per net kilo on automobile springs 
of leaf and coil types, respectively, and the duty 
of 30 rials per net kilo on electrical equipment 
for vehicles are bound in the agreement. In 
1939-40 "commercial" imports of parts and 
springs from the United States were valued at 
$151,000. Data on imports of electrical equip- 
ment are not available. 

The duties of 4 rials per net kilo and 3 rials 
per net kilo, respectively, on inner tubes and 
on tire casings are bound in the agreement. 
The United States has usually been the princi- 
pal supplier of these items. In 1939-40 "com- 
mercial" imports from the United States were 
valued at $1,033,000. 

Agricultural and Industrial Machinery 

The moderate rates of duty and the road taxes 
on the following items are bound in the agree- 
ment : agricultural sprayers ; hydraulic presses ; 
plows and threshers; machinerv for errindinfir. 
milling, and cleaning cereals and certain other 
foods; mechanical refrigerating and air-con- 
ditioning apparatus ; motors (other than motors 
for cycles, automobiles, airplanes, and boats) 
and their separate parts ; water, steam, and other 
pumps and their separate parts ; and cotton gins. 
Tractors of all kinds are bound on the free list. 
In 1939^0 "commercial" imports into Iran from 
the United States of these items (except me- 
chanical refrigerating and air-conditioning ap- 
paratus, for which separate data are not avail- 
able) were valued at about $24,000. United 
States exports of all these products were valued 
at $568,000 in 1939. 

Radio Receiving Sets, Including Radio-Phono- 
grophs and Radio Tubes, and Typewriters 
and Parts 

The duty on radio receiving sets is reduced 
from 70 rials per net kilo to 35 rials per net 



kilo, and the road tax of 2 rials per gross kilo 
is bound against increase. The combined rates 
are reduced by 49 percent. The duty on radio 
tubes is reduced from 250 rials per net kilo to 
125 rials per net kilo, and the road tax of 5 rials 
per gross kilo is bound. The combined rates 
are reduced by 49 percent. 

The tariff rates on typewriters weighing 10 
kilos or less each and on those weighing more 
than 10 kilos each are 24 rials and 18 rials per 
net kilo, respectively. These rates, together 
with the road tax of 2 rials per gross kilo on 
each classification, are bound by the agreement, 
as are the duty of 30 rials per net kilo and the 
road tax of 2 rials per gross kilo on separate 
parts for typewriters. 

In 1939-40 ''conunerciar" imports of all these 
items from the United States were valued at 

Lubricating Oils and Greases 

Iran, although a major world producer of 
petroleum, imports such specialized products 
as lubricating oils and greases. The duty of 
0.20 rials per gross kilo and the road tax of 0.09 
rials per gross kilo are bound in the agree- 
ment. Iran's "commercial" imports of these 
products from the United States in 1939-40 
were valued at $47,000. 

Developed Sound or Colored Mot ion- Picture 

The duty of 250 rials per net kilo and the 
road tax of 5 rials per gross kilo on developed 
sound or colored motion-picture films are bound 
in the agreement. The United States is the 
chief supplier of the Iranian market. Imports 
of motion-picture film from the United States 
in 1939-40 were valued at $38,000. 

Fruits and Vegetaihs 

The duty of 4 rials per gross kilo on canned 
asparagus is removed by the agreement, and 
the road tax of 5 rials per gross kilo is bound 
against increase. The reduction in the com- 
bined tariff rate and road tax amounts to 44 

percent. Likewise, the duty of 3 rials per gi'oss 
kilo on canned fruits is removed and the road 
tax of 5 rials is bound against increase; the re- 
duction in the combined rates amounts to 38 
percent. The import duties and road taxes 
on fresh and dried apples and pears are bound 
against increase. The Iranian market for 
United States food.stuffs has been limited. 


Iranian products imi^orted into the United 
States, on which concessions are made in the 
agreement, were valued in 1939 at $4,267,000, 
or 95 percent of the value of total United States 
imports from Iran in that year. Of this 
amount, approximately $2,289,000, or 54 per- 
cent of the total, is accounted for by products 
on which duties are reduced in the agreement 
or bound against increase and the remainder is 
accounted for by Iranian products for which 
existing duty-free status is bound. 

Dnty -Reductions 
Oriental Rugs (pur. IIIG (a)) 

Rugs of the type commonly known as "ori- 
ental" constitute by far the most important 
Iranian product, in point of trade value, on 
which the duty is reduced in the trade agree- 
ment. While tariff paragraph 1116 (a) covers 
all rugs not made on power looms, more than 
90 percent of the hand-made rugs that are im- 
ported into the United States come from Iran 
and China. Iran is the principal source, having 
supplied 78 percent of all United States imports 
in 1939. Rugs and cai'pets made on power 
looms are not included in the concession even 
though their pattern is oriental. 

Oriental rugs were dutiable at 50 cents per 
square foot but not less than 45 percent ad 
valorem in the Tariff Act of 1930. In the trade 
agreement with Turkey, effective May 5, 1939, 
the rate was reduced to 30 cents per square foot 
but not less than 45 percent ad valorem. The 
rate under the agreement with Iran is further 
reduced to 25 cents per square foot but not less 

APRIL 10, 19 13 


than 221/2 percent iid vuloiem. Tlie ad-valonin 
equivalent of the 1930 rate rant^ed from 53 to 
87 percent in the period 1931-38; that of the 
Turkish agreement rate was 48 percent in 1940. 
On the basis of 1940 imports the ad-valorem 
equivalent of the rate established in the agree- 
ment with Iran would have been 31 percent. 
The lowest rate of duty possible under the 
agreement with Iran is $2.25 per square yard, 
almost equal to the 1939 average value of domes- 
tically produced, machine-made wool rugs and 

The production of hand-made rugs is an im- 
portant industry in Iran, and such rugs con- 
stitute that counti-y's second most important 
commercial export. Tlirough 1936 oriental rugs 
accounted for over 70 percent of the total value 
of United States imports from Iran. In recent 
years the lelative importance of oiiental rugs as 
an import from Iran has declined, but in 1940 
they still made up slightly more than 30 percent, 
by value, of total imports into the United States 
from Iran. 

The United States does not produce hand- 
made rugs of the type made in Iran. Oriental 
hand-made carpets and rugs do not compete, 
generally, with United States machine-made 
wool cari)c'ts and rugs which in 1939 had gross 
sales of 61.8 million square yards, with an aver- 
age value of $2.39 per square j-ard. In the same 
year imports of oriental rugs totaled only 
361,000 square yards, with an average foreign 
value of $7.13 per square yard, on which an 
average duty of $3.C3 per square yard was paid. 

Since the duty-reduction in the agreement 
with Turkey in 1939. prices of both imported 
and domestic rugs have advanced; but imports 
in 1940 were no greater than those in 1937 and 
were very much smaller than those in 1929 and 
in 1933. 

Opium {par. 59) 

The importation of opium into the United 
States, as well as its processing and distribu- 
tion within this countrj-, is strictly conti'olled 
by the Bureau of Narcotics of the Department 
of the Treasury. It is therefore not to be ex- 

pected that a change in the rate of duty will 
have any great effect on the total volume of 

The rate of duty on opium containing 8.5 
percent or more of anhydrous morphine was $3 
per pound under the Tariff Act of 1930. Under 
the trade agreement witli Iran the rate is not less 
tlian $1.80 nor more than $3 per pound of opium, 
depending upon the content of anhydrous mor- 
phine in the opium. The rates on opium are 
calculated on the basis of $18 per pound of an- 
hydrous morphine contained therein. Since 
1930 the ad-valorem equivalent of the $3-per- 
pound rate has varied between 04 percent and 
142 percent. 

Most opium imported into the United States 
has contained from 10 to 14 percent of mor- 
phine. Iranian opium, usually containing about 
11 percent of morphine, was consequently under 
some competitive disadvantage as compared 
with the more concentrated product. Under the 
agreement 11-percenf opiiun will ])ay a duty of 
$1.98 per pound and 14 -percent opium will pay 
$2.52, whereas the old rate in each case would 
have been $3 per pound. Tlie agreement rate 
will tiius remove the competitive disadvantage 
to Iranian opium without discriminating 
against other suppliers. 

A note from the Iranian Minister, signed in 
connection with the agreement, states that it 
has been explained (1) that it is the policy of 
the United States Government to issue permits 
for the importation of opium only from coun- 
tries which have established systems of import 
permits and export authorizations at least 
equivalent to that described in the Interna- 
tional Opium Convention signed at Geneva on 
February 19, 1925, and (2) that in accordance 
with this policy the issuance of permits for the 
importation of opium into the United States 
from Iran will depend largely upon the meas- 
ures taken by the Government of Iran for effec- 
tively controlling traffic in opium. 

The note further states that the Iranian Gov- 
ernment is in full accord and sympathy with 
the international efforts to suppress contraband 



traffic in opium and declares its intention to 
establish at an early date any additional regu- 
lations which may be necessary to confine the 
trade in opium produced in Iran to legitimate 
international channels. 

Cashmere-Goat Hair {par. 1102 (&)) 

The Tariff Act of 1930 provided various rates 
of duty for the hair of Cashmere goats and of 
other animals, according to whether the hair 
was imported in the grease, washed, scoured, 
on the skin, or sorted but not scoured. The 
basic rate was 34 cents per pound of clean con- 
tent on hair in the grease or washed. This rate 
on Cashmere-goat hair was equivalent to 43 
percent ad valorem in 1939, assuming that hair 
imported from China and Iran was Cashmere- 
goat hair. 

The agreement with Iran reduces the duty on 
hair of the Cashmere goat but not on that of 
other animals dutiable under paragraph 1102 
(b). The rates on Cashmere-goat hair im- 
ported in the different forms are reduced by 16 
cents per pound, giving a basic rate of 18 cents 
per pound on clean content of such hair in the 
grease or washed. 

There is no domestic production of Cash- 
mere-goat hair. In recent years imports have 
varied greatly from year to year. Imports of 
80,000 to 100,000 pounds actual weight, or with 
a value of $50,000, have been considered large 
for one year. Iran has become more important 
as a source of supply since ordinary trade routes 
to China have been cut. 

Co-ppenuare {par. 339) 

The duty on copper utensils and ware was re- 
duced from 40 percent ad valorem to 35 percent 
ad valorem in the agreement with the United 
Kingdom and is further reduced to 30 percent 
ad valorem in the agreement with Iran. 
United States production of copper articles, in- 
cluding copper cooking utensils, is important. 
Imports, on the other hand, have been small, 
having a total value of $106,715 in 1939. Im- 

ports include both utilitarian articles and orna- 
mental novelty and art goods, with the orna- 
mental types predominating among imports 
from Iran. Such imports from Iran, valued at 
$5,886 in 1939, include engraved and metal-in- 
laid trays, bowls, and like articles. 

Dried Barberries {par. 736) 

The duty on dried barberries is reduced from 
2yo cents per pound to li^ cents. In the United 
States dried barberries are not produced com- 
mercially but there is a limited demand for their 
use in preserving. 

Apricot and Peach Kernels {par. 762) 

Duties on apricot and peach kernels are re- 
duced from 3 cents per pound to £14 cents per 
pound. These kernels are produced in and 
exported from the United States. Imports, 
much smaller in volume than exports, have been 
chiefly sweet-apricot kernels, formerly mostly 
from China but recently also from Iran. Im- 
ports in 1939 were valued at $33,000 and exports 
at $564,034. 

Block-Printed Cotton Articles {pars. 911 {a) 
and {h) and 1529 {a)) 

Duties on cotton household articles block- 
printed by hand are reduced as follows in the 
agreement : 



1930 rate 


Quilts and bedspreads. . 


25% ad 



ad val. 

Tablecloths, napkins, 


30% ad 

15% ad 




Either of above, with 


90% ad 

45% ad 




The reductions apply only to articles block- 
printed by hand. There is no commercial pro- 
duction of such articles in the United States. 
Imports of so-called "Persian prints" have come 
from Iran and India. 

APRIL 10, 1943 


Cut Turquoises {par. 1528) 

The duty on turquoise, cut but not set, is 
reduced from 10 to 5 percent ad valorem. Some 
of the most highly prized turquoise comes from 
Iran. Imports from Iran, not separately re- 
ported but included with other gem stones, are 
estimated to have a value of about $1,000 per 

Cigar and Cigarette Boxes {par. 1552) 

Skilled Iranian artisans produce beautiful 
and typical articles of inlaid wood and of en- 
graved and inlaid silver. The duty on these 
distinctive products is reduced from 60 percent 
ad valorem on cigar and cigarette boxes to 30 
percent ad valorem on such boxes of wood when 
valued at HO cents or more each and on such 
boxes of silver when valued at 40 cents or more 
per ounce. Statistics of imports under the new 
categories are not available, but such imports 
are known to have been small. 

Dutiable Items Bound at Present Rates 
Dates {par. 7^1) 

Dates in packages weighing 10 pounds or 
more each are dutiable under the Tariff Act of 
1930 at 1 cent per pound when imported with 
pits and at 2 cents per pound when imported 
with pits removed. These rates are bound in 
the agreement with Iran. 

About 10 percent of apparent domestic con- 
sumption of dates in 1939 and about 20 percent 
in 1940 was supplied by domestic production. 
The domestic yield ann>unted to about 12 million 
pounds a year in 1940 and 1941 and is expected 
to increase. 

Iraq has been the chief source of imports, 
with Iran second and increasing in importance. 
For the period 1936-39 the ad-valorem equiva- 
lent of the 1-cent rate was about 30 percent and 
that of the 2-cent rate, about 53 percent. 

Pistache Nuts {par. 76 J) 

Under the Tariff Act of 1930 pistache nuts in 
the shell were dutiable at 21^ cents per pound 

and shelled pistache nuts at 5 cents per pound. 
Under the agreement with Turkey, effective 
May 5, 1939, these rates were reduced by one 
half and the reduced rates are bound in the 
agreement with Iran. The ad-valorem equiv- 
alents of these rat^s averaged 7.7 percent and 
6.6 percent, respectively, on 1940 imports. 
There is no commercial production of pistache 
nuts in the United States. 

Sturgeon Caviar {par. 721 {d) ) 

Under the Tariff Act of 1930 sturgeon caviar 
is dutiable at 30 percent ad valorem, and this 
rate is bound in the agreement with Iran. The 
domestic catch of sturgeon and the production 
of domestic sturgeon caviar are very small. Im- 
ports since 1937 have been greatly curtailed. 

A fishing company operating in the southern 
Caspian Sea is owned jointly by Iran and the 
Soviet Union. Imports of sturgeon roe pro- 
duced by this company have been reported in 
United States customs data as coming from the 
Soviet Union. 

Items Bound Duty-free 

The agreement with Iran binds a number of 
products on the United States free list. Items 
bound free for the first time follow : 

Product and tariff paragrapb 

Value of total 

United States 

imports in 1939 

(in thousands of 


Asafetida, crude (par. 1602). 


Crude bristles (par. 1637) 

Turquoise, uncut (par. 1668) 

Not available 

Quince seed (par. 1669)__ __ _ 


Madder (par. 1670) . 

Not available 

Saffron (par. 1670) 


Badger furs (par. 1681) - - 


Jackal furs (par. 1681) 


GuiB tragacanth (par. 1686) 

1, 264 

Natural gums and resins, n.s.p.f. (par. 

Iron ore for pigments (par. 1700) 

Cummin seed (par. 1768). 


Not available 

Antique rugs (par. 1811) - - 


" Less than $500. 



The followiiiji products, bound free in the 
agreement with Iran, had previously been 
bound free in one or more trade agreements : 

Product and tariff iiaragraiili 

Fox (other than silver or black) furs (par. 

Persian-lamb and caracul furs (par. 1681) 

Other lamb and sheep furs (par. 1681) 

Goat and kid furs (par. 1681) 

Marten furs (par. 1681) 

Wolf furs (par. 1681) 

Casings of sheep, etc. (par. 1755) 

Value of total 
United States 
imports in 1939 
(in thousands 
of dollars) 


15, 974 



2, 290 



Details with regard to imports into the 
United States on which concessions are made in 
the agreement are given in table B of tliis 


The general provisions of the agreement em- 
body the basic principle of equality of treatment 
essential to the development of international 
trade upon a sound and non-discriminatory 
basis. They define the obligations assumed by 
each country in making tariff concessions to the 
other, set forth reciprocal assurances of non- 
discriminatory treatment with respect to all 
forms of trade-control, and include provisions 
relating to various other matters affecting the 
trade between the two countries. 

Provisions Relating to Treatment of Trade in 

Article I provides that the United States and 
Iran shall accord to each other unconditional 
most-favored-nation treatment with respect to 
customs duties and related matters. This means 
that each country obligates itself to extend to 
the other, immediately and without compensa- 
tion, the lowest rates of customs duties which 
are granted to any other country, either by 
autonomous action or in connection with a 
commercial agreement with a third country. 

Article II of the agreement provides that in- 
ternal taxes or charges levied in either country 
on products imported from the other shall not 
be higher than those imposed on like articles of 
domestic or of other foreign origin. 

Article III applies the principle of non-dis- 
criminatory treatment to import quotas, pi"o- 
hibitions, and other forms of restriction on 
imports. Any such restriction is to be based 
upon a predetermined quantity of imports of 
the article from all sources, i.e., a global quota. 
If either country establishes such restrictions 
and if an}' third country is allotted a share of 
the total amount of permitted importations of 
any article, the other party to the agreement 
shall also, as a general rule, be allotted a share 
based upon the proportion of the total imports 
of such article which that country supplied in 
a previous representative period, account being 
taken of any special factors affecting the trade. 

Article IV extends the principle of non-dis- 
criminatory treatment to any form of exchange- 
control by either country over the transfer of 
payments for imports originating in the other. 
The article provides that the Government of 
eitlier country shall accord to any product orig- 
inating in the other, in regard to restrictions or 
delays on payments, exchange rates, and taxes 
or chai'ges on exchange transactions, treatment 
no less favorable than that accorded to the like 
product originating in any third country. 

Article V extends tlie principle of non-dis- 
criminatory treatment to foreign purchases by 
the Government of either country or by exclu- 
sive agencies established, maintained, or spon- 
sored by either Government. 

Provisions Relating to Concessions 

Articles VI and VII of the agreement relate 
to the tariff concessions granted by Iran and 
the United States, respectively, on products of 
the otlier country. They provide that the prod- 
ucts included in the schedule of concessions 
granted by either country shall, upon importa- 
tion into the other, be exemi^t from ordinary 
customs duties higher than those specified in 
the schedule and from all other charges, imposed 

APRIL 10, 194 3 


on or ill connection with importation, in excess 
of those imposed on the day of signature of the 
agreement or rc(iiiircd to be imposed thereafter 
by laws in force on that day. 

Article VIII permits either country, notwith- 
standing the provisions of articles VI and VII, 
to impose on any product imported from the 
other country an import charge equivalent to 
an internal tax iin])osed on a similar domestic 
product or on a coniinodity from which the im- 
ported product has been made. 

The agreement does not include the under- 
taking, coiitainetl in most other agreements, that 
no quantitative restrictions shall be imposed on 
im|)ortations from the other country of any 
jji-oducts listed in tlie schedules included in the 
agreement. However, United States trade with 
Iran has not been restricted by import ([uotas, 
and article IX provides that if the (lovernment 
of either country considers that an industry or 
the commerce of that country is prejudiced or 
any object of the agreement is nullified or im- 
paired as a result of any circumstance or of any 
measure taken by the other Government, 
whether or not such measure conflicts with the 
terms of the agreement, the latter Government 
shall sympathetically consider such representa- 
tions or proposals as may be made by the former 
Government. If agreement is not reached 
within 30 days after such representations or 
proposals have been received tiie Government 
making them shall be free, within 15 days after 
the expiration of the 30 days, to terminate the 
agreement in whole or in part on 30 days' writ- 
ten notice. This article would, of course, apply 
to other measures as well as to import quotas on 
scheduled items. 

Provisions as fo Application of the Agreement 

Article X provides that the agreement shall 
apply on the part of each counti-y to its cus- 
toms territory. The most important territories 
and possessions of the United States that are 
included in its customs territory are Alaska, 
Hawaii, and Puerto Rico. The most-favored- 
nation provisions of the agreement will, how- 
ever, apply also to those possessions of the 

United States which have separate tariff juris- 
dictions, including the Philippines, the Virgin 
Islands of the United States, American Samoa, 
and the island of Guam. 

Article XI excepts from the application of 
the agreement special advantages which may be 
granted by the Government of either country 
to adjacent countries to facilitate frontier 
traffic, and advantages accorded to any third 
country as a result of a customs union. There 
is also included the usual exception relating to 
special advantages accorded by the United 
States and its territories and possessions or the 
Panama Canal Zone to one another or to Cuba. 

Article XII provides that nothing in the 
agreement shall prevent the adopt it)ii or en- 
forcement by either country of measures im- 
posed on humanitarian grounds or relating to 
imports or exports of gold and silver, sanitary 
regulations for the protection of human, animal, 
and ])lant life, or measures relating to public 
security, for the enforcement of police or reve- 
nue laws, relating to neutrality, or imposed for 
the protection of the country's essential inter- 
ests in time of war or other national emergency. 

Article XIII declares that the purpose of the 
agreement is to grant mutual and reciprocal 
concessions and advantages designed to promote 
commercial relations between the two countries 
and states that its provisions shall be complied 
with and interpreted in. accordance with this 
spirit and intention. 

Article XIV provides that the agreement shall 
enter into force on the thirtieth day following 
the exchange of the President's proclamation of 
the agreement and the corresponding Iranian 

Article XV provides that the agreement is to 
remain in force for a term of 3 years unless 
terminated earlier in accordance with the provi- 
sions of article IX. If neither Government has 
given the other notice of intention to terminate 
the agreement at least 6 months prior to the 
expiration of this term, it will continue in force 
thereafter, subject to termination on 6 months' 
notice or in accordance with the pi'ovisions of 
article IX. 




.Itemized List of Tariff Concessions Obtained Feom Iran (Schedule I) 

Note : The existing monopoly tax of 15 percent ad valorem is removed from imports of tires and tubes, 
springs for automotive vehicles, passengers cars, autobuses and autocars (station wagons), chassis, and spare 
parts and accessories, the only items in the schedule to v?hich this tax applies. Article VI of the agreement pro- 
vides, among other things, for the tariff concessions specified in this table and for the binding of the existing road 
tax on all items in the schedule. The value of Iranian imports from tlie United States is converted to thousands 
of United States dollars from thousands of rials at the following official rates of exchange : 1 rial equals $0.0545 
in the 1939-40 period and $0,058 in the 1940-41 period. Total Iranian imports from the United States are reported 
as only half as large in value as total United States exports to Iran ; however, imports into Iran which are spe- 
cially exempted from duty are not included in the former figure but are included in the latter figure. These duty- 
free imports from the United States consist mostly of automobiles and truclis, machinery and parts, chemicals and 
pharmaceuticals. N.K. means net kilo ; G.K. means gross kilo ; n.a. means statistics not available. 

Iranian tariff 

Description of article 

Unit " 

Tariff rate (rials) 

tax ' 


in combined 

tariff rate and 

road tax 


Iranian imports 
from U.S., 12 
months beginning 
March 22 rin thou- 
sands of dollars) 
















< 11 




Frp^h nnrt drifiri ppnrs 








Asparagus in cans or other sealed containers 





Preserved fruits in cans or other sealed containers. 






• n.a. 

• n.a. 




Lubricating oils and greases of all kinds for ma- 
chines, engines, and means of transportation. 











Developed sound or colored motion-picture films; 
positive or negative. 

Note: Motion-picture films developed and 
ready for exhibition are subject to the duty indi- 
cated even if imported temporarily. 


250 00 









Inner tubes and interliners for vehicles 





» Bound 






Pnpnmftfic casings 





» Bound 






Springs having one or more leaves, for automotive 





a Bound 





ex 1527 





9 Bound 



Motors (other than motors for cycles, automobiles, 

airplanes and boats), and their separate parts. 

weighing each: 





2 00 

2 00 








More than 100 kilos and up to 300 kilos . 

















More than 500 kilos and up to 1.000 kilos 











More than 1,000 kilos and up to 2,500 kilos 



0. SO 






More than 2,500 kilos and up to 5,000 kilos 











More than 5,000 kilos 






Water, steam, and other pumps for water and 
other liquids, and their separate parts, weigh- 
ing each: 




100 kilos or less _ 







More than 100 kilos and up to 300 kilos 




More than 300 kilos and up to 750 kilos 



2 50 






More than 760 kilos and up to 1.500 kilos 



2 00 






More than 1,500 kilos and up to 3,000 kilos 











More than 3,000 kilos 








1 783 

Agricultural sprayers 









Hydraulic presses 









Plows and threshers - 








Machines and appliances for grinding, milling. 

hulling, bolting, and other operations to clean 

cereals, food grains, legumes with pods, etc. 

APRIL. 10, 1943 


TABLE A— Continued 

IranlsD tariff 
























ex 1863 






ex 1966 



Description of article 

Mechanical refrigerating and air-conditioning ma- 
chinery and apparatus: 

Household units 

Others, weighing each: 

lOOtfilos or less.-- 

More than lOOliilosand up to 500 Icilos. - 

More than 500 kilos_ 

Machines for cleaning and carding cotton (cotton 

Typewriters, weighing each; 

10 kilos or less ., 

More than 10 kilos 

Separate parts for typewriters -.. 

Electrical equipment for signaling, driving, light- 
ing, and ignition; for vehicles, such as head- 
lights and rear and side hghts; warning 
signals; turn indicators and windshield wipers 
for automobiles; dynamos and dynamo 
motors; spark plugs; magnetos and similar 

Radio tubes_ 

Radio receiving sets, including radio-phonographs 

Tractors of all kinds _ 

Passenger cars, including sport models, weighing 

600 kilos or less 

More than 600 kilos and up to 1,200 kilos 

More than 1,200 kilos 

Autobuses and autocars (station wagons). 

Chassis having a capacity of: 

2 tons or less.. 

More than 2 tons and up to 4 tons 

More than 4 tons and up to 7 tons 

More than 7 tons _. 

Note: Chassis imported with drivers* cabs 
shall be subject to the above-mentioned import 
duties plus 15 percent: if the trucks are imported 
complete the additional tax shall amount to 50 
percent of the import duties chargeable. 

Spare parts and separate pieces for automobiles, 
autobuses, autocars (station wagons), trucks 
or tractors, not mentioned elsewhere. 









Tsrifl rate (rials) 






2, 300. 00 

3, 200, 00 

4, 500. 00 


2, 600. 00 

2. 800. 00 

3. 200. 00 







2, 300. 00 


4, 500. 00 


2, 600, 00 

2. 800, 00 

3. 200, 00 


tax » 



2 00 






in combined 

tariff rate and 

road tax 







• Bound 




• Bound 
9 Bound 
« Bound 
« Bound 

» Bound 
» Bound 
" Bound 
B Bound 

• Bound 

Iranian imports 
from U.S., 12 
months beginning 
March 22 (in thou- 
sands of dollars) 

1939^0 1940-41 

' n.a. 






' n.a. 




" 11 


• For purpose of assessing the tariff rate. 

• The road tax is bound against increase by article VI of the general provisions of the agreement; the unit for assessment of the road tax is the gross 

« Includes imports of "other fresh fruits"; according to United States export statistics, apples and pears are the principal fruits exported to Iran under 
this classification. 

•^ Imports of all fresh or dried vegetables, tinned or preserved. 

• United States exports of canned fruits to Iran were valued at $1,600 in 1939 and $300 in 1940. 
/ Imports of films, exposed, developed, negative and positive. 

" The existing monopoly tax of 15 percent ad valorem is removed. 
» Less than $,W0. 

• Imports of all agricultural machinery. 

' Of the products included under this Iranian tariff classification for which export data are available. United States exports to Iran were valued at 
$305,000 in 1939 and $15,000 in 1940. 

» Included in above figures for imports of articles under sec. XVI, eh. 72, no. 1771 to no. 1803. 
' Includes imports of calculating machines and parts. 

• Includes imports of ambulances, hearses, and circus automobiles. 



Itemized List of Tariff Concessions Made to Iran (Schedule II) 
(n.a. means statistics not available) 


number in 

Tariff Act 

of 1930 


721 (d) 


Item (abbreviated description) 

Opium containing not less than 8.5 
per centum of anhydrous mor- 
phine. " 

Copper table, household, kitchen, 
and hospital utensils, and copper 
hollow or flat ware, n.s.p.f. 

Sturgeon caviar, not boiled 

Dried barberries, edible.— — 

Dates, fresh or dried, in packages 
weighing more than 10 pounds; 

With pits.--- 

With pits removed 

Pistache nuts: 
Not shelled 






Cotton quilts or bedspreads, block- 
printed by hand. 
Cotton table covers, etc.. block-printed 

- by hand. 
Hair of the Caslimere goat: 

In the grease or washed 

1116 (a) - 

Sorted or matchings. not scoured 

Oriental rugs - 

Rate of duty 

Before agreement 

$3 per poimd. 

35% ad valorem ^ (re- 
duced from 40% ad 
valorem in United 
Kingdom agreement, 
effective 1/1/39). 

30% ad valorem 

2? 20 per pound 

10 per pound 

2t per pound 

1K0 per pound (re- 
duced from 2} 20 per 
pound, Turkish 
agreement, effective 

23 110 per pound (re- 
duced from 50 per 
pound, Turkish 
agreement, effective 

30 per pound -- 

25% ad valorem _ 

30% ad valorem 

310 per pound of cU-an 

370 per pound of clean 

320 per pound of clean 

350 per pound of clean 

300 per square foot, 
but not less than 
45% ad valorem (re- 
duced from 500 per 
square foot, but not 
less than 45%, ad va- 
lorem in Turkish 
agreement, effective 

After agreement 

$18 per pound of an- 
hydrous morphine 
contained therein, 
but not less than 
$1.80 nor more than 
$3 per pound of 

30% ad valorem >> 

30% ad valorem 
1M0 per pound- 

10 per pound- -- 
20 per pound- ^- 

1M0 per pound- 

2?'20 per pound - 

2} i0 per pound . . . 
12} 2% ad valorem 

15% ad valorem.. 

li^ per pound of clean 

210 per pound of clean 

160 per pound of clean 

Iii0 per pound of clean 

250 per square foot, 

but not less than 

22^2% ad valorem. 

before agree- 
ment (based 
on 1939 im- 
ports from 
all countries) 

77 (based on 
11% mor- 
phine con- 





United States imports for con- 
sumption (in thousands of 
dollars) from— 


All countries 









' 135 


















« .S 



• an 

< Ifi 













2. 577 


I, 193 




See footnotes at end of table, p. 312. 

APRIL 10, 1943 


TABLE B— Contiuued 

Itemized List of Tariff Concessions Made to Iran (Schedule II) — Continued 

(n.a. means statistics not available) 


number in 

TarilT Act 

of 193U 

Item (abbreviated description) 

Rate of duty 

Before agreement 

After agreement 


before agree- 

ment (based 
on 1939 im- 
ports from 

all countries) 

United States imports for con- 
sumption (in thousands of 
dollars) from— 


1939 1940 

All countries 

1939 1940 


1529 (a). 



Turquoise, cut but not set 

Cotton quilts, bedspreads, table cov- 
ers, etc., in part of fringe, block- 
printed by hand. 
Cigar and cigarette boxes: 
Of wood, valued at 50 cents or more 

Of silver, valued at 40 cents or more 
per ounce. 

Asafctida, crude 

Bristles, not sorted or prepared 

Turquoise, rough and uncut 

Quince seed, crude, non-germinating.. 



Furs and furskins, undressed, n.s.p.f.: 


Fox (other than silver or black fox) 

Persian Iamb and caracul. 

Lamb and sheep. 

Goat and kid. 



Jackal , 

Gums and resins: 

Natural, n.s.p.f 

Iron ore suitable for manufacture of 

See foot notes at end of table, p. 312. 

10% ad valorem 

90% ad valorem i> 

60% ad valorem . 

60% ad valorem 








Free (bound in United 
Kingdom agree- 
ment, effective 
1/1/39, and Argen- 
tine agreement, ef- 
fective 11/15/41). 

Free (hound In United 
Kingdom agreement, 
effective 1/1/39). 

Free (bound in United 
Kingdom agreement, 
effective 1/1/39, and 
Argentine agreement, 
effective 11/15/41). 

Free (bound in United 
Kingdom agreement: 
effective 1/1/39). 

Free (bound In United 
Kin gdom agree- 
ment, effective 1/1/- 
39, and Turkish 
agreement, effective 

Free (bound in Cana- 
dian agreements, ef- 
fective 1/1/36 and 


Free - 

Free ---. 

Free.. - 

5% ad valorem. 
45% ad valorem 

30% ad valorem 

30% ad valorem 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Boimd free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 

Bound free 


n, a. 












n. a. 

n. a. 









n. a. 







n. a. 








27, 752 






TABLE B— Continued 

Itemized List of Tariff Concessions Made to Iran (Schedule II) — Continued 
(n.a. means statistics not availablo) 


Item (abbreviated description) 

Rate of duty 

before agree- 
ment (based 
on 1939 im- 
ports from 
all countries) 

United States imports for con- 
sumption (in thousands of 
dollars) from — 

number in 

Tariff Act 

of 1930 

Before agreement 

After agreement 


All countries 






Saus^e casings of sheep, Iamb, and 

Free (bound in Turk- 
ish agreement, ollec- 
tive 5/5/39, and Ar- 
gentine agreement, 
effective 11/16/41). 


Bound free 











Bnnnd frpft 



Rnund frpi> 


•Imports controlled by the Bureau of Narcotics. 

' In addition to the duty, articles in chief value of copper are subject to an import excise tax of 3 cents per pound under the provisions of sec. 601 (c) (7) 
of the Revenue Act of 1932, as amended. 

• Does not include special imports (free) of $13,000 in 1939 and $42,000 in 1940. 

' Based on imports from May 5 - December 31, after reduction under Turkish agreement. 

• Imports of all such cotton articles whether or not hand-blocked. 

/Imports of hair of the Cashmere goat are not separately avaUable. Statistics given represent imports from China and Iran of "Hair of Cashmere 
goat and other like animals" which are presumed to be imports of hair of the Cashmere goat; large imports from other countries reported in category 
"Hau: of Cashmere goat and other like animals" are chiefly alpaca and angora rabbit hair. 

• Less than $500. 

» Prior to December 1940. articles with a self fringe were dutiable under par. 911 at the same rate as similar unlringed articles. 
' Included in imports under par. 91 1. 

Treaty Information 


Agreements With Bahama Islands 
And Jamaica 

[Released to the press April 5] 

Tlie State Department and the Department 
of Agriculture announced on April 5 that an 
agreement has been signed with the Government 
of Jamaica providing for the importation of up 
to 10,000 Jamaican agricultural workers into 
the United States to relieve farm-labor short- 
ages in critical areas. 

Conditions under which Jamaicans over 18 
years old will be recruited, transported, and em- 

ployed in agriculture in this country are similar 
to those governing the transportation and agri- 
cultural employment of workers from Mexico 
and the Bahama Islands. The agreement with 
Mexico was made August 4, 1942,' and one was 
negotiated with the Bahaman Government last 
March 16. 

The Jamaican nationals will not be imported 
to displace United States farm workers or to 
reduce previously established wage rates. 
United States health authorities, in cooperation 
with Jamaican health authorities, will pass on 

• Bulletin of Aug. 8, 1942, p. 689. 

APRIL 10, 1943 


the physical fitness of workers signed up under 
this prognun. When their work contracts ex- 
pire, the workers will be returned to Jamaica. 

They will be available for work as needed in 
the West, the Middle West, and the East. They 
will be housed in farm-labor-supply centers. 
Recruiting in Jamaica is expected to start next 

The agreement was negotiated at Kingston, 
Jamaica, under the auspices of the Anglo- 
American Caribbean Commission and the 
American Consulate by Fred Morrell, Assistant 
Director of the Agricultural Labor Admin- 
istration, and Mr. Samuel Zemurray, represent- 
ing the Secretary of Agriculture. 

Permanent Court of Arbitration 

[Released to the press April 7] 

The President has approved the designation 
of Mr. Green H. Hackworth, Legal Adviser, 
Department of State, to succeed himself as a 
member on the part of the L'nited States of 
America of the Permanent Court of Arbitra- 
tion. This designation is in accordance with 
the provisions of The Hague Conventions of 
July 29, 1899 (Treaty Series 392) and October 
18, 1907 (Treaty Series 536) and is for a period 
of six years, which will terminate on March 9, 

The Court was first established in 1900, and 
its members constitute a panel of competent 
jurists from which arbitrators may be chosen 
by states parties to a dispute to pass upon that 
controversy. Members, acting as national 
groups, are also entitled to nominate candidates 
in the election of judges of the Permanent 
Court of International Justice. 

Each signatory power can select a maximum 
of four members. The present membership on 
the part of the United States of America of the 
Permanent Court of Arbitration follows : Man- 
ley O. Hudson, of Massachusetts; Green H. 
Hackworth, of Kentucky; Henry L. Stimson, 
of New York; Michael Francis Doyle, of 


North American Regional Broadcasting Agree- 
ment and Inter-American Radiocommunica- 
tions Convention 


The Director of the Inter-American Radio 
Office at Habana, Cuba, has informed this Gov- 
ernment of the desire of the Government of the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and North- 
ern Ireland to adhere in the name of the Ba- 
hamas to the North American Regional Broad- 
casting Agreement and to the Inter-American 
Radiocommunications Convention which were 
signed at Habana on December 13, 1937. 

In acknowledging this notification the Gov- 
ernment of the United States pointed out: (1) 
that under the provisions of article 3 of the con- 
vention relating to voting at conferences, rep- 
resentatives of the Government of the Bahamas 
would have voice but no vote in future inter- 
American conferences, the agreements resulting 
therefrom being nevertheless open for adher- 
ence through the medium of their home Gov- 
ernment; (2) that under the specific terms of 
the North American Regional Broadcasting 
Agreement the Government of the Bahamas 
does not apjoear to be eligible for adherence un- 
der the terms of part I, sections 1 and 2, and 
part VII. Therefore it will accordingly be 
necessary for all the parties to the North Amer- 
ican Regional Broadcasting Agreement to give 
their specific approval to the adherence to the 
agreement by the Government of the Bahamas. 

The countries which have ratified the North 
American Regional Broadcasting Agreement 
(Treaty Series 962) are the United States of 
America, Canada, Cuba, Dominican Republic, 
Haiti, and Mexico. Newfoundland has ad- 
hered to the agreement. 

The countries which have ratified the Inter- 
American Radiocommunications Convention 
(Treaty Series 938) are the United States of 
America, Brazil, Canada, Cuba, Dominican Re- 
public, Haiti, Mexico, Panama, and Peru. 
Paraguay has adhered to the convention ad 



Trade Agreement With Iran 

On April 8, 1943 a trade agreement between 
the United States and Iran was signed at Wash- 
ington by the Secretary of State and the Minis- 
ter of Iran. It will shortly be printed in the 
Executive Agreement Series. 

An analysis of the general provisions and 
reciprocal benefits of the agreement appears in 
this Bulletin under the heading "Commercial 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press April 9] 

Dr. Fernando Ortiz, well-known Cuban jurist 
and sociologist and a leading authority on 
ethnographic conditions in the Caribbean area, 
accompanied by Mrs. Ortiz, will arrive in Wash- 
ington April 12 for a two months' visit to the 
United States as- a guest of the Department of 

While in this country he will visit leading cul- 
tural centers in Washington, New York, and 
other cities and will carry out special research 
at Field Institute in Chicago. 


Red Cross : Hearings before a subcommittee of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, United States Sen- 
ate, 77th Cong., 2d sess., on S. 2441 and H. R. 
7420, bills to implement article 28 of the conven- 
tion signed at Geneva on July 27, 1929, relating to 
the use of the emblem and name of the Red Cross 
or the coat of arms of the Swiss Confederation for 
commercial or other purposes. December 4 and 8, 
1942. (Reintroduced in 78tli Cong, as S. 469 and S. 
470.) iv, 108 pp. 

State, Justice, and Commerce Appropriation Bill, Fis- 
cal Year 1944 (78th Cong., 1st sess.) : 
Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee 
on Appropriations, House of Representatives, 
on the Department of State Appropriation Bill 
(H.R. 2397). February 1943. 349 pp. 
H. Rept. 343, on H. R. 2397. 50 pp. 
Hearing.? before the Subcommittee of the Committee 
on Appropriations, House of Representatives, 
on the Department of Commerce Appropriation 
Bill, February and March 1943. [Bureau of 
Foreign and Domestic Commerce, pp. 49-69.] 
274 pp. 
Authorizing the deportation of aliens to countries al- 
lied with the United States. S. Rept. 156, 78th 
Cong. 2 pp. 
Communication from the President of the United States 
transmitting draft of a proposed provision per- 
taining to the appropriation "Salaries, Ambassa- 
dors and Ministers," contained in the Department 
of State appropriation act for the fiscal year 1943 
[making the appropriation available for salaries 
for ambassadors to Costa Rica, Dominican Repub- 
lic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, and 
Nicaragua]. H. Doc. 152, 78th Cong. 2 pp. 


Department of State 

Temporary Raising of Level of Lake St. Francis During 
Low-Water Periods : Agreement and Exchange of 
Notes Between the United States of America and 
Canada — Agreement effected by exchange of notes 
signed at Washington October 5 and 9, 1942 ; exchange 
of notes signed at Washington November 10, 1941. 
Executive Agreement Series 291. Publication 1897. 
4 pp. 50. 

Development of Foodstuffs Production in Brazil : 
Agreement Between the United States of America and 
Brazil — Signed at Rio de Janeiro September 3, 1942 ; 
effective September 3, 1942. Executive Agreement 
Series 302. Publication 1898. 9 pp. 5<*. 

Inter- American Highway : Agreement Between the 
United States of America and El Salvador — Effected 
by exchange of note.s signed at Washington January 
30 and February 13, 1942. Executive Agreement 
Series 294. Publication 1902. 3 pp. 5j». 

APRIL 10, 1943 


Iiiter-Aiuerican Highway: Agreement Between the 
United States of America and Honduras — Effected by 
exchange of notes signed at Washington September 
9 and October 26, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 
290. Publication 1903. 3 pp. 5?. 

Health and Sanitation Program: Agreement Between 
the United States of America and Bolivia — Effected 
by exchange of notes signed at La Paz July 15 and 16, 
1942. Executive Agreement Series 300. Publication 
1905. 4 pp. 5^. 

Exchange of Official Publications : Agreement Between 
the United States of America and the Dominican 
Republic — Effected by exchange of notes signed at 
Ciudad Trujillo December 9 and 10, 1942. Executive 
Agreement Series 297. Publication 1906. 10 pp. 

The Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals : 
Cumulative Supplement No. 6, April 9, 1943, Contain- 
ing Additions, Amendments, and Deletions Made 
Since Revision IV of November 12, 1942. Publication 
1909. 94 pp. Free. 


For sale by the Superintenilent of Documents, D. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 
Price, 10 cents - - . . Subscription price, ?2.75 a year 




APRIL 17, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 199— Publication 1928 



The TVaR Page 

Public Understanding of the Issues of the War .... 319 

American Republics 
Pan American Day: 

Message of the President to the Governing Board of 

the Pan American Union 321 

Address by the Secretary of State 322 

Address by the Under Secretary of State 323 

Distinguished Visitors From Other American Repub- 
lics 328 


Reciprocal-Trade-Agreements Program : 

Statement by the Secretary of State Before the House 

Ways and Means Committee 329 

Address by Charles Bumi 333 

The Foreign Service 

Diplomatic Confirmation 333 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

Bermuda Meeting To Consider the Refugee Problem . . 333 

Legislation 333 

Publications 334 


MAY 18 1943 

The War 


The following letter has been sent by the 
Under Secretary of State to Prof. Ralph Barton 
Perry, chairman of the Harvard Group, Ameri- 
can Defense. 

April 2, 1943. 
My Dear Professor Perry : 

Thank you for your letter of February 20, 
1943. I am, of course, aware of the many 
criticisms directed against the State Depart- 
ment. It is inevitable, and ilesirable, that the 
policies of a democratic government should be 
subject to full public criticism. Obviously, the 
better informed discussion can be, the better will 
it further the public interest. The responsi- 
bility for seeing that such discussion is well- 
informed rests upon the government as well as 
upon a vigilant and independent press. 

However, in time of war there are necessary 
limitations upon the amount of information a 
government can make public. In the field of 
foreign affairs especially, there are great prac- 
tical difficulties in the way of disclosing all the 
information bearing on a given subject. Cer- 
tain of the information which guides a demo- 
cratic government must be kept secret, to pro- 
tect the source and, perhaps, to preserve friendly 
relations with another power. Foreign Offices 
jn democratic countries are particularly ex- 
posed to criticism, partly because of this need 
for secrecy, and partly because they must often, 
in the nature of their task, act in ways which 
go against the grain of the average citizen. 
For example, the average citizen likes to think 
of his country as all-powerful. He does not see 
why his country should not say bluntly what 
is right and what it wants done — and see that 
it is done. He is apt to be impatient over de- 


lays in reaching the goal, and he is eager to 
proclaim his principles to the world at all times. 
The diplomat, on the other hand, must be aware 
not only of his country's power but of the limi- 
tations of its power and the demands of innum- 
erable contingencies which it faces. He must 
always guard against committing his country 
to more than it can do. He must be patient, 
and must welcome each small point gained, even 
when his fellow-citizens, in their chagrin over 
the failure to make rapid progress, do not recog- 
nize the gain. And he may, on occasions, have 
to refrain from proclaiming his beliefs, as the 
private citizen is free to do, simply in the in- 
terest of furthering their acceptance. His free- 
dom of speech is limited by the nature of his 

Criticisms of the government's North African 
policy must be viewed in the light of certain 
further considerations. First, we must bear in 
mind that they concern one aspect of a major 
military operation. This operation has already 
achieved great successes. We may confidently 
expect that it will, before long, succeed in its 
ultimate objective — to expel Axis forces from 
the continent of Africa and thus open the way 
for an invasion of southern Europe. The citi- 
zen is free to speculate, after the event, on what 
he might have done differently. But the com- 
mander in the field has to act, and is responsible 
for the success or failure of his actions. 
Usually, he is faced with the choice not between 
a good plan and a bad plan, but between a num- 
ber of courses, all of which have disadvantages. 
I believe that much of the criticism of our 
North African policy has arisen because surface 
developments have been taken as indications of 




basic policy when they were in fact merely tem- 
porary steps in the process of achieving that 
policy. When there are delays or incidental er- 
rors, which are inevitable in the confusion of a 
complex and obscure situation, some people as- 
sume that those in authority do not wish to 
reach certain approved objectives. General 
Giraud's speech of March 14, 1913, and the issu- 
ance on March 17, 1913 of decrees repealing the 
discriminatory legislation of the Vichy govern- 
ment in North Africa and confirming the au- 
thority of the French Republic have, I hope, 
gone far to eliminate misunderstandings of this 

Our wartime foreign policy has two purposes 
which override all others. First, we must do all 
we can to win absolute victory as quickly as pos- 
sible, with the least possible loss of life. I be- 
lieve that our North African policy saved the 
lives of many American boys, and of many 
North African soldiers and civilians. Secondly, 
we must work to establish a just and lasting 
peace. I believe that it is important in the in- 
terest of lasting peace that the French people 
should be free, under their own Republican laws, 
to choose their government after the Nazis have 
been driven out of France. Until that day, 
French forces will, I hope, fight side by side in 
harmony against the common enemy. These are 
our stated policies, and they are also the stated 
policies of General de Gaulle and General 

There is one reference in your letter that is 
based on a misinterpretation of a remark made 
at the Secretary's press conference when Mr. 
Hull, having replied to a query concerning 
Spaniards in Spain, was asked another ques- 
tion concerning refugees and Mr. Hull, assum- 
ing this referred also to citizens within Spain, 
replied in such a case the matter would be taken 
up with General Franco. His remarks there- 
fore had no application to Spanish refugees in 
North Africa who, incidentally, had been de- 
prived of their Spanish citizenship. 'Wlien it 
was discovered there was some confusion after 

the press conference, a clarification was immedi- 
ately made from the press room of the Depart- 
ment of State. 

It is always easier in wartime to make ene- 
mies than friends. We do not share, of course, 
the social and political philosophy of the Span- 
ish state. But the Spanish people and the Span- 
ish economy are capable of helping us. There 
are certain commodities in Spain which are 
needed in our war effort. The trade program 
with Spain has been carefully reviewed by the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff and is subject to the con- 
trol system maintained jointly by the United 
States and Great Britain, which carries on sim- 
ilar trade for similar purposes. 

You also mention criticism referring to the 
alleged favoritism shown by our Government to 
certain foreign individuals or groups which op- 
pose the Axis. Specifically mentioned have been 
the former Archduke Otto and General Mihail- 
ovicli. There lias been no such favoritism and 
there will be none. We will aid, to the full ex- 
tent of our ability, any group which is fighting 
the common enemy. But that aid will not be in 
such form as to prejudice a people's basic right, 
stated in the Atlantic Charter, to choose its own 
form of government. 

You also mention our "failure to mediate in 
Indian affairs" as a criticism of the Department 
of State. The present military situation in the 
Far East is one in which all of us, including the 
people of India, face grave perils. The future 
constitutional status of India is a tremendously 
complicated and delicate problem. The United 
States Government is, of course, anxious to give 
full assistance to its solution. The people of 
India have been most solemnly assured that as 
soon as the necessities of war permit they will 
be given the opportunity to choose freely the 
form of government they desire. Wise men, 
vitally concerned both with the welfare of the 
people of India and with the defeat of our ene- 
mies, may differ as to the possibility of fighting 
the war and solving India's historic problems at 
the same time. But to make active interven- 

APRIL 17, 1943 


tion in the Indian situation a test of liberalism, 
as some have done, presupi)oses a definition of 
liberalism which, I must confess, is beyond my 

In conclusion, maj' I express my appreciation 
of the work your group and other groups of citi- 
zens are doing to furtlier public understanding 
of the issues of the war. I should like to em- 
phasize that the articulation of American public 
opinion is a powerful and constructive factor in 
our dealings with foreign governments. It is 

my firm belief that the objectives of those 
charged with the direction of foreign policy are 
identical with those of the overwhelming ma- 
jority of their critics. Never before have our 
people been so united in their view of what this 
nation should do in the field of international 

If you wish to make this letter public, I should 
be glad to have vou do so. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Sumner "Welles 

American Republics 

Message of the President to the Governing Board of the Pan American Union ^ 

Today the people of the American republics 
join in celebrating an occasion that is peculiarly 
their own. It has given me profound satisfac- 
tion to observe from year to year the increasing 
significance attached in all the American repub- 
lics to the observance of Pan American Day. 
This reflects the progress which has been made 
in recent years in converting the dreams and 
aspirations of the founders of our continental 
independence into effective and harmonious 
means for international cooperation. 

At Buenos Aires in 1936 and at Lima in 1938, 
the American republics foresaw the great 
struggle between freedom and slaverj' in which 
we are now engaged. At those historic confer- 
ences they provided for continental security 
through continental solidarity by devising a 
practical mechanism of consultation. 

Employing that mechanism in the subsequent 
meetings of their Ministers of Foreign Affairs — 
at Panama in 1939. at Habana in 1940, and at 
Rio de Janeiro in 1942 — they put forward joint 

' Apr. 14, 1943. 

recommendations which established the frame- 
work within which our system, first of conti- 
nental defense against aggression, and now of 
continental mobilization utterly to defeat the 
promoters of that aggression, was worked out. 

Each nation carrying out those recommenda- 
tions, which represent the statesmanship and 
foresight of the leaders of the 21 American re- 
publics, will assure its place in the world-wide 
concert of free nations which will constitute 
the intei'national society of the future. 

The United States is proud to be working 
shoulder to shoulder with its sister republics for 
the achievement of this great objective. 

To all of those participating in the celebra- 
tion of Pan American Day in North, Central, 
and South America, I send warm greetings. 
You may all be of good cheer, for the deter- 
mination of our peoples to resist aggression 
and overthrow the aggressors, as well as to keep 
our liberties secure, is firm and unbreakable. 
With this spirit and this resolve we may look 
forward with confidence to ultimate victory. 



Address by the Secretary of State ^ 

(Released to the press April 15] 

The day of the Americas is precious in the 
western world. In celebrating it we pay tribute 
to the most successful example of cooperation 
between sovereign nations in modern history. 

Ten years ago we had set vigorously about the 
task of strengthening the bonds of the Ameri- 
can family of nations. It was high time. Had 
we not done so, the Western Hemisphere might 
have been torn to pieces as have been Europe 
and Asia. It was necessary to renew and rein- 
force the foundations of the relations between 
nations, especially between the nations of the 
Americas. Thanks to this development of inter- 
American solidarity, the great war now raging 
found the Americas politically prepared. 

At Montevideo in 1933 we stated the basic 
principles of the good-neighbor policy, includ- 
ing accejjtance of th^ rule of law ; renunciation 
of the use of force; open and expanding com- 
merce; abandonment of intervention. At 
Buenos Aires in 1936 we clarified and strength- 
ened those principles and established the prac- 
tice of consultation. At Lima in 1938 we pro- 
claimed the doctrine of the common defense of 
this hemisphere. At Panama in 1939, after war 
had begun in Europe, we took steps to imple- 
ment that doctrine. 

I remember with particular gi'atification the 
Consultation of Foreign Ministers at Habana in 
July 1940. Those were dark days, indeed: 
France had fallen, Britain stood alone against 
the Nazi power. The tentacles of that power 
were reaching toward our shores. Even as we 
met, the agents of the Gestapo were using lies 
and threats and were attempting by personal 
pressures to influence adversely the men who had 
come together to concert the measures of 
mutual assistance for common defense. With 
courage and determination, the statesmen of the 
Western Hemisphere agreed at Habana on a 
far-reaching program of such measures. 

After the full force of armed assault had 

' Delivered by the Honorable CordeU Hull before the 
Pan American Union, Apr. 14, 1943. 

been loosed against us, we reached agreement 
at the Rio Conference on policies which called 
for immediate and united action in defense of 
this hemisphere. These policies, if carried out 
by all of us. will insure our common defense. 

I wish that I might on this memorable oc- 
casion call the roll of all the splendid statesmen 
in each of the American nations who partici- 
pated in these six historic conferences and were 
responsible for these marvelous achievements. 
Their names belong in the Hall of Fame of in- 
ter-American solidarity. Many of them are 
here tonight. They and their associates have 
given the world an example of international co- 
operation that shines like a beacon light in hu- 
manity's present sacrificial search for decency, 
freedom, and security. 

On this Pan American Day in 1943 I believe 
I can say that measures have been perfected for 
the attainment of victory in the vast struggle 
upon which we are engaged. This does not mean 
that the war has been won. Far from it. We 
have yet to travel a long, hard road with toil 
and pain and sorrow. But it is now clear that 
there can be only one end. The United Nations' 
forces are advancing: in Eastern Asia, where 
China struggles bravely; in the Pacific, where 
the American forces ceaselessly pound the Jap- 
anese positions; in North Africa, where British, 
French, and American armies are moving for- 
ward; in Russia, where the German lines are 
being battered; on the oceans, on the ground, 
and in the air. Point after point in Germany 
and Italy and in Japanese-occupied areas is 
feeling the devastating power of the United 
Nations' air power. 

In this great drama, amid the clash of arms, 
in our march toward military victory, it is more 
important than ever for us all to keep clearly 
before mankind the principles to which we have 
dedicated ourselves. The success of the inter- 
American family of nations rests on observance 
of the principles of sovereignty, equality, law, or- 
der, justice, morality, non-intervention, friend- 
liness, and cooperation. We emphasized these 
principles insistently at a time when they were 

APRIL 17, 1943 


being increasingly neglected and ignored and 
were even subjected to scoffing and derision. We 
api)lied them resolutelj' at a time when they 
were flagrantly violated by powerful countries 
in several parts of the world. We were de- 
termined to keep them alive. We shall never 
cease in our efforts to give them strength and 

These principles upon which we have built 
our inter-American life are no exclusive pro[)- 
erty of the continents of the Americas. They 
are not peculiar to this hemisphere. Tliey are 
universally applicable and are open to universal 
adoption. We have not labored to create a re- 
gion apart from the rest of the world. We have 
fostered the idea and the practice of a commu- 
nity of good neighbors whose members are — in 
fact cannot escape being — a part of the life of 
the world. The international law to which we 
submit ourselves is not an international law of 
the Americas alone but is the law of civilized 
nations everywhere throughout the earth. The 
practice of equity is not a design for a hemi- 
sphere but is a rule for living in a free and peace- 
ful world. Tlie liberty that we jealously safe- 
guard as the right of every American nation, 
great and small, is the same liberty which we be- 
lieve should be established throughout the earth. 

We have been able to achieve in this hemi- 

sphere a unit}' of nations heretofore unknown, 
by holding fast to the doctrine that the rights 
of all nations must be respected and that the 
problems of any nation in our group may be 
laid before the whole group in the certainty 
that there will be a friendly hearing and sym- 
pathetic help toward a constructive result with 
justice ever in mind; by eliminating from our 
relationship every vestige of imperialism; by 
resisting from the outset a spread to this hemi- 
sphere of such deadly poisonous political 
growths as Nazism and Fascism that have de- 
veloped elsewhere in the world. 

The solidaritv developed in this system de- 
rives not from pressure by strong powers on 
weaker nations but from recognition and ob- 
servance of rules of self-restraint even by the 
strongest. We have no distinction by which the 
strong are above the law and the weak abide by 
precepts enforced upon them by greater power. 
Rather, we seek freedom through the self-re- 
straint and respect for the rights of all which 
men and nations that are free willingly accept 
as fimdamental to freedom itself. 

Only by this highwaj' of freedom has the life 
of a free comnumity been assured to the Amer- 
icas. Only by cooperating in efforts along like 
lines can we hope effectively to contribute to the 
attainment of world peace and world security. 

Address by the Under Secretary of State' 

[Ri'li'ased to the press April 15] 

In this commemoration of Pan American Day 
we are celebrating an anniversary whose signifi- 
cance is yearh" sinking more deeply into the 
consciousness of the peoples of all the Americas. 
Today it possesses an especial importance, for 
we are coimnemorating likewise the tenth anni- 
versary of the dedication of the United States 
by President Roosevelt to the policy of the good 

It is heartening for us in the Americas to 
turn our thoughts today to our New World. 

^ Delivered by the Honorable Sumner Welles at the 
luncheon meeting of the Rotary Club of New York, 
Apr. 15, 1943, and broadcast over the N.B.C. Red Net- 

There fortunately shines in the Western 
Hemisphere the continuing light of an inter- 
national relationship which derives its being 
from the devotion of all the American peoples 
to the great ideals of hiunan liberty, of toler- 
ance, and of democracy, and from the adherence 
of the governments of all the Americas to the 
rule of peaceful justice rather than to policies 
of expansion and of conquest which have in our 
generation found their most fitting expression 
in a resort to the dive bomber and the tank. 

During these past 10 years the world passed 
through the gi-eatest economic depression which 
modern civilization has known, and then was 
forced into the total war which the Axis powers 
have inflicted upon humanity. And yet dur- 



ing these same years the American republics, 
meeting together as sovereign equals, for the 
first time laid the lasting foundations of what 
I think I may justly call the outstanding 
achievement in practical international living of 
all history. 

One of the great leaders of the United Na- 
tions has held up to us the concept of regional 
councils in the Europe and in the Far East of 
the future. We of the Americas have already 
created a regional understanding. While I my- 
self believe that the future peace and security 
of the world can only be assured by the ulti- 
mate creation of an international organization 
in which every region and every peace-loving 
state is represented, there is already a solid 
cornerstone laid for a future world order in 
this Western Hemisphere association of 21 
sovereign and independent countries. 

There is nothing novel in the principles 
which the American republics established as the 
principles which should determine their re- 
ciprocal relations. They were the same prin- 
ciples of international decency, of international 
law, of Christian civilization which had time 
and again been proclaimed. But what was 
novel was the fact that these principles were 
actually put into practice and that they have 
really determined the actions of these 21 Amer- 
ican republics. 

In dedicating this country to the policy of 
the good neighbor. President Roosevelt, in his 
first inaugural address, consciously laid the 
groundwork for practical, effective inter- Amer- 
ican cooperation in which every American state 
would benefit and in which no American 
state would lose. 

At the outset it was recognized that the great 
obstacle to overcome in gaining the confidence 
and friendship of our neighbors was their be- 
lief that the United States would intervene in 
their affairs whenever this suited our con- 

There was cause for this belief in 1932. Ma- 
rines still stood watch on the soil of one of our 
neighbors. In other countries, although the 
marines had been withdrawn, financial advisers 

vested with quasi-dictatorial powers still held 

In another group of countries a perpetual 
sword of Damocles hung over the heads of their 
peoples in the form of the treaty right of the 
United States to intervene in their internal af- 
fairs to maintain order. The result was that 
many of the American republics could not call 
their sovereignty their own because it was sus- 
ceptible of infringement at the will of the 
United States. 

The possibility of United States intervention 
m the domestic concerns of the other countries 
of this hemisphere has been removed. Today 
any United States administration that under- 
took to intervene in the internal affairs of other 
American countries would not only be reversing 
our present policy: it would be guilty of out- 
right violation of international engagements 
ratified by the Senate of the United States and 
now part of our public law. 

At two inter-American conferences — Monte- 
video in 1933 and Buenos Aires in 1936 — all the 
American republics solemnly outlawed inter- 
vention by one country in the affairs of another. 

Pursuant to the spirit of these obligations, the 
last vestiges of United States intervention have 
been liquidated: 

Every marine has been withdrawn. 

All fiscal suiaervision in other American coun- 
tries has been eliminated. 

Every treaty by which the United States was 
granted the right to intervene in other repub- 
lics of this hemisphere, for whatever purpose, 
has been abrogated. 

There was another aspect of the policy of our 
government which had produced results scarcely 
less devastating to our relations with our neigh- 
bors than tliose caused by intervention and in- 
terference. I refer to the successive raising of 
our tariff barriers. 

Today it is difficult to comprehend how we ex- 
pected otlier countries to buy goods without our 
taking their products in return. Yet the results 
of the tariffs of 1921, 1922, and 1930 were to 
curtail progressively the purchasing power of 
other countries for our goods by diminishing 

APRIL 17, 1943 


the opportunities for the sale of their goods in 
our market. It would be a distortion of the 
truth to say that the economic crisis which 
gripped the world in its vise in the early thirties 
was caused solely by the tariff policy of this 
country. It is no distortion, however, to say 
that the policy of tariff increases of the United 
States which was carried out during the decade 
after the first World AVar had an important 
bearing in bringing about the adoption by other 
countries of similar policies. This slow strangu- 
lation of international trade was one of the chief 
causes of the world crisis. 

The other American republics will never for- 
get the dislocations caused the economic life of 
many of them by the successive tariff increases 
in the United States. These countries in many 
cases live by the export of one or two raw mate- 
rials, so that tlieir economies are peculiarly 
sensitive to the fluctuations of the M'orld mar- 
ket. Their inability to sell to the United States 
and other countries had an immediate and dis- 
astrous repercussion upon their economic wel- 

It devolved upon the country of the Western 
Hemisphere most responsible for this short- 
sighted foreign-trade policy to take the initia- 
tive in reopening the channels of international 
trade. This was done by the United States 
through the Trade Agreements Act of 1934, 
which was extended in 1937 and again in 1940. 

Under this authority agreements have been 
signed with 15 of the 20 other American repub- 

Trade with the 15 American countries with 
which we have agreements has shown a most 
heartening expansion. Our exports to these 
countries increased from $168,000,000 to approx- 
imately $500,000,000 in a 7-year interval. Of 
course not all this trade expansion was the re- 
sult of the liberalization of trade-restrictive 
measures. Part of it is attributable to the gen- 
eral upswing of economic activity in the United 
States. But it is significant that a very large 
proportion — approximately three fifths — of our 
export trade to these coimtries is in items cov- 
ered by the trade agreements. 

These two policies, non-intervention and re- 
ciprocal trade concessions, laid tlie groundwork 
for undertaking inter-American cooperative 
action in many broad fields. 

In economic matters, and despite the return 
of a substantial volume of international trade, 
the other American republics were intent upon 
diversifying their economic life in order to re- 
lieve their dependence upon one or two key ex- 
port products. They drew up programs for the 
development of tlieir varied resources — agricul- 
tural, mineral, and marine. Some of these pro- 
grams looked forward to improving the supply 
of goods available for home consumption. 
Others were designed to open up new fields of 
production. Capital was lacking to these coun- 
tries, however, for carrying forward these plans, 
as well as technical and managerial experience. 
As the other American republics gained con- 
fidence in the United States they approached us 
for the assistance they needed to carry their 
plans into realization. 

Our government was glad to lend this assist- 
ance. In the first place, we knew that all the 
American republics had resources capable of 
sound development. Reports made by various 
Government agencies as well as by private 
United States businessmen showed possibilities 
that only awaited the application of capital, 
technique, and management. In the second 
place, we knew that a rising standard of living, 
desirable as it was from every other point of 
view, would likewise inevitably create an ex- 
panding export market for our goods. The 
character of our export trade might change 
somewhat from the simpler products to those 
more highly processed and fabricated, but the 
total volume of trade would rise as new wants 
were created with purchasing power able to 
satisfy them. 

At all times this assistance has been extended 
with the fullest respect for the sovereignty of 
the other American republics and under condi- 
tions that would afford to them every oppor- 
tunity to take advantage of the experience 
gained by this country during its period of 
similar economic development. In every case, 

622323 — 13 



these cooperative-development arrangements 
under way have been carried forward efficiently 
and successfully and have developed lasting 
friendships between those involved. 

At the conference of Buenos Aii'es for the 
maintenance of peace, in 1936, President Roose- 
velt, with remarkable foresight, laid bare the 
growing danger to the security of the Americas 
which was arising from the plans for world- 
conquest of the Axis powers. In order to main- 
tain inviolate the integrity and freedom of the 
New World he called upon the American repub- 
lics to band together in a common front. 

This call met with a ready response from 
every country. 

The solidarity of the Americas was now for- 
mally defined as their joint recognition that an 
act of aggression on the part of a non-American 
power against any American republic would be 
considered as an act of aggression against every 
independent state of the New World. In the 
event of such aggression the American republics 
agreed to consult and to concert with one an- 
other the necessary complementary agi'eements 
so as to organize cooperation for defense. 

It is unnecessary to specify in detail the stage- 
by-stage development of this concept until it be- 
came the workiiig-policj' guide for the countries 
of the Americas. It does seem useful, how- 
ever, to review the practical application of this 
policy to the unusual and difficult problems 
which confronted the American republics as a 
result of the outbreak of war in 1939. 

The first problems of magnitude confronting 
the American republics were those of an eco- 
nomic character. 

Trade with Europe was immediately dis- 
rupted. This was particularly true for the 
countries which normally disposed of a large 
amount of their coffee in the European market. 
The Inter-American Economic and Financial 
Advisory Committee, which was established by 
the Meeting of Foreign Ministei's in Panama, 
held in September 1939, after months of effort 
finally devised an agreement to apportion fairly 
the only important remaining market, namely 
that of the United States, among the supplying 
countries. The Inter- American Coffee Agree- 

ment has, proved to be an unusually successful 
agreement for handling a difficult surplus situ- 
ation. It has operated to stabilize market con- 
ditions, to provide the consumer in the United 
States with adequate supplies at a fair price, 
and to furnish security of operation to the pro- 
ducers among our neighbor repviblics. 

The shortage of shipping caused by the with- 
drawal of a large part of the world's maritime 
trade for war purposes also received the atten- 
tion of the Inter-American Economic and Fi- 
nancial Advisory Committee. To alleviate the 
shipping stringency in inter-American trade 
this committee recommended a plan for putting 
into service the shipping of the Axis powers that 
had sought refuge at the outbreak of war in the 
harbors of this hemisphere. Under this recom- 
mendation 82 immobilized ships have been put 
back into service in the interest of all the Ameri- 
can republics. 

After the fall of France all the American re- 
publics felt the need of strengthening their mil- 
itary and naval establishments. At the same 
time, the United States, under the Lend-Lease 
Act, undertook to furnish vast assistance to the 
countries then engaged in fighting Axis aggres- 
sion. In order to advance the attainment of 
these objectives the American republics agreed 
not to export strategic materials but to reserve 
them for utilization in the manufacture of sup- 
plies necessary both for themselves and for those 
actively engaged in war at that time. These 
arrangements denied to the Axis during the lat- 
ter part of 1940 and all of 1941 access to stra- 
tegic materials of which they were in critical 

After the cowardly Japanese attack upon the 
United States at Pearl Harbor, the Meeting of 
Foreign Ministers at Rio de Janeiro called for 
tlie severance of all commercial and financial 
intercoiu'Se, direct or indii-ect, between the West- 
ern Hemisphere and the Axis countries. At the 
Inter-American Conference on Systems of Eco- 
nomic and Financial Control in July 1942 the 
precise implementation of this recommendation 
was agreed upon. Action to make this program 
effective has in general been prompt and effi- 
cient. It has thwarted the plans of the Axis 

APRIL 17, 1943 


for interference and aggression in this hem- 
isplicre. It has helped to di-y up the funds 
available to the Axis not only for propaganda 
but for every type of underground subversive 
activity designed to sow discord and to over- 
throw the governments of the sovereign Ameri- 
can states. 

In the political field the solidarity of the 
Americas has been a bulwark of strength. 

At the Meeting of Foreign Ministers in Ha- 
bana, convened within a few weeks after the fall 
of France, the American republics adopted a 
procedure for provisional administration of any 
possession of a non-American country in danger 
of being transferred to or utilized by Axis 
powers. Thus the American republics met the 
very delicate problem of what they would do in 
the event the Axis attempted to utilize the 
French possessions in this hemisphere as a base 
for inimical activities against the New World. 
Fortunately, the American republics have not 
been obliged to take action ; but should tlie con- 
tingency arise they have prepared a fixed and 
definite procedure that would not only protect 
their own interests but would also insure the 
legitimate post-war interests of the non-Amer- 
ican territories in question. 

Immediately after the attack on the United 
States by Japan and the declaration of war by 
Germany and Italy against the United States, 
the Foreign Ministers of the American republics 
convened at Rio de Janeiro. In their first reso- 
lution the Foreign Ministers recommended 
unanimously that the American republics break 
their diplomatic relations with Japan. Ger- 
many, and Italy. Immediately all but two of 
the countries which had not already taken this 
action did so, and since that time one of the two 
remaining countries has joined in similar ac- 
tion. Today 20 sovereign American states have 
carried out the commitments in which 21 volim- 
tarily joined a year ago. The breaking of diplo- 
matic relations by these 20 countries was an ac- 
tion of the highest importance to the successful 
prosecution of the war, far transcending the 
mere customary severance of diplomatic ties. It 
had the effect of cutting the principal artery by 
which the Axis was pumping life blood into its 

dangerous activities in the Western World. 
Hiding behind the cloak of diplomatic immu- 
nity, the Axis nations had been utilizing the 
privileges accorded them under international 
law to carry out a hemisphere-wide program of 
espionage, of sabotage, and even of attempts, 
all fortunately thwarted, to overturn certain 
governments and replace them with puppets of 
the Quisling t3'pe. 

So long as all the American republics have 
not complied with the undertakings in which 
they joined without reservation the Axis will 
still, however, have a shield for the continued 
conduct of activities in this hemisphere perilous 
to the cause which is vital to the security and 
independence of each of them. 

This, then, is a brief recital of tlie achieve- 
ments of the last decade in inter- American rela- 
tions. These achievements are very real. They 
have improved the economic well-being of the 
people of the Western Hemisphere, and they 
have contributed in the higliest degree to guar- 
anteeing the freedom and independence of each 
one of the American republics. 

I ask you to consider for a moment the dan- 
gerous position in which the New World would 
be today had the good-neighbor policy not been 
initiated, and had it not been accepted by all 
the American countries as a basis for coopera- 
tion between them. 

In the broad sweep of history this progress in 
inter- American relations will be considered only 
a beginning. The great opportunity still lies 
ahead. In the future, as in the past, progress 
must be by patient and careful building, stage 
by stage. There must be imagination, even 
daring, in the methods employed to attain inter- 
American objectives, but in this, as in life gen- 
erally, progress comes from the careful applica- 
tion of good methods, whether to matters of the 
first magnitude or, what is perhaps quite as 
necessary, to the handling of everyday routine. 

The American republics have been bountifully 
endowed by nature with rich natural resources. 
The development of these resources under the 
sovereign jurisdiction of the governments of 
these nations, and for the benefit of their peo- 
ples, can have the effect of bringing happiness 



into the lives of many millions who now suffer 
from want. Such development will require re- 
sourcefulness and long, hard work. It is go- 
ing to require a wider possession and use of 
land, the expansion of food-production in order 
to feed adequately a growing population, the 
improvement of labor standards, the abolition 
of illiteracy through free public education, the 
extension of public-health facilities, the in- 
vestment of local and foreign capital in new 
types of local enterprise, and a willingness to 
change existing habits in order to provide new 
ways of living that mean a better existence for 
all elements of the population. 

It is my belief that through the extension of 
the same principles of international cooperation 
which have already given such productive re- 
sults, the American republics can make vast 
strides toward the attainment of the standard 
of living and of individual security of which 
their resources, material and human, are ca- 
pable. This is one of the great challenges of the 
post-war world to inter-American relations. 

I have every confidence that this challenge 
will be met and that the 21 republics of the 
Western World will become one of the first 
areas of the earth to advance measurably to a 
life of security from want and of opportunity 
for each individual to develop his particular 
talents to the benefit of society as a whole. 

Today 20 American republics and their neigh- 
bor, Canada, are joined together in the supreme 
objective of bringing about as rapidly as pos- 
sible the unconditional surrender of the enemies 
of all humanity. 

Wlien the common victory is won they will 
likewise join in the establishment of that just 
and lasting peace for which we all pray. 

They recognize, I believe, that the New World 
can never attain that measure of security and 
of well-being to which it aspires except in col- 
laboration with the other states and regions 
of the world. 

To this collaboration the American i-epublics 
have much to bring. They have the experience 
of their own achievement in international liv- 
ing. They have proven the correctness of their 
great ideal that cooperation among states, pre- 

mised upon the recognition of the equality of 
the sovereign rights of all nations, great or 
small, and guided by the principles which they 
have established, can work. 

It is my most cherished conviction that in the 
world of the future the freedom-loving democ- 
racies of the New World will in very truth guide 
the feet of all men into the paths of peace. 


[Released to the press April 12] 

Seiior Ernesto Castillero Reyes, director of 
the National Library of Panama, arrived in 
Washington April 10 for a three months' visit 
in the United States as a guest of the Depart- 
ment of State. 

The stimulation of book-circulation is of par- 
ticular interest to Senor Castillero and he ex- 
pects to study the outstanding library systems 
in the United States. 

[Released to the press April 12] 

Dr. Jean Price-Mars and M. Edouard Cassag- 
nol, distinguished cultural leaders from the Re- 
public of Haiti, arrived in the LTnited States 
April 11, at the invitation of the Department of 

Dr. Price-Mars will confer with American 
and French professors residing in this country 
on the possibility of organizing tours of literary 
and scientific lectures in Haiti, in accordance 
with the request of President Lescot. 

M. Cassagnol, a specialist on international law 
as applied to the Western Hemisphere, will de- 
liver lectures on this subject in law schools and 
colleges in the United States. 

[Released to the press April 14] 

Senor Enrique Lopez Albujar, Peruvian edi- 
tor and jurist, has arrived in Washington at the 
invitation of the Department of State. While 
in the United States, he will confer with repre- 
sentative figures in Government and literary 
circles and will make a tour of inspection of our 
penal institutions as well as leading universi- 
ties and libraries. 

Commercial Policy 

Statement by the Secretary of State Before the House Ways and Means Committee ''■ 

Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee: 

This is tlie third occasion on wliich the Con- 
gress undertakes a periodic review of the oper- 
ation of a great national policy, which has been 
carried forward for the past nine j'ears by co- 
operative action of the legislative and executive 
branches of the Government. In a profound 
sense, the present is the most momentous of these 

At the time when the policy was inaugurated 
in 1934, our country and all countries were suf- 
fering from the disastrous consequences of ex- 
cessive restrictions and obstructions to trade, 
commerce, and credit. The resulting intensive 
and destructive economic warfare caused a far- 
reaching disruption of world trade and was in 
large measure responsible for the collapse of 
domestic economies, including ours. Vigorous 
and determined action was needed to reverse the 
fatal trend toward ever-mounting obstructions. 
That action was undertaken through the adop- 
tion of the reciprocal-trade-agreements policy. 

It was clear to us that satisfactory economic 
recovery was impossible without a restoration 
and expansion of healthy foreign trade. It was 
clear that our foreign trade and international 
trade as a whole could be restored and could 
expand only through a reduction here and 
abroad of unreasonable and excessive trade 
barriers. It was equally clear that tlie most ad- 
vantageous method of accomplishing this was 
to negotiate with other countries mutually bene- 
ficial trade agreements based upon a reciprocal 
reduction of trade barriers. 

It was also clear from the beginning that a 
revival of world trade was an essential element 
in the maintenance of world peace. By this I 
do not mean, of course, that flourishing interna- 
tional commerce is of itself a guaranty of peace- 
ful international relations. But I do mean that 

'Apr. 12, 1943. 

without prosperous trade among nations any 
foundation for enduring peace becomes pre- 
carious and is ultimately destroyed. 

The reason for this is not far to seek. The 
political and social instability caused by eco- 
nomic distress is a fertile breeding ground of 
agitators and dictators, ready to plunge the peo- 
ples over whom they seize control into adven- 
ture and war. Economic warfare, which de- 
stroys trade and thus works havoc on produc- 
tion, employment, prices, values, and standards 
of life within nations, is always a powerful fac- 
tor of rivalry, dissension, and strife between 

All these explosive elements were present in 
the international situation at the time when we 
embarked on the trade-agreements program. 
Through the trade program our country made 
a determined effort to provide leadership in in- 
ternational cooperation and to point the way 
forward in the economic field. We attained a 
measure of success in spite of the colossal diffi- 
culties that stood in the way. Unfortunately, 
the momentum of deterioration in other fields 
of international relations was already so great 
that even the progress that was being made to- 
ward placing international economic relations 
on a sound basis was finally engulfed in the over- 
whelming catastrophe of a new World War. 

It is well for us to bear in mind these facts 
and considerations as we begin this periodic re- 
view of our trade-agreements policy. In them 
lie lessons for the future. To ignore them can 
only lead to recurrent and widespread disasters. 


The trade-agreements program was enacted 
nine years ago in exactly the form in which it 
has been twice renewed for three-year periods, 
and is now before the Congress for renewal for 
another period of three years. 




The original purpose of the act of 1934, as 
stated in its first section, was to expand foreign 
markets for the products of the United States, 
and so to create added employment and added 
income in this country. This was to be done by 
a process of negotiation and agreements, by 
which this country would obtain reductions in 
foreign restrictions against American products 
by granting similar reductions in American re- 
strictions against foreign products. The con- 
cessions were to be adjusted "in accordance with 
the characteristics and needs of various 
branches of American production". The act 
looked forward to increased trade in both di- 
rections, to the benefit of employment, income, 
and living standards both in this country and 

By the act of 1934 the President was author- 
ized by the Congress to enter into trade agree- 
ments with other countries and, through the 
proclaiming of such agreements, to grant to 
foreign countries reductions in our tariff rates 
in exchange for benefits extended to our trade 
by the other countries. It was specifically pro- 
vided that no duty could be reduced by more 
than 50 percent ; that no article could be trans- 
ferred between the dutiable and the free lists; 
that while tlie proclaimed duties would be ap- 
plicable to imports from all countries, their ap- 
plication could be suspended in the case of coun- 
tries which discriminate against American 
goods. It was likewise specifically provided 
that no agreement could be concluded for more 
than three years. Each agreement would there- 
after be subject to termination upon not more 
than six months' notice. Provision was made 
for full collaboration of the Tariff Commission 
and the Departments of Commerce, Agriculture, 
and State in the carrying out of the program. 
Finally, it was provided that reasonable public 
notice should be given of intention to negotiate 
an agreement and full opportunity be afforded 
for the presentation of views by any interested 

During the years that the act of 1934 has been 
in force we have concluded agreements under it 
with 27 countries. I shall not undertake to 
discuss the unquestionably impressive commer- 

cial results of these agreements carefully con- 
cluded under the safeguards prescribed by the 
Congress. These results attained under peace 
conditions were examined fully by your Com- 
mittee three years ago, and I assume will be 
examined again in these hearings. My asso- 
ciates will be glad to furnish you any data which 
you may desire to have for that purpose. 

Important as was the trade-agi-eements pro- 
gram in the past, important as it has been and 
will be from a broader point of view, it will be 
more significant than ever, from the viewpoint 
of our own material interest, when the present 
fighting stops. Wlien that haj^pens almost 
every metal-making plant in the United States 
and many other factories and mines and farms 
will be faced with the termination of war or- 
ders and will be looking urgently for markets 
for their peacetime products. Foreign markets 
will be very important to us then and will con- 
tinue to be essential as far as anyone can see 
ahead. It will be well to have in being and in 
working order a tested and tried instrument for 
obtaining the reduction of foreign-trade bar- 
riers and the elimination of discriminations 
against our products. 

It will be well, too, to carry on the process of 
negotiated reduction of trade barriers wherever 
clearly feasible even during the war years, as 
we have already found it possible to do in some 
instances with appropriate safeguards against 
unforeseeable contingencies. In this way our 
producers will find it possible to develop their 
foreign business as smoothly and rapidly as pos- 
sible when the war ends. To negotiate effec- 
tively to either of these ends this country will 
need the kind of authority the Trade Agree- 
ments Act provides. The extension of that 
authority, and the intelligent and careful use 
of it, are the best available insurance against 
new and old discriminations and restrictions on 
the foreign markets open to American enter- 
prise and American products. 

The trade-agreements program is not only a 
thoroughly tested instrmnent but also a flexible 
one. Plainly, after the war all manner of con- 
ditions will need to be taken into account, aris- 
ing out of new forms of trade, changed values 

APRIL 17, 194 3 


of currency, and shifting currents of commerce. 
The flexibility of operation which the Trade 
Agreements Act makes possible will enable us 
to adjust our commercial policy to the actual 
conditions of our post-war economic situation 
in all its branches. 


Of the 27 countries with which we have con- 
cluded trade agreements, only tragic Finland is 
at war today with any of our allies, and even 
she is not at war with us. Of the others, 16 are 
now by our side, at war with our enemies. They 
are Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Costa Rica, Cuba, 
Czechoslovakia, El Salvador, France, Great 
Britain, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Luxem- 
bourg, Mexico, the Netherlands, and Nicaragua. 
Six of the remaining 10 have broken off rela- 
tions with the Axis coimtries and are cooperat- 
ing on our side in many ways. These 6 are 
Colombia, Ecuador, Iran, Peru, Uruguay, and 
Venezuela. The remaining 4 are neutral 
(Argentina, Sweden, Switzerland, and Tur- 
key), and one of these, Switzerland, has under- 
taken the heavy duty of representing American 
interests, including the interests of American 
prisoners of war, in the places which our 
enemies control. 

The nations which entered into trade agree- 
ments did so because they were peace-loving 
nations, seeking peaceful relations in all re- 
spects, economic and political. It is no acci- 
dent, therefore, that in the searching test to 
which individuals and nations are being sub- 
jected in this war, those nations which have 
entered into a cooperative economic relationship 
with us through the conclusion of trade agi-ee- 
ments are on the side of opposing rather than 
aiding the forces of aggression. 

As we look into the future, it is this theme 
of international cooperation that should be up- 
permost in our minds if we really want to make 
sure that another world conflict is not to be 
ahead of us after we win this war. 

Wlien the day of victory comes, we and other 
nations will have before us a choice of courses 
to follow. Basically, that choice will be, as it 

was in 1918, between, on the one hand, extreme 
nationalism, gi-owing rivalries, jealousies, and 
hatreds, with the ultimate certainty of another 
and even more devastating war; and. on the 
other hand, increased international cooperation 
in a wide variety of fields, and at least the hope 
of secure peace for our children. 

No one can give a promise that secure peace 
will really prevail. It is much harder to make 
the peace secure than it is to wage successful 
war. Many wars have been fought and won, 
by many nations, but not yet has any nation 
made its peace secure and enduring. No one 
nation, no two nations can do this. For war 
is an international affair; in a world of many 
nations its prevention requires international col- 
laboi-ation. In the new world of the airplane 
all nations are the near neighbors of all others. 
In such a world any one strong industrial coun- 
try has power to plunge the world into war 
with devastatmg suddenness and violence. To 
keep the peace secure will require the resolute 
and continuous collaboration of all law-abiding 
nations. It is a hard way and a long way, but 
it is the only hopeful way there is to prevent 

Of the various necessary fields of interna- 
tional collaboration one of the most essential 
is the field of economic life. The goods and 
services by means of which men live must be 
abundant, and they must be well distributed. 
If the material basis of civilization fails, we 
must not anticipate that human beings will be 
civilized or peaceful. Solid and lasting friend- 
ships between large groups of people require 
mutual willingness to cooperate in the funda- 
mental business of earning a living. That is 
why it is so essential, in the words of the At- 
lantic Charter, "to bring about the fullest col- 
laboration between all nations in the economic 
field with the object of securing, for all, im- 
proved labor standards, economic advancement, 
and social security". This objective, and the 
balance of the Charter, have now been endorsed 
by all the United Nations. That action was 
taken by the hard-headed and realistic men 
who guide these Governments, not by reason 
of humane sentiments alone but because they 



recognize that the only way to attain these ends 
is through cooperative action. 

Stable peace and economic warfare will not 
mix. We know that now from bitter experi- 
ence. Just as we must work together to set 
up and operate the necessary machinery to 
maintain peace, we must work together to make 
the years of peace fruitful for ourselves and 
for others. 

One of the most essential subjects of interna- 
tional cooperation in the years that lie ahead is 
this very one of trade and the various trade re- 
strictions to which the act refers. ^Vliat hap- 
pens to international commerce has an intimate 
etfect on many of the things that lie closest to 
the minds of the people of every country. The 
price of crops, the chance of paying off the mort- 
gage, or of getting or holding a job, the supply 
and price of common articles on merchants' 
shelves — these are the things that foreign trade 
aifects in every country. If both reason and 
experience teach anything, they teach the neces- 
sity for more trade between nations. 

It has long since become axiomatic that inter- 
national trade cannot be a one-way affair. The 
problems which it presents can, therefore, be 
dealt with wisely only by international coopera- 
tion of governments and of peoples. 

Nations have various ways of managing the 
production and exchange of goods and services. 
In this country we prefer that our combined 
domestic and international economy rest pri- 
marily on a system of free enterprise. The 
trade-agreements program is designed to pro- 
mote this end. 

International trade is regulated and is nec- 
essarily affected by the tariffs, regulations, and 
economic institutions of the various countries. 
What the trade-agreements program proposes 
is that this complex system of trade-regulation, 
both our own and that of others, shall be admin- 
istered and guided, as far as our influence ex- 
tends, not in the direction of regimentation and 
scarcity but in the direction of increased pro- 
duction, better distribution, and more abundant 

That is neither Republican nor Democratic 
doctrine. It is American doctrine, and the 

greater the extent to which we can get it ac- 
cepted by other nations, the better will be the 
prospect for our own future prosperity and 
peace. I am confident that the more the sub- 
ject is discussed the more clearly these facts will 
be seen by all of us and the more nearly unani- 
mous we shall be in our support not only of the 
measure now before us but of all measures that 
make possible, in our own hard-headed self- 
interest, fuller international cooperation against 
the common scourges of poverty, social and po- 
litical instability, and war, and for greater 
abundance, social and political stability, and 
secure peace. 


The foundations of international cooperation 
must be laid now, and they must be built out 
of mutual confidence, mutual respect, and com- 
mon interest. Today we are engaged in the 
greatest cooperative enterprise in history. In 
this struggle for human freedom, 31 United 
Nations, large and small, are banded together 
in a brotherhood of self-preservation and 12 
other nations are associated with them. While 
bending their utmost energy to the attainment 
of complete military victory and enduring the 
immense sacrifices which the war imposes upon 
them, these nations are meantime laying plans 
for the future. 

All these hope-inspiring plans for interna- 
tional cooperation will come to nothing more 
than pious expressions unless there is confidence 
that the countries which participate in them 
are determined to have ready for immediate 
use, whenever needed, the necessary instruments 
of effective action. So far as our nation is 
concerned, the continued existence of the trade- 
agreements machinery is the most important of 
these instruments. It is the central and indis- 
pensable point in any feasible program of in- 
ternational cooperation. The only alternative 
is for nations to travel the same extremely nar- 
row economic road that was traveled so disas- 
trously during the years following the last war. 

The many peoples who look toward this coun- 
try with hope are watching our action on this 
act with profound interest. Wliat we do about 

APRIL n, 1943 


it will be looked upon as a signpost pointing to 
the path they can expect us to follow. Repudi- 
ation of the trade-agreements pi'ogram, or the 
curtailment of it in scope or time by amend- 
ment, would be taken as a clear indication that 
this country which in war is bearing its full 
share of responsibility will not do so in peace. 
This might well weaken the ties which hold 
together the group of nations with which we 
are so vitally associated in the prosecution of 
the war. Extension of the program without 
change will mean not only that we understand 
the kind of commercial relationships which, 
from a purely business point of view, lead to 
our mutual well-being but that we I'ecognize the 
deeper implications of our great strength and 
commensurate responsibility for good or ill in 
the world. 

Strong non-partisan support of this non-par- 
tisan legislation would have a most heartening 
effect on people here and everywhere who look 
forward with profound hope to a world rich in 
economic and spiritual opportunities for all. 

Address by Charles Bunn 

Mr. Charles Bunn, Consultant to the Division 
of Commercial Policy and Agreements, Depart- 
ment of State, delivered an address on April 13, 
1943 before the Baltimore League of AVomen 
Voters, Baltimore, Md. The address, entitled 
"Why Trade Agreements Now?" was issued 
as a Department press release on April 12, 
1943 (no. 142). 

The Foreign Service 


On April 14, 1943 the Senate confirmed the 
nomination of Jolm K. Caldwell, now on duty 
in the Department of State, to act as Minister 
Resident and Consul General of the United 
States of America to Ethiopia. 

International Conferences, 
Commissions, Etc. 


[Released to the press April 12] 

The United States and British Governments 
have set the date of April 19, 1943 for the open- 
ing of the meeting of representatives of the two 
Governments at Bermuda to consider the ref- 
ugee problem. 

The United States delegation will consist 

The Honorable Harold Willis Dodds, President of 

Princeton University 
The Honorable Scott Lucas, President pro tern of the 

United States Senate and United States Senator 

from Illinois 
The Honorable Sol Bloom of New York, Chairman of 

the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of 

Mr. R. Borden Reams, American Foreign Service officer ; 


Dr. Dodds will head the delegation, which 
will be accompanied by a number of technical 


Agriculture Department Appropriation Bill for 1944 : 
Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee 
on Appropriations, House of Representatives, 78th 
Cong., 1st sess. [Office of Foreign Agricultural Rela- 
tions, pp. 194-223.] 1802 pp. 

Trade-Marks: Hearings before the Committee on Pat- 
ents, House of Representatives, 78th Cong., 1st sess., 
on H. R. 82, a bill to provide for the registration and 
protection of trade-marks used in commerce, to carry 
out the provisions of certain international conven- 
tions, and for other purposes. April 7 and 8, 1943. 
52 pp. 




Department of State 

Exchange of Lands In Haiti : Agreement Between the 
United States of America and Haiti — Signed Octo- 
ber 19, 1942. Execntive Agreement Series 283. Pub- 
lication 1885. 3 pp., map. 50. 

Diplomatic List. April 1943. Publication 1912. ii, 106 
pp. Subscription, $1 a year ; single copy, 100. 

Military Service : Agreement Between the United States 
of America and Belgium — Effected by exchanges of 
notes signed at Washington March 31, July 31, and 

October 10 and 16, 1942; effective August 4, 1942. 
Executive Agreement Series 304. Publication 1915. 
8 pp. 50. 

Other Agencies 

Annual Report of the American Historical Association 
for the Year 1936 (in three volumes). Volume III: 
Instructions to the British Ministers to the United 
States, 1791-1812. 1941. H. Doc. 13, vol. 3, 75th 
Cong, xvi, 403 pp. 

Copyright Protection in the Americas Under National 
Legislation and Inter-American Treaties. (Pan 
American Union.) Law and Treaty Series No. 16. 
April 1943. 89 pp. niimeo. 50(^ from Pan American 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 
Price, 10 cents - - - - Subscription price, $2.75 a year 





APRIL 24, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 200— Publication 1929 



The War Page 
Japanese Trial and Execution of American Aviators: 

Statement by the President 337 

United States Communication of April 12, 1943 to the 

Japanese Govei-nment 337 

Raw Materials — War and Post-War: Address by 

Herbert Feis 339 

Greek Relief 347 

Award of the Medal for Merit 348 

American Republics 

Address by the President at Monterrey, Mexico . . . 348 

Visit to the United States of the President of Bolivia . 350 

Distinguished Visitors From Ecuador and Uruguay . . 350 

Commercial Policy 

Extension of the Trade Agreements Act 350 


Visit to the United States of the Governor General of 

Canada 350 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

Bermuda Meeting on the Refugee Problem: Address by 

the Chau'inan of the American Delegation .... 351 
United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture . 353 


MAY 18 1943 


Treaty Information Page 
Agriculture : 

Development of Foodstuffs Production in Brazil . . 353 

Cooperative Rubber Investigations in Costa Rica . . 353 
Health: Health and Sanitation Agreement With 

Venezuela 354 

MiUtary Missions: Agreement With El Salvador . . . 354 

Amity: Treaty Between China and Iraq 355 

Strategic Materials: Agreement Regarding the 1943 

Cuban Sugar Crop 355 

Publications 356 

Legislation 356 

The War 


Statement by the President 

[Released to the press by the White House April 21] 

It is with a feeling of deepest horror, which 
I know will be shared by all civilized peoples, 
that I have to announce the barbarous execution 
by the Japanese Government of some of the 
members of this country's armed forces who 
fell into Japanese hands as an incident of 

The press has just carried the details of the 
American bombing of Japan a year ago. The 
crews of two of the American bombers were 
captured by the Japanese. On October 19, 
1942 this Government learned from Japanese 
radio broadcasts of the capture, trial, and se- 
vere punishment of those Americans. Con- 
tinued endeavor was made to obtain confirma- 
tion of those reports from Tokj'o. It was not 
until March 12, 1943 that the American Govern- 
ment received the communication given by the 
Japanese Government stating that these Ameri- 
cans had in fact been tried and that the death 
penalty had been pronounced against them. It 

was further stated that the death penalty was 
commuted for some but that the sentence of 
death had been applied to others. 

This Government has vigorously condemned 
this act of barbarity in a formal communica- 
tion sent to the Japanese Government. In 
that communication this Government has in- 
formed the Japanese Government that the 
American Government will hold personally 
and officially responsible for these diabolical 
crimes all of those officers of the Japanese Gov- 
ernment who have participated therein and 
will in due course bring those officei-s to justice. 

This recourse by our enemies to frightfulness 
is barbarous. The effort of the Japanese war- 
lords thus to intimidate us will utterly fail. 
It will make the American people more de- 
termined than ever to blot out the shameless 
militarism of Japan. 

I have instructed the Department of State 
to make public the text of our communication to 
the Japanese Government. 

United States Communication of April 12, 1943 to the Japanese Government 

[Released to the press April 21] 

The Government of the United States has 
received the reply of the Japanese Government 
conveyed under date of February 17, 1943, to 
the Swiss Minister at Tokyo to the inquiry made 
by the Minister on behalf of the Government of 
the United States concerning the correctness of 
reports broadcast by Japanese radio stations 
that the Japanese authorities intended to try 

before military tribunals American prisoners of 
war, for military operations, and to impose 
upon them severe penalties including even the 
death penalty. 

The Japanese Government states that it has 
tried the members of the crews of American 
planes who fell into Japanese hands after the 
raid on Japan on April 18 last, that they were 
sentenced to death and that, following commu- 




tation of the sentence for the larger number of 
them, the sentence of death was applied to 
certahi of the accused. 

The Government of the United States has 
subsequently been informed of the refusal of 
the Japanese Government to treat the remain- 
ing American aviators as prisoners of war, to 
divulge their names, to state the sentences im- 
posed upon them or to permit visits to them by 
the Swiss Minister as representative of the pro- 
tecting Power for American interests. 

The Japanese Government alleges that it has 
subjected the American aviators to this treat- 
ment because they intentionally bombed non- 
military installations and deliberately fired on 
civilians, and that the aviators admitted these 

The Government of the United States in- 
forms the Japanese Government that instruc- 
tions to American armed forces have always 
ordered those forces to direct their attacks upon 
military objectives. The American forces par- 
ticipating in the attack on Japan had such in- 
structions and it is known that they did not de- 
viate therefrom. The Government of the 
United States brands as false the charge that 
American aviators intentionally have attacked 
non-combatants anywhere. 

AVith regard to the allegation of the Japanese 
Government that the American aviators admit- 
ted the acts of which the Japanese Government 
accuses them, there are numerous known in- 
stances in which Japanese official agencies have 
employed brutal and bestial methods in extort- 
ing alleged confessions from persons in their 
power. It is customary for those agencies to use 
statenients obtained under torture, or alleged 
statements, in proceedings against the victims. 

If the admissions alleged by the Japanese 
Government to have been made by the Amer- 
ican aviators were in fact made, they could 
only have been extorted fabrications. 

Moreover, the Japanese Government entered 
into a solemn obligation by agreement with the 
Government of the United States to observe the 
terms of the Geneva Prisoners of War Conven- 
tion. Article 1 of that Convention provides 
for treatment as prisoners of war of members 

of armies and of persons captured in the course 
of military operations at sea or in the air. Ar- 
ticle 60 provides that upon the opening of a 
judicial proceeding directed against a prisoner 
of war, the representative of the protecting 
Power shall be given notice thereof at least 
three weeks prior to the trial and of the names 
and charges against the prisoners who are to 
be tried. Article 61 provides that no prisoner 
may be obliged to admit himself guilty of the 
act of which he is accused. Article 62 provides 
that the accused shall have the assistance of 
qualified counsel of his choice and that a rep- 
resentative of the protecting Power shall be 
permitted to attend the trial. Article 65 pro- 
vides that sentence pronounced against the pris- 
oners shall be communicated to the protecting 
Power immediately. Article 66 provides, in 
the event that the death penalty is pronounced, 
that the details as to the nature and circum- 
stances of the offense shall be communicated 
to the protecting Power, for transmission to the 
Power in whose forces the prisoner served, and 
that the sentence shall not be executed before 
the expiration of a period of at least three 
months after such communication. The Jap- 
anese Government has not complied with any of 
these provisions of the Convention in its treat- 
ment of the captured American aviators. 

The Government of the United States calls 
again upon the Japanese Government to carry 
cut its agreement to observe the provisions of 
the Convention by communicating to the Swiss 
Minister at Tokyo the charges and sentences 
imposed upon the American aviators, by per- 
mitting the Swiss representatives to visit those 
now held in prison, by restoring to those avia- 
tors the full rights to which they are entitled 
under the Prisoners of War Convention, and by 
informing the Minister of the names and dispo- 
sition or place of burial of the bodies of any of 
the aviators against whom sentence of death has 
been carried out. 

If, as would appear from its communication 
under reference, the Japanese Government has 
descended to such acts of barbarity and mani- 
festations of depravity as to murder in cold 
blood uniformed members of the American 

APRIL 24, 1943 

armed forces made prisoners as an incident of 
•warfare, the American Government will hold 
personally and officially responsible for those 
deliberate crimes all of those officers of the Jap- 
anese Government who have participated in 
their commitment and will in due course bring 
those officers to justice. 

The American Government also solemnly 
warns the Japanese Government that for any 
other violations of its undertakings as regards 


American prisoners of war or for any other 
acts of criminal barbarity inflicted upon Ameri- 
can prisoners in violation of the rules of war- 
fare accepted and practiced by civilized nations 
as military operations now in progress draw to 
their inexorable and inevitable conclusion, the 
American Government will visit upon the offi- 
cers of the Japanese Government responsible 
for such uncivilized and inhumane acts the 
punishment they deserve. 

Address by Herbert Feis^ 

[Released to tbe presa April 19} 

The winds that blow over the surface of the 
earth emerge, according to ancient fable, from 
four large caves in which they dwell when not 
abroad. The winds of thought that sweep the 
human mind have similar ways. They — mod- 
ern fable informs us — emerge from caverns of 
the human soul, those several realms which 
make up our nature. Without claiming author- 
ity on the subject, I choose, for tonight, to iden- 
tify these realms as three in number, and their 
names — the realm of nightmare, the realm of 
wishful fantasy (which for simplicity's sake 
might be known as the realm of fancy), and the 
realm of reality. You will recognize that the 
realm of nightmare and the realm of wishful 
fantasy are but parts of the larger kingdom of 

The impression prevails that during our wak- 
ing hours our thoughts steadily dwell in the 
realm of reality and are concerned only with 
its affairs. But that is not so. Thoughts 
emerging from their several realms are skilled 
in disguising their origins and associate with 
each other in free and easy disorder. It is par- 
ticularly difficult for any thought to live con- 
tinuously in the realm of reality and to keep 

' Delivered before the Chicago Council on Foreign 

Relations, Chicago, lU., Apr. 19, 1943. Mr. Feis is 

Adviser on International Economic Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State. 

company only with other thoughts that belong 
in the same realm. As soon as attention is re- 
laxed the children of nightmare and fancy slip 
in, and even those thoughts that have spent long 
years in the classrooms of reality are prone to 
dance off with the others in a spirited Virginia 
Reel — a dance in which our fears and forebod- 
ings and our desires give the lead. 

Fear is the parent of the nightmare brood, and 
her armies are numerous and insistently active. 
They are lightning swift in movement, and 
given to stampeding, then enlisting all other 
thoughts. They then all wear the uniform of 
our fears. 

The garments worn by the children of pleasant 
fantasy are lovely and their voices are consoling. 
The doors of the mind are always open to them. 
For the costume of reality is often plain and 
wrinkled and badly tailored to our individual 
lives, and only the stubborn and the disciplined 
can wear it with satisfaction. This is particu- 
larly true of the young, whose thoughts, like 
debutantes, need greatly to see beauty in the 

The aids at hand in properly locating our 
thoughts, for determining from what realms 
they have emerged and where they dwell, are 
few and defective compared with those that 
help to locate us bodily. For that purpose we 
have compasses simple to read, instruments on 
ship and plane that would inform us by a quick 
glance at the dial that we were in the heart of 
the city of Chicago. But where are the instru- 



merits that miglit tell us when we are in the 
heart of darkness? Where the devices, like 
those that signal the presence of nearby objects 
by measuring changing temperatures or the 
rate of rebound of sound waves, to warn us that 
our thoughts are close to the treacherous pit of 
nightmare or soaring miles above the earth ? 

We have only our experience and memory to 
guide us, and the tales and axioms of wise men. 
We have to get along as best we can with a 
pocket edition of Plato and a confused under- 
standing of Freud. Such alone is the character 
of the aids we possess to identify the realms 
out of which our thoughts do stream. Is it to 
be wondered then that the task of locating 
thought about any difficult international ques- 
tion properly, as between the several realms, 
is so difficult? 


There are, alas, only too many illustrative 
proofs of that fact in recent American history. 

Kecall first a few clear instances in which 
thoughts from the nightmare realm were ac- 
cepted as belonging to reality. How often in 
the whole past 10 years, when under the au- 
thority of the Trade Agreements Act a tariff 
duty was reduced, the belief spread that the 
consequence would be the destruction of an in- 
dustry. Wlien, for example, the duty on man- 
ganese was cut in the trade agreement with 
Brazil, the representatives of the regions pos- 
sessing uncertain and relatively high-cost 
deposits declared we were sacrificing the safety 
of the United States; and producers in Cuba 
were convinced that they would find it no 
longer possible to operate. Events proved that 
their judgments were in the realm of night- 
mare. Or again, when a small quantity of 
cattle were permitted entry into the United 
States at reduced tariff rate as a consequence of 
the trade agreement with Canada, the whole 
cattle-raising West seemed genuinely to think 
their prospects permanently destroyed. The 
event proved quite otherwise. 

Thoughts of the same kind, more broadly dif- 
fused among the people, attended the enactment 
of the various financial and social reforms of 

1933-1934. In fact, so strong were these chil- 
dren of fear then that it is doubtful that needed 
reforms could have been effected if the condi- 
tion of the country had not been so miserable. 
A nightmare warning was sounded among us 
that "grass would grow upon the streets". 

To proceed to current instance: The night- 
mare thought is abroad that American economic 
life is destined to be permanently stagnant and 
that all established arrangements for the pro- 
duction and distribution of goods are damaged 
beyond repair. It leaves in its train the night- 
mare conclusion either tliat permanent depres- 
sion and disorder are our destined lot or that we 
shall be forced to make great and undesired 
changes in our economic institutions. This 
thought, I believe, will prove of the nightmare 
variety. We shall undoubtedly find it wise con- 
stantly to make many gradual changes and re- 
adjustments; but these should enable us to im- 
prove our condition, not bring ruin upon us. 

Human beings are most likely to yield to a 
nightmare version of reality when — as at pres- 
ent — they are faced with the prospect of unpre- 
dictable change. It is all the more imperative, 
then, that we stand guard against that mistake. 
If too often the guardians of the night are sum- 
moned to deal with wolves that turn out to be 
sheep, ultimately the night is left without 

None of us have sympathy, in retrospect, for 
mistakes of this type. It is far easier to be 
sympathetic with the contrasting error, when 
the children of pleasant fantasy are mistaken 
for reality. But the consequences may be no 
less serious. Memory will quickly illustrate 
that fact. 

You will recall the Kellogg pact for the re- 
nunciation of war in the first article of which 
the governments of the world solemnly declared 
"in the names of their respective peoples that 
they condemn recourse to war for the solution 
of international controversies, and renounce it 
as an instrument of national policy in relations 
with one another". 

The error lay not in the act of negotiating 
this agreement but in the belief that by so do- 
inc we had done all that was necessary or fea- 

APRIL 24, 1943 


sible to try to safeguard peace. Tlie thought was 
that if governments gave combined affirmation 
in this form of their moral and peaceful inten- 
tions, the conduct of all would be in conformity 
with their vow. It was not desired to mar this 
pleasant fantasy by taking heed of tlie hints 
that remembered reality gave, by facing the evi- 
dent fact that if one or two powerful nations 
follow a determined warlike course, other na- 
tions will be faced with a choice between check- 
ing them early or late. Fancy prompted the 
belief that all nations by declaring their will for 
peace would become peaceful, and that the dan- 
gers and difficulties of maintaining an interna- 
tional political system, with its burdens and 
confining effect, could be avoided. As Secre- 
tary of State Kellogg explained at the time to 
the French Government: 

"The ideal which inspires the effort so sin- 
cerely and so hopefully put forward by your 
Government and mine is arresting and appeal- 
ing just because of its purity and simplicity; 
and I cannot avoid the feeling that if Govern- 
ments should publicly acknowledge that they 
can only deal with this ideal in a technical 
spirit and must insist upon the adoption of res- 
ervations imjiairing, if not uttei-ly destroying 
the true significance of their common endeavors, 
they would be in effect only recording their 
impotence, to the keen disappointment of man- 
kind in general." 

The prompting desire is not to be mocked at. 
Ultimately international peace will only be 
established when and as all nations are willing 
to subject themselves to the moral laws of peace 
and, subduing their combative impulses, abstain 
from taking advantage of each other's weak- 
nesses, put hate aside, and lessen the injustices 
that provoke to strife. No machinery of inter- 
national organization will ultimately succeed 
unless mankind progi-esses toward such behav- 
ior. Disappointment in the past effectiveness of 
the moral law must not lead to the conclusion 
that political mechanism, in itself, can be a sub- 
stitute ; such an error would lead to disappoint- 
ment no less grievous. But our lifetime experi- 
ence illustrates the necessity for establishing 

arrangements wherein those nations which wish 
to live by the moral law combine to support and 
strengthen it, and to render each other positive 
assistance that makes this course easier to pur- 
sue, and to check attempts to prevail by force. 

The judgment that found expression in the 
Kellogg pact persisted in the minds of many 
until the Japs struck at Pearl Harbor. There 
were millions among us who did not recognize 
the real nature of the regime of Germany, Italy, 
and Japan, the terrible meaning and conse- 
quence of their devotion to military matters, 
and their calculating and unrestrained readiness 
to resort to force whenever their harsh will 
might be opposed. Fancy proffered another 
and more consoling version of events. The gar- 
ments of the thoughts of reality were indeed in 
this instance unattractive and wrinkled. Those 
who are wearing them on the grim battlefield 
are now endowing them for all of us with a 
sorrowful beauty. 

These instances illustrate how difficult it is 
and how essential it is to know in which realm 
one's thoughts dwell. The truly useful thought 
we must conclude is one that, preserving inti- 
mate contact with the realms of fear and 
fantasy, survives and becomes effective in the 
realms of reality. A remembrance of fear 
gives it the necessary element of prudence, and 
the spur of pleasant fantasy gives it creative 
hope and inspiration. 


To identify the mistakes of the past is rela- 
tively easy. To identify the wisdom of the 
future is far more difficult. I summon courage, 
therefore, as I turn to a problem of future 
consequence : that of the availability and dis- 
tribution of raw materials among the nations. 
How are we to distinguish those strains of cur- 
rent thought that will serve the future well, 
from those that will prove only wayward 
children of nightmare or of fancy? 

The question before the United States in this 
field is so to shape policy that our national 
interests will be safeguarded, while at the same 
time contributing to the creation of interna- 
tional conditions equitable and beneficial to all 



nations. We must seek to be assured that ade- 
quate supplies of raw materials are available 
at all times, tranquil or disturbed, on fair 
terms and without the necessity of having to 
make unjust concessions to obtain them. Every 
other country will have this same general aim. 
We failed, in the years preceding our entry 
into the war, sufficiently to appreciate the need 
of assuring ourselves of raw-material reserves. 
Financial appropriations available for the ac- 
cumulation of reserve stockpiles of raw mate- 
rials up to the time of the fall of France were 
trivial. The consequences have been costly. It 
is now necessary to use. under conditions of 
danger and loss, many ships to carry the sup- 
plies needed for war production and to devote 
ill-spared naval vessels to protect these ships. 
We have been forced to most sparing use even 
for war purposes of many materials. We have 
been compelled to devote much labor and large 
quantities of material to the construction of 
plants for the manufacture of substitutes — 
particularly for the manufacture of synthetic 

This error of past judgment has led some to 
conclude that in the future we must necessarily 
pursue the extreme opposite course. The argu- 
ment is being advanced by some that thence- 
forward we should become and remain wholly 
self-sufficient, no matter what the cost or the 
effect on the economic condition of other na- 
tions, that we should strive to the utmost to 
produce within our own borders all the raw 
materials we may need at any time, and assure 
ourselves control of external sources of those 
few raw materials in which even science could 
not make us self-sufficient. Should the future 
world turn out to be one in which force counts, 
in which nations live in wrathful separation, 
and trade is strictly controlled, we should be 
compelled to follow such a course. But if the 
nations give determined expression to present 
views, and the controlling authority of the 
world rests in the hands of peaceful nations 
solidly joined together to maintain the peace 
and facilitate trade, then surely the pursuit of 
a policy of self-sufficiency could be allocated 

to the nightmare realm and kept under strict 

Prudence will require, until nations have 
shown that they can live together in prolonged 
peace and trust, that we maintain such organi- 
zations and establishments as might be essential 
in some unanticipated crisis, and the permanent 
maintenance of reserves of those few critical 
materials upon the supply of which we could 
not count with certainty. Of these, perhaps 
petroleum is the most important, for our own 
domestic reserves are being heavily depleted by 
the war demands of the United Nations. How- 
ever, as far as is consistent with the demands 
of prudence, considerations of production cost 
and economic benefit should control in the mak- 
ing of our decisions and supplies should be 
drawn from cheaper and better outside sources 
in preference to more expensive and less satis- 
factory domestic sources. 

As we shall ask other nations fairly to rec- 
ognize our needs, we must be ready to recognize 
theirs. In the past this country has ordinarily 
done so. The raw materials at our command 
have been freely available to all. So conscious 
were we of this obligation that we forebore to 
interrupt wholly supplies to Japan for long 
months after its hostile intentions became clear; 
this was not appeasement: it was recognition 
of the gravity of departing from our ordinary 


Many suggestions are being advanced which 
contemplate international action, of one sort 
or another, as regards the supply, control, or 
distribution of raw materials among the na- 
tions. They differ greatly in purpose and 

Several of the more likely stem from a desire 
to give effect to article 4 of the Atlantic Charter, 
which reads : 

"They will endeavor, with due respect for 
their existing obligations, to further the enjoy- 
ment by all States, great or small, victor or 
vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the 
trade and to the raw materials of the world 
which are needed for their economic prosperity." 

APRIL 24, 1943 


The full interpretation of this statement of 
joint purpose may be long debated. Its most 
evident meaning, however, would appear to re- 
quire that countries should accept a mutual ob- 
ligation to make possible the acquisition by all 
of raw materials through trade on terms that 
are equal and favorable to economic develop- 
ment. Presumably this obligation would in- 
clude synthetic raw materials as well as natural 

Wliat undertakings might governments be 
required to give one another to translate this 
principle into formal international agreement? 

Fii'st: Pledge to refrain from exercising un- 
fair monopoly restraints, eitlier individually or 
in combination, over the production and export 
of raw materials. Since there are very few 
commodities over the main supply of which any 
one country could with continued effectiveness 
exercise such monopoly control, the question 
resolves itself practically into a matter of the 
combined action of several governments. Such, 
for example, are the arrangements that have 
existed for the regulation and for the produc- 
tion or export of tin, rubber, sugar, and coffee. 

Agreements which lead to the exercise of con- 
trol over the adjustment of supply to demand 
are not necessarily injurious; in fact, properly 
conceived and directed, they may in some in- 
stances have satisfactory results. It will be es- 
sential to assure that any such agreements 
should not be directed by narrow monopoly 
aims for monopoly gains; they would have to be 
so devised and operated as to assure ample sup- 
ply on equal and favorable terms — which means 
fiill opportunity for efficient low-cost producers. 
The establishment of genuine international 
management of such agreements is necessary to 
guard against the possibility of misuse. 

Second : An undertaking on the part of gov- 
ernments as regards the nature and limits of the 
taxes or restrictions that each could impose upon 
the export of raw materials produced within 
their territories. It is not to be expected that 
all governments will agree to abstain completely 
from imposing such taxes or restrictions; nor 
would that be necessary to give substantial ful- 
filment to the purpose in mind. That would be 

523452—43 2 

served if countries would join in the acceptance 
of a general obligation to keep such taxes mod- 
erate in character and to employ them only when 
thoroughly justified by budgetary or other 
needs — experience alone will prove whether it 
is possible to draw together all, or almost all, 
countries in any one single agreement of this 
type. Alternatively, the same result might be 
attained by a series of agreements between par- 
ticular countries the terms and benefits of which 
are extended to all others willing to grant, in 
turn, equivalent opportunities. Such agree- 
ments, whether universal or particular, should 
specify that the fees and restrictions on export 
that might be maintained by any participating 
country should be non-discriminatory, that is, 
apply equally as regards exports to all other 
countries that follow the same practice. 

The present comprehensive restrictions over 
exports now existing in every country must be 
greatly reduced. The prospect is that most raw 
materials will be in ample supply; and there- 
fore, given a prospect of sustained peace, there 
will be little incentive after the first short pe- 
riod of emergency adjustment to retain them. 
The process of elimination of present restric- 
tions will necessarily be somewhat gradual. It 
might well be expedited by particular agree- 
ments between particular countries, the terms of 
which were extended to all. In this matter also, 
it should prove feasible to contrive agreements 
whereby each country would obligate itself to 
apply equally as between all other foreign 
countries any measures of restriction it re- 

Whether or not formal international agree- 
ments designed to effect the purposes set forth 
in article 4 of the Atlantic Charter are nego- 
tiated, the economic significance to any country 
of having equal access to the raw materials will 
depend upon the measure of opportunity it finds 
to sell its own products abroad. The ability of 
any country to purchase raw materials from 
others is limited by its ability to pay. For most 
countries the proceeds of its own exports are the 
chief means of acquiring the means of payment. 
Broadly speaking, this is true no matter what 
the variety of methods for conducting trade 



that may be employed in the future. Thus if 
the main raw-material-producing countries 
maintain severe restrictions on imports and 
thereby limit excessively the opportunities of 
otliers to sell in their markets, the right of free- 
dom of access would lose economic significance. 
A country that pursues a policy of self-suffi- 
ciency to a heedless and needless extreme adds 
to the difficulties of others in securing raw 

Even though trade restrictions should univer- 
sally be moderate, there will always remain dif- 
ferences in the basic economic terms on which 
different countries can acquire raw materials. 
Countries that possess rich and varied natural 
resources, abundant capital and industry, and 
are apt and effective in their production meth- 
ods will find it easier to buy and pay for raw 
materials than countries that lack these advan- 
tages. The people of poorer countries will have 
to pay a greater cost, in terms of human effort, 
than those of wealthy countries. In order to 
obtain a gallon of gasoline, for example, the 
Chinese coolie will pay moi'e in terms of hours 
of labor than the American worker ; the native 
of India will have to work harder and loneer 
to possess the wheat for a loaf of bread than the 

Through well-ordered and patient interna- 
tional cooperation much can be achieved in the 
future to increase the productivity and the pur- 
chasing power of the people of poorer lands. 
Capital can be made available on conditions 
determined by a wish to render friendly assist- 
ance and not by ordinary commercial computa- 
tions. Technical knowledge and guidance can 
be put at the service of all countries that are 
prepared to make sound use of them. These 
and other forms of international action can 
make it more possible for even the poorest coun- 
try greatly to improve its situation. It would 
in fact be a natural extension of the aid that 
more developed industrial countries, such as the 
United States and Great Britain, have often 
given to other countries in the past— just as the 
early development of the United States was 
aided by foreign capital and enterprise. 

There are many proposals current for the 
establishment of intergovernmental control over 
the production, price, and distribution of raw 
materials throughout the world. These differ 
greatly in scope and in substance and no brief 
comment can apply with equal justice and accu- 
racy to them all. 

Commodity agreements of the type I have 
already touched upon are the simplest form pro- 
posed : in these each country regulates its own 
production or export in accordance with joint 
decisions; the actual international administra- 
tive machinery is rudimentary. But experience 
shows that unless there should be created, as a 
feature of such a scheme, a pool out of which 
raw materials were made available according to 
need and not necessarily according to ability to 
pay, distribution as between the different coun- 
tries of the world is not significantly altered. 

Some current proposals contemplate the crea- 
tion of such an international pool either of some 
or all raw materials. Apart from other prob- 
lems that such suggestion presents — for exam- 
ple, as to whether synthetic materials should be 
included as well as natural materials — they 
raise the basic question of who would put up the 
funds to pay the producers. If the purpose is to 
make raw materials available to some countries 
in excess of their ordinary ability to pay for 
them, someone must make a loan or gift. Na- 
tions might be willing, individually or collec- 
tively, to give some measure of financial assist- 
ance, especially short-term financial assistance 
to tide each other over. Would they be willing 
to do more — save, perhaps, as regards the supply 
of food ? 

If there should be brought into existence after 
the war a deeply felt international political 
accord to govern the behavior of nations, it 
would be ill place to establish an arrangement 
whereby countries jointly strove to assure that 
all obtained a sufficient supply of food for health 
and happiness. In other terms, the satisfaction 
of minimum standards of food consumption at 
low cost might be accepted as an international 
obligation. Of all international economic meas- 
ures, this is the one whereby needy millions 

APRIL 24, 1943 


might best be served by an international com- 

The fulfihncnt of any such conception would 
require that during a considerable period at 
least some countries in one form or other make 
gifts of foodstuffs to others. But it would be 
important that from the very beginning each 
and every country show itself disposed to do its 
utmost, with outside cooperation, to meet its 
own needs bj' its own effort as far as it effec- 
tively can, so that in time the need of assistance 
from others would become small. To the 
achievement of that goal countries can give 
each other many forms of help of more lasting 
benefit than financial help — in such matters, for 
example, as improvements of methods of culti- 
vation, in irrigation projects, flood and pest 
control, and in the best ways of converting, 
preserving, and using foods. With such help 
man}- presently needy parts of the world will 
be able by their own effort greatly to increase 
their supply of foodstuffs. 

The great increase in human ability to pro- 
duce and in the knowledge of how to use it, 
now makes it possible to contemplate the pro- 
vision of adequate food for all peoples. True, 
one dark shadowing possibility must be borne 
in mind lest the best-directed effort end in dis- 
appointment. If the population growth of any 
country or region is continuously excessive, and 
the number of mouths to be fed continuously 
grows as fast as Nature's increased j-ield and 
men's gifts, there hunger will remain the com- 
mon suffering. 


The matter of ownership or the right to de- 
velop sources of raw materials will receive fresh 
scrutiny in the post-war period. The follow- 
ing comments are admittedly inadequate. 

Each country possesses the right to control 
the ownership and exploitation of the raw ma- 
terials located within its boundaries. The 
admission of foreign capital and enterprise into 
any country for this purpose is considered to be 
subject to the will of the government of that 
country, under conditions imposed by its laws. 
Countries will benefit, however, if that right is 
exercised in accord with international rule and 

custom which seek to ban unjust or discrimi- 
natory treatment. The underlying economic 
intent of such rule and custom is sound : the en- 
couragement of the development of sources of 
raw materials, no matter where located, for the 
use of all. 

In the twenties an attempt was made to codify 
and embody in international agreements the 
terms on which countries would admit foreign 
capital for the development of raw materials, 
and the conditions foreign capital should ob- 
serve. Such agreements would facilitate the 
development of new sources of raw-material 
supply. But prevailing tendencies do not en- 
courage hope for immediate achievement along 
these lines. In many countries tiiere exists a 
critical attitude toward foreign capital, a re- 
fusal to grant it opportunity, or to impose 
conditions that discourage. In some countries 
the right to own or develop raw materials has 
definitely been reserved for private or public 
national monopolies. There is some possibility 
that particular countries that have very strong 
connnercial and financial links with each other 
and enjoy each other's full trust will work out 
agreements as between themselves. It is also 
possible that even though countries will not 
enter into formal international accords defining 
the opportunity that each would grant to for- 
eign capital and enterprise, they might arrive 
at an understanding which established, as 
guiding principle, equality of opportunity be- 
tween foreign interests. 

In the absence of agreements the extent and 
terms of admission of foreign capital to de- 
velop raw materials will continue to be deter- 
mined by calculations of mutual need and ad- 
vantage. Recognition is required on the one 
hand by countries possessing important raw- 
material supplies that they cannot justly with- 
hold them from the world's use, and on the other 
hand by capital which undertakes operations 
in a foreign countrj- that the primarj' benefit 
from their operations must redound to the in- 
habitants of the country. 

The question of the right to own and develop 
resources located within colonial or dependent 
areas is affected by some special considerations. 


There is a growing body of opinion that the 
opportunities to own and exploit the raw-mate- 
rial resources of such areas must not be exclu- 
sively retained for the interests of the control- 
ling country or imperial system but be fairly 
shared with qualified interests of all other 
friendly countries. It will prove internation- 
ally beneficial if such attitude wins general ac- 
ceptance and support and could be embodied 
in international accords. But the means and 
forms of its realization must vary greatly as 
between different situations. 

There are suggestions current for the substi- 
tution of direct international control for na- 
tional control over the resources of certain types 
of territories. It is obviously far beyond my 
present opportunity adequately to comment on 
those suggestions. The aims that should guide 
are: First, protection of the interests of local 
populations; and, second, the facilitation of 
raw-material production by the application of 
the practice of the Open Door to the capital 
and enterprise of all countries. One way of 
advancing these aims would be to establish an 
international organization with authority care- 
fully to review the policies pursued by coun- 
tries in regard to the development of resources 
in the areas they control, and to correct abuses 
and injustices in the distribution of oppor- 

In some regions the countries most directly 
concerned may reach agreements either for the 
division of opportunity on terms open to all, or 
for joint operation; agreements of this type are 
especially to be desired in regard to important 
resources located in sparsely populated and de- 
pendent areas, which would become otherwise 
the subject of disturbing diplomatic and finan- 
cial struggle. 

By no means least important is the possibility 
of the creation of an international financial 
organization which could supply capital and 
direction for certain raw-material enterprises, 
conducting them throughout as international 

Even these inadequate comments will have 
indicated that the seams in the idea of equality 
of access are numerous, and their depth and 


direction as yet unsettled. Their proper explo- 
ration and development require much more 
caiDital than I possess today. 


Science is increasing the variety and amount 
of our raw-material supplies through the crea- 
tion of synthetics and plastics. This, like all 
new developments, will present some immedi- 
ately serious problems of adjustment. Many 
countries, including the United States, will be 
called upon to make difficult decisions as re- 
gards the terms on which new synthetic prod- 
ucts might compete in their markets with 
natural raw materials. The question is clearly 
on the horizon as regards natural and synthetic 
rubber, natural and synthetic fibers, and natu- 
ral and synthetic petroleum. The areas produc- 
ing the natural raw materials can fairly ask 
full consideration for the economic suffering 
they will face in the event that their product is 
seriously and abruptly displaced; on the other 
hand, the producers of synthetics and plastics 
are certain to feel themselves entitled to some 
measure of help during their period of develop- 
ment. As far as may be consistent with pru- 
dent consideration of national defense, eco- 
nomic considerations should be permitted to 
operate. It may be that in some fields it will be 
advisable to regulate the competition between 
natural and synthetic products by agreements, 
national and international. 

The advent of synthetics and plastics means 
an immense potential addition to the supply of 
raw materials, with increased possibility of 
sufficiency for all on favorable terms. To as- 
sure this result and to assure that all nations 
may share in it, it would be necessary to pro- 
vide by suitable national and international ac- 
tion that the supply of synthetics or plastics is 
not limited by monopoly control based on pat- 
ents or secret agreements. 

The availability of synthetics and plastics 
will lessen the significance of any present or 
future mon( pr)ly controls of natural raw mate- 
rials. It will reduce international rivalry for 
the control over sources of raw materials in 
short supply and lessen concern on the part of 

APRIL 24, 1943 


all countries as to who may control particular 
natural sources of supply. 

In all these ways the development of syn- 
thetics and plastics could contribute to the im- 
provement of international life. But that is 
not certain. The sense of countries of depend- 
ence on others for vital supplies has no doubt 
been at times in the past an irritating factor 
in their relations. But often it has been a re- 
straining one; and if the need for restraint 
passes, some nations may use their newly gained 
freedom to act badly. Improved conditions 
make it easier for countries to improve their 
conduct in international affairs; they form no 
guaranty they w-ill do so. 


This attempt at identification and location of 
thoughts current I'egarding the raw-materials 
question must end. After I have fallen silent, 
the children of nightmare will no doubt mock 
at the points in which bold hopes were per- 
mitted to enter, and w-ill continue their warn- 
ing murmurs. The children of fancy will ex- 
foress keen disappointment at the suspense in 
which they have been left. The children of 
reality will go about their business wondering 
why I have talked so much and settled so little. 
I am glad to let them have the last word, asking 
only that present anguish shall be found in the 
end to have served a liberating and compas- 
sionate purpose. 


[Released to the press .4pril 10] 

Inquiries have been received by the State De- 
partment regarding the operation of the Greek- 
relief scheme, resulting from the publication in 
tlie press of a report alleging that "Greek ref- 
ugees who have recently fled to North Africa 
have reported to American officials there that 
the leakage [of relief foodstuffs] into enemy 
hands has been nearly 40 percent". 

No such reports have reached this Depart- 
ment or other interested agencies from any 
American Government or Red Cross officials in 

North Africa, or from any other source. On 
the contrary, this Government and the British 
Government have received regular I'eports 
through the Swedish Government, which has 
generously assumed responsibility for this 
scheme, under the general auspices of the Inter- 
national Red Cross Committee, confirming that 
the foodstuffs sent into Greece are being dis- 
tributed to the Greek population without inter- 
ference by the occupation authorities and that 
there has been no diversion of these supplies to 
the enemy. Furthermore, these reports indi- 
cate that the Axis authorities have entered into 
agreement with the Swedish-Swiss Relief Com- 
mission for the implementation of their pledge, 
given to the Swedish Government in connec- 
tion with the negotiations preceding the initia- 
tion of the scheme, that Greek native produce 
would be reserved solely for normal peacetime 
residents of Greece except so far as local food- 
stuffs consumed by the armed forces or officials 
of the occupying powers are replaced by equiv- 
alent foodstuffs imported from Axis sources for 
the Greek population. 

This Government's approval of the Greek- 
relief scheme was announced to the press by the 
Department of State on August 7, 1942,^ on 
which date the first of the eight Swedish vessels 
engaged for the purpose departed from Mont- 
real for Piraeus. These vessels, charter-hire on 
which is now being met principally by this Gov- 
ernment, are carrj-ing monthly quantities of 
15,000 tons of wheat donated by the Canadian 
Government ; 3,000 tons of dried vegetables and 
300 tons of evaporated milk supplied by this 
Government; medical supplies furnished prin- 
cipally by the American Red Cross; and miscel- 
laneous supplies and equipment donated by the 
Greek War Relief Association. 

These relief supplies are distributed to the 
Greek people by a Neutral Relief Commission 
of 30 Swedish and Swiss nationals under the 
chairmanship of the distinguished Swedish ju- 
rist, Emil Sandstrom. The Commission is 
aided in its task by some 800 carefully selected 
Greek employees. 

' BuiiETiN of Aug. 8, 1942, p. 6S6. 



To insure its independent mobility, the Com- 
mission has been supplied with its own motor 
vehicles. It is in a position to insure close sur- 
veillance and control over the distribution of 
all relief supplies received and to report fully 
thereon to this Government and the British 
Government, which will of course agree to the 
continuance of the scheme only so long as they 
are satisfied that it is not in fact benefitting the 


An Executive order of April 19, 1943 (no. 
9331 ) establishes the membership of the "Medal 
for Merit" Board as follows : 

The Secretary of State, chairman 
The Secretary of War 
The Secretary of the Navy 

Rules and regulations governing the award 
of the medal were issued on the same day.^ 

American Republics 


[Released to the press by the White House April 20] 

Your Excellency's friendly and cordial ex- 
pressions add to the very great pleasure which 
I feel at being here on Mexican soil. 

It is an amazing thing to have to realize that 
nearly 34 years have passed since Chief Execu- 
tives of our two nations have met face to face. 
I hope that in the days to come every Mexican 
and every American President will feel at lib- 
erty to visit each other just as neighbors visit 
each other — just as neighbors talk things over 
and get to know each other better. 

Our two countries owe their independence to 
the fact that your ancestors and mine held the 
same truths to be worth fighting for and dying 
for. Hidalgo and Juarez were men of the same 
stamp as Washington and Jefferson. It was, 
therefore, inevitable that our two countries 
should find themselves alined together in the 
great struggle which is being fought today to 
determine whether this shall be a free or a slave 

The attacks of the Axis powers during the 
past few years against our common heritage as 
free men culminated in the unspeakable and un- 
provoked aggressions of December 7, 1941 and 

May 14, 1942 and the shedding of blood on those 
dates of citizens of the United States and of 
Mexico alike. 

Those attacks did not find the Western Hemi- 
sphere unprepared. The 21 free republics of 
the Americas during the past 10 years have de- 
vised a system of international cooperation 
which has become a great bulwark in the defense 
of our heritage and our future. That system, 
whose strength is now evident even to the most 
skeptical, is based primarily upon a renuncia- 
tion of the use of force and the enshrining of 
international justice and mutual respect as the 
governing rule of conduct by all nations. 

In the forging of that new international pol- 
icy the role of Mexico has been outstanding. 
Mexican Presidents and Foreign Ministers have 
appreciated the nature of the struggle with 
which we are now confronted at a time when 
many nations much closer to the focus of 
infection were blind. 

' The order and the regulations are printed in the 
Federal Register of Apr. 27, 1943. The Board was 
created by Executive order of Dec. 24, 1942 ; see the 
Bulletin of Dec. 26, p. 1022. 

APRIL 24, 1943 


The wisdom of the measures which the states- 
men of Mexico and the United States and of the 
other American republics have adopted at inter- 
American gatherings during recent years has 
been amply demonstrated. They have suc- 
ceeded because they have been placed in effect 
not only by Mexico and the United States but 
by all except one of the other American 

You and I, Mr. President, as Commanders in 
Chief of our respective armed forces, have been 
able to concert measures for common defense. 
The harmony and mutual confidence which has 
prevailed between our Armies and Navies is 
beyond praise. Brotherhood in arms has been 

The determination of the Mexican people and 
of their loaders has led to production on an all- 
out basis of strategic and vital materials so 
necessary to the forging of the weapons destined 
to compass the final overthrow of our common 
foe. In this great city of Monterrey I have 
been most impressed with the single-minded 
purpose with which all the forces of production 
are joined together in the war effort. 

And Mexican farm workers, brought to the 
United States in accordance with an agreement 
between our two Governments, the terms of 
which are fully consonant with the social ob- 
jectives we cherish together, are contributing 
their skill and their toil to the production of 
vitally needed food. 

Not less important than the military cooper- 
ation and the supplies needed for the mainte- 
nance of our respective economies, has been the 
exchange of those ideas and of those moral 
values which give life and significance to the 
tremendous effort of the free peoples of the 
world. We in the United States have listened 
with admiration and profit to your statements 
and addresses, Mr. President, and to those of 
your distinguished Foi'eign Minister. We have 
gained inspiration and strength from your 

In the shaping of a common victory our 
peoples are finding that they have common 
aspirations. They can work together for a 
common objective. Let us never lose our hold 

upon that truth. It contains within it the 
secret of future happiness and prosperity for 
all of us on both sides of our unfortified border. 
Let us make sure that when our victory is won, 
when the forces of evil surrender — and that 
surrender shall be unconditional — then we, with 
the same spirit and with the same united cour- 
age, will face the task of the building of a 
better world. 

There is much work still to be done by men 
of good-will on both sides of our border. The 
great Mexican people liave their feet set upon a 
path of ever greater progress so that each 
citizen may enjoy the greatest possible measure 
of security and opportunity. The Government 
of the United States and my countrj-men are 
ready to contribute to that progress. 

We recognize a mutual interdependence of 
our joint resources. We know tliat Mexico's 
resources will be developed for the common good 
of humanity. We know that the day of the 
exploitation of the resources and the people of 
one country for the benefit of any group in an- 
otlier country is definitely over. 

It is time that every citizen in every one of 
the American republics recognizes that the 
good-neighbor policy means that harm to one 
republic means harm to every republic. We 
have all of us recognized the principle of in- 
dependence. It is time that we recognize also 
the privilege of interdependence — one upon 

Mr. President, it is my hope that in the ex- 
pansion of our common effort in this war and 
in the peace to follow we will again have occa- 
sion for friendly consultation in order further 
to promote the closest understanding and con- 
tinued unity of purpose between our two 

We have achieved close understanding and 
unity of purpose. I am gi-ateful to you, Mr. 
President, and to the Mexican people for this 
opportunity to meet you on Mexican soil and 
to call you friends. 

You and I are breaking another precedent. 
Let these meetings between Presidents of Mex- 
ico and the United States recur again and again 
and again. 




[Released to the press April 23] 

President Enrique Peiiaranda of Bolivia is 
expected to arrive in Wasliington as a guest of 
President Roosevelt on May 5. 

He will remain in the capital for about four 
days, after which he will visit war industries in 
Detroit and Buffalo and spend a few days in 
New York before leaving the country. 


[Released to the press April 23] 

Oswaldo Guayasamin, young Ecuadoran ar- 
tist, arrived in Washington on April 21 for a 
three months' visit to the United States at the 
invitation of the Department of State. Senor 
Guayasamin is interested in visiting art centers 
and acquainting himself with artistic activities 
in the United States. 

Luis Gil Salguero, prominent Uruguayan 
philosopher and author, arrived in Washington 
on April 19 for a three months' visit to the 
United States at the invitation of the Depart- 
ment of State. 

Commercial Policy 


Statement by the Secretary of State 

[Released to the press April 24] 

We can all be gratified with the showing of 
national unity which has been manifested 

through spokesmen for all branches of Amer- 
ican life at the hearings which were concluded 
yesterday before the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee of the House of Representatives on ex- 
tension of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements 

I have discussed the matter with the chair- 
men of the committees of the House and Sen- 
ate, and I entirely agree that this country's vital 
interests would be best served by a clear-cut 
continuance of the Trade Agreements Act for 
the customary three-year period as proposed in 
the pending legislation, and that there should 
be no amendment to this legislation, particu- 
larly at this time when we are most concerned 
that there may not be the slightest basis for 
doubt in anyone's mind concerning our stead- 
fast determination to cooperate fully with like- 
minded nations in peace as well as in war. 



[Released to the press April 24] 

His Excellency the Governor General of Can- 
ada, the Earl of Athlone, accompanied by Her 
Royal Highness Princess Alice, is expected to 
arrive in Seattle, Washington, on May 3. 

They will visit war industries in or near Se- 
attle and Portland, Oregon, and expect to spend 
about five days in the United States. 

In their party will be Sir Shuldham Redfern, 
secretary to the Governor General, Miss Vera 
Grenfell, lady-in-waiting, and Capt. Alan Leve- 
son-Gover, aide-de-camp. 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

Address by the Chairman of the American Delegation ^ 

I first wish to express to the Acting Governor 
and to the Government and people of Bermuda 
tlie sincere appreciation of the American Gov- 
ernment and of the American delegation to this 
conference for the hospitality and courtesies 
shown to us. Bermuda has long been known to 
Americans as one of the most beautiful and leg- 
endary spots of the world — a place in which 
good-fellowship and friendship may be expected 
as a matter of course. I personally cherish many 
happy memories of visits to Bermuda under 
more peaceful and less trying conditions. It is 
pleasant to find that the special bonds created 
between the British Empire, of which Bermuda 
is a part, and the United States by this com- 
mon struggle against the enemies of civilization 
have further strengtliened the ties of friendship 
between our peoples. We all hope to return 
again to Bermuda when our purpose in this 
war has been achieved. 

It is no easy task which confronts the con- 
ference. The magnitude of this problem and 
the difficulties attendant upon any completely 
satisfactory solution of it have, I believe, on 
the whole been underestimated. One thing is 
certain. We approach this problem with the 
conviction that every possible effort must be 
made to find the best possible solution which 
can be presented to all the United Nations for 
decisions. There can be no doubt of the good- 
will and intention of the British and American 
Governments nor of the delegations represent- 
ing these Governments. Wliat can be done will 
be done. 

History records many instances of refugee 
migrations caused by oppression and tyranny, 

' The chairman of the American delegation Is Harold 
Willis Dodds, who delivered the address at Bermuda 
on Apr. 19, 1943. 

but nowhere can be found a more terrible rec- 
ord than that of Nazi Germany. Since the 
present German Government came into power 
in 1933 its policy has been founded consistently 
upon the pattern of brutal subjection, persecu- 
tion, pillage, and murder of small nations and 
religious and racial minorities. There is no 
need to dwell at length upon this subject. The 
facts are known to all the civilized peoples of 
this world. 

From the inception of the present refugee 
policy the British and American Governments 
have, in close consultation, endeavored to alle- 
viate in every possible and practicable manner 
the unhappy plight of these unfortunate peo- 
ples. These measures have not been confined to 
private effort. They have included the activi- 
ties of the intergovernmental committee which 
was established in 1938 as a result of the Evian 
conference summoned by President Roosevelt. 
The activities of this committee were consider- 
able. It might well have arrived at a satisfac- 
tory solution of the problem as it then existed 
had not the war intervened. 

The war has had a two-fold effect upon the 
refugee situation. It has not only deepened 
the miseries of the peoples under German rule 
and augmented the difficulties of any attempt 
to relieve their suffering but has also created 
a wider problem of other populations and in- 
dividuals who as a result of Nazi barbarism 
are in a plight calling for all our sympathy, 
consideration, and concrete action where this 
is practicable. Germany's ambition under Nazi 
ideology has resulted in a calculated policy of 
oppression and extermination, the effects of 
■which extend far beyond the territories actu- 
ally under its ruthless heel. This created the 
necessity for all possible assistance to such help- 




less peoples, and it is under these conditions 
and with this purpose that this conference 

The primary fact which must be borne in 
mind throughout these deliberations is that we 
are now in the middle of a bitterly contested 
war. We know that we will win this war, but 
we also know that we cannot relax for one in- 
stant our determination to concentrate our max- 
imum effort upon its vigorous prosecution. Any 
other thought would not only be foolish; it 
would be criminal. It would constitute a be- 
trayal, not of our countries or of the effort of 
the United Nations but of civilization. Com- 
plete and final victory will, of course, afford a 
true and final solution to the refugee problem. 
We fervently hope that in the better world which 
will arise such problems may never again return 
to harass civilization. 

Despite these manifest limitations there is 
much that can and must be done, and I believe 
this conference will be successful in its en- 
deavors to survey the problem as it exists today. 
It is naturally impossible for me at this time to 
forecast the probable course of our delibera- 
tions. One thing is certain, and that is that the 
problem is too great for solution by the two 
governments here represented. The coopera- 
tion of others must be solicited. Our task will 
be to point the way and to offer such definite 
proposals as may be possible under war condi- 
tions and in the light of what the war effort of 
the United Nations will permit. 

It might be well at this point to mention some 
of the efforts already made on behalf of these 

1. The participation of the United States 
in joint and several declarations of official 
condemnation of the policies and acts of the 
Axis governments and their satellites in op- 
pressing and persecuting religious, racial, 
and political minorities. 

2. The appropriation and expenditure of 
large amounts of public and private funds 
for the relief of persons suffering oppres- 
sion and persecution because of their racial 
origin, of religious- or political beliefs. 

3. The application of the immigration 
laws of the United States in the utmost 
liberal and humane spirit of those laws. 

4. The call by the President of the United 
States of the first intergovernmental con- 
ference at Evian-London in 1938 for the 
purpose of seeking a solution of refugee 

5. From the advent of the Hitler regime 
to June 30, 1942, American diplomatic and 
consular officers issued 547,775 visas to per- 
sons who were natives or nationals of the 
countries now dominated by Axis powers. 
A great majority of those persons were refu- 
gees from Nazi oppression and persecution. 
A total of 228,964 visas were issued during 
the war years 1939-42. 

6. The United States authorized over 
5,000 visas for permanent residence here 
to refugee children coming from France, 
Spain, and Portugal under arrangements 
by which certain private persons and or- 
ganizations in the United States would be 
responsible for their care. Visas were also 
authorized for the parents accompanying 
them, in certain cases. 

7. Considerable sums of money have been 
made available by the American Red Cross 
and from other American sources to the 
American Ambassador at Madrid for the 
care of refugees now in Spain pending their 

8. The American Red Cross and other 
American organizations have provided as- 
sistance for refugees who have been able 
to reach other neutral countries. 

At this time I would like to express our full 
recognition of the burden assumed under the 
most difficult circumstances by His Britannic 
Majesty's Government in their efforts to allevi- 
ate the lot of those who have fallen innocent 
victims to the cruel philosophy of Nazi Ger- 
many. We recognize with appreciation what 
has already been accomplished by this other 
great democracy and realize fully that those ac- 
complishments were effected during a period 
when the British Empire was faced with the 
alternative of total victory or of total extinction. 

APRIL 24, 1943 


We also are fully confident that the British 
Government, in sending to this conference a 
delegation of such high distinction, has demon- 
strated its desire and determination to play its 
full part in whatever further measures of relief 
may be found possible. 


[Released to the press by the White House April 20] 

The following statement was made by Judge 
Marvin Jones, chairman of the delegation from 
the United States to the United Nations Con- 
ference on Food and Agriculture. 

"I think that the press reports about the se- 
crecy of the food conference, whether inten- 
tional or not, are making a mountain out of a 
mole hill. 

"I have taken the trouble to read the tran- 
script of the President's press conference when 
the subject was discussed on March 19. The 
President was asked whether newspapermen 
would be permitted to cover the food confer- 
ence when it occurred. 

"The President replied facetiously that he 
hoped not, and his reply was greeted with 

"This report indicates the humor in which 
the President replied to the question. In any 
event, the President has never expressed to me 
as chairman of the delegation any views as to 
the publicity of the conference. I expect to 
discuss the matter with Secretary Hull, and I 
have not the slightest doubt that arrangements 
will be made which, wliile not permitting rep- 
resentatives of the press to attend executive ses- 
sions, at the same time will give to the press all 
the information as to the proceedings that our 
newspaper representatives would believe right 
under the circumstances." 

Treaty Information 


Development of Foodstuffs Production 
In Brazil 

The Department of State has made public an 
agreement between the United States and Brazil 
for the development of foodstuffs production in 
Brazil, especially in the Amazon region, north 
and northeast, including the State of Baia,^ 
which was signed in Rio de Janeiro on Septem- 
ber 3, 1942 by Jefferson Caffery, American Am- 
bassador at Rio de Janeiro, and Nelson Rocke- 
feller, Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, 
for the United States of America, and by Os- 
waldo Aranha, Minister of Foreign Affah-s, and 

^ Executive Agreement Series 302. 

Apolonio Sales, Minister of Agriculture, for the 
United States of Brazil. 

The agreement is effective for a period of two 
years beginning with the day of signature, and 
it is provided that the agreement may be ex- 
tended in the judgment of the contracting 

Cooperative Rubber Investigations 
In Costa Rica 

On April 3, 1943, notes were exchanged be- 
tween the American Charge d'Affaires ad in- 
terim at San Jose and the Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, effecting a 
supplementary agi-eement relating to coopera- 



tive rubber investigations in Costa Eica for the 
purpose of defining more clearly certain pro- 
cedures ailecting the sale of products grown 
on the lands used by the rubber experiment sta- 
tion and in o:der to facilitate the continued de- 
velopment of rubber investigations and dem- 
onstration ]>lantings in Costa Kica. The 
supplementaiy agreement is to remain in force 
as though it were an integral part of the agree- 
ment between the United States and Costa Rica 
effected by an exchange of notes signed April 
19 and June 16, 1941, between the American 
Charge d'Affaires ad interim at San Jose and 
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of 
Costa Rica/ whicli provides for cooperation be- 
tween the Governments of the two countries in 
conducting investigations with respect to the 
methods of rubber-cultivation, the development 
of superior strains of rubber, disease control, 
use of intercrops, and other matters, with a view 
to the successful establisliment of a self-sus- 
taining rubber-culture industry. The agree- 
ment became effective on June 16, 1941, to re- 
main in force until six months from the day on 
which either Government shall have given writ- 
ten notice to the other Government of its inten- 
tion to terminate the agreement, provided, how- 
ever, that the agreement shall not remain in 
force after June 30, 1943, except at the option 
of the United States Department of Agricul- 
ture, which option shall be notified to the Gov- 
ernment of Costa Rica by the Government of 
the United States at least one month prior to 
that date. 


Health and Sanitation Agreement 
With Venezuela 

The American Embassy at Caracas, with a 
despatch dated April 2, 1943, transmitted to the 
Department a copy of the Gaceta Oficial of 

Venezuela for March 29, 1943, containing the 
text of Decree No. 58, of March 26, 1943 issued 
by the President of Venezuela creating the Ofi- 
cina Cooperativa Interamericana de Salud 
Publica, in accordance with the Health and 
Sanitation Agreement between the United 
States and Venezuela effected by an exchange 
of notes, signed February 18, 1943, between the 
American Ambassador at Caracas and the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs of Venezuela. 

The principal purpose of the agreement is 
the intensification of the anti-malarial cam- 
paign in Venezuela. 

Agreement With El Salvador 

By an exchange of notes, signed March 25, 
1943, between the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
of El Salvador and the American Minister at 
San Salvador, there was effected an agreement 
for the extension, until such time as it shall be 
substituted by another agreement, of the agree- 
ment between the United States and El Salva- 
dor, signed in San Salvador on March 27, 1941,^ 
for the detail of an officer of the United States 
Army to serve as Director of the Military School 
and of the Military Academy of El Salvador. 

The agreement of March 27, 1941 contains 
l^rovisions similar in general to provisions in 
agreements between the United States and cer- 
tain other American republics providing for the 
detail of officers of the United States Army or 
Navy to advise the armed forces of those coun- 
tries. The agreement was made effective for 
two years beginning March 27, 1941, it being 
provided further that if the Government of EI 
Salvador should desire the services of the officer 
to be extended beyond the two-year period it 
should make a written proposal to that effect 
three months before the expiration of such 

' Executive Agreement Series 222. 

' Executive Agreement Series 214. 

APRIL 24, 1943 


By a note of October 14, 1942 the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs informed the American 
Charge d'Affaires ad interim at San Salvador 
of the desire of the Government of El Salvador 
that the agreement of March 27, 1941 be ex- 
tended for two years. By a note of November 
24, 1942 the American Charge d'Affaires ad in- 
terim at San Salvador informed the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs that such extension was ac- 
ceptable to the Government of the United States. 
The Department regarded this exchange of 
notes as constituting an agreement between the 
United States and El Salvador extending the 
agreement of March 27, 1941 for two years.' 
The agreement effected by exchange of notes 
signed March 25, 1943 extends the agreement of 
March 27, 1941 until substituted by another 


Treaty Between China and Iraq 

The American Minister at Baghdad reported 
by a despatch dated February 8, 1943 that ac- 
cording to the Baghdad press the exchange of 
the instruments of ratification of the Treaty of 
Amity between China and Iraq signed on March 
16, 1942 was effected at an official ceremony held 
at Ankara on February 5, 1943. Article lY of 
the treaty provides that the treaty shall enter 
into force 15 days after the exchange of the 
instruments of ratification at Ankara. 

An official English text of the treaty is pub- 
lished in the Iraq Government Gazette dated 
June 14, 1942. A tentative translation of this 
treaty, in which it is referred to as a treaty of 
"friendship", was printed in the Bulletin of 
August 1, 1942, page 679. 

The treaty is accompanied by an exchange 
of notes between the respective plenipotentiaries 
of China and Iraq, dated March 16, 1942, con- 
firming that the treaty shall apply in harmony 
with the provisions of the Treaty of Alliance 
between Iraq and Great Britain, signed at 

' Executive Agreement Series 281. 

Baghdad on June 30, 1930, and of the exchange 
of notes annexed thereto. 


Agreement Regarding the 1943 Cuban 
Sugar Crop 

On April 3, 1943 an agreement was entered 
into at Habana between the Commodity Credit 
Corporation and the Cuban Sugar Stabilization 
Institute (Institute Cubano do Establizacion 
del Azucar) regarding the disposition of the 
crop of 1943 sugar to be produced in the Re- 
public of Cuba. The agreement was signed for 
the Commodity Credit Corporation by the 
American Ambassador at Habana, Spruille 
Braden, and for the Cuban Sugar Stabilization 
Institute by the Prime Minister of the Govern- 
ment of Cuba, Dr. Ramon Zaydin, by the Presi- 
dent of the Institute, Gaston Godoy, and by a 
Member of the Board of the In.stitute, Senator 
Jose Manuel Casanova. Under the agreement 
the Institute agrees to sell and the Commodity 
Credit Corporation agrees to purchase 2,700,000 
tons of the 1943 Cuban sugar crop, in the form 
of raw sugar, at 2.65 cents per pound f.o.b. 
Cuban ports, upon terms and conditions set 
forth in the agreement. The agreement also 
provides that the 300,000 tons of the 1943 Cuban 
sugar to be marketed in other than United 
States markets shall be offered to the Com- 
modity Credit Corporation before being offered 
to other purchasers. Furthermore, should any 
part of the 225,000 tons of the 1943 Cuban sugar 
crop allocated for local consumption in Cuba 
not be required for local consumption, such 
amount not required for local consumption shall 
be offered to the Commodity Credit Corpora- 
tion before being offered to other purchasers. 

On April 2 and 3, 1943, notes were exchanged 
between the American Ambassador at Habana 
and the Cuban Minister of State regarding the 
application of the agreement and the disposi- 
tion of the 1942-crop molasses owned by the 
Defense Supplies Corporation. 




Department of State 

Haitian Finances: Supplementary Agreement Between 
the United States of America and Haiti— Signed 
at Port-au-Prluce September 30, 1942. Executive 
Agreement Series 299. Publication 1908. 2 pp. 60. 

Control of American Citizens and Nationals Entering 
and Leaving Territory Under Jurisdiction of the 
United States (Revised to April 1, 1943). Passport 
Series 4. Publication 1910. 6 pp. 50. 

Foreign Consular Offices in the United States. Febru- 
ary 1, 1943. Publication 1911. iv, 46 pp. 100. 

Military Service : Agreement Betvfeen the United States 
of America and Australia — Effected by exchanges of 
notes signed at Washington March 31, July 17, and 
September 16 and 30, 1942; effective July 18, 1942. 
Executive Agreement Series 303. Publication 1914. 
5 pp. 50. 

Military Service : Agreement Between the United States 
of America and Yugoslavia — Effected by exchanges of 
notes signed or dated at Washington March 31, May 
14, June 25, and September 30, 1942 ; effective May 
18, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 309. Publica- 
tion 1919. 4 pp. 50. 

Military Service : Agreement Between the United States 
of America and the Netherlands — Effected by ex- 
changes of notes signed at Washington March 31, 
July 2, and September 24 and 30, 1942; effective 
July 8, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 306. Pub- 
lication 1920. 7 pp. 50. 

Military Service : Agreement Between the United States 
of America and the Union of South Africa — Effected 
by exchanges of notes signed at Washington March 
31, June 9, August 12, and October 7 and 31, 1942; 
effective June 11, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 
310. Publication 1922. 7 pp. 50. 

Other Goveenment Agencies 

Official Publications of Present-Day Germany, Gov- 
ernment, Corporate Organizations, and National So- 
cialist Party, With an Outline of the Governmental 
Structure of Germany. 1942. (Library of Congress.) 
130 pp. 200. 


Urgent Deficiencies in Certain Appropriations for Fiscal 
Tear 1943 [State Department, salaries of ambas- 
sadors] : 
Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee 
on Appropriations, United States Senate, 78th 
Cong., 1st sess., on H. J. Res. 115. 83 pp. 
S. Kept. 203, 7Sth Cong., on H. J. Res. 115. 2 pp. 
Authorizing the Execution of Certain Obligations Under 
the Treaties of 1903 and 1906 with Panama : 
S. Kept. 201, 78th Cong., on H. J. Res. 14. 7 pp. 
S. Rept. 201 (pt. 2), 78th Cong., on H. J. Res. 14. 
(Minority views.) 13 pp. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Govornment Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 
Price, 10 cents .... Subscription price, $2.75 a year 


735^ ' i"i OO 






^ rm 



MAY 1, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 201— Publication 1933 



The War Page 

Termination of Informal Relations With the French 

Antilles 359 

Addresses by the Former American Ambassador to 

AprU 26, at Union College 360 

April 27, at Montreal 365 

America the Hope of the World: Address by Francis B. 

Sayre 370 

Adherence of Bolivia to the Declaration by United 

Nations 374 

Proclaimed List: Revision V 375 


Visit to the United States of the President of Czecho- 
slovakia 375 

American Republics 

Economic Cooperation With Mexico 376 

Temporary Migration to the United States of Mexican 

Workers 376 

Distinguished Visitors From the Other American 

Republics 377 

Opening of a Direct Radiotelegraph Circuit Between 

the United States and Ecuador 377 

Commercial Policy 

Post-War Economic Policy: Address by Assistant 

Secretary Acheson 378 



MAY 18 iJ43 


Commercial Policy — Continued page 

Renewal of the Trade Agreements Act: Address by 

Francis B. Sayre 382 

Suspension of Import Quotas on Certain Wlieat and 

Wlieat Flour 386 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 
Bermuda Meeting on the Refugee Problem: 

Letter From the Under Secretary of State to the 
President of the Congress of Industrial Organi- 
zations 386 

Joint Communique of United States and British 

Delegations 388 

Agenda for the United Nations Conference on Food and 

Agriculture 388 

Treaty Information 

Economics: Industrial-Diamonds Agreement With 

Canada and the United Kingdom 389 

Military Aviation Mission: Agreement With Chile. . . 390 
Opium: International Convention of 1912 390 

Publications 390 

Legislation 391 

The War 


[Released to the press April 30] 

The text of a note delivered on instruction of 
the Secretary of State to Admiral Georges 
Robert, Frencli Hij^h Commissioner, by Marcel 
E. Malige, American Consul General at Mar- 
tinique, on April 26, 1943 follows: 

"In November of last year, the Government 
of the United States informed the French High 
Commissioner that it was prepared to main- 
tain its relations witli the Frencii territories in 
the Western Hemisphere on an informal basis. 
It pointed out, however, that in view of the 
imminent full German occupation of France, it 
regarded any regime which the Germans migiit 
permit to function in Metropolitan France as 
being under the complete domination of Hitler. 
This view was later confirmed by the completion 
of the German occupation of all French metro- 
politan territory and the final extinguishment 
of French authority in France. The Govern- 
ment of the United States also made it abun- 
dantly clear, in November and subsequently, 
that the new and changing situation would re- 
quire a current reexamination with the French 
High Commissioner of problems of mutual in- 
terest and concern. 

"Almost six months have passed and today the 
French islands in the Caribbean are the only 
French territories physical!}' free from Axis 
domination which have no part in the struggle 

for French liberation and which profess alle- 
giance to a regime under the direct control of 

"It is a matter of common knowledge that the 
territory of Metropolitan France, contrary to 
the wish of the French people, is being used in 
an ever-increasing degree for active military 
operations against the United States and that 
the Vichy regime is now an integral part of 
the Nazi System. The Government of the 
United States does not recognize Vichy nor will 
it recognize or negotiate with any French rep- 
resentative in the Antilles who remains sub- 
servient to or maintains contact with the Vichy 

"In the circumstances the Government of the 
United States does not consider effective or 
binding any informal understanding with re- 
spect to the French Antilles based upon past 
discussioiis and conditions, nor does it consider 
that those discussions can serve as a basis for 
either present or future relations with the 
French Antilles. 

"For this reason the American Consul Gen- 
eral at Fort-de-France is being instructed to 
return to the United States, leaving the Con- 
sulate in charge of a Consular OfScer whose 
activities will be restricted to the protection 
of American interests and who will not be au- 
thorized to enter into or conduct any negotia- 
tions of a political character." 





[Released to the press April 26] 

Today I cannot help reflecting on the symbol- 
ism of an American college commencement. 
Nothing in our nation could better typify the 
values of the ways of peace to which we give our 
allegiance in time of war. Our Japanese ene- 
mies have managed to vest every ritual of life 
with a terrible significance drawn from archaic 
and militarist beliefs ; and our German enemies 
have cast aside the world-famous German uni- 
versity system in favor of a crude process of 
authoritary indoctrination. Here, today, we 
Americans preserve the link between our own 
peaceful past and our own future which we in- 
tend to have peaceful. 

You who are herewith accepted in the world- 
wide confraternity of educated men have come 
to the commencement of your lives as independ- 
ent men and well-equipped citizens. You have 
been given knowledge of the wisdom and expe- 
rience which your forefathers stored up over the 
centuries; you in turn are obligated to transmit 
this knowledge — further refined, further evalu- 
ated, further liberated from ignorance or 
superstition — to the generations which are to 
succeed you. The value of education is that it 
makes men free ; we in America still seek fulfil- 
ment of the words of John the Apostle, "The 
truth shall make you free"; and we know that 
even truth has small value if freedom is not 

You differ from the peoples of the countries 
with which we are at war today, in that you 
recognize the basic character of your own tasks. 
You have not been educated to prove yourselves 
superior to your fellow men. You have not 
been educated for the improvement of the Amer- 
ican war machine. You have not been taught 
that education is merely a method of learning 
obedience. You have not been taught foolish 
myths — neither in the Japanese form of ancient, 
terrible poetry which preaches neolithic ideals 

'Delivered by the Honorable Joseph C. Grew, now 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, Schenectady, 
N.X., Apr. 26, 1943. 

in beautiful words, nor in the German form of 
dogmatic, opinionated, or cynical corruptions 
of science. You have not been imprisoned by 
false knowledge: you have been made free by 
contact with Truth. 

At this hour you — with your tradition of 
freedom — stand upon the threshold of an im- 
mense struggle with the forces of anti-freedom. 
You want to be free men; your enemies reject 
freedom as a foolish ideal. You look at the 
world as you yourselves see it ; they look at the 
world as they are taught to think and made to 
believe. You feel that no man on earth knows 
much more of the fundamentals of truth than 
you do, that no one has a better sense of justice 
than do you yourselves, and that — most cer- 
tainly of all — no man living has the right to tell 
you what you should want for yourselves. This 
is a difficult and exacting position, but it is the 
only fit position for free men to take. 

Let me tell you something about the enemies 
whom you face. I choose to talk about the Jap- 
anese simply because I have come to know Japan 
well in the years which led up to this war and 
during the first months of the war itself. My 
acquaintance with Germany dates back to the 
time of the last war, when it was my unpleasant 
task to assist in closing the American Embassy 
to the German Empire — the last American Em- 
bassy to the German Empire — and subsequently 
the American Embassy to the Austro-Hunga- 
rian Empire — the last Embassy which we sent 
to that Empire. Now I have returned after 
closing the American Embassy in Tokyo; our 
Japanese enemies may reflect on these coinci- 
dences and take them as an ill omen if they wish 1 

I spent 10 years in Japan before the final clash 
of nations occurred. Those years were difficult ; 
Shakespeare portrays the job which faced your 
representative in Tokyo when he writes, 

I speak of peace, while covert enmity 
Under the smile of safety wounds the world. 

The Japan which I came to know in those years 
was far different from the picturesque country 
described by John Luther Long or Lafcadio 

MAT I, 1943 


Hearn. The wild countryside had been criss- 
crossed by an imposing network of hydroelectric 
projects and power lines. The ferocious — but 
to Westerners somewhat absurd — two-sworded 
warriors had been put in drab, ill-fitting modern 
dress, and were coldly, formidably efficient. 
The Government, once redolent of the quaint, 
the odd, and the delightful, so far as Westerners 
caught superficial glances of it, had, under 
strong influence of Prussian example, become a 
constitutional monarchy with the scales heavily 
weighted in favor of militarism. 

Here and there, the natural and — I hope — 
enduring beauty of Japan shone through. 
Even in time of war I cannot help remembering 
the breath-taking symmetry of Fujiyama; the 
startling, simple beauty of an old temple nestled 
in cherry blossoms; the compelling suggestive- 
ness of a magnificent medieval battlement loom- 
ing over a modern city. The skies over Japan 
and the many seas about Japan are often splen- 
did, and the Japanese people are keenly aware 
of the natural beauty which surrounds them. 
The islands and the people will remain. When 
the dark clouds of war have been dissipated, and 
when the violence of nations no longer obstructs 
the free movement of civilized men, I hope that 
our people may be able to visit Japan again — 
visit Japan peacefully and for the comradely 
appreciation of the many good things of Japan. 

At this time, however, the good things of 
Japan are sadly outweighed by the bad. The 
work of our armed force must redress that 
balance. The Japanese people themselves have 
become the slaves of their own army, gen- 
darmerie, and police. Long accustomed to 
despotic rule, the ordinary Japanese has never 
been prepared by education or tradition to de- 
fend his rights against his own government, 
and when his own government became his ex- 
ploiter he did not have a tradition of rebellion 
and freedom which might have taught him to 
stand up for his rights. It is a tragic com- 
mentary on Japanese civilization that — with all 
their refinement and ancient culture — the 
Japanese people have been morally and physi- 
cally unprepared to defend themselves against 
tyranny from within. The only hope Japan 
can have of freedom is the hope held out by the 

armed forces of the United Nations; were we 
to fail today, the Japanese people will remain 
in unrelieved and hopeless bondage. 

We know, in this country, what persons of 
Japanese race, retaining part — the good part — 
of Japan's wonderful culture, can perform. 
The Americans of Japanese origin are an in- 
valuable element in our population ; I welcome 
their presence, and regret the bitter necessity of 
imposing on a trustworthy and loyal majority 
of nisei the restraints which are made needful 
by the bad behavior and evil repute of a minor- 
ity. There are among Americans of Japanese 
race as fine people — individually — as you can 
find anywhere, and many of them are peculiarly 
anxious to repay America for freedom by mak- 
ing especially arduous efforts in the prosecution 
of the war. I welcome the policies of our gov- 
ernment which are designed to relieve the nisei 
of discriminatory restrictions as rapidly and 
fairly as possible, and I applaud the action of 
the Army in setting up facilities whereby these 
Americans will be able to show the world what 
they are able to do. 

These Americans of Japanese origin are to 
Japan what you and I are to England, Scotland, 
Ireland, Germany, France, and other European 
countries. They are Americans, but they are 
also "the cousins in the New World". I am 
proud of my trans-Atlantic cousins and do not 
feel myself to be any the less American for that ; 
and I would respect any American of Japanese 
descent who tried to contribute to our common, 
free American life those especially good quali- 
ties which he may have inherited from his trans- 
Pacific origin. We in America are in a real 
sense the apostles of the future; we show the 
rest of mankind what men of diverse races and 
cultures can accomplish with a common good- 
will. We Americans, of all races and creeds, 
fight the evils of despotic and selfish militarism. 
There can be no compromise between ourselves 
and the arrogant exclusiveness of self-styled 
men-Gods of Japan — no more than between our- 
selves and the self-styled Aryans of Germany. 
In our war — against caste and privilege wher- 
ever they may exist or occur — the contribution 
of Americans who are of Japanese descent is of 
real value: first, because they are living proof 



of our non-racial free unity; secondly, because 
they make a valuable and ■wholesome con- 
ti'ibution to the sura total of our American 

May the day come when the Jaj^anese of 
Japan, under similar conditions of freedom and 
justice, find the real fulfilment of their national 
destiny — the promise of peace, not war; of the 
enlightened cultivation of beauty, not the dread- 
ful pursuit of international crime; of the role 
of hosts to visitors to Japan's loveliness, not the 
role of turbulent, bad-mannered, thievish, and 
uninvited invaders of neighboring lands. 

At present it does not matter how good the 
Japanese people themselves are or how good 
they may become, since they have no voice what- 
ever in the determination of their own destinies. 
They have let themselves become the puppets of 
a potent but senseless machine, which in turn is 
operated by cold-blooded militarists who are 
animated by boundless ambition and are in- 
hibited by no sense of mercy whatever. The 
Japanese people will have a chance to be free 
when we have swept away the militarism which, 
while it harms the Japanese, has nevertheless 
succeeded in capturing and controlling all of 
Japan and in mobilizing every element — psycho- 
logical, political, economic, and military — in 
that Empire for the prosecution of aggressive 
programs. We must liberate the Japanese by 
destroying that militarism which today nms 
riot throughout the trans-Pacific world. That 
militarism is strong, violent, and limitlessly 
capable of planning and performing evil. 

Even before December 7, 1941 Japan was 
strong and Japan possessed a military machine 
of great power. And when I speak of that mili- 
tary machine I include all branches of the Jap- 
anese armed forces: the Army, the Navy, and 
the Air Force. That military machine has been 
steadily strengthened and developed during 
many years, especially since Japan's invasion of 
Manchuria in 1931, an act of unprovoked aggres- 
sion which, in effect, commenced the current ex- 
pansionist movement of Japan in total disre- 
gard of the rights and legitimate interests of 
any nation or of any people that might stand in 
the way of that movement. In 1937 came 

Japan's invasion of north China and Shanghai, 
which led to the past six years of Sino-Japanese 
warfare. The Japanese did not wish to clothe 
that infamous campaign with the name of war : 
they called it first the "China Incident", and 
later, when great Japanese armies were trying 
desperately but without success, year after year, 
to break the magnificent courage of the Chinese 
people and the fighting spirit of the ill-equipped 
but determined forces of Generalissimo Chiang 
Kai-shek, the Japanese people, even with their 
own unbalanced humor, could not fail to per- 
ceive the sardonic humor of the term "incident", 
and they then, with tragi-comical deliberation, 
dubbed the campaigns the "China Affair". But 
"war" they never called it. So it is today. 

The Japanese efforts in China were not 
enough to bring about the surrender of the 
Chinese National Government. Nevertheless, 
Japanese armed forces were using China as a 
training ground in preparation for the greater 
war, already carefully planned, for their even- 
tual conquest and intended permanent control 
of all of so-called "greater East Asia including 
the South Seas" and for the imposition upon 
the peoples of those far-flung areas of what 
Japan is pleased to refer to as the "New Order" 
and the "Co-Prosperity Sphere". We know 
what that flowery slogan "Co-Prosperity" 
means: it denotes absolute overlordship — eco- 
nomic, financial, political — ^for Japan's own 
purely selfish interests and the virtual enslave- 
ment of the peoples of those territories to do 
tlie bidding of their Japanese masters. Tliis 
view is not a figment of the imagination : it is 
based on practical observation of what has oc- 
curred in other regions already subjected to 
Japan's domination. In every area that falls 
under Japan's domination, such a regime has 
been or will be imposed. 

Throughout the years of the China war, Ja- 
pan prei^ared for an expansion of the war into 
other, wider theaters. We have been seeing the 
outcome of that preparation. The Japanese 
military machine was steadily expanded and 
strengthened and trained to a knife-edge of war 
efficiency — in landing on beaches, in jungle 
fighting, and in all the many different forms of 

MAY 1, 1943 


warfare which it was later to encounter. The 
jealous personal disputes, endless red tape, and 
face-saving expedients which characterize the 
civil life of Japan in times of peace wholly dis- 
appear in war; the various branches of their 
armed forces cooperate in well-nigh perfect 
coordination ; and their staff work, strategy, and 
tactics are of a high degree of excellence. The 
precision and speed of their campaign in the 
Malay Peninsula and their rapid taking of 
Singapore are sufficient evidence of that. Fur- 
thermore, in war Japan is wholly totalitarian; 
her economy is planned and carried out to the 
last detail. No word of criticism of the Gov- 
ernment or its acts is tolerated; the so-called 
"thought control" police take care of that. La- 
bor unions are powerless. In war Japan is a 
unit, thinks and acts as a unit, labors and fights 
as a unit. 

With tiiat background, and having in mind 
the sti'ongth and power of Japan even before 
Pearl Harbor, consider for a moment the scene 
as it has developed in the Far East. Consider 
the tremendous holdings of Japan today : 
Korea, Manchuria, great areas in China proper, 
Formosa, the Spratly Islands, Indochina, Thai- 
land. Burma and the Andamans, the entire 
Malay Peninsula, Hong Kong and Singapore, 
the Philippines, the Netherlands East Indies 
and, farther to the south and to the east, myr- 
iads of islands many of which are unsinkable 
aircraft carriers. 

Those areas contain all — mind you, all — the 
raw materials essential to the development of 
national power: rubber, oil, tin, metals, and 
foodstuffs — everything that the most compre- 
hensive economj' can desire; and thej* contain 
furthermore millions of native inhabitants who, 
experience has proved beyond peradventure, 
will be enslaved as skilled and unskilled labor 
by Japan to process those raw materials for 
immediate and future use. Add to that the 
stores of scrap iron for the making of steel 
which have been accumulating these many years 
in the Japanese homeland, and the further 
stores acquired in the many conquered and oc- 
cupied ports. There you have a recipe and the 
ingredients for national strength and power 

that defeat the imagination even approximately 
to assess. 

To this recipe and these ingredients add one 
further element of grimly ominous purport. 
During all my 10 years in Japan I have read 
the books, the speeches, the newspaper and 
magazine articles of highly placed Japanese, 
of generals and admirals, of statesmen and 
diplomats and politicians. Sometimes thinly 
veiled, sometimes not even veiled, there has been 
apparent their overweening ambition eventu- 
ally to invade and to conquer these United 
States. In their thinking, even the megalo- 
mania of Hitler is surpassed. Fantastic if you 
will, but to them it is not fantastic. It was not 
fantastic when the foremost Japanese admiral 
publicly stated in all seriousness that he intends 
that tlie peace after this war shall be dictated 
in the Wliite House in Washington — by Japan. 

It might be 1 year or 2 years or 5 or 10 years 
before that Japanese military machine would 
feel itself ready to undertake an all-out attack 
on this Western Hemisphere of ours; they 
themselves have spoken of a 100-year war; but 
one thing is as certain as the law of gravity : if 
we should allow the Japanese to dig in per- 
manently in the far-flung areas now occupied, 
if we should allow them to consolidate and to 
crystallize their ill-gotten gains, if we should 
allow them time to fortify those gains to the 
nth degree, as they assuredly are attempting 
to do, it would be only a question of time before 
they attempted the conquest of our American 
home territory. 

Wliat worries me in the attitude of our fellow 
countrymen is first the utterly fallacious pre- 
war thinking which still widely persists, to the 
effect that the Japanese, being a race of little 
men, good copyists but poor inventors, are in- 
capable of developing such power as could ever 
seriously threaten our shores, our cities, and 
our homes, a habit of mind which is reinforced 
by the great distances which separate our home- 
land from the eastern and southwestern battle- 
fronts today. Second, I am worried by the re- 
action of our people to the current successes of 
our heroic fighting men in the Solomons and 
New Guinea, for after each hard-won victory 



the spirits of our people soar. Moral stimula- 
tion is good; but complacency is the most 
dangerous habit of mind we can develop, and 
that danger is serious and ever-present. For 
10 years I have watched the aggression of Japan 
against her neighbors, and her spoliation of 
American life and property, and I say to you 
without hesitation or reserve that our own 
country, our cities, our homes, are in dire peril 
from the overweening ambition and the poten- 
tial power of that Japanese military machine — 
a power that renders Japan potentially the 
strongest nation in the world, potentially 
stronger than Great Britain or Germany or 
Kussia or the United States — and that only 
when that military caste and its machine have 
been wholly crushed and destroyed on the field 
of battle, by land and air and sea, and been 
discredited in the eyes of its own people, and 
been rendered impotent either to fight further 
or further to reproduce itself in the future, 
shall we in our own land be free from that 
hideous danger. 

Now add to the menace of this formidable 
enemy the equal danger of a Europe enslaved 
by Germany — a Germanj' hardened by the piti- 
less efficiency of dictatorship. We have seen 
the Germans rise from the defeat of 1918 to 
the crimes of 1939 ; we have seen the militarism 
of the Kaiser stamped out, only to be replaced 
by the even more ruthless and uncouth mili- 
tarism of the Nazis. Our enemies in the East 
and in the West profited by attacking the non- 
aggressive powers one by one. The United 
Nations have been welded into their present 
indestructible unity only by the terrific pressure 
of nightmare adversity. We must not make 
the mistake — indeed, we can aiford no mistakes 
at all — of attacking only the one enemy, only 
the Germans, while forgetting the Japanese, or 
of attacking only the Japanese while forgetting 
the Germans. 

I am happy to be able to assure you that the 
leaders into whose hands you have entrusted 
the conduct of your government and the wag- 
ing of your war are not of a kind to be taken 
in by underestimation of the enemy. They 
realize that each portion of our present war 

is itself an enterprise of enormous magnitude 
and danger ; they know that the road to defeat 
has many wrong turnings and the road to vic- 
tory, no turnings at all. We have faced ram- 
pant aggression because the aggressors dictated 
the strategy; metaphorically, they had inner 
lines of communication both in space and in 
time, since they dictated not only the applica- 
tion of aggressive military violence but the 
timing of that application as well. 

By doing what we are doing — by fighting 
the war of freedom as a single war; by dictat- 
ing the strategy of that war on all seas and 
continents; by taking the initiative with our 
own forces and keeping the initiative through 
the repetition of our own attacks, with time 
and space dictated by us and not by our ene- 
mies ; by uniting the immense human, material, 
and spiritual resources of the United Nations; 
by giving, in every single one of these nations, 
and from every single one of the more than a 
thousand million individual citizens on our 
side, all that we possibly can give ; by working 
more than we have ever worked before; by 
helping our allies in all parts of this war, 
whether it be the heroic Red Army and other 
European armies in their fight on the trans- 
Atlantic fronts or the Chinese and Australian 
peoples on the trans-Pacific fronts; by cadenc- 
ing our steps and coordinating our efforts in 
a supreme attempt to achieve perfect national 
and international teamwork; by holding the 
torch of our own justice, justice between men 
and between nations, before the world and let- 
ting our deeds blaze into darkness where even 
the most brilliant of words could only glitter; 
by consecrating ourselves to the winning of the 
greatest of world wars so that, in the prudence 
of man and the mercy of Providence, this may 
be the last of world wars ; by showing the Jap- 
anese and Germans that we can out-work, out- 
save, out-fight, and in every way surpass 
them — by doing these things and more, we can 
win this war in the way it should be won: 
completely, finally, and for all time. 

The peace which we shall win must be com- 
mensurate with the cost we shall have paid. 

MAT 1, 1943 


The Japanese and the Germans have performed 
wonders, working unquestioningly for their 
despotic masters. It is up to us — and, I fear, it 
is up to the youth of our land in particular — to 
perform even greater wonders, to justify the 
heritage of freedom which has been won for us 
by the sacrifice and labor of our forefathers. 
For thousands of years men have labored and 
schemed, have fought and died, so that we — 
their posterity — should be free and should 
carry the message and the reality of freedom to 
all mankind. Education is a vital part of the 
unending, ever-renewed process of liberation. 
By your studies you have won the understand- 
ing of freedom and the right to freedom; now 

you win the greater and more hazardous priv- 
ilege of going forth to work and fight in defense 
of freedom. 

Never before have the societies of free men 
been so dangerously and deepl}^ challenged as 
they are in our time, in this globe-circling, 
world-filling war. It is up to you and to the 
young people like yourselves in the other United 
Nations to show that never before have free men 
had such training, such weapons, such skill, such 
technical excellence, such naked courage, such 
all-round capacity with which to take their 
places in the ranks of embattled free men and 
to play their part toward the winning of an in- 
comparable victory such as is now in the making. 


[Released to tin' press Ajirll 27] 

Canada, to which, as you know, I have been 
drawn by intimate family ties, has accorded me 
a highly appreciated ln)nor. Last October the 
privilege was given me of assisting in Toronto 
at the opening of your Third Victory Loan, and 
now at the launching of your Fourth Victory 
Loan in Montreal I am once again invited to 
enjoy a stimulating meeting with my Canadian 
neighbors and friends. For this privilege and 
for your warm hospitality I thank you with all 
my heart. 

It Mould little become me, in again visiting 
Canada, to urge you to repeat what you have 
already shown yourselves so magnificently capa- 
ble of doing in valiantly oversubscribing your 
previous war loans. You will do it again, I 
have not the slightest doubt, and we in the 
United States may well profit in our own im- 
mense war effort from the example which you, 
who even longer than we have felt the cruel 
impact of a cruel war, have so nobly set. From 
that example we are steadily and progressively 

' Delivereil by the Honorable Joseph C. Grew, now 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, at the 
opening of the Fourth Canadian Victory Loan cam- 
paign, Apr. 27, 1943. 
324895 — 43 2 

profiting. In democracies the wheels of war 
move slowly at first. Sometimes they grate. 
We were not geared for war; we never have 
wanted war; in a war we move at the outset 
like novices. But gradually we move up 
through the gears, until finally we push into 
high gear, every part working in unison and 
with power and speed; and then nothing in the 
world can stop us. 

I think that our philosoi^y in war, your phi- 
losoph}' and ours, can be quite simply expressed : 
maximum individual effort — together with and 
supporting maximum collective effort — in the 
circumstances in which we individually find our- 
selves. Nothing less than maximum is enough. 
Could any one of us, man, woman, or child in 
our respective countries, be happy if he could 
not feel that he was pulling his full weight in 
the boat ? That is the real test, and surely there 
is plenty of inspiration to call out and to justify 
the effort. Patriotism, certainly. Our coun- 
tries are crying out for that maximum indi- 
vidual effort not only to insure a continuance of 
our way of life but even to safeguard our na- 
tional safety and security from an utterly ruth- 
less and utterly determined foe. But there is 
more to it than that. We and the other United 



Nations are fighting for the four freedoms, for 
righteousness, for civilization, and for human- 
ity. We cannot, alas, all fight at the front, but 
we can all serve in the war effort at home. May 
that thought animate and insjjire you in making 
those individual efforts which once again must 
and will bring you through another Victory 
Loan drive with flying colors and the profound 
satisfaction that inevitably springs from diffi- 
cult achievement devotedly accomplished. 

Let us look for a moment at the war picture 
as we face it today. Since my last visit to Can- 
ada, a little over half a year ago, immense 
changes have taken place in our global war 
against our common enemies, the Japanese and 
the Germans. These changes are all tremen- 
dous, and they are all favorable to our — the 
United Nations' — side. 

In North Africa the long-poised German men- 
ace is being removed. The territories of France 
on that continent have been liberated from the 
odious pressure of a peace which was no peace, 
a war which gave no chance for valor beyond 
the secret heroism of underground activities. 
The spirit of France is once more a force in the 

On the continental European front the heroic 
Ked Army, supported by all classes of the Soviet 
people, has driven the Germans back, saved the 
oil and the strategic communications which spell 
Soviet efficiency, and destroyed innumerable of 
the Nazi invaders. 

And on the many, wide, and scattered Pacific 
fronts an iron ring of pressure has been built 
up around the vast perimeter of Japan's con- 
quered zones; the flow of goods into China has 
been increased, is increasing, and will increase ; 
and we can count with mathematical certainty 
on the rising tide of the democratic counter- 

Behind these favorable changes there lies an- 
other order of events, another chapter in the his- 
tory of free mankind. You, today, are about to 
write a new page in the story of free men sacri- 
ficing, working, giving, and saving for the com- 
mon good. I cannot tell you just how, in enter- 

ing into friendly competition with us, you 
should seek to outdo your own admirable record 
of service to the war; how you should work for 
that honored place among the United Nations 
to which sacrifice is the only key. Nor shall I 
undertake to describe to you the miracles of 
American production and military mobiliza- 
tion ; these you know of as do I. 

It is, by the way, a living testimony to the 
jDcrfect democratic good faith of our United 
Nations system that you, here in Canada, can 
look across a long and undefended border with 
good cheer while a colossal military force is in 
the ver}'^ process of construction there ! No Ca- 
nadian could be fantastic enough — no American 
warped or stupid enough — to dream that your 
power would be turned against us, or ours 
against you. Canada and the United States are 
engaged in an armaments race, but it is a new 
kind of armaments race : it is a competition to 
see who can deliver the sharpest and heaviest 
weapons to render the sharpest and heaviest 
blows against common enemies whom we both 
detest. Surely this is an augury of the kind of 
world — a world wherein there will be security 
and confidence — which men can build all over 
this earth of oui's, given liberty and good faith. 

My knowledge and experience have, as you 
know, little to do with matters of industrial 
production or creation and operation of ma- 
chinery of war. My activities have been in the 
field of foreign relations. My experience has 
been, in great part, with the peoples who are 
now our enemies, that is, the Germans and the 
Japanese. I was on duty in Berlin down to 
the eleventh hour of the first World War, and 
in Tokyo until and for six months after the 
outbreak of war with Japan. In other years I 
have served variously in Russia, in Europe, and 
in Turkey. I tell you this, not because these 
tilings are significant to you of themselves but 
by way of laying my credentials before you be- 
fore claiming your attention, your interest, and 
your confidence. 

Ten years in Japan gave me a picture of that 
particular enemy of ours which has made me 

MAT 1, 1943 


anxious to tell my fellow countrymen about the 
character of the war we face and the seriousness 
of the issues involved. The war with Japan is 
a part of the global war against tyranny, and 
if that {)art is larger or more serious than many 
of us have supposed, the global war itself is to 
that same degree a worse, more critical, and 
more decisive war than otherwise might have 
been believed. 

The assumption that Japan is a not formida- 
ble opponent is an insult to the heroic Chinese 
armies and people who, under the inspired 
leadership of tlieir dauntless, far-seeing, inde- 
fatigable Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, have 
fought for more than five years against the full 
power of Japan, and wlio fought through most 
of that time without allies and even without 
the equipment commonly considered indispensa- 
ble in modern war. The assumption that Japan 
is weak travesties the memoi-y of the British, 
Canadian, and Chinese at Hong Kong; of the 
British, Australians, and Indians at Singapore; 
of the British, Cliinese, Americans, and Bur- 
mans in Burma; of the Filipinos and Americans 
on Bataan and Corregidor; and of the heroic 
Dutch and Indonesians throughout Netherlands 
India. Those men fought valiantly and bit- 
terly. Many of them made the highest sacrifice, 
their own lives. The others surrendered only 
when they were worn out, when their dead and 
dying surrounded them, when they were stra- 
tegically and tacticallj' at the end of their re- 
sistance. These men who died opposing Japan's 
southward drive did not die opposing a weak 
enemy; they died fighting a militarist power 
of relentless fanaticism, deadly skill, sinister 
foresight, and despotic unity of purpose ! 

We face that same powerful enemy today, an 
enemy confident and rich with conquest. The 
Japanese have acquired food supplies, man- 
power, oil, rubber, quinine, tin, lumber, and 
minerals; they have added ports, railways, ar- 
senals, dockyards, naval bases at Olongapo and 
Singapore, airfields, road nets, and telecom- 
munications systems; they have swept the 
coastal Chinese, tlie Indochinese and resident 

French, the Thai, the Malays, the Filipinos, the 
Indonesians, the Burmese, the South Seas 
Chinese, Dutchmen, Englislmien, Portuguese, 
and innumerable other peoples into the living 
death of bondage; they have corrupted cur- 
rency and made business an adjunct, a dishonest 
and devastating adjunct, of their voracious 
quartermaster system; they have polluted edu- 
cation with ancient and mind-poisoning myths; 
they have raised the hideous flag of racial war; 
they have trampled on everything for which our 
common American civilization stands ; they still 
occupy the islands which appertain to the 
Xorthwest of our Western Hemisphere; they 
are now organizing this immensity of power and 
loot into a long citadel from which to defy de- 
mocracy. That is the enemy we face today. 
That is the enemy whom your dollars fight, 
whom every wastefulness serves, and to whose 
destruction the lives of your men and the men 
of the other United Nations are pledged. 

In talking to you of the success which the 
United Nations have achieved within the past 
half year, I speak from the particular vantage 
point of the knowledge of our Japanese enemy. 
You may wish to consider how much our suc- 
cess in North Africa has already told against 
the Japanese, how much the reclamation of the 
Ukraine would shorten our road to Tokyo, and 
how well our globe-girdling ring of counter- 
pressure has imprisoned the evil dynamics of 
Japanese aggression. Let me revert to the 
statements made at the beginning of this address 
and take up the most hopeful achievements of 
the past half year one by one. I shall attempt 
to relate these to our war against Japan, so that 
you may see how each of them contributes its 
promising share to the attainment of that single 
and indivisible victory which can — for us — ^be 
the onlj' possible end to our single and individ- 
ual war against tyranny and aggression. 

First, North Africa. 

The landing of United Nations forces in 
North Africa and the coordinated envelopment 
of the German military forces in Africa cannot 
properly be viewed by itself. It was and is a 



properly planned step toward the accomplish- 
ment of global victory. It is an undeniable 
movement toward the liberation of the European 
Continent: and, though no strategist, I find it 
significant that metropolitan France is the near- 
est of the conquered European nations to the 
present theater of United Nations offensive ac- 
tion. Both in its method and in its purposes 
the North Africa move symbolizes to me the kind 
of international military action which can be 
accomplished by the armed services of democra- 
cies. It is aimed at the liberation of friends, not 
at the subjugation of neighbors. I think that 
history will esteem it a tribute to the spirit of 
France, and a testimony of the loyalty of 
America and Britain to their traditional friend- 
ship with the French people, that the landing 
was made on French soil and that the first new 
allies to be called to the colors were French. 

By occupying North Africa the United Na- 
tions sought to free the Mediterranean. As the 
President pointed out, the United Nations 
eliminated the long-standing menace of a trans- 
Atlantic blow against the Americans by way 
of West Africa and Brazil. Wlien the power of 
Germany is cleared out of Africa, it will mean 
that Nazi power is confined once again to a 
single continent, that the hour of French libera- 
tion draws nigh, and that a new crusade of 
civilization is ready for the final assault on the 
citadels of superstition, prejudice, oppression, 
and atheism. The Germans have imagined 
themselves to be a breed of supermen — little 
short of deities; they have given to their 
weapons the worship which men should give 
only to the Divine, the noble, and the good. 
They have ventured to deny the authority of 
all religion and to create in its stead fantastic 
and absolute irreligion which caricatures right 
and wrong. Now, with the freeing of North 
Africa, they face defeat and they begin to taste 
the bitter fruit of their impious vanity. 

French-speaking Canada, which drinks from 
the same deep well of literature, rich culture. 

and fine morality as does the mother civilization 
of France, has held aloft in her separate and in- 
dependent way the highest values of French 
culture through this time of travail. France 
has been spared none of the horrors of war, 
none of the hideous humiliation of surrender, 
none of th.e shame of being conquered and ex- 
ploited by Germans who had, with evil and 
selfish intent, deliberately made themselves 
barbarians. French-speaking Canada, as a con- 
stituent part of this great progressive Dominion, 
has been able to fulfil the role of intermediary 
between the English-speaking world and the 
undying culture of France, while at the same 
time serving as a repository in her own right 
for those things which are most honorable and 
most revered in the French tradition. Canada 
of both tongues contributed to the liberation of 
North Africa ; Canada of both tongues can con- 
tribute, with the loan being launched today, to 
the liberation of France herself and of the other 
free and Christian peoples who have been sub- 
jugated by the wild pagan horde of Adolf 
Hitler; and by her contribution to the common 
cause French Canada can have the special joy 
of remembering her French cousins across the 
sea and of performing the free men's task of 
i-estoring freedom to a liberty-loving and 
liberty-giving people. 

The campaign in North Africa means much 
to the militarists in Tokyo. If they do not 
see this stark truth, so much the better for us 
and the more deluded they. We have two ene- 
mies to defeat in one war. We shall not have 
victory until we shall have defeated both. The 
ships, the planes, the men, the trucks, the tanks, 
the guns, and all the other intricate machinery 
of moflern war which advance toward either 
of the enemy capitals shorten the distance be- 
tween ourselves and victory. 

Our enemies are united only by their hatred 
of us, by their repugnance for good faith and 
peaceful international living, and by their 
dread of humane religion. It may be that the 

KAY 1, 1943 


mililarists of Tokyo do not wholly comprehend 
that what defeats the German aggressor will 
defeat the Japanese aggressor, but I say to you 
that it is a matter of the simplest and most 
elementary truth tliat the Chinese are veritablj' 
fighting Germany in the far hinttuland of 
Sliansi and Yunnan, just as we are fighting 
Japan both in the Pacific and in the skies of 
Europe. The French of Indochina await lib- 
eration from the one enemy while the metro- 
politan French await liberation from the other; 
blows stuck on behalf of one are blows struck 
for both and for all free men. 

I have pointed out that this war is one and 
indivisible, that we fight Japan in Africa and 
the Mediterranean even as we fight Germanj' 
in Asia and the Pacific. The same powerful, 
basic, elementary truth holds when it is applied 
to the violent scene of the Russo-German cam- 
paigns and counter-campaigns. The battles 
waged by the Soviet people against the invaders 
of tlieir land are battles in our common cause. 
Tlie Russian people have set an example of 
fortitude, sacrifice, and patriotism in the un- 
stinting service which they have rendered their 
Government and themselves. They have ac- 
cepted privations which surpass belief. They 
have given their toil, their products, their prop- 
erty, and their lives unhesitatingly. And they 
have decimated the German armies. 

The Soviet contribution to our war is an 
immense contribution, a contribution made 
where every ounce of its weight has taken deadly 
effect. Every Russian who fights Germans keeps 
those particular Germans from fighting Cana- 
dians or Americans or Englishmen or Chinese — 
and by simple arithmetic leaves that many more 
of us to fight militarism in all parts of the world. 

Finally, the struggle against Japan has 
changed greatly for the good within the past 
half year. In the south tlie Japanese have al- 
ready lost a large amount of shipping and a 
little territory. Australia, your sister common- 
wealth, has been made more secure. The first 

few miles of Dutch territory have been freed. 
The Australian and American air and land 
forces, operating in conjunction with United 
Nations naval forces, have interposed a 
limit to Japan's southward expansion. We 
have stopped the Japanese from getting what 
they planned to get ; we have held them at a line 
at whicli they did not wish to stop ; and we have 
driven them back a short distance. On the 
Burma front, on the many China fronts, and in 
the naval struggle for the Pacific, the same gen- 
eral story holds true. AVe have stopped them; 
we have held them; and we are beginning to 
push tliem back. 

I do not know nor can I tell in what fashion 
the Unii ed Nations will shift the weight of their 
power from one front to another. It is my per- 
sonal belief that the combined United Nations 
plan for the destruction of Germany and Japan 
as military powers is perfectly cadenced, per- 
fectly coordinated and timed, designed to do 
the worst to each of our enemies which can be 
done while fighting both. Japan is still formi- 
dable, but her capacity is little in comparison 
with the combined capacity of the free nations. 
So, too. is Germany formidable; but here too 
our superiority holds true. As long as they 
fought together against us separately they re- 
mained superior militarily within the theaters 
which they chose for their aggression. Now 
that we are united, the secret of Axis power is 
exposed and destroyed forever. That secret was 
their common effort against our not yet united 

Today every one of us can be taking part in a 
world-\\ ide effort in which a clear majority of 
the human race, men of all races, are dedicated 
to the global struggle against international 
crime and the immoral, violent, irreligious fa- 
naticism of racial myth. The dollars you 
pledge today stand for labor, for sacrifice, for 
self-denial, for support of the men on the var- 
ious fronts : here and now in Montreal you can 
strike your blow against Tokyo and Berlin ! 



Address by Francis B. Sayre ^ 

[Released to the press April 30] 

I esteem it a great pleasure and privilege to 
be among this distinguished company this eve- 
ning, drawn together by a common bond and a 
common faith, knowing as we do that upon 
justice and law alone can lasting peace and 
human progress be built. The building up of a 
sound body of international law is of utmost 
consequence to the future of mankind. 

You have just heard the words of a great 
President.^ I should like to add to these the 
words of another war President. May I recall 
to you the words of Woodrow Wilson, spoken 
at the end of the first World War on May 9, 
1919 in the course of his address before the 
International Law Society at Paris. 

"I thought it a privilege to come here to- 
night," he said, "because your studies were de- 
voted to one of the things which will be of most 
consequence to men in the future, the intelli- 
gent development of international law. In one 
sense, this great, uni^recedented war was fought 
to give validity to international law, to prove 
that it has a reality which no nation could af- 
ford to disregard; that, while it did not have 
the ordinary sanctions, while there was no inter- 
national authority as yet to enforce it, it never- 
theless had something behind it which was 
greater than that, the moral rectitude of man- 
kind. . . . 

"In a sense the old enterprise of national 
law is played out", he went on to say. "I mean 
that the future of mankind depends more upon 
the relations of nations to one another, more 
upon the realization of the common brother- 
hood of mankind, than upon the separate and 
selfish development of national systems of law ; 
so that the men who can, if I may express it 

'Delivered at the thirty-seventh annual meeting of 
the American Society of International Law, Washing- 
ton, D. C, Apr. 30, 1943. Mr. Sayre is Special Assistant 
to the Secretary of State. 

'A message from President Roosevelt was read by 
the president of the Society ; not printed herein. 

so, think without language, think the common 
thoughts of humanity, are the men who will be 
most serviceable in the immediate future." 

I think all of us listening to these words to- 
night feel the lift of Woodrow Wilson's lofty 
spirit. All of us alike realize, as the world is 
coming to realize through fire and suffering, that 
we cannot hope for enduring peace, we cannot 
hope for human progress except as we build our 
law and our institutions upon the conscience of 
mankind, upon the underlying eternal principle 
of right as distinct from wrong, upon justice 
and morality and the eternal verities of life. 
For the world in which we live is a moral world ; 
and sooner or later nations and civilizations built 
upon unrestrained force and stark materialism 
and selfish unconcern for humanity are bound 
as inevitably as the rising of the sun to crash 
in disaster. 

If civilization is to go forward the pathway 
is clear: First, the inarticulate conscience of 
mankind, humanity's understanding of right 
and morality as distinguished from evil, must 
be formulated and enshrined in written or un- 
written objective standards and principles and 
rules for the guidance of human conduct. With- 
out common standards and formulations of ac- 
cepted fundamentals of ethics and morals, 
groups of men can never successfully work to- 
gether or attain peace. Second, there must be a 
common determination to defend this body of 
accepted principles against violation and attack, 
even, when necessary, at the point of the sword 
and to the death. 

In the latter task we are now engaged. The 
winning of the present war in spite of its stag- 
gering and terrifying cost in human life and 
material resources is an absolute necessity if 
civilization is to go forward. For if those who 
seek to build upon justice and morality and con- 
cern for the welfare of others prove unable to 
develop sufficient strength and power to over- 
come the opposing forces of inhumanity, of 
brutishness, of primitive savagery, our civiliza- 

MAY 1, 1943 


tion has no justification for survival. In that 
event the Nazis would be right. Their thesis 
that the Christian ethic weakens and softens and 
is therefore impractical and injurious to the race 
would be proven correct. It would be better for 
mankind to begin anew. 

AVe of the United Nations believe exactly the 
reverse. We know that the protection of indi- 
vidual liberties which the Axis powers scorn 
makes for matchless strength in nations and 
in empires. If we look back through the pages 
of history we find that power and mastery have 
come to those nations and those peoples which 
have developed an understanding and a toler- 
ance for other peoples, which have organized 
protective care for the weak as against the 
strong, which have sought to safeguard and 
strengthen the rights of the individual irrespec- 
tive of his race or color or physical strength or 
weakness. It is this concept of individual 
liberties which justifies the right of our civiliza- 
tion to survive, and it is from tliis ideal that the 
United Nations are drawing and will continue 
to draw the strength and unflagging devotion 
by which tlie Axis will be crushed into final 

The practical way, if not the only way, to 
guard individual liberties is through the de- 
velopment of a body of law based upon even- 
handed justice. 

The great ideal of justice to all alike before 
the law upon which much of England's great- 
ness has been built and which constituted our 
own American birthright existed long before 
Magna Charta. It existed long before Jus- 
tinian. But it is highly significant that the two 
greatest bodies of law which the world has ever 
known — ^the Roman law and the English com- 
mon law, enshrining this great principle — con- 
stituted the foundations upon which were built 
two of the greatest empires which the world has 
known. And it is equally significant that the 
strength of these empires has rested primarily 
not upon the mere physical strength of their 
armies and their soldiers but upon their legal 
systems, upon their understanding and regard 
for the rights of other peoples, and upon their 
progress in learning the great art of governing 
subject races. 

No nation can possibly hold alien peoples in 
permanent subjection by mere brute force. All 
history proves the contrary to be true. The 
strength of the British Commonwealth today 
lies largely in the self-governing Dominions, 
bound to it no longer by force but by ties of un- 
derstanding and common faith in spiritual 
ideals. World power rests upon understanding 
and tolerance, and it can be built only upon 
respect for the rights of the individual human 

WTiat Rome and England achieved for their 
own empires through the building up of their 
great systems of law for the protection of the 
weak against the strong and the guaranty of 
impartial justice to all alike, must in a sense be 
undertaken now for humanity. The whole 
world must build up a body of practice and of 
law giving expression to the conscience of man- 
kind so far as it relates to the rights of nations 
and of peoples. Such rights must be based 
henceforth upon universal justice rather than 
upon sheer physical force. 

Obviously such a task can be achieved by no 
people single-handed. It can be achieved only 
by the joint and cooperative effort of all nations 
and peoples who believe in human brotherhood. 
And in such a movement it is natural that all 
the world should turn in hope to America, born 
of the struggle to make men free. The building 
of the peace will be a task to try men's souls; 
and unless we clearly realize the supreme strug- 
gle which lies ahead and consecrate ourselves 
to the coming task with the same devotion now 
displayed on the battlefront, we cannot hope 
to win the objectives for which we are fighting. 

This was what Woodrow Wilson realized at 
the close of the first World War. So clear was 
his vision as he stood facing very much the 
same problems as we face in the days ahead that 
I should like to recall to you tonight, even at 
some length, his ringing words, uttered as he 
landed in Boston on February 24, 1919, fresh 
from his arduous encounters at the peace con- 
ference at Versailles. 

"The Europe of the second year of the war— 
the Europe of the third year of the war'', said 
he, "was sinking to a sort of stubborn despera- 



tion. They did not see any great thing to 
be achieved even when the war should be 
. They never dreamed that it would 


be a Europe of settled peace and justified hope. 
And now tliese ideals have wrought tins new 
magic that all the peoples of Europe are buoyed 
up and confident in the spirit of hope. ... If 
America were at this juncture to fail the world, 
what would come of it? 

"I do not mean any disrespect to any other 
great people when I say that America is the 
hope of the world. And if she does not justify 
that hope results are unthinkable. Men will be 
thrown back upon bitterness of disappointment 
not only but bitterness of despair. All nations 
will be set up as hostile camps again. . . . 

"Arrangements of the present peace can not 
stand a generation unless they are guaranteed 
by the united forces of the civilized world. And 
if we do not gtiarantee them can you not see 
the picture? Your hearts have instructed you 
where the burden of this war fell. It did not 
fall upon national treasuries; it did not fall 
upon the resources of nations. It fell upon the 
voiceless homes everywhere, where women were 
toiling in hope that their men would come back. 
When I think of the homes upon which dull 
despair would settle if this great hope is disap- 
pointed. I should wish for my part never to 
have had America play any part whatever in 
this attempt to emancipate the world. 

"But I talk as if there were any question. I 
have no more doubt of the verdict of America 
in this matter than I have doubt of the blood 
that is in me." 

"America the hope of the world." Wliat 
poignant words are those as now we look back 
across the years ! 

Woodrow Wilson saw the realities then — the 
same realities which we must face again at the 
conclusion of the second World War. If Amer- 
ica was to protect and preserve her birthright 
of democracy and individual freedom there was 
only one course which she could follow. That 
was the way of human brotherhood. 

Even from the selfish viewpoint of protecting 
her own national interests no other course was 
safe or wise. For in the twentieth century 

world nations have become so closely interde- 
pendent in trade, in finance, in almost every 
form of human activity, that none can become 
diseased today without spreading disease and 
contagion among all. Mankind has become a 
living unity. We survive or perish together. 
During the past 20 years we have seen that 
lesson written in letters of fire. 

In 1919 and 1920 we as a nation rejected the 
leadership of Woodrow AVilson as the teaching 
of an impractical idealist. We chose instead the 
course of selfish national isolation, mistakenly 
deeming it a more practical way in order to 
protect purely American interests and purely 
American resources. 

In the economic field as in every other we 
pursued the pathway of national separatism 
and self-sufficiency. It led, as it always must, 
to ever-mounting trade barriers, to the unceas- 
ing struggle to capture world markets at the 
expense of one's competitors, to increasing dis- 
crimination and economic conflict. The in- 
escapable result has been, as it always must be, 
mounting unemployment in our own country 
as well as in others, falling standards of living, 
growing expenditures for public relief, increas- 
ing bitterness, unrest and hostility. 

In the political field the pathway of national 
isolation and refusal to cooperate with other 
nations has resulted, as it always will, in 
growing distrust and increasing armament, in 
inability successful!}' to grapple with the inter- 
national problems which make for war, in fail- 
ure to take common action against brigand na- 
tions and as a result in international anarchy's 
spreading its contagion across the world. 

The pathway which we and other nations fol- 
lowed in the years succeeding the first World 
War has led us inescapably to the second. And 
so we stand again whei'e Wilson stood in 1919, 
and must assay again the task which broke his 
heart. His task was hopeless, for the peoples 
and the governments of the great powers, and in 
particular of the United States, did not fully 
understand or, if they understood, were not yet 
ready to adopt and consistently apply the mea- 
sures and the policies upon which alone secure 
peace must be built. If this time we may hope 

MAY 1, 1943 


for a larger measure of success it can only be 
because we now understand more fully what it 
is that is required and are resolved more firmly 
to perform it. 

We have learned a great deal about war and 
peace since the days of 1919. 

We have learned in the first place that the 
keeping of the peace is necessarily an interna- 
tional affair and cannot be achieved except by 
international measures. Protective steps taken 
by one or bj' two nations, whether in the form 
of Maginot lines or defensive alliances to main- 
tain the balance of power or neutrality acts, can- 
not preserve the peace even of the nations that 
adopt them. Mr. Litvinoff was right : the peace 
is indivisible. 

We have learned, second, that great powers 
must respect at every point the independence 
and integrity of their less powerful neighbors. 
Attempts by any power to control the acts of 
others, to carve out spheres of iuHuence and 
the like, result only in rivalries and jealousies 
and have their final end in the political sparring 
for position which breeds wars. 

We have come to realize further the growing 
and vital interdependency of all nations in the 
economic and financial fields. Tariffs, trade 
regulations, currencies, cartels, control of food 
and agriculture, international investment, ship- 
ping regulations, and, not least, the regulation 
of international air transport — these are mat- 
ters of international concern and must be 
brought within the scope of international agree- 
ment. They can no longer safely be left en- 
tirely to the will of separate sovereign states 
or of small groups of states. For in these mat- 
ters each government's activities are certain to 
have repercussions upon the welfare and the 
prosperity of other peoples. If these matters 
are subjected to international agreement and 
arrangement in the interest of all peoples, the 
welfare of each can be substantially advanced ; 
but if they are left to the narrowly conceived 
self-interest of separate nations without con- 
sideration for the common welfare of all, in- 
jurious practices and bitter rivalries are bound 
to result. Political peace cannot be built upon 
economic warfare. 

524895 — 43 3 

If nations act cooperatively there is no prob- 
lem facing them today which cannot be solved. 
The only way under present-day realities to 
make peace secure is to set up an international 
organization for the keeping of the peace. This 
docs not mean creating overnight a world gov- 
ernment with sweeping and general power to 
invade the domestic affairs of sovereign states. 
It does mean the delegation to some interna- 
tional organization of certain carefully defined 
and restricted powers. Presumably these would 
include among others the power to prevent by 
concerted action international territorial ag- 
gression and thievery, the power to regulate and 
control heavy-armament building in every coun- 
try of the world, the power to administer and 
supervise the government of such backward 
areas as need this kind of assistance, and the 
power by concerted action to attack certain dis- 
criminatory and anti-social practices in the field 
of international trade and finance. The degree 
of power accorded to such an organization would 
naturally grow with time as experience proved 
its worth and its competence. 

Finally, we know that the peace-seeking struc- 
ture of the future must in the last analysis be 
backed with force. The "wider and permanent 
system of general security" which the Atlantic 
Charter promises must be more than a system 
of pious resolutions. Otherwise there will again 
be outlaws who will disregard it. 

I do not need to emphasize in this society of 
lawyers the problems of sovereignty, of consti- 
tutional law, of practical arrangement which 
this requirement poses. They have been and 
will be debated by the learned and the unlearned 
for a long time to come. ]\Iay I express one hope 
as to the character of that debate? Let it be 
based on facts and not on words, on human 
needs and not on lawyers' doctrines, on the 
statesmanship of a John Marshall and the pas- 
sion for facts of a Mr. Justice Brandcis, and not 
on the political cynicism of a Kibbentrop or a 
Ciano. Our real job is to safeguard the peace, 
and to do so we must learn to utilize sovereign 
powers practically and purposefully through 
measures of international cooperation. 

No harder problem faces men than the prob- 



lem of how to live together peacefully upon this 
planet. If on careful examination we find that 
some of our traditional ideas are inconsistent 
with a full solution of that problem, then we 
sliall be false to tlie tradition of tlie common law 
if we do not adapt and change the old ideas to 
meet the new conditions and requii'ements. 
There lies the great task of today for lawyers, 
iis" difficult and as important as the tasks which 
Alexander Hamilton and his associates in the 
Constitutional Convention or John Marshall 
and his colleagues on the Court performed at the 
beginning of our history. 

Never before has the world passed through 
such rapid disintegration and breakdown and 
change as today. But it is not a time for fear 
or discouragement or despair. Once we clearly 
see the pathway ahead, it is a thrilling time in 
which to be alive and to have an active part in 
the shaping of the New World. Advance some- 
( imes comes not in quiescent times of peace but 
out of the turmoil and struggle which follow 
world-shaking conflict. There can be no prog- 
ress without change. Now in the fluid days 
ahead of us is the great time for brave men to 
be alive and at work — only provided that we 
give a right direction to the change that is tak- 
ing place. Do you remember the stirring words 
of that doughty old warrior, Paul : "All things 
work together for good — to them that love 
God." Subject to that last qualification — if we 
ai-e really intent and insistent, in spite of the 
cynics and the self-seekers, on following the 
])athway of brotherhood — we have a chance to 
go forward such as man has never seen. Never 
before has science and technological advance 
and new access to the earth's natural resources 
made possible so rich a life to mankind — if only 
\\-p and other peoples can remember that our true 
interest lies in cooperation rather than in con- 
flict and can act upon that truth. 

The Governments of the United Nations, in 
their common and declared support of the prin- 
liples of the Atlantic Charter, have laid down 
the basis of our future action. No territorial 
aggrandizement for anyone, the right of self- 

determination and self-government, access on 
equal terms to trade and raw materials, interna- 
tional collaboration in economic matters, the 
freedom of the seas, the disarmament of aggres- 
sor nations and the easing of the burden of 
armaments for all, a permanent international 
system of general security, a peace that will per- 
mit each nation to dwell in safety within its 
own boundaries and which will make freedom 
from want and fear a possibility— these are 
the stated principles and goals of the United 
Nations. Wliat remains — and it is a great and 
formidable task — is so to remake our actual 
relations with each other, in loyal and coopera- 
tive effort, that i^eace and liberty may really be 
secure and that the great productive forces 
which are within our sight may function freely 
for the benefit of all. It is within the power of 
tlie United Nations to make a mighty start upon 
that road. They have laid down the principles 
of action ; it is for the people of each country to 
determine how fully its government is to carry 


[Released to the press May 1] 

An exchange of telegrams between the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia and the 
Secretary of State of the United States, con- 
cei-ning the adherence of Bolivia to the Declara- 
tion by United Nations, follows : 

La Paz, Ajnil 27, J9.iJ. 

In harmony with the decree issued by my 
Government on the 7th day of the current month 
and year declaring a state of war between 
Bolivia and the nations of the Axis, a decision 
adopted to safeguard the national sovereignty 
and integrity my Government considers that the 
time has come to contribute in a more complete 
manner to the program of purposes and prin- 
ciples of the Atlantic Charter, purposes and 
principles which coincide with the aspirations 

MAY 1, 1943 


and sentiments of tlie Bolivian people. In this 
hour when the greater part of the civilized 
woi'ld is fighting for its liberty and its inde- 
pendence Bolivia desires to increase its efforts 
in the struggle against those who do not recog- 
nize right and aim at rule by force and violence. 
My country feels proud thus to associate itself 
with the United Nations in their sacrifices for 
liberty and for the preservation of civilization 
from the dangers which threaten it because of 
the action of the anti-democratic systems. I 
therefore have the honor to inform Your Ex- 
cellency that in accordance with instructions 
received from my Government Bolivia formally 
adheres by means of this communication to 
the declaration of the United Nations bearing 
date of January 1, 1942. 
I repeat [etc.] Tomas Manuel Elio 

April 30, 1943. 

I have received your telegram of iVpril 27. 
1943, stating that in harmony with the Bolivian 
Government's decree of April 7 declaring a 
stale of war between Bolivia and the Axis 
nations, the Bolivian Government considers 
that the time has come to contribute more com- 
pletely to the program of purposes and prin- 
ciples of the Atlantic Charter; that now when 
the greater part of the civilized world is light- 
ing for liberty and independence, Bolivia de- 
sires to increase its efforts in the struggle: and 
that accordingly Bolivia formally adheres to the 
Declaration by United Nations of January 1, 

It is a sourc* of genuine satisfaction for the 
Govenmient of the United States, as deposi- 
tory for the Declaration, to welcome Bolivia 
as one of the United Nations; to see Bolivia 
thus associated with thirty-one other freedom - 
loving nations which have pledged themselves 
to employ their full resources in the struggle 
against the common enemies. 

Please accept [etc.] Cordell Hull 


[Released to the press April 2G1 

The Secretary of State, acting in conjunction 
with the Acting Secretary of the Treasury, the 
Attorney Geneial. the Secretary of Commerce, 
the Board of Economic Warfare, and the Co- 
ordinator of Inter-American Affairs, pursuant 
to the proclamation by the President of July 17, 
1941 providing for The Proclaimed List of 
Ortain Blocked Nationals has issued Revision 
V of the Proclaimed List dated April 23, 1943. 
Revision V siijiersedes Revision IV, dated No- 
vember 12, 1942, and consolidates Revision IV 
with its six supplements. 

No new additions to or deletions from the 
Proclaimed List are made in this revision. 
Certain minor changes in the spelling of names 
listed are made. 

Revision V follows tlie listing arrange- 
ment used in Revision IV. The list is divided 
into two parts: Part I relates to listings in the 
American republics and part II to listings in 
countries other than the American republics. 
Revision V contains a total of 13,508 listings, of 
which 9,501 are in part I and 4,007 in part II. 


[Released to the press May 1 ] 

His Excellency Eduard Benes, President of 
Czechoslovakia, is expected to arrive in Wash- 
ington on or about ilay 12 as a of Presi- 
dent Roosevelt. 

President Benes will remain in the Capital 
for about a week, after which he will visit New 
York and Chicago, returning to New York 
jjrior to leaving the United States. 


As a result of the welcome opportunity af- 
forded by the reciprocal visits made by Presi- 
dent Roosevelt and President Avila Camacho, 
respectively, in Mexican and United States ter- 
ritory, the two Presidents reached the following 
agreement : 

1. It is considered desirable that expert econ- 
omists undertake the study of disturbances in 
the balance of international payments and the 
related economic situation of the Republic of 
Mexico resulting from the peculiar circum- 
stances of war economy in order to recommend 
appropriate measures of regulation and adjust- 

2. Such measures would have as their objec- 
tive the handling of economic relationships be- 
tween the two countries in such a way that the 
production of strategic materials by Mexico 
should not be prejudiced and that their quantity 
sliould not be lessened and in order to ensure 
the stability of such production and its possible 

development, it is recognized that the cooper- 
ation of the United States will be indispensable. 
3. To this end and in order to assure that the 
economic relations between the two countries 
be continued on the most equitable basis, it has 
been decided: 

I. To create an economic committee made up 
of two representatives from each comitry which 
will study the balance of international pay- 
ments and the resulting economic situation of 
the Re|3ublic of Mexico and formulate as the 
result of such study a program for economic 

II. This committee will fix as its place of 
meeting either Mexico City or Washington and 
in the course of its studies the committee will 
be afforded by both governments all necessary 

III. Tliis committee will commence its 
studies May 15 and will conclude its deliber- 
ations not Inter than June 15 of the present year. 


[Released to the press May 1 ] 

An agreement between the Governments of 
the United States and Mexico to make possible 
the temporary migration of non-agricultural 
workers to the United States has been concluded. 
The first workers to be brought in mider the 
new agreement are 6,000 maintenance-of-way 
workers for southwestern railroads, the need 
for whom has been certified by the War Man- 
power Commission. Like the agreement of 
August 4, 1942 with Mexico ^ for the bringing 
in of agricultural workers, the new agreement 

' Executive Agreement Series 278 ; see Bulletin of 
Aug. 8, 1942, p. 689. 

provides guaranties as to wage rates, living 
conditions, and repatriation for the Mexican 
workers and specifies that they are not to be 
employed to replace other workers or for the 
purpose of reducing rates of pay previously 
established in any industry in which they may 
be employed. The arrangement also provides 
that, as temporary residents of the United 
States, workers brought in under the agree- 
ment shall be exempted from compulsory mili- 
tary service in the armed forces of the United 

Negotiations leading to the agreement, dated 
April 30, 1943, were opened with the Mexican 

MAY 1, 1943 

Government at the request of the War Man- 
power Commission and other interested 
agencies, and the selecting and contracting of 
workers thereunder is to be administered by 
the War Manpower Commission. In request- 
ing the Department of State to open negotia- 
tions with the Mexican Government, the inter- 
ested agencies pointed out that serious shortages 
of manpower existed in certain industries be- 
cause of the enrolment of men in the armed 
services and because of the expansion of defense 
industries, and stated that these shortages 
could not be met by recruiting workers in the 
United States. 

Further details regarding the arrangement 
are being announced by the War Manpower 

The agreement of August 4, 1942 for the tem- 
porary migration of Mexican agricultural work- 
ers to the United States has been modified by an 
exchange of notes, also dated April 30, 1943. 
The modifications represent no basic changes in 
principles laid down in the original agreement 
but consist in writing into the text thereof 
clearer statements of procedures that were pro- 
vided for under the original agreement. 

Approximately 15.000 Mexican agricultural 
workers are now in the United States aiding in 
the production of essential war crops, the largest 
number being in the States of California, Ari- 
zona, and Washington. Seven thousand more 
agricultural workers are expected to be con- 
tracted during the month of May, and it is 
possible that the 1943 total of workers may reach 


[Released to the press April 26) 

Seiior Jose Pedro Puig, Chief of the Cine- 
matograiDhic Section of the National Council 
on Primary and Normal Education in Uru- 
guay, arrived in Washington April 23 for a 
three months' visit at the invitation of the 


Department of State. Seiior Puig expects to 
make a studj- of visual education as practiced 
in tlie United States, while our schools are in 
.session, and is interested in observing the pro- 
duction of educational pictures here. 

( Released to the press April 28] 

Dr. Oscar Julio Maggiolo, former Director 
of Primary Education in Uruguay and well- 
known leader in South American educational 
circles, arrived in Washington April 23 for a 
visit in the United States as a guest of the De- 
partment of State. 

During his stay Dr. Maggiolo plans to study 
the problems of education in wartime, the appli- 
cation of agriculture to education, the school as 
related to the family, and other subjects. He 
will lecture on education and child welfare in 


[Released to the press May 1] 

An exchange of communications between the 
Pi'esident of Ecuador and the President of the 
United States on the occasion of the opening of 
the first direct radiotelegraph circuit between 
the United States and Ecuador follows: 

QniTO, May. 1,1943. 

On the occasion opening direct radiotele- 
graph circuit between Quito and New York con- 
necting the stations of the Ecuadoran Govern- 
ment with those of RCA Communications in 
the United States I take pleasure in presenting 
affectionate greetings to Your Excellency and, 
through you, to the American people in my own 
name and that of the Ecuadoran people at the 
same time that I formulate sincere wishes that 
the circuit established may constitute another 
bond of union between the two peoples whose 
ideals have for so long been the same. 

Carlos Arroyo del Rio 



Mat 1, 1943. 
The inauguration of a direct radiotelegraph 
circuit between Quito and New York provides 
a new channel for free intercourse between our 
two republics. I am confident that it will repre- 
sent and serve alike the cordial collaboration 
that distinguishes the relations between the peo- 

ples of Ecuador and of the United States based 
on their indissoluble community of ideals. On 
my own behalf and on behalf of the people of 
the United States I seize the occasion to tender 
neighborly greetings to you and to the people 
of Ecuador. 

Feanklin D Roosevelt 

Commercial Policy 

Address by Assistant Secretary Acheson ' 

[Released to the press April 29] 

Justice Holmes used to say that the essential 
fact about the pollywog was the wiggle. He 
would then go on to elucidate the parable: 
Man, he said, is born to act; to act is to affirm 
the worth of an end ; and to affirm the worth of 
an end is to create an ideal. It is by action that 
we live, as individuals and as a nation. All our 
plans for the future, all our meetings and con- 
ferences, if they are divorced from action, are 
words, mere sound waves mingling with the 
endless echoes which this earth sends out each 
second into infinite space, and without more 

In this sense the fundamental problem of 
American post-war economic policy — or any 
policy — is our capacity for unified, sustained, 
and steadfast action. It is not the intellectual 
problem of knowing what to do. The world 
is engaged in a second World War within a 
quarter century, not because there was not 
enough intelligence on the planet to know good 
from evil, or right actions from wrong actions, 
but because it is one thing to know and it is an- 
other thing to act upon that knowledge — and 
to act together with millions of other men and 

To be capable of action, sustained and stead- 
fast, this democracy and every other as well 

'Delivered at the thirty-first annual meeting of the 
Chamber of Commerce, New York, N.Y., Apr. 29, 1943. 

must achieve unity of purpose upon the funda- 
mentals. One of the most disturbing phenom- 
ena of our recent history has been the ease 
with which we relapse into bitter, partisan quar- 
reling. This factionalism can paralyze our will 
and our capacity to act as a nation in the world 
of nations. 

Disagreement and debate are, of course, a part 
of the democratic process. Democracy works 
through public discussion and the thrashing out 
of differences of opinion. But this is a means — 
and the best means we know — to an end. The 
end is decision: decision which is accepted by 
all, decision which results in action. Democracy 
becomes frustrated and feeble when differences 
are preserved for their own sake, when faction- 
alism is kept alive to prevent that very unity 
upon which alone effective action as a nation 
depends. We shall never be capable of action 
if individuals and groups devote themselves to 
assaults on every proposal in the effort to secure 
the greatest possible advantage for themselves. 

We have seen France destroyed by the inabil- 
ity of the people to pull themselves together and 
act with unity and strength. Then we have seen 
the British people close ranks after Dunkirk 
and by becoming one people with one will so 
multiply their strength that all the might of 
Hitler could not break them. We have seen the 
same thing in the unyielding resistance of a 
united Russia and a united China. Even where 
the purpose for which a people are united is a 

MAT 1, 1943 


perverted and evil one, as in the case of Ger- 
many and Japan, we have learned to our cost 
that the result is powerful. 

The first task before us, then, if we are to 
act as a nation, strong and determined to meet 
tlie challenge of our destiny, is to pull ourselves 
together and to agi-ee upon our fundamental 
course of action. If we can do this, I have full 
faith in the rightness of our decisions and in 
our strength to endure. 

The very difficulties of the years which will 
follow the war make it essential that we have 
that sure sense of direction which alone makes 
determined and coherent action possible. They 
will not be easy years. The transformation of 
American life from the activities of peace to a 
vast organization for total war has been a 
colossal task affecting every person, every com- 
munity, every industry in the land. The change 
back again will be a task equally great and will 
require action equally far-reaching. 

^Millions of men and women will be returning 
from military and civilian service in direct war 
activities. They must find speedy and produc- 
tive employment. Whole industries must con- 
vert from war production to peace production. 
They must find markets for their goods. In 
lands which have suffered destruction by war 
and looting by the enemy, people will need help 
in creating again the means of self-support. 

It will take a steady and resolute people to 
plot and hold a course amid the confusion and 
pressures which these years will bring. Some 
among us will lose their heads and fall to quar- 
reling under tension; others will want to take 
actions which nullify one another to appease 
powerful groups; still others will follow any 
panacea-monger who promises an effortless solu- 
tion. And there will always be those who for 
their own interest knowingly mislead and incite 
passion and prejudice. But the job can be 
done — and done even beyond our hopes — if the 
mass of us will make our decision upon the 
simple truths which all of us have so painfully 
learned; and having made it, remember that 
"no man, having put his hand to the plow, and 
looking back, is fit for the kingdom of God." 

The men who made this democracy and this 

nation out of a continent and many diverse 
peoples held, as Thomas Jefferson phrased it, 
certain truths to be self-evident. Today, we 
also know certain truths to be self-evident. 
That knowledge, if acted upon, can give us 
unity and direction and strength. 

We know that defense is not a winning 
strategy. We know that only by offensive at- 
tack upon the problems which lie ahead can we 
hope to win solution. We know that the only 
solution is one which provides more production 
everywhere for the needs of mankind which 
will not be denied, more employment, more 
trade, better living standards. We know also 
that no nation can achieve this solution by 
isolating itself, that if any attempts to do so 
it not only injures itself but it imperils all 
others; and we know that joint and simul- 
taneous attack is essential to success. 

If these statements are platitudes, so much 
the better. It means that to us they are self- 
evident, that there is no substantial dissent 
from them, and that we can agree and act upon 
them. No one, so far as I know, believes that 
the way for this or any other nation to provide 
for the needs of its people is to reduce produc- 
tion throughout the world, or that the way to 
care for the returning soldiers and our present 
war workers is to reduce employment. There 
are no advocates for the view that the steady 
decline of international trade between the wars 
contributed to the welfare or security of any- 
one. No one claims that lower living standards 
are a goal to be sought. We are far more fully 
agreed than we know. 

Not only are we agreed upon our basic direc- 
tion but a large number of the nations of the 
earth are agreed with us upon the same course. 
For this is the course stated in the Atlantic 
Charter and in the Declaration by the United 
Nations of January 1, 1942, which has been 
endorsed by 31 nations. It is stated in article 
VII of the master lend-lease agreements with 
the United Kingdom, China, the Soviet Union, 
Belgium, Poland, the Netherlands, Greece, 
Czechoslovakia, Norway, and Yugoslavia, and 
adopted by Canada, Australia, and New Zea- 
land. These agreements look toward agreed 


action "open to participation by all other coun- 
tries of like mind, directed to the expansion, by 
appropriate international and domestic meas- 
ures, of production, employment, and the ex- 
change and consumption of goods, which are 
the material foundations of the liberty and wel- 
fare of all peoples; to the elimination of all 
forms of discriminatory treatment in interna- 
tional commerce, and to the reduction of tariffs 
and other trade barriers ; and in general to the 
attainment of all the economic objectives" of 
the Atlantic Charter. The same principles are 
declared in the resolutions adopted by the 21 
American republics at Kio de Janeiro in Jan- 
uary, 1942. 

It is not too much to say, then, that these 
truths are held to be self-evident by the whole 
free world, which is agreed that they both point 
the way and call for action. The task before us 
is to act by taking those steps which clearly 
fall within the area of agreement and not waste 
time with fear and factional fighting about 
matters which lie far ahead and beyond it. 

Certain steps within the economic field seem 
pretty clearly indicated. They must be predi- 
cated upon a world in which peace can and will 
be maintained. But, in turn, such a world must 
be predicated upon the adoption of the broad 
economic courses which have been mentioned. 
Peace is not likely if men must struggle for 
shrinking means of livelihood. The steps which 
are necessary for the expansion of production, 
employment, and consumption almost state 
themselves when one states the problem. 

At the end of this war vast areas of the earth 
will be in need of goods of all sorts but particu- 
larly of equipment for every kind of industry 
and agriculture to produce what they and others 
need. For some time they will need to buy 
more than they can sell. On the other hand, 
we and a few other countries will have a vast 
unimpaired productive plant and millions of 
workers released from war production, all look- 
ing for markets and employment, both at home 
and abroad. In other words, we can be and 
will need to be a capital-exporting nation. But 
we can neither get a return upon this capital 
nor permit those who use it to support them- 


selves by selling a part of their products unless 
we join actively in the restoration of interna- 
tional trade. On the contrary, we shall destroy 
not only our markets and our customers but also 
our own economy and every chance of pursuing 
the course which we are all agreed is essential 
to an ordered and decent world if we are so blind 
as to cut off the currents of trade that would 
flow to us. The process is all one process and 
we cannot block one artery without starting 

This is the problem with which we are faced. 
We already know a good deal about it. We 
know how not to try to solve it. We know that 
we cannot solve it by attempting to maintain 
here an isolated island of prosperity in a world 
of misery and depression. The past two de- 
cades have taught us the impossibility of that 
course. We know that we cannot solve it by 
letting matters drift. For they drift into the 
rapids that lie just above the cataract. And we 
know also the truths and the course which I 
have ventured to call self-evident. 

There remains only action — not action to 
create some all-embracing world system, but the 
minimum action essential to permit a bold 
launching upon the course which we all know 
we must follow. To do this requires some joint 
program among the nations to enable the peo- 
ple of each nation to use the funds which they 
have in the markets where they wish to buy. 
The purchasing power which exists or is earned 
must be made liquid and usable anywhere. 

Secondly, joint action among the nations is 
necessary to create purchasing power by fur- 
nishing capital where it is needed and can be 
well employed to expand production. Our own 
amazing development was made possible by the 
capital furnished us from abroad. It is the 
method of expanding production, employment, 
and consumption which can benefit both the 
country furnishing it and the country receiving 
it. Capital sent abroad means purchases made 
in our markets. It enables the country receiv- 
ing it to increase the productivity of its factories 
and farms, which is the essential foundation for 
higher standards of employment and living. 
Many difficult problems will arise in working 
out methods and procedures for making capital 

MAT 1, 1943 


available. But they are not beyond human 
ingenuity and could be solved by a fraction of 
the brains and courage which are surmounting 
the great difficulties presented in the conduct of 
the war. 

The third and essential step is to press on 
with the dredging of the channels through 
which goods can come to us. These channels 
have been clogged with obstacles. For nine 
years the Government, under the Trade Agree- 
ments Act, has worked with painstaking care 
to reduce them in number and size. Thought 
has been given to every interest involved. Pro- 
cedures have been developed so tliat every side 
of every question can be fully presented, argued, 
and considered. Steadily and carefully the 
work has gone forward. Thirty-one trade 
agreements have been made with twenty-seven 
countries, resulting in the material reduction of 
a multitude of trade barriers and the elimina- 
tion of man}' serious discriminations against 
our products. Over a thousand items of our 
tariff have been modified to date under this 

The Congress now has before it a bill to ex- 
tend the Trade Agreements Act for another 
period of three yenrs. The action taken upon 
this bill is of vital importance to every one of 
us. It is not unfair to say that it is a test of 
our capacity for sustained and consecutive ac- 
tion in the economic field. Certainly it will be 
so regarded and other nations will make their 
judgments of us and their plans to work with 
us accordingly. 

No question can exist that upon the purpose 
and principle of the act and upon its essential 
and central part in the whole process of ex- 
panding production and consumjition the coun- 
try is united in agreement. We are determined 
that we shall not go into another spiral of de- 
pression after this war. We are determined 
that the great productive power of the country 
shall be used to create the opportunity for a 
better life for all our people. We know that 
other people demand the same opportunity to 
work for the same end and that neither we nor 
they can achieve it if the flow of goods is 
dammed up in either direction. We are agi'eed 
upon the purpose of this act. 

We are agreed also upon its method. It has 
been tried and found fair and practicable. No 
other method has produced anything but frus- 
tration, controversy, and dissension. We have 
tried general tariff legislation. We have tried 
negotiated agreements subject to ratification, 
and this failed. We have tried other formulae, 
and none holds any hope of successful action. 
For nine years we have tried this method and 
we know that it will woi'k and will work fairly. 

No one could have any doubt of that who 
listened to the succession of witnesses who have 
appeared before the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee of the House of Representatives at the 
recent hearings on the renewal of the Trade 
Agreements Act. This Chamber of Commerce 
has taken an honorable and leading role. It 
has been joined by spokesmen for the great labor 
organizations, for manufacturers' and business 
associations, for agricultural organizations, for 
women's associations, and numerous public and 
citizens' groups. It is fair to say that the over- 
whelming majority of all our national groups 
and of the press is solidly behind this action 
as a tangible indication of our national will to 
work with other like-minded nations in the 
tasks of peace as we have done in the tasks of 

This, then, is the first test of whether we are 
doers of our word and not talkers only : the test 
first in time and perhaps first in importance. 
For it will show whether we can pull together 
and act upon what we know to be the only 
course which for ourselves and for all others 
leads out of the wilderness. In Smollett's 
Roderick Random there is a scene on an old 
wooden ship of the line in which one of the 
heavy guns comes loose from its moorings and 
crashes back and forth across the 'tween-decks 
with the roll of the ship, crushing men, staving 
holes in the side and causing death, ruin, and 

Our power for good or evil in this world is 
so great that it is unthinkable that there should 
be lacking the moral and intellectual force to 
control and use it as all of us would believe that 
it always has and must be used for the liberation 
of the bodies and spirits of men from misery to 
opportunity and life. 



Address by Francis B. Sayre ^ 

[Released to the press April 29] 

When the Trade Agreements Act first came 
before the Congress, back in 1934, most people 
thought of it primarily as a move toward lower 
tariffs, in the tradition of the Democratic party, 
and the votes in Congress were mainly along 
party lines. This was still the case, though to 
a somewhat less extent, in the debates on the re- 
newals in 1937 and in 1940. 

This time the situation is altogether different. 
The counti-y is at war, and the thoughts of all of 
us are concentrated first on the means to victory 
and second on building the foundations for a 
stable peace. In that context the Trade Agree- 
ments Act is no longer a measure of partisan dis- 
pute. It is now a vital part of our foreign 
policy, and the decision to be made by Congress 
on the pending bill will indicate to us and to the 
world, and indeed in large measure will deter- 
mine, the direction in which we as a nation plan 
to move in international affairs after the victory 
is won. On such an issue there are neither Re- 
publicans nor Democrats; we are first of all 
Americans. It is from the American point of 
view that I want to speak about the act tonight. 

No one has stated the fundamental issue with 
greater clarity than Mr. Wendell Willkie. In 
the last chapter of his recent book ''One World", 
in discussing political and economic freedom as 
essential foundations for the coming peace, he 
declares : 

"Economic freedom is as important as politi- 
cal freedom. Not only must people have access 
to what other peoples produce, but their own 
products must in turn have some chance of 
reaching men all over the world. There will 
be no peace, there will be no real development, 
there will be no economic stability, unless we 
find the method by which we can begin to break 
down the unnecessary trade barriers hamper- 

' Delivered before the National Woman's Democratic 
Club, Washington, D. C, Apr. 29, 1943. Mr. Sayre is 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State. 

ing the flow of goods. Obviously the sudden 
and uncompromising abolition of tariffs after 
the war could only result in disaster. But ob- 
viously, also, one of the freedoms we are fight- 
ing for is freedom to trade." 

Mr. Willkie is right. Trade constitutes the 
veritable lifeblood of nations in this interde- 
pendent world. Industrial nations, by selling 
processed products abroad in exchange for food- 
stuffs and raw materials, have made possible 
the support of vastly increased populations. 
The population of Europe, which in 1650 was 
100 millions, increased to 140 millions in 1750, 
268 millions in 1850, and 519 millions in 1933. 
Through foreign trade alone can modern in- 
dustrial nations procure necessary food for 
their j^eoples, raw materials to keep their fac- 
tories in operation, or the manifold goods which 
make present-day civilization and culture pos- 
sible. Through foreign trade alone can they 
obtain large enough markets to keep their 
specialized industries going. 

Such nations must maintain access to neces- 
sary raw materials and necessary markets. If 
they are denied access to these they will feel 
forced to fight. If national frontiers bar them 
from the raw materials and markets they need 
for the maintenance of their populations, they 
will fight to destroy those frontiers. If goods 
can't cross national frontiers, armies will. Low- 
ered trade barriers and freedom from trade 
discriminations are essential parts of the only 
foundation upon which lasting peace can be 

As we look ahead into the post-war period 
two broad alternatives face us. One is a world 
based upon economic nationalism and au- 
tarchy — the kind of world which Hitler was 
seeking to build prior to the outbreak of the 
second AVorld War. The other alternative is 
a world based upon organized international 
cooperation and interchange of goods. 

One must emphasize that in the world of fact 
and actuality neither of the two alternatives is 


MAY 1, 1943 


an absolute. No nation today can possibly 
embargo every import and export. In spite of 
all his efforts Hitler coidd not make Germany 
self-sufficient. He was forced to cry out "Ger- 
many must export or die". On the other hand, 
neither is it possible under modern conditions 
to eliminate all trade barriers overnight. No 
responsible statesman, no reputable economist 
today advocates complete free trade. Such a 
course, suddenly launched upon and pursued, 
would gravely and unnecessarily injure impor- 
tant segments of private business and national 
industry. The choice between the two alterna- 
tives must be a matter of judgment and degree. 
Nevertheless, if we are to obtain our objec- 
tives, America must know and consciously 
choose the direction in which we are to move. 
Our objectives must be away from attempted 
self-sufficiency with its inevitable accompani- 
ment of business strait-jacketing and indi- 
vidual restraints and toward increased freedom, 
international cooperation, and abundance. On 
that we are all, I think, agreed. The question 
is. By what machinery and what procedures can 
we most effectively and wisely move in that 


The two alternative methods open to us for 
the adjustment of our tariff" rates are by direct 
act of Congress and by international agreement. 

I do not want to weary you with a recital of 
our unhappy experiences resulting from the en- 
actment in 1930 of the Hawley-Smoot tariff. 
Only the other day one of the British repre- 
sentatives who took part in the Ottawa Confer- 
ence in 1932 told me that the British Imperial 
preferences which came out of that conference 
and the consequent discriminations against 
American exports which bred so much unneces- 
sary injury and economic conflict and bitterness 
of feeling would, as all who took part in that 
conference could attest, never in the world have 
been agreed to and instituted had it not been 
for the Hawley-Smoot tariff's shutting out 
British Empire goods from accustomed Amer- 
ican markets. As each nation proceeded to raise 
its tariffs and trade barriers against the goods 
of every other nation, tensions and conflict in- 

creased ; the desperate struggle for markets led 
to new economic devices and barriers to control 
and divert trade. Trade became the football 
of international politics. Nation struck against 
nation; and in the course of the savage and 
increasingly bitter economic struggle trade it- 
self suffered disastrously. 

In the face of such a situation the simple re- 
duction by congressional action of our own 
tariff in the effort to achieve increased foreign 
trade would afford no adequate solution. Uni- 
lateral tariff-reduction on our part would leave 
untouched the still excessive trade barriers and 
discriminations erected by foreign countries 
against American products. Since an increased 
flow of international trade depends upon low- 
ered trade barriers both at home and abroad, 
obviously the only effective and practical way 
to accomplish this lies through international 

International agreement may take the shape 
of a formal treaty or of an executive agreement. 
So far as tariff-reciprocity agreements are con- 
cerned, it is clear that the treaty method is 
impractical. In these days of rapidly shifting 
currents of trade, if a government is to protect 
its export trade and carry through an effective 
trade program it is imperative that it be able 
to enter into and give effect to international 
agreements with expedition and certainty. To 
have to submit such agreements to the uncer- 
tainty and delay which would attend the formal 
approval of treaties by the Senate would defeat 
the very purpose of the agreement. 

No one has better stated this than the Senate 
Finance Committee in the course of its consider- 
ation in 1937 of this very question. "Under our 
form of government", declared the committee, 
"general tariff policies can be and should be 
formulated by the legislative branch. . . . On 
the other hand ... to attempt to require in 
every instance senatorial disposition of the man- 
ifold and constantly changing details involved 
in the carrying out of such policies and prin- 
ciples would frequently be to render the legisla- 
tive branch incapable of effective exercise of its 

We have tried the treaty method again and 


again. Failure has been the result. During its 
whole history the United States, in spite of 
numerous fruitless attempts, has succeeded in 
actually completing only three tariff-reciprocity 
treaties — one with Canada, one with Hawaii, 
and one with Cuba — each a special case of a 
country to which we were closely bound by geo- 
graphical or political ties. The Dingley Tariff 
Act of 1897 in section 4 authorized the President 
to negotiate limited tariff -adjustment treaties 
requiring Senate ratification; and under this 
■ legislation Mr. Kasson as special commissioner 
negotiated 12 trade treaties. In spite of the 
prior congressional approval of the underlying 
policy and in spite of the strong recommenda- 
tions of President McKinley and President 
Theodore Roosevelt, not a single one of these 
treaties came to a vote in the Senate. 

On the other hand, the method of executive 
agreements, requiring no Senate ratification, 
advocated at various times by both the Republi- 
can and Democratic parties, has when tried met 
with outstanding success. It was adopted by 
Congress in the McKinley Tariff Act of 1890 
and in section 3 of the Dingley Tariff' Act of 
1897; and under these acts some 27 executive 
agreements were successfully concluded. Un- 
der the present act we have since 1934 made 31 
agreements, with 27 countries. 

Under the decisions of the United States 
Supreme Court there can no longer be any ques- 
tion as to the validity and constitutionality of 
executive agreements entered into under legisla- 
tive authority, without Senate approval. Like- 
wise, recent decisions of the Court make doubly 
clear that the Trade Agreements Act does not 
involve an unconstitutional delegation of legis- 
lative power. 

The agreements made under the act are not 
the work of theorists. The men who have been 
conducting the trade-agreements program, as 
was recently pointed out, have not spent their 
time discussing the philosophy of Adam Smith 
or any other philosophy. They have examined 
our foreign trade and our internal business life 
in detail, industry by industry and product by 
product, to determine the specific arrangements 
under which foreign trade could be expanded 
without undue disturbance to any domestic in- 


terest. The increases in our commerce with the 
trade-agreement countries and the absence of 
any showing of real damage to any American 
domestic interest are the best proof that the 
work has been well and carefully done. 

People who ascribe the administration of the 
program, either in praise or blame, to the De- 
partment of State alone, do a very great injus- 
tice to the expertness and the patience and the 
wisdom and the plain hard work of the officers 
and staffs of the Tariff Commission, the Depart- 
ment of Commerce, the Department of Agri- 
culture, and the Treasury Department. It is 
they who provide the knowledge and the figures 
and a great part of the business judgment that 
lie at the basis of the program. The Depart- 
ment of State participates, chiefly as coordi- 
nator and negotiator, but the job is a combined 
one, as the law says it shall be, and the results 
are the results of teamwork. 

The program has worked uncommonly well — 
in fact with striking and outstanding success 
in view of the tremendous difficulties faced. It 
is no longer an experiment. It has been tried 
in the fire of experience. It has produced re- 
sults. It has brought to America increased 
trade and increased employment without work- 
ing injury to any branch of American agri- 
culture or American industry. 

The high success of the program is due in 
large measure to the tiieless and unceasing 
efforts, the rare ability, the selfless devotion of 
a group of workers whose equal I have seldom 
seen in the ranks of either public or private 
life. It is due in even greater measure to the 
unwavering integrity of character and the 
far-seeing statesmanship of our great-souled 
Secretary of State, Cordell Hull. 


May I touch next upon one feature of the pro- 
gram which has been sharply criticized and 
widely misunderstood, and yet which is based 
upon one of the most deeply rooted and char- 
acteristic of our American traditions : tlie policy 
of equal treatment to all without special favor 
and without discrimination, commonly known 
by the somewhat misleading name of the "most- 
favored-nation policy". The policy means 

MAY 1, 1943 


nothing more nor less than treating each nation 
upon a basis of absolute equality provided only 
each does the same to us. Since one funda- 
mental objective of the Trade Agreements Act 
is to expand foreign markets for American 
products, and since a policy of discrimination 
inevitably results in retaliation and heightened 
trade barriers, the provision of the act directing 
the President to treat all nations alike on a basis 
of equality and non-discrimination — in other 
words, to follow the unconditional most-fav- 
ored-nation policy in the administration of the 
act^ — is of keystone importance. 

Most of the opposition which has been di- 
rected against the most-favored-nation policy 
in connection with the trade-agreements pro- 
gram has been due to a complete misunderstand- 
ing of what that policy really is. It does not 
mean giving away something for nothing. We 
do not extend trade-agreement concessions to 
third countries for no return. We extend them 
only if the country in question does not discrimi- 
nate wilfully and seriously against our products. 
In other words, we give our lowest tariff and 
freedom from discrimination in return for the 
other country's lowest tariff and freedom from 

This carries out the principle of the single- 
column tarifl" which the United States has fol- 
lowed from the time of President Washington, 
and it accords with the specific decision which 
Secretary of State Hughes and President Hard- 
ing and the Foreign Relations Committee of 
the Senate made in 1924. As their published 
correspondence of that date makes clear, the 
United States cannot expect the Open Door and 
freedom from discrimination abroad if it dis- 
criminates itself among competing selling 

From the policy of non-discrimination comes 
decided advantage. Experience has proved that 
the freedom from foreign discrimination which 
our own practice enables us to demand and to 
receive is of enormous value in dollars and 
cents to American exports. 

No one claims that as a result of the trade- 
agreements program and of our power to with- 
hold the benefits of trade concessions from coun- 
tries which discriminate against American 

commerce all discriminations have been wiped 
out. One thing is sure. Fewer discriminations 
exist against American exports than would be 
the case were there no trade-agreements 

Let me give one or two concrete examples. In 
the case of France before the war, for instance, 
many French tariff duties varied from min- 
imum rates through intermediate to maximum 
rates, depending upon the position enjoyed by 
the exporting nation. Prior to our French trade 
agreement, United States exports were com- 
pelled to pay maximum French rates with re- 
spect to hundreds of tariff items and inter- 
mediate French rates with respect to several 
thousand other items. By virtue of the most- 
favored-nation provisions in the trade agree- 
ment we obtained the lowest French rates with 
respect to the entire French tariff structure, 
apart from a few exceptions relatively unim- 
portant to American trade. In the Canadian 
trade agreement of 1935, by virtue of the most- 
favored-foreign-nation pledge in that agree- 
ment, American products immediately gained 
the advantage of lower Canadian tariffs with 
respect to approximately 600 Canadian tariff 
items. Among this large number of products, 
which had for years been paying higher Cana- 
dian duties than similar products from certain 
other countries, were many important American 
agricultural and industrial exports. Together 
they accounted in the past for about 30 percent 
of total Canadian imports from the United 
States. Our program and policy have paid divi- 
dends also in the case of countries with which 
we have no trade agreements and no treaty 
obligations to accord equality of tariff treat- 
ment. These countries, in general, have lessened 
or removed discriminations against us. Their 
discriminations would have multiplied had we 
not pursued the policy we have. Because of 
Germany's flagrant discriminations and refusal 
to mitigate or remove them the benefits of our 
trade agreements have been denied to that coun- 
try since 1935. For a time they were denied 
also to Australia. 

The only alternative to the most-favored- 
nation policy is that of granting exclusive pref- 
erences in return for exclusive preferences. 



But every exclusive preference constitutes in 
its very essence discrimination against all other 
nations. And discrimination inescapably leads 
to retaliation and mounting trade barriers since 
nations whose income and whose economies are 
dependent upon the sale abroad of their sur- 
plus products cannot remain passive if these 
sales are menaced or prevented by preferences 
granted to their competitors or by discrimina- 
tions directed against them. 

Such a policy makes for sudden, arbitrary, 
and uneconomic shifts in the currents of trade, 
for unending business uncertainty and insta- 
bility, for bitter struggles to hold onto dimin- 
ishing foreign markets, for tariff warfare and 
increasing economic conflict. Upon such foun- 
dations no peace can ever be made secure. The 
only practical way for the United States to 
attain its objective of increased markets for 
American export products and to contribute at 
the same time to international cooperation and 
international friendship is through trade- 
barrier-reduction coupled with the uncondi- 
tional most-favored-nation policy. 


This, then, is the commercial part of our peace 

The winning of the peace will require many 
other forms of international collaboration, po- 
litical, humanitarian, financial. But so far as 
commerce goes our course is clear. We must 
move in the direction of reducing barriers to 
trade and of removing all discriminations. 
And we must do it by a method that will work. 
We have no such margin for error now as we 
had in 1919. We must decide our course in the 
near future, and we must make the right deci- 
sion. The present congressional debate is the 
first great American referendum on the new 
foundations of the peace. 


The President, on April 29, 1943, on the basis 
of a supplemental investigation and report by 
the Tariff' Commission with respect to certain 
wheat and wheat flour, proclaimed that the 
provisions of proclamation 2489 of May 28, 
1941 ^ are suspended, effective immediately, so 
far as they apply to wheat and wheat flour pur- 
chased by the War Food Administrator or any 
agency or person designated by him. 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 


Letter From the Under Secretary of State to the President of the Congress of Industrial 


[Released to the press April 27] 

April 26, 1943. 
Mt De.\r Mr. Murray : 

I have received this morning your letter of 
April 24. 

I know that it is unnecessary for me to state 
to you that this Government has from the in- 
ception of the inhuman policy of racial discrim- 
ination and mass murder practiced by the Nazi 

government done everything within its power 
to combat this policy and likewise everything 
within its power to relieve the sufferings of its 

I am for that reason surprised that you should 
refer to the Evian Conference as "futile". May 
I remind you that that conference which was 

» Bulletin of May 31, 1941, p. 663. 

MAY 1, 194 3 


called upon the initiative of President Roose- 
velt was the first constructive, international 
movement to create intergovernmental machin- 
ery which might make it possible in a practical 
way to give i-elief to those who are suffering 
persecution in Europe. The conditions which 
have resulted from the war. and in particular 
military conditions, have of course made it im- 
possible to afford relief through the agencies 
created as a result of the Evian Conference on 
as large a scale as it had been hoped might be 

In your letter now under acknowledgment, you 
say that j^ou have been informed that the confer- 
ence now in session in Bermuda is taking place 
behind closed doors, and you ask that represent- 
atives of the Congress of Industrial Organiza- 
tions be permitted to be heard by the delegates. 

In reply may I say that the Bermuda Con- 
ference is not taking place '"behind closed 
doors", nor is there any reason why the views, 
recommendations, and suggestions of the Con- 
gress of Industrial Organizations or of any 
other organization should not be transmitted to 
the delegates of the United States with full 
assurance that such a communication will re- 
ceive the fullest and most careful consideration 
of the delegates. 

Any organization which desires to present a 
communication to the conference at Bermuda 
maj' transmit it to the Department of State by 
which it will be transmitted to the United States 
delegation. This has already been done in the 
case of every organization or person in this 
country desiring to present such communica- 
tions for the consideration of the confei'ence. 
May I suggest, therefore, that such recommen- 
dations or advice as the Congress of Industrial 
Organizations desires to present to the confer- 
ence be transmitted immediately to this Depart- 
ment in order that such communication may at 
once be forwarded. 

In conclusion may I also say that in order 
that the press of the United States might have 
full opportunity of reporting upon the confer- 
ence, the Department of State arranged for rep- 

resentatives of four principal press organiza- 
tions of this country to proceed in comjiany of 
the American delegation and these press repre- 
sentatives are now reporting upon the proceed- 
ings of the conference. This Department has 
likewise made it known that it would be glad 
to issue passports to any other press correspond- 
ents who desire to proceed to Bermuda in order 
to report upon the conference. 
Sincerely yours, 

SxjMNER Welles 

The text of Mr. Murray's letter to which the 
Under Secretary's letter was sent in reply fol- 

April 24, 1943. 
Dear Mr. Secretary : 

The membership of the Congress of Indus- 
trial Organizations, in connnon with all the 
American people, is profoundly shocked at the 
outrageous mass murder of the Jewish people 
in Axis-dominated Europe. 

In response to an appeal from the Executive 
of the General Federation of Jewish Labor of 
Palestine, it was our desire and intention to 
send outstanding oflScers of the Congress of In- 
dustrial Organizations to the current con- 
ference in Bermuda to I'eport the sentiments of 
our membership. To our dismay we have been 
informed that this conference is behind closed 
doors, and that we will not be permitted to 
appear. We appeal to you that the voice of the 
people's organizations of the United Nations 
should be heard at this conference. The closed- 
door policy gives us deep concern that this con- 
ference might be a mere diplomatic nicety. 
We would greatly regret a repetition of the 
futile Evian conference. 

We urgently request that you reconsider the 
closed-door policy and admit our representa- 
tives to be heard on this tragic and urgent mat- 
ter. In view of the public importance of this 
matter I am taking the liberty of releasing this 
letter to the press next Monday afternoon. 
Sincerely yours, 

Philip Murray 




The Bermuda meeting to consider the refugee 
problem adjourned on April 29, 1943. The 
United States and British delegations issued 
the following joint communique, which was re- 
leased to the press in Bermuda: 

"The United States and United Kingdom 
delegates examined the refugee problem in all its 
aspects inchiding the position of those potential 
refugees who are still in the grip of the Axis 
powers without any immediate prospect of 
escape. Nothing was excluded from their analy- 
sis and everything that held out any possibility, 
however remote, of a solution of the problem 
■was carefully investigated and thoroughly dis- 
cussed. From the outset it was realized that any 
recommendation that the delegates could make 
to their governments must pass two tests: 
Would any recommendation submitted inter- 
fere with or delay the war effort of the United 
Nations and was the recommendation capable 
of accomplishment under war conditions ? Tlie 
delegates at Bermuda felt bound to reject cer- 
tain proposals which were not capable of meet- 
ing these tests. The delegates were able to 

agree on a number of concrete recommendations 
which they are jointly submitting to their gov- 
ernments and which, it is felt, will pass the 
tests set forth above and will lead to the relief 
of a substantial number of refugees of all races 
and nationalities. Since the recommendations 
necessarily concern governments other than 
those represented at the Bermuda conference 
and involve military considerations, they must 
remain confidential. It may be said, however, 
that in the course of discussion the refugee 
problem was broken down into its main ele- 
ments. Questions of shipping, food, and supply 
were fully investigated. The delegates also 
agreed on recommendations regarding the form 
of intergovernmental organization which was 
best fitted, in their opinion, to handle the prob- 
lem in the future. This organization would 
have to be flexible enough to permit it to con- 
sider without jDrejudice any new factors that 
might come to its attention. In each of these 
fields the delegates were able to submit agreed 
proposals for consideration of their respective 


[Released to the press April 27] 

After consultation, the Governments invited 
to the United Nations Conference on Food and 
Agriculture ^ have agreed upon the following 
agenda for the Conference, which will meet at 
Hot Springs, Va., on May 18, 1943. 

This agenda is organized around the follow- 
ing conception of the problem with which the 
conference should deal: 

The agenda begins with an effort to ascertain 
the facts as to what are the needs of the various 

' All the Governments invited to attend have now 
accepted. See the Bui.LEn'iN of Apr. 10, 1943, p. 298. 

peoples of the world for food and other essential 
agricultural products, with due regard to dif- 
fering conditions and possibilities among coun- 
tries. It recognizes that in the past excessive 
accumulations of certain agricultural products 
were in fact not surpluses at all when measured 
by the world's minimum needs of food and 
clothing; that these so-called "surpluses" were 
usually the result of maldistribution and under- 
consumption. It then seeks to ascertain the 
prospects for so organizing world agricultural 
production as to enable the satisfaction of these 
needs and to explore the measures, both domestic 
and international, by which production can be 

MAT 1, 1943 


enhanced and better directed in terms of con- 
sumption. Finally, it examines the measures 
and conditions which are necessary to assure 
that what can be produced moves into consump- 
I. Consumption levels and requirements. 

A. Food. 

1. Character and extent of consumption de- 

ficiencies in each country. 

2. Causes and consequences of malnu- 


3. Measures for improving standards of 

consumption (education, etc.). 

4. Seasonable national and international 

goals for improved food consump- 

B. Other essential agricultural products. 

1. Pre-war consumption levels in various 

countries as influenced by prosper- 
ity or depression and by buying 
power of the population. 

2. Reasonable national and international 

goals for improved consumption 
with sustained employment and ex- 
panded industrial activity. 
n. Expansion of production and adaptation 
to consumption needs. 

A. Measures for direction of production to- 

ward commodities the supply of which 
should be increased. 

B. Measures for shifting production out of 

commodities in chronic surplus. 

C. Measures for improving agricultural pro- 

ductivity and efficiency. 

D. Measures for development and conserva- 

tion of agricultural resources. 

E. Opportunities for occupational adjust- 

ments in agricultural populations. 
III. Facilitation and improvement of distribu- 
A. Relation of national and international 
economic policies to agricultural prob- 
lems, with special reference to the 
facilitation of the movement of agri- 
cultural products in commerce. 
1. Expansion of international trade. 

2. Broad policies for assuring increased 
production and consumption in 

B. Improvement of agricultural marketing, 

processing, and distribution. 

C. Special measures for wider food distribu- 


1. Improvement of consumption of low- 

income groups. 

2. International disposition of commodi- 

ties in over-supply. 

D. Buffer stocks and commodity arrange- 

ments to assure equitable prices and 

adequate supplies. 
IV. Recommendations for continuing and car- 
rying forward the work of the con- 

Treaty Information 


Industrial-Diamonds Agreement With Canada 
And the United Kingdom 

An agreement between the Governments of 
the United States, Canada, and the United 
Kingdom, to create a reserve of industrial dia- 
monds upon the North American Continent for 
possible needs of the United Nations, was signed 
in London on March 26, 1943 by H. Freeman 
Matthews, American Charge d'Affaires ad in- 
terim in London, Vincent Massey, High Com- 
missioner of Canada in London, and Alexander 
Cadogan, Permanent Secretary in the British 
Foreign Office. The agreement is accompanied 
by three appendices and two schedules. 

It is provided in article 14 of the agreement 
that it "shall operate from the date of signature 
and, except by mutual consent, it shall terminate 
nine months after the cessation of hostilities". 
The cessation of hostilities is defined as "the date 
on which there is a general suspension of hos- 
tilities between the United Kingdom and the 
United States (or the later of them to suspend 



hostilities) on the one hand and the last of the 
enemy Powers with whom they are now at war 
on the other hand". 

On the same day on which the industrial- 
diamonds agreement was signed there was an 
exchange of notes between H. Freeman Mat- 
thews and Alexander Cadogan constituting an 
understanding between the Governments of the 
United States and the United Kingdom relat- 
ing to a proposal for discussions with respect 
to the disposition of diamonds in the United 
Nations reserve of industrial diamonds follow- 
ing the date of termination of the agreement in 
accordance with article 14. 


Arrangements With Mexico for tlie 
Migration of Workers 

An announcement concerning arrangements 
between the Governments of the United States 
and Mexico for the temporary migration of 
workers to the United States aj^pears in this 
Bulletin under the heading "American 


Agreement With Chile 

The military aviation agreement between the 
United States and Chile which was signed at 
Washington April 23, 1940/ effective for three 
years from that date, has been extended for 
three years beginning April 23, 1943 by an 
exchange of notes signed at Washington Novem- 
ber 27, 1942, December 23, 1942, and April 14, 
1943, between the Ambassador of Chile at Wash- 
ington and the Secretary of State. 

International Convention of 1912 


The Netherlands Ambassador, in a note dated 
March 18, 1943, informed the Secretary of State 
that the Government of Paraguay on March 17, 
1943 notified the Netherlands Government of 
its adherence to the International Opium Con- 
vention, which was signed at The Hague Jan- 
uary 23, 1912 (Treaty Series 612) . 

^ Executive Agreement Series 169 ; see the BxjLLEriN 
of Apr. 27, 1940, p. 453. 

Department of State 

Publications of tlie Department of State (a list cumu- 
lative from October 1, 1929). April 1, 1943. Pub- 
lication 1916. iii, 31 pp. Free. 

Military Service: Agreement Between the United 
States of America and the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland — Effected liy exchanges 
of notes signed or dated at Washington March 30, 
April 29, June 9, and September 30, 1942; effective 
April 30, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 307. 
Publication 1917. 6 pp. 5^. 

Military Service : Agreement Between the United 
States of America and India — Effected by exchanges 
of notes signed at Washington March 30, May 25, 
July 3, and September 30, 1942 ; effective May 27, 1942. 
Executive Agreement Series 308. Fliblication 1918. 
5 pp. 5«}. 

Military Service: Agreement Between the United 
States of America and New Zealand — Effected by 
exchanges of notes signed at Washington March 31, 
July 1, August' 15, and September 30, 1942 ; effective 
July 2, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 305. 
Publication 1921. 4 pp. 5^. 

The Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals: 
Revision V, April 23, 1943, Promulgated Pursuant 
to Proclamation 2497 of the President of July 17, 
1941. Publication 1923. 339 pp. Free. 

Food Supply for Iran : Agreement Between the United 
States of America, the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland, and Iran — Signed at 
Tehran December 4, 1942. Executive Agreement 
Series 292. Publication 1924. 7 pp. 

MAY 1, 1943 



Christoffer Hannevig. H. Rept. 400, 78th Cong., on 
H. R. 2f)28 [a bill to confer jurisdiftion upon the 
United States Court of Claims to hear and determine 
in accordance with international law the claim of 
Christoffer Haunevig, a citizen of Norway, for dam- 

ages alleged to have been sustained as a result of 
the requisitioning of certain ships and shipyards in 
the United States]. 33 pp. 
Urgent Deficiencies in Certain Appropriations for 
Fiscal Year 1943 : Hearings Ix'fore the Subcommittee 
of the Committee on 'Ajjpropriations, United States 
Senate, 78th Cong., 1st sess., on H. J. Res. 115. 
[State Department, salaries of ambassadors, pp. 
61-62.] 83 pp. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, V. S. Government Printing OfBce. Washington, D. C. 
Price. 10 cents - - - - Subscription price, $2.75 a year 






1 y \W 



MAY 8, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 202— Publication 1935 



The War Page 
The Jewish Massacres and German Responsibility: 

Address of Assistant Secretary Bei'lc 395 

Economic Bases of International Cooperation; Address 

by Leo Pasvolsky 398 

Visit of Herbert H. Lehman to London 403 

National Anniversary of Poland 404 

Proclaimed List: Cumulative Supplemetit 1 to Revi- 
sion V 404 

Commercial Policy 

Freedom From Economic Aggression: Address by the 

Under Secretary of State 405 

American Republics 

Visit to the United States of the President of Bolivia . 410 

Presentation of Letters of Credence: 

Ambassador of Colombia 410 

Ambassador of Costa Rica 412 

Ambassador of the Dominican Republic 413 

Ambassador of El Sah^ador 414 

Ambassador of Guatemala 415 

Ambassador of Haiti 416 

Ambassador of Honduras 417 

Ambassador of Nicaragua 419 

American-Me.xican Claims Commission 420 


Visit to the United States of the President of Czecho- 
slovakia 420 



JUN 18 1943 


Cultural Relations Page 
Distinguished Visitors From Other American Re- 
publics 420 

Treaty Information 

Rights of United Nations Forces in Iraq 421 

Declaration by United Nations 421 

Economics: Transfer of Certain Rights to Panama . . 421 
Extraterritoriality: Treaty With China for the Relin- 
quishment of Extraterritorial Rights in China . . 421 
Finance: Double Taxation Convention With Sweden . 422 
Labor: Workmen's Compensation and Unemployment 

Insurance Agreement With Canada 422 

Telecommunications: Inter-American Arrangement 
Concerning Radio-Communications (Santiago Re- 
vision 1940) 422 

Publications 423 

Legislation 423 

The War 


Address of Assistant Secretary Berle ^ 

I KcUased to the pii'ss May 2] 

We are assembled, as Americans, to consider 
the greatest tragedy in modern history. 

There is now no question that the German 
Reich, by deliberate policy and by detailed or- 
ganization, has undertaken to exterminate the 
Jewish religion and the Jewish people on the 
continent of Europe. She has carried out these 
measures within the borders of Germany proper. 
She has exerted pressure on the satellite states 
to compel them to take like measures. She has 
set aside cei'tain localities in Europe as human 
abattoirs. She has detailed specific groups of 
men as slaugliterers. 

The statement that this is done by the German 
Reich is made advisedly. Undeniably, the ex- 
termination of the Jews was and is an idea 
dear to Hitler and to the little group of degen- 
erates who have been his intimates and coun- 
selors. Unquestionably this policy is identified 
with the so-called "Nazi Party". But the time 
has passed when we can pretend that this series 
of liorrors constitutes the sole guilt of any small 
group of German rulers, or of any single Ger- 
man party. No group of rulers, no party, could 
have conceived, organized, and carried out a 
program of general civilian slaughter without 
at least the tacit acquiescence of a large part 
of the German people. Had there been any 
general disapproval, anj' spontaneous revulsion 

' Delivered in Boston, Mass., May 2, 1943, at a mass 
meeting to protest against the inhuman treatment of 
civilians b.v the Germans in German-occupied Europe, 
particularly of the Jews. The address was delivered 
on behalf of Mr. Berle, whose illness prevented him 
from attending, by Robert G. Hooker, Jr., Executive 
Assistant to Mr. Berle. 

of horror, any general practice of pity or kind- 
liness, such a program could not continue. 

It is no doubt true that there are Germans, 
and many of them, who do not approve; but 
they have preferred the easier course of silence. 
It seems to be the fact that there have been 
cases of Germans in high station and low who 
have done their feeble best to mitigate some 
l)art of this devil's work of cruelty. 

We have accounts of revolt by contingents of 
German soldiers against orders to act as human 
slaughterers. We have heard stories of Ger- 
man officers who turned from this filthy v?ork 
in disgust. We know of cases of civilians who 
have risked a good deal t o befriend a few hunted 

These, we must assume, have been the non- 
representative Germans, since their feelings 
and their voices found little effective echo 
among their countrjnnen. We may as well face 
the fact that for the first time in modern his- 
toid a supposedly civilized nation has formu- 
lated, planned, and is sy.stematically carrying 
out a program of national murder. 

We cannot but realize that this fact and this 
guilt, now generalized throughout the German 
people, must constitute one of the basic con- 
siderations in dealing with the German people 
in the hour of their final and conclusive defeat, 
and of the complete and unconditional sur- 
render which can be their only refuge from the 
implacable warfare of the armies of the United 

The so-called "satellite states" must share 
their responsibilitj* too. It is no secret that 
personalities and gi'oups in certain of these 




states have been anxiously seeking to establish 
contact with various of the United Nations, in 
the hope of obtaining easier terms of peace 
when the Nazi machine finally goes to pieces. 
They foresee, now, a time in the not distant fu- 
ture when their countries will be judged for the 
part they have played in this bitter drama. Can 
it be doubted that their right to survive as na- 
tions must turn, in part at least, on the degree 
of guilt which they have been willing to assume 
in this criminal business? 

I believe we are forced to this conclusion by 
the undisputed facts of the case. These con- 
tinuing massacres in Germany, in Rumania, in 
Hungary, and more recently in Bulgaria were 
not the hidden acts of small groups. The orders 
were not given and carried out in secret. The 
killing was not done by stealth. The knowledge 
of the plans was general; their execution was 
done in the light of day. A civilian populace 
looked on, accepted the situation, continued to 
support the government which had created it, 
continued to accept instructions from the offi- 
cials who carried it out, continued to regard, 
with apparent unconcern, the degradation of 
their civilization and their culture. There is 
no record that an underground was anywhere 
formed to make headway against the Nazi 
I'ulers. There is nothing to suggest that groups 
of valiant men met here and there to raise their 
voices in protest. 

There were and are groups in the German 
Reich today quite capable of putting a stop to 
this criminal degeneracy. The German Army 
claims to have one of the oldest and proudest 
military traditions in Europe; and their officers 
like to consider themselves as gentlemen, some- 
what removed and apart from the Nazi canaille. 
Yet, so far as we know, parts of the German 
Army actively executed these massacres ; the re- 
mainder stood idly by without lifting a finger. 

Is it conceivable that, had there been any 
national will or national conscience which con- 
demned this awful and evil thing — is it con- 
ceivable that a gi'oup of men of power and 
influence would not have met and said, "Let 
there be an end of this /Schweinerei"? 

You know how these things work. If the 
national policy is really at variance with the 

national will, the senior who receives the order 
protests against its issue; his immediate subor- 
dinates make it plain that they do not wish to 
execute the conunands; the jmiiors make it 
plain to their commanding officers that execu- 
tion of such an order will not be carried out. 
In a swift crystallization of will, the group 
suddenly forms; the word goes out; and the ruthless and despotic dictator hesitates 
and at length recalls orders which are likely to 
recoil on his own head. 

We have waited in vain for such a protest. 
We know that in older days there was a Ger- 
many which would not have tolerated this sort 
of thing. We know that a nation which coidd 
build an underground opposition capable of 
cliecking Napoleon, which could make head- 
way against the corrupt absolutism of the Holy 
Alliance, which could lead in developing the 
trade-union movement in Europe — we know 
that such a nation once had within it the in- 
nate capability of refusing to permit any small 
group of leaders to impose upon it the sicken- 
ing bloodguilt of the massacres of the past few 

Inevitably, in God's good time, the fate of 
the German people and of the people of the 
satellite states will rest in the hands of the 
United Nations. These will have to determine 
whether the German people are capable of act- 
ing as a civilized nation. I am vei'y clear that 
one piece of evidence which must enter into the 
final judgment will be whether the German 
people have been able and willing to stop this 
wickedness, or whether they can only take ref- 
uge in whining excuses of fear. I believe in 
the day of surrender we shall have the 
right to ask, "What did you do to prevent the 
guilt of the Nazi criminals from becoming the 
guilt of the German people?"; and by their 
fruits shall they be judged. 

As this sickening spectacle has progressed, 
many have come to the governments of the 
United Nations asking whether something can- 
not be done. I should be less than frank if I 
did not give you the blunt and cruel conclusion 
which is the only honest answer. Nothing can 
be done to save these helpless unfortunates, 
except through the invasion of Europe, the 

MAY 8, 1943 


tlefoat of tin- (lonnaii arms, and the breaking, 
once and for all, of the German power. There 
is no other way. 

A few straff<rler.s and refugees who have es- 
caped, through skill, good fortune, or. more 
often, by the corruption of the Nazi officials, 
may indeed be rescued. But these are so few 
that they hardly weigh in the scales. Actually, 
the only cure for this hideous mess can come 
through allied armies when they have cracked 
the defenses of western Europe and are able 
to maneuver on the European plains. The cure 
must deiKMid on them and on the fierce, relent- 
less, and gi'owing air invasion over Germany, 
which must continue until the German nights 
are filled with avengers, and the German days 
with the advance forces of still greater armadas 
to come. 

It is of the highest importance that the senti- 
ment of the world should not be allowed to 
grow callous or indilferent in the presence of 
this deliberately created agony. 

A ))art of the doctrine of German fi'ightful- 
ness has been the belief that men rapidly grew 
accustomed to tales of horror; that, at length, 
men would take massacre for granted, would 
allow crimes to slip into the past; and that thus 
the moral sense of the world would be dulled 
to a point where the stern processes of justice 
no longer would prevail. By multiplying num- 
bers of victims it was thought that figures 
would lose tl\eir meaning. Murder by millions 
would then cease to be the killing of human 
beings, would be accepted as an elemental force. 
It must be our steady purpose to give the lie 
to that cynical conception of the human con- 

In my view the fact that this nuirderous 
business involves Jews must be considered as 
merely incidental. Not dissimilar programs 
have been planned, and in less degree have 
been carried out, in Poland, in Yugoslavia, and 
in parts of Czechoslovakia. There is some 
reason to believe that the Hitlerite purj)ose in- 
cluded definite plans to reduce the population 
of France by roughly one third, which means 
to wipe out. in one way or another, some 15 mil- 
lion Frenchmen. It appears probable that 
within German-occupied Russia there was a 

clear design to compass the death of substan- 
tially all the civilians who were not evacuated 
before the invasion — with the exception of 
those able-bodied persons from whom a modi- 
cum of slave labor could be extracted before 
their death. The Hitlerian hope appears to 
have been that German Lebensraum, measured 
grave by grave, could thus be fertilized for the 
use of the German Volk. 

It is of the utmost importance that this wild 
program shall not be permitted to succeed in 
any minute particidar. It must be made plain 
that no nation, however powerful, can gain 
an iota of advantage from the extermination of 
a race. 

The greatest contribution of western civili- 
zation is its everlasting insistence that every 
human being is precious, that there is no name- 
less soul. "We must vindicate this, our greatest 
heritage of humanity. We must make sure 
that no nameless child in the lime pits near Riga 
or Lublin will be forgotten. We must resolve 
that the men and women hideously freighted 
toward hideous death have nevertheless left 
their voices behind them — voices which may 
enter into the fabric of the world's eventual 

You have reason to mourn, but let your 
naourning be brief. What this requires is not 
weeping but work. What is needed now is not 
the release of sorrow but the cold resoluteness 
of determined men. 

For by every means in our power we must 
swiftly put ourselves in a position where we can 
give life, as the only answer to those who have 
chosen to give death. We must in strength be 
willing and able to render justice where justice 
has been denied. We must be able not merely 
to fix responsibility but to make sure that the 
responsibility when fixed is cari-ied out. 

We must make it plain to the world that no 
nation which attempts the murder of a people 
can have or hold any position in the work of the 
world until that crime is purged, until such rep- 
aration as can be made is done, and until the 
genius of law and the spirit of humanity are 
restored as the ruling concepts in the life of the 



Address by Leo Pasvolsky ^ 

I should like, first of all, to read some brief 
excerpts from three documents. All of these, 
I am sure, are familiar to you. But it is well 
worthwhile to refresh our memories on these 
documents, which provide a basic framework 
for the subject of our discussion tonight. 

The first document from which I quote is the 
Atlantic Charter, a declaration originally is- 
sued by the President of the United States and 
the Prime Minister of Great Britain but since 
then accepted by the 31 United Nations. 
Points 4 and 5 of the Charter read as follows : 

"Fourth, they will endeavor, with due respect 
for their existing obligations, to further the 
enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor 
or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the 
trade and to the raw materials of the world 
which are needed for their economic pros- 

"Fifth, they desire to bring about the fullest 
collaboration between all nations in the eco- 
nomic field with the object of securing for all, 
improved labor standards, economic advance- 
ment, and social security." 

The next document is one of a series of what 
have become known as "mutual-aid agree- 
ments", which have been concluded with the 
countries to which we furnish lend-lease aid. 
In these agreements there are set forth certain 
principles which are to govern not merely the 
provision by us of aid to our war partners and 
the provision by them of reciprocal aid to us 
but also the terms and conditions under Avhich 
the accounts thus created will ultimately be 
settled. Article VII of these agreements con- 
tains the following statement: 

"In the final determination of the benefits to 
be provided to the United States of America 

by the Government of in return 

for aid furnished under the Act of Congress 

' Delivered before the Foreign Policy Association of 
Pittsburgh, Pa., Apr. 19, 1943. Mr. Pasvolsky is Spe- 
cial Assistant to the Secretary of State. 

of March 11, 1941, the terms and conditions i 
thereof shall be such as not to burden com- 
merce between the two countries, but to pro- 
mote mutually advantageous economic rela- 
tions between them and the betterment of 
world-wide economic relations. To that end, 
they shall include provision for agreed 
action by the United States of America 

and , open to participation by all 

other countries of like mind, directed to the 
expansion, by appropriate international and 
domestic measures, of production, employment, 
and the exchange and consumption of goods, 
which are the material foundations of the 
liberty and welfare of all peoples; to the elim- 
ination of all forms of discriminatory treat- 
ment in international commerce, and to the 
reduction of tariffs and other trade barriers; 
and, in general, to the attainment of all the 
economic objectives set forth in the Joint 
Declaration made on August 14, 1941, by the 
President of the United States of America 
and the Prime Minister of the United King- 

"At an early convenient date, conversations 
shall be begun between the two Governments 
with a view to determining, in the light of 
governing economic conditions, the best means 
of attaining the above-stated objectives by 
their own agreed action and of seeking the 
agreed action of other like-minded Govern- 

I come now to my third document, the most 
comprehensive statement of this country's 
position made to date by a high official of the 
Government. I refer to Secretary Hull's ad- 
dress of last July. In it, he said: 

"One of the greatest of all obstacles which 
in the past have impeded human progress and 
afforded breeding grounds for dictators has 
been extreme nationalism. All will agree that 
nationalism and its spirit are essential to the 
healthy and normal political and economic 
life of a people, but when policies of national- 

MAY 8, 1943 

ism — political, economic, social, and moral — 
are carried to such extremes as to exclude and 
prevent necessary policies of international co- 
operation, they become dangerous and deadly. 
Nationalism, run riot between the last war 
and this war, defeated all attempits to carry 
out indispensable measures of international 
economic and political action, encourajzed and 
facilitated the rise of dictators, and diove the 
world sti'aight toward the present war. 

•'During this period narrow and short- 
siglited nationalism found its most virulent 
expression in the economic field. It prevented 
goods and services from flowing in volume at 
all adequate from nation to nation and thus 
severely hampered the work of production, dis- 
tribution, and consumption and greatly re- 
tarded efforts for social betterment. 

"No nation can make satisfactory progress 
when it is deprived, by its own action or by 
the action of others, of the immeasurable bene- 
fits of international exchange of goods and 
services. The Atlantic Charter declares the 
right of all nations to 'access, on equal terms, to 
the trade and to the raw materials of the 
world which are needed for their economir 
prosperity'. This is essential if the legitimate 
and growing demand for the greatest practi- 
cable measure of stable employment is to be 
met, accompanied by rising standai'ds of living. 
If the actual arid potential losses resulting 
from limitations on economic activity are to 
be eliminated, a system must be provided by 
which this can be assured. 

"In order to accomplish this, and to establish 
among the nations a circle of mutual benefit, 
excessive trade barriers of the many different 
kinds must be reduced, and practices which im- 
pose injuries on others and divert trade from 
its natural economic course must be avoided. 
Equally plain is the need for making national 
currencies once more freely exchangeable for 
each other at stable rates of exchange; for a 
system of fuiancial relations so devised that 
materials can be produced and ways may be 
found of moving them where there are 
markets created by human need; for machinery 
through which capital may — for the develop- 


ment of the world's resources and for the 
stabilization of economic activity — move on 
ecjuitable terms from financially stronger to 
financially weaker countries. There may be 
need for some special trade arrangement and 
for international agreements to handle difficult 
surplus problems and to meet situations in 
special areas." 


In these three statements you have the essen- 
tial elements of the international economic prob- 
lem in its relationship to the general problem 
of international cooperation. There is no need 
for me to dwell in detail (m that vital rela- 

This war and its origins have provided a 
conclusive demonstration of the fact that in 
this day of the aeroplane and the submarine 
no nation can depend for its safety upon with- 
drawal from the world and upon reliance on 
its own strength, however great. Such na- 
tional behavior merely invites attack by preda- 
tory forces of aggression. Only if these forces 
are lield in check by cooperative action of peace- 
fully inclined nations, can all nations hope for 
peace and securitj'. 

Effective cooperative arrangements under 
which there would be a reasonable hope for 
the maintenance of peace — and, therefore, for 
confidence that whatever nations or individuals 
may try to do will not be periodically disturbed 
by war — are indispensable to orderly human 
progress. They are indispensable to the ad- 
vancement of human welfare. But such ar- 
rangements must have under them sound foun- 
dations of economic development and economic 
progress, which require for their attainment an 
adequate measure of international economic 

We live in a world in which the material bases 
of economic progress — natural resources, tech- 
nical skills, and financial strength — are un- 
evenly distributed over the face of the earth. 
Each country has a surplus of some things which 
other countries want, and no country has within 
its borders everything that it needs. No country 
can be as prosperous if it relies solely on its 



own resources as it can be if it has access to the 
resources of the whole world. This every coun- 
try can achieve through an exchange of what it 
produces in excess of its requirements for what 
other countries produce in excess of their re- 
quirements, through orderly processes of mu- 
tuallj' beneficial trade. 

The present war has also furnished us with a 
striking demonstration of our economic inter- 
dependence with the rest of the world. Many 
of the shortages from which we are suffering in 
this country, and from which we are going to 
suffer increasingly, result from difficulties of 
getting the commodities which are produced 
elsewhere — either because we cannot obtain 
them, as in the case of rubber which is now 
under enemy control ; or, as in the case of coffee, 
because we have not enough shipping to bring 
them to us from where they are prodticed. 
Imagine a sitviation in which we would be com- 
pletely or almost completely cut off from all the 
things which we now obtain from abroad, and 
you can easily see how economic isolation would 
hurt us. You can just as easily see that a coun- 
try which isolates itself from the rest of the 
world does not merely hurt itself; it also hurts 
everybody else. For it deprives other countries 
of access to what it produces. Economically, it 
declares war on the rest of mankind. 

There are different kinds of warfare. We 
speak of military warfare; we speak of eco- 
nomic warfare. We are accustomed to say that 
when there is political peace there is military 
peace ; and when there is militai'y activity there 
can be no political peace. In the case of eco- 
nomics, unfortunately, it is perfectly possible 
to have economic warfare in conditions of po- 
litical peace. And economic warfare can be 
just as destructive as military warfare. 

The alternative to economic warfare is eco- 
nomic cooperation: a system of international 
relationships under which nations work together 
for the mutual benefit of all, rather than work 
against each other to the inevitable injury of all. 
The crucial choice of the post-war era will be 
the choice between a recrudescence of economic 
warfare and a determined effort to create a sys- 
teih of cooperative relationships. 

Today, side by side with our intense preoccu- 
pation with the task of winning this war, a 
great deal of active work is going on with re- 
gard to the future. I should like to review 
briefly some of the problems that are involved 
in promoting now the functioning of coopera- 
tive processes in international economic rela- 
tions after the war. 


A month from now there will be in session 
at Hot Springs, Virginia, a conference of tech- 
nical I'epresentatives of the United Nations and 
of certain other nations which are associated 
with them in the war. This conference was 
initiated by the Government of the United 
States for the purpose of providing an oppor- 
tunity for a joint discussion of some of the 
most important economic problems that will 
confront the world after the war — those of 
food and agriculture. 

In the invitation issued by the Government 
of the United States it is proposed that there 
should take place at the conference an exchange 
of information and views as to the ''plans and 
prospects of various countries for the post-war 
period regarding production, import require- 
ments, and exportable surpluses of foodstuffs 
and other essential agricultural products". It 
is proposed that this exchange of information 
and views should relate prinuirily to a discus- 
sion of the possibilities and opportunities open 
to the various countries for progi'essively im- 
proving the levels of consumption of their re- 
spective peoples. 

It is further proposed that the conference 
explore the most practicable and desirable 
means and methods of dealing with certain 
problems in the field of its discussion and try 
to reach agreement in principle as to such 
means and methods. Among the problems 
mentioned in the invitation are those of im- 
proving nutrition and of increasing consump- 
tion in general. What the conference is in- 
vited to do is to explore the possibilities of 
international action for the coordination and 
stimulation of national policies and measures 
in this field. 

MAY 8, 1943 


Among the probloins mentioned are also 
those of the possible creation of international 
agreements, arrangements, and institutions for 
the promotion of efficient production and dis- 
tribution of foodstuffs and other essential agri- 
cultural products. The ])urpose here is to find 
ways of insuring for the world adequate sup- 
])lies of such products at pi-ices that will be 
equitable from the viewpoint of both the pro- 
ducers and the consumers. 

The scope of the Conference on Food and 
Agriculture specifically exchides the problems 
involved in the prospective pressing need for 
the provision of relief to the victims of war. 
These problems, which will be of the utmost 
importance during the early post-war period, 
are being handled separately, and a great deal 
of work with respect to them has already been 

For over a year an inter-allied committee in 
London has been making intensive stutly of 
the probable relief requiicniciits of those 
Eluropean countries which will some day be 
liberatetl fiom Nazi domination. Much pre- 
paratory work has been done in this field by our 
own government. Last December the Presi- 
dent set up in the Department of State an Office 
of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation, under the 
direction of Mr. Herbeit Lehman, former Gov- 
ernor of New York. Consultations with other 
governments are taking place. 

The Conference on Food and Agriculture 
will, however, touch upon certain other impor- 
tant economic problems. In terms of the invi- 
tation, the conference will devote some of its 
attention to "commercial, financial, and other 
arrangements which will be necessary in order 
to enable the countries of the world to obtain 
the foodstuffs and other essential agricultural 
products which they will need and to maintain 
adequate markets for their own surplus produc- 
tion". These are complex antl far-reaching 
problems which will have to be dealt with com- 
prehensively apart from the food conference. 
In fact — and again, in terms of the invitation 
itself — the Conference on Food and Agricul- 
ture is regarded as a first step in the direction 
of a joint consideration, b}- the L^nited Nations 

526012—43 2 

and those nations which are associated with 
them in this war, "of the l)asic economic prob- 
lems with which they antl the world will be con- 
fi'outed after complete military victory shall 
have been attained". 

Initiative has already been taken, by our 
govermnent and by that of Great Britain, in 
the direction of laying the foundations for 
action in the field of one of these great economic 
problems of the future — that of international 
monetary and exchange relations. Tentative 
suggestions for the creation of ell'ective inter- 
national machinery to deal with these problems 
have been prepared by our Treasury and by (he 
Hritish Treasury. They are now being .studied 
by the technical experts of each of the govern- 
ments of the United Nations. 

AVhat is involved iiere is the thorny question 
of stable or unstable foreign exchange rates 
and of orderl}' or chaotic intei-national mon- 
etary relationships. I shall not burden you 
with technical details. The essence of the 
problem is simply this: Each nation has its 
own monetary system, its own currency. 
Therefore, when trade, financial, or any other 
transactions take place between nations they 
inevitably involve the exchange of the respec- 
tive national currencies. 

One of the main reasons why exchange rela- 
tionships are important is that if national cur- 
rencies are freely exchangeable for other 
national currencies at stable rates, then it 
becomes possible for the proceeds of sales to 
one country to be used anywhere in the world. 
Under these conditions nations or individuals 
within nations are enabled to sell and buy more 
or less wherever they find it most advantageous 
to do so. If, on the other hand, national cur- 
rencies are not exchangeable for each other at 
stable rates, then it becomes necessary to buy 
only in the country to which you sell, and vice 
versa. Trade and other international transac- 
tions become strait-jacketed, are diverted from 
the channels of natural advantage, and suffer 
grievously in consequence. 

Imagine a situation in which the dollars 
which you get for selling something in the 
State of New York could be used to buy some- 



thing only in tliat State and nowhere else; the 
dollars obtained through selling something in 
the State of California could be used to buy 
something only in that State and nowhere else ; 
and so on. You can hardly imagine such a 
state of affairs; and yet, just before this war 
a good deal of international trade was carried 
on in precisely that fashion as between 

The basic purpose of the tentative monetary 
proposals now under consideration is to make 
it possible to provide a monetary foundation 
for international economic relations compa- 
rable, as nearly as possible, to that which exists 
within nations for domestic economic relations. 
Such a foundation existed before the first 
World War. It was re-created for a time in 
the period between the two wars. Because of 
changed conditions its rebuilding after this war 
will require some necessary innovations, espe- 
cially by way of providing a greater measure 
of flexibility. But unless it is effectively 
rebuilt to fit the new conditions of the post-war 
world, international economic relations will be 
in the future even more difficult and unsatisfac- 
tory than they were during the years imme- 
diately preceding the war. 


There is another phase of international 
economic rehition.s which is of the utmost im- 
portance for the future and which, so far as 
our country is concerned, is in t"he stage not of 
technical discussion but of legislative enact- 
ment. I refer, of course, to the renewal of the 
Trade Agreements Act, which is now before 
the Congress. 

That act, as you know, was originally made 
into law in 1934 for the purpose of enabling 
this country to deal with the barriers and ob- 
structions which were then stifling our foreign 
trade and international commerce in general, 
and to the rise of which we ourselves had con- 
tributed greatly by our unfortunate tariff 
policy. The act was renewed twice, in 1937 
and 1940. It expires on June 12 of this year 
unless renewed by that time. 

The provisions of the Trade Agreements Act 
go to the very root of the all-important prob- 
lem of international trade, which, as I have 
already indicated, is the most basic of the 
economic relationships among nations and is, 
therefore, a crucial part of the foundations of 
international cooperation. The technique de- 
veloped under the act provides a flexible and 
effective instrument for the reduction or 
elimination of barriers to international 

These barriers are primarily of two kinds. 
First, there are tlie various restrictions which 
countries impose upon imports from other 
countries. Second, there are the various ways 
in which, in the api^lication of these restric- 
tions, countries discriminate in favor of some 
and against other countries. 

In attacking the first of these sets of bar- 
riers, the trade-agreement procedure operates 
in the following manner: The United States 
makes reductions in its tariff rates in favor of 
the trade of the country with which an agree- 
ment is negotiated, in exchange for a similar 
mitigation of restrictions by the other country 
in favor of our trade. In attacking the second 
set of restrictions the benefits given under in- 
dividual agreements are extended in a non- 
discriminatory fashion to all countries which 
accord similar treatment to our commerce. 

In applying these techniques during the nine 
years of operation of the Trade Agreements 
Act, mmierous essential safeguards have been 
employed. Some of these were provided in the 
act itself. In granting authority to the Presi- 
dent to enter into reciprocal trade agreements 
and, through the proclaiming of such agree- 
ments, to lower our tariff rates, the Congress 
provided that no duty should be reduced by 
more than 50 percent and that no article could 
be transferred between the dutiable and the free 
lists. The Congress also provided that no 
agreement could be concluded for more than 
three years and that any agreement should be 
thereafter subject to termination upon not more 
than six months' notice. Many safeguarding 
provisions have been written into the agree- 
ments themselves to provide against changing 

MAY 8, 1943 


conditions. As a result of the careful and 
painstaking way in which the work has been 
done, under the President and the Secretary of 
State, by the appropriate departments of the 
Government, the agreements which we have 
concluded to date with 27 nations have served 
to improve markedly our foreign-trade posi- 
tion and, through that, to promote our general 
national interests. 

Through the operation of tlie trade-agree- 
ments program before the war tlie United 
States was enabled to provide leadership to the 
rest of the world in the direction of a mitiga- 
tion of the evil effects of the disastrous eco- 
nomic conflicts in which the nations were caught 
as in a trap. That type of leadership will be 
even more necessary after the war. 

The exigencies of war have created a system 
of drastic and thorough-going regulation of 
trade, which is inescapable during the period of 
liostilities, but the continuation of which into 
(he post-hostilities period will be suicidal. That 
system cannot be terminated overnight. But 
the possibility of its transformation into a sys- 
tem of trade relations appropriate to a period 
of peace, and the speed and facility with which 
sucl) transformation will be accomplished, will 
depend upon whether or not the nations of the 
world have in their hands, ready for immediate 
use when needed, the necessary instruments of 
effective action. As Secretary Hull said in his 
statement a week ago before the House Ways 
and Means Committee: "So far as our nation is 
concerned, the continued existence of the trade- 
agreements machinery is the most important of 
these instruments. It is the central and indis- 
pensable point in any feasible program of in- 
ternational cooperation. The only alternative 
is for nations to travel the same extremely nar- 
i-ow economic road that was traveled so disas- 
trouslv during the years following the last 

I have described some of the problems that 
will need to be met if the great objectives set 
forth in the documents from which T quoted 
at the beginnins: are to be attained. I have 

also described some of the things that are 
being done to forge the tools necessary for this 
purpose. In conclusion, let me leave with you 
this thought : 

Our nation is demonstrating daily and 
hourly that when our freedom is threatened 
we do not haggle over the price of defending 
and preserving it. We still have before us 
the need of demonstrating that we have learned 
the lesson of the pa^t and are prepared to em- 
bark upon the less costly but equally impera- 
tive action which will be needed to make sure 
that threats to our freedom, threats to our 
peace, and threats to our economic progress 
will not arise in the future. 

The road to national security and economic 
advancement through effective international 
cooperation will be open to us and to all na- 
tions after this war, as it was after the last. 
All nations strayed from that road in the inter- 
war period. Will we and they stray from it 


(Released to tlie press May 4] 

Mr. Herbert H. Lelunan, Director of Foreigir 
Relief and Rehabilitation Operations, returned 
to the State Department on May 4 after a visit 
to London. Commenting on his trip, Mr. 
Lehman said : 

"As I announced upon my departure from this 
country some four weeks ago, I went to London 
for the purpose of securing all available infor- 
mation about the need for relief and rehabili- 
tation measures in the countries now held in 
bondage by the Axis. I am returning with a 
great conviction of the imperative necessity for 
immediate action on our part, in collaboration 
with our allies, in the preparation of plans and 
the procurement of essential supplies to assist 
the civilian population in areas liberated by our 



armed forces. In my talks in London with our 
own military leaders and with British officers, 
I found complete aj^reement between military 
and civilian authorities on the necessity for ade- 
quate preparation for civilian relief as an essen- 
tial part of any military campaign and as a 
vital tool in shortening the war. This will 
require the closest cooperation between military 
authorities and the civilian-relief agency, and 
the groundwork is now laid for such collabora- 

"While in London I conferred at length with 
Mr. Fred K. Hoehler, Chief of Mission in North 
Africa for the Office of Foreign Relief and Re- 
habilitation Operations. Mr. Hoehler flew to 
London to present a report on his operations to 

"During my visit I had the opportunity of 
discussing relief plans and requirements with 
the various ministers of the British Government 
who are chiefly concerned and with the repre- 
sentatives of all the allied governments which 
have their headquarters in London. I also had 
the opportunity to discuss these matters with 
representatives of the Greek, Russian, and Chi- 
nese Governments. I was impressed with the 
careful work which has been done by the various 
governments, through the Inter-Allied Com- 
mittee on Post-War Requirements, in preparing 
estimates of the needs of these territories when 
they are liberated. The problem of meeting 
these requirements at a time when our whole 
productive machinery is geared to the war efl:ort 
will be difficult, but I am sure that all the United 
Nations are prepared to make every effoi't to 
provide the necessities of life to our allies when 
their liberation has been achieved by our mili- 
tary forces. 

"I was deeply impressed witli the conviction 
and sincerity with which the British and other 
United Nations Governments are preparing for 
the job that lies ahead in relieving distress 
and helping the suffering peo^Dles to help them- 
selves. The job will require tlie resources and 
efforts not alone of our country but of all the 
United Nations. I return with renewed confi- 
dence and assurances that Great Britain and 

the other United Nations are prepared to share, 
to the utmost of their ability, in the great work 
that lies ahead." 


[Released to the i) May 3] 

The text of a telegram sent by the President 
of the United States to His Excellency 
Wladyslaw Raczkiewicz, President of Poland, 
upon the occasion of the national anniversary 
of Poland, follows : 

Mat 3, 1943. 

I desire on this day, the national anniversary 
of Poland, to send to you and the people of 
Poland my sincere and heart-felt greetings. 

I am happy on this occasion again to em- 
phasize how deeply the American people admire 
the courageous and self-sacrificing manner in 
which the Polish people and their valiant army 
are continuing their struggle on the side of free- 
dom and justice against oar common Nazi enemy 
both inside and outside Poland. 

Franklin D Roosevelt 


[Fteleased to the press for puhlicatioii May S, p.m.] 

The Secretary of State, acting in conjunction 
with the Acting Secretary of the Treasury, the 
Attorney General, the Secretary of Commerce, 
the Board of Economic Warfare, and the Act- 
ing Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, on 
May 9 issued Cumulative Supjalement 1 to Re- 
vision V of the Proclaimed List of Certain 
Blocked Nationals, promulgated April 23, 1943. 

Part I of Cumulative Supplement 1 contains 
273 additional listings in the other American 
republics and 83 deletions. Part II contains 
146 additional listings outside the Amei'ican 
re|3ublics and 40 deletions. 


Commercial Policy 

Address by tlie Under Secretary of Stale ' 

I Released to the press May S 1 

I welcome the opportunity you have afforded 
ine of speaking on tlie subject of "Freedom 
From Economic Aggression'". 

This subject lies within a field of thought and 
action to which every one of us should give his 
most heart-searching study. It plays a vital 
[)art in the determination of a problem which, 
next to the winning of this war, must be ever 
[iresent in the thoughts of all of us. The 
achievement of freedom from economic aggres- 
sion is an integral and essential part of the task 
to which humanity must dedicate its collective 
wisdom and endeavor: the creation of an en- 
during peace when this war is won. 

No other subject on earth lays such a claim 
upon the capacity of all of us as the eradication 
of war, a scourge which reaches into every 
home, bringing death and sorrow to all it 
touches, destroying so much which is beyond 
price, and which has taken the patient toil of 
centuries to create, and wasting on a stupendous 
scale the wealth and the resources tiiat could 
have so greatly enhanced the welfare and hap- 
jiiness of mankind. 

It is for this generation, with the bitter ex- 
perience of two wars and a frustrated peace 
fresh in our minds, to do what past generations 
of men have never succeeded in doing, to realize 
for future generations the greatest aspiration of 
mankind : the chance for the people of (his 
world to live out their lives in security and peace, 
and free from fear. 

Economic considerations lie close to the heart 
of this great problem for the reason that they 

' Delivered by the Honorable Sumner Welles at the 
Toledo Fonim on Peace Problems, siionsored by the 
Toledo Committee for the Study of the Organization 
of Peace and the University of Toledo, Toledo, Ohio, 
Slay 8, 1043. 

engage so closely the thought and fundamental 
interest of nations and of peoples and affect so 
profoundly their attitude toward each other and 
the relations between them. 

It is inevitable that this should be so, for eco- 
nomic considerations vitally affect the daily 
lives of all of us. The things that to a great 
extent preoccupy the mind of the average man 
are the holding of his job, or making his farm 
oi- business paj'; the provision of food and shel- 
ter for his family ; the education of his children ; 
and the hope of providing for a reasonably com- 
fortable and self-respecting old age. The eco- 
nomic acts or policies of governments which 
affect these basic interests touch the very fabric 
of human existence; the things which mean joy 
or sorrow, health or sickness, hajjpiness or 

Acts and policies of economic aggression may 
spring from short-sighted and unintelligent 
selfishness. They may not be, and usually are 
not, inspired by any feeling of hostility to- 
ward other peoples, or by any conscious de- 
sign to dominate or injure. But they may in 
some instances be inspired by the same cruel 
design to conquer and to dominate and to ex- 
ploit as that which inspires military aggression 
and conqviest. 

In some instances economic aggression may 
indeed be only a means to these more ambitious 
ends. It may be part and parcel of a master 
plan, a plan that has in view the political and 
military domination of other peoples. In such 
a setting economic aggression does not seek 
economic advantage as an end in itself. It 
may not even have in view the promotion of the 
prosperity and happiness of the individual 
citizens of the country guilty of it. It is em- 
ployed as an adjunct to military and political 
domination and is designed primarily to serve 




these sinister objectives. The commercial 
policy of Germany during the past decade is 
the outstanding example of economic aggres- 
sion of this kind. 

I think it is desirable to make perfectly clear 
this distinction between the ruthless barbarity 
which strikes without mercy with every weapon 
at its command, and the acts and policies which 
result from ignorant selfishness rather than 
from the evil ambition of international domi- 
nation. It is true that the effects on ft)reign 
peoples may be similar no matter what the 
underlying motives may be. But there is an 
important distinction nevertheless. For when 
policies that are injurious to other peoples are 
the result of short-sighted selfishness, their 
modification is possible. If they are born of 
viciousness, there is no hope of such reform. 

We and Great Britain and nearly every other 
country have been guilty of economic aggres- 
sion of the selfish and unenlightened kind. But 
the effects of such policies have been realized 
and their trend has been reversed in the direc- 
tion of economic cooperation. German eco- 
nomic aggression on the other hand was in- 
spired by different motives and has been stead- 
ily intensified up to the outbreak of the war 
and, for that matter, up to this very moment. 

The German concept of a totalitarian state 
is that the total complex of human rela- 
tionships — religion, politics, economics, labor 
unions, schools, athletic clubs, and even the insti- 
tution of the family — all must be integrated 
with the sole objective of creating a total state, 
a mechanism responsible neither to the laws 
of God — because in the eyes of the criminal 
racketeers who have created the Hitlerite 
Frankenstein there is no God — nor to the laws 
of man, because the basic precepts of these 
laws — honesty, truth, justice — are incompatible 
with the activities and objectives of this mod- 
ern monster. 

Nazi Germany discarded the idea that eco- 
nomic activity should be directed toward rais- 
ing the standard of living of German citizens. 
Instead it was proclaimed that the welfare of 
individuals should be subordinated to the ob- 
jective of making the state strong. In all its 
relations this was the end that Germany 

sought. Germany sought to obtain from other 
countries not those materials which would con- 
tribute to the health or happiness of the Ger- 
man people but materials which were designed 
to be used in building up her war machine. 
Even in the period when other nations were 
endeavoring to work out means of interna- 
tional cooperation, Germany had deliberately 
and with malice aforethought chosen guns in- 
stead of butter. 

It is not, therefore, surprising that the eco- 
nomic policies of Germany prior to the war 
represented the ultimate in unbridled, ruthless, 
and merciless aggression against every state 
that lacked the economic strength to defend 
itself, and particularly against all states that 
Germany sought to dominate politically. Ger- 
man commercial policy was designed to pave 
the way for conquest, to soften up a country 
as a prelude to political domination, and to pro- 
mote disruption and confusion in the relations 
of nations in those areas where the hope of po- 
litical domination was more remote. 

That policy sought to reorient the economic 
structure of central and southeastern Europe 
with the purpose of making Germany the in- 
dustrial center of the area, supplied with raw 
materials and foodstuff's by European "col- 
onies". Through that jiolicy Germany endeav- 
ored wherever practicable to shift from 
overseas areas to other European states, where 
lines of communication could be better con- 
trolled in the event of war, her sources of 
imports of raw materials and semi-finished 
products and foodstuffs. She sought to obtain 
from other countries those articles which would 
make Germany strong both in an economic and 
a military sense. 

All this was accomplished by incredibly de- 
vious and intricate devices. In essence the 
German .scheme was to prevent the conversion 
into other currencies of funds accumulated in 
marks from the sale of goods to Germany. 
Countries which depended largely on the Ger- 
man market for the sale of their export prod- 
ucts found themselves in an almost inextricable 
maze. To obtain the imported goods they 
needed, they were virtually forced to buy Ger- 
man goods, no matter how poor in quality they 

MAY 8, 1943 


might be or how liigh in price. The only al- 
ternative was to allow the revenues created by 
their exports to Germany to accumulate, to 
allow tlie sums created by the toil of their peo- 
ple to lie sterile and useless. In many cases 
these countries, in order to make use of such 
blocked balances, could only resign themselves 
to accept from Germany protlucts that Ger- 
many chose to supply them but which were not 
suited to their essentially agricultural econo- 
mies and relatively low standards of living. 
For example, it is said that Yugoslavia pur- 
cliased from Germany a 10-year supply of 
aspirin, and that a Greek firm acquired hun- 
dreds of thousands of mouth organs, in order to 
utilize the funds that were Mocked in Germany. 

The very essence of German conuncrcial pol- 
icy was that trade relations with foreign coun- 
tries should serve only Germany's needs and 
ambitions. The problems and needs of other 
countries did not count. 

Someone has said tliat (he essence of every 
artificial and unwarranted protective taritf is 
that it should "injure the country against which 
protection is desired''. In the period between 
the wars virtuallj' evei"y country was guilty of 
economic aggression of this kind. The whole 
history of British Empire preferences is a his- 
tory of economic aggression in the sense in 
which I am now using the term. Under a sys- 
tem of this kind other countries found their 
markets throughout the vast reaches of the Em- 
pire restricted and the prosperity of their peo- 
ple correspondingly impaired. Such a system 
is adopted to "protect'" the people witliin the 
country employing it, but it strikes at the in- 
terests of other peoples as surely as if this were 
its object, and makes more difficult of solution 
their problem of getting a living. 

The successive increases in our tariff follow- 
ing the last war struck at the livelihood of 
other peoples with the same force as if our 
conscious motive had been to injure them. 

The acts of each country compelled other 
countries to take similar action. Economic 
attacks and counterattacks characterized this 
period. The resulting destruction to interna- 
tional trade finally brought the world to the 
verge of economic collapse and contributed 

greatly to the general state of international 
anarch}^ and non-cooperation which proved a 
fertile field for the growth of another World 

We all of us recognize, however, that what- 
ever the shortcomings of the commercial policies 
of the United States and the majority of the 
other countries may have been during that 
period, the injuries they inflicted on other peo- 
ples were heedless rather than calculated. They 
were not, like Germany's, designed to weaken 
victims of intended aggression. They were not 
used as an adjunct of conquest, and, above all, 
their faults were finally recognized and stejjs 
were taken to change them for the better and 
to lay out a saner course for the futui-e. 

I am profoundly thankful tliat it was the 
United States, during the present administra- 
tion, that began in 1934 with the adoption of 
tlie Trade Agreements Act to lead the way to- 
ward international economic sanity. The 
agreements authorized by and negotiated under 
this act provided for the reciprocal reduction 
of barriers to international trade. Such agree- 
nu'uts have been concluded with 27 countries. 
These agreements are, so to speak, economic 
non-aggression pacts. Among the countries 
with which such agreements have been con- 
cluded are the United Kingdom and Canada, 
both of which undertook to reduce their tariffs 
and to reduce, and in some instances to elimi- 
nate, the Empire preferences to which I have 
referred. In the trade agreements concluded 
under this act the United States has reduced 
excessive tariffs that were imposed after the 
last war. 

It is worthy of note that most of the nations 
that are allied or associated with us in the 
present struggle against the Axis have entered 
into such agreements with us, thereby signify- 
ing a willingness to join with us in repudiat- 
ing the doctrine of economic aggression. I 
should also like to call attention to the fact 
that most of the United Nations have con- 
cluded mutual-aid agreements with us. The 
mutual-aid agreements set forth as one of 
their objectives the removal of trade discrim- 
inations and the reduction of tariffs and other 
barriers to trade. The agreements lay down 



the economic objectives to be sought as part of 
the effort to create an enduring peace when 
this war is over. To this end the countries 
signing them have agreed that further steps 
should be taken to mitigate acts of economic 
aggression that have been committed in the 
past and that they should refrain from com- 
mittmg them in the future. 

The economic policies of the United States 
and of the other United Nations, seriously 
defective though they were during the earlier 
part of the period between the wars, stand in 
striking contrast to the predatory policies of 
Germany. The Germans have sought to jus- 
tify aggression by saying that they were being 
encircled. On a recent occasion this even 
found an echo in our own country in the amaz- 
ing allegation that our trade-agreements pro- 
gram, which is the very antithesis of eco- 
nomic aggression, had the effect of encircling 

The facts are that Hitler had drawn his blue- 
prints of aggression long before the Trade 
Agreements Act began to operate. His plans 
had been underwritten by German capitalists 
long before our trade-agreements program was 
inaugurated, and those plans had been en- 
dorsed by the German people. As a step in 
prefDaration for political and military aggres- 
sion, Hitler renounced the principle of most- 
favored-nation treatment. At the very instant 
that the United States was undertaking the 
first steps to establish world trade on a freer, 
a more diverse, and a more rational basis, he 
denovmced the most-favored-nation provisions 
of our commercial treaty of 1923 with Ger- 
many and embai'ked upon a system of bilateral 
trade based on barter, "blocked" and "com- 
pensation" marks, and political pressure. Un- 
der a system of international barter the Third 
Reich obtained much of its imports by prom- 
ises to pay with exported merchandise. These 
unfulfilled promises made in cynical bad faith 
are worthless today and serve only as a re- 
minder of the state to which victimized nations 
must have been reduced when they accepted 
such terms. 

Admittedly the United States had by its in- 
creased tariffs helped to create conditions in 

Germany and elsewhere which led to the more 
ready acceptance of Hitler and his gang of 
criminal racketeers who term themselves the 
Government of Germany. But our trade- 
agreements program was an implicit recogni- 
tion of our former shortsightedness and evi- 
denced an honest desire to reestablish greater 
opportunity in foreign trade for all nations, 
including Germany. 

Our trade agreements with European coun- 
tries, instead of encircling Germany, may have 
helped to some extent to ease the situation of 
some countries toward which Hitler directed 
his economic and political aggression. They 
may have helped to prevent some from falling 
completely within the German orbit. They 
may in some degree have helped to prevent 
Hitler from drawing within his own encircling 
power some of the countries that he hoped to 
absorb. But far from restricting or encircling 
Germany the trade-agreements program by its 
very philosophy and techniques opened new 
vistas of a legitimate and peaceful economic 
LchensratMn for Germany if Hitler had chosen 
to make that country one of the familj^ of 
nations which were honestly seeking to remedy 
past mistakes and safeguai'd peace. 

I have discussed the economic policies of 
Germany at some length, with the hope of 
emphasizing the importance of economic I'ela- 
tions by showing the potency of economic ag- 
gression when carried to extremes. I do not 
suggest that a country that uses economic ag- 
gression as a deliberate adjunct of criminal 
military and political conquest can be dissuaded 
from its course by appeals to i-eason. I do 
suggest that the great majority of the peoples 
of this earth want peace, and that if they will 
cooperate in such a manner as to make future 
aggression impossible they can have peace. 
But on the basis of past experience, coopera- 
tion of even peaceful-minded nations in such 
an undertaking will be difficult to achieve, and 
if they should persist in the use of economic 
measures that strike at each other's vital inter- 
ests such cooperation will be impossible. 

The question before this country and the 
Congress of the United States at this moment 
is whether we shall continue to throw the 

MAY S, 1943 


weight of our great influence in the direction of 
economic peace or in the direction of trade 
war; whetlier we shall orient our policy in the 
direction of measures of economic aggression 
such as we adopted in the Tariff Acts of 1922 
antl 1930; or whether we shall continue to ad- 
here to the policy of economic cooperation laid 
down in the Trade Agreements Act of 19:54 and 
the economic non-aggression pacts concluded 
under that authority. For this decision will be 
made when Congress acts on the legislation for 
the usual three-year extension of the trade- 
agreement authority which is now under con- 
sideration by the Legislative Branch of our 

It would be unfortimate, and niiglit even 
prove tragic, if thoughtless people should con- 
fuse or becloud this issue. Let us not be de- 
ceived into thinking that since trade agree- 
ments are mainly instruments of jieacetime 
trade and we ai'e now engaged in war the ques- 
tion is not of first importance. 

Let me give you my soberest judgment on 
this point, and it is one to which I have 
devoted much thought. 

Let me speak solely as one citizen of this 
countr}', a citizen who, like all other citizens, 
has a crucial personal stake in all that peitains 
to the momentous question of creating an en- 
during peace, and hence is vitally concerned 
that our thinking should be straight and our 
perspectives true. 

Lot me say most earnestly and with all the 
force at my command that the decision we 
make on this question is of crucial importance 
to all living Americans and to generations yet 

The greatest man whom India has produced 
in modern times, and I do not refer to Mr. 
Gandhi, not long ago stated a profound truth. 
He said, "The experience of the last 10 years 
ought to have taught the United Nations that 
in internal and foreign politics alike, the most 
dangerous and costly solution is to do nothing 
about an acute problem." I believe that 
nothing would be more costly to the people 
of the United States than to avoid taking at 
this time the steps necessarj' to insure them in 

the future against the evils of international 
economic aggression. 

I speak thus strongly on the subject, not be- 
cause thefee trade agreements, these economic 
non-aggression pacts, can of themselves remake 
the world, not because they can guarantee the 
future prosperity of the United States, although 
they most certainly have made and can make a 
very substantial contribution to it. I speak so 
strongly on this subject because I know that if 
our country repudiates the doctrine of economic 
non-aggression, every other country will rejjudi- 
ate it, and we will drift back into the conditions 
of trade warfare which brought all countries to 
the verge of ruin in the earlj' thirties, into condi- 
tions under which international cooperation 
cannot survive. Let it always be remembered 
that the fullest international cooperation in all 
fields is essential if peace, once it is again estab- 
lished, is to be maintained. 

Two weeks ago, as I was passing througli this 
great State of yours on the train on my way back 
to Washington fi-om Mexico, I talked for a while 
to a young corporal who had been ordered to an 
eastern camp. He told me that he came from a 
State in the Middle West where he had left a 
good job to enlist after Pearl Harbor. He said 
that he was married and had a son three years 

I asked him what he most wanted to see done 
after our victory was won. 

His reply was that when that moment came 
he wished to get back to his family and his job, 
and he wanted then to do evei-ything he could 
to see to it that all the influence and the power 
of the United States should be exercised there- 
after, through cooperation with the other 
United Nations, in making sure that the peace 
of the world was maintained so that his son 
when he grew up should not be forced into war 
as he himself had been. 

It is my confident belief that that today is th.e 
ideal and the objective of the overwhelming ma- 
jority of the people of this country. If that ob- 
jective is to be attained the people of tlie United 
States must assume their full share of resjionsi- 
bility for the creation of that kind of woi'ld in 
which men and women in the years to come can, 
as a basic part of their essential security, in very 



truth be free from the fear, as well as from the 
fateful consequences, of economic aggression. 
Let there be no mistake on this point. Let 
there be no belittling of this issue. If the United 
States repudiates the Trade Agreements Act, 
either outright or b}' crippling amendments, if 

it thus repudiates the idea of economic non- 
aggression, it will have destroyed the stuff of 
which peace is made, it will have struck a heavy 
blow at the hopes of mankind for ridding this 
world of the scourge of war, and for creating a 
just, a workable, and a lasting peace. 

American Republics 


His Excellency Gen. Enrique Penaranda, 
President of the Republic of Bolivia, ari-ived in 
Washington on Wednesday, May 5, 1943, accom- 
panied by the following party : 

His Excellency Dr. Tomds Manuel Elfo. Minister of 

Foreign Affairs of Bolivia 
His Excellency Gen. David Toro, former President of 

His Excellency Seiior Don Enrique Finot, Bolivian 

Ambassador to Mexico 
His Excellency Senor Dr. Gabriel Gosalvez, Ambassador 
Gen. Felipe M. Rivera, Minister Plenipotentiary 
The Honorable Serior Don Jorge del Castillo, Minister 

Plenipotentiary and Secretary of the Presidency 
The Honorable Seiior Don Jorge de la Barra, Minister 

Plenipotentiary and Director of Protocol 

Also accompanying him were : 

His Excellency Seiior Don X,uis Fernando Guachalla, 

Ambassador of Bolivia 
The Honorable Pierre de L. Boal, American Ambassador 

to Bolivia 
Brig. Gen. James H. Walker, U.S. Army, military aide 
Capt. Albert E. Schrader, U.S. Navy, naval aide 

President Penaranda went directly to the 
White House, where he was an overnight guest 
of the President and attended a state dinner 
given in liis honor. 

On Thursday he visited the Capitol, where he 
addressed the Senate and the House of Repre- 
sentatives separately, and that evening he was 
the guest of honor at a dinner given by the Sec- 
retary of State. He visited the Naval Academy 
on Friday, Mount Vernon and Arlington on 
Saturday, and attended a reception given in his 
honor by the Ambassador of Bolivia at the Pan 
American Union Saturday evening. 

On Smiday afternoon he will leave Washing- 
ton for Detroit and Buffalo, where he will tour 
war-industry plants, after which he will go to 
Ottawa for an official visit. Plans for his 
entertainment later that week include a visit to 
New York and West Point. 

Ambassador of Colombia 

[Released to the press May 6] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Ambassador of Colombia, Seiior Don 
Alberto Lleras, upon the occasion of the pres- 
entation of his letters of credence, follows: 

Mr. President: 

I have the honor to deliver to Your Excel- 
lency the letters which accredit me as Ambas- 

sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of 
Colombia and the letters of recall of my 
predecessor, Mr. Gabriel Turbay. The Pi'esi- 
dent of Colombia has charged me especially to 
express to Your Excellency on this most 
happy occasion his cordial sentiments of 
friendship and admiration and his best wishes 
for the personal happiness of Your Excellency 

MAY 8, 1943 


as well as for the prosperity and increasing 
greatness of the United States. 

Colombia follows with intense interest the 
development of the world conflict, the ultimate 
decision of which, the victory of the United 
Nations, is for our people in no way either 
doubtful or indifferent. President Lopez has 
had occasion to express to Your Excellency 
how all the Colombian people share in the 
sentiments of the people of the United States, 
involved in a struggle the result of which will 
change the destiny of the future world and 
will render especially favorable that of the 
nations of the Western Hemisphere. In 
Colombia we not only see with joy the military 
victories of the United States but we appre- 
ciate exactly the prodigious effort which this 
country has imposed on itself in order to meet 
totalitarian aggression wherever it attenii)ts to 
open a breach or give battle against the funda- 
mental principles on which our Republics have 
been organized, following the austere example 
and the I'ules of public law of the founders of 
the American Union. In this time of war we 
have been able to prove unequivocally the 
strength and solidity of the policy of good- 
neighborliness and continental solidarity which 
Your Excellency initiated in your first presi- 
dential term. To this policy Colombia has 
given its unrestricted adherence and has col- 
laborated sincerely and vigorously to extend 
and intensify it. The attitude of our country 
toward the conflict, since December 1941, has 
not been merely that of observing the multi- 
lateral engagements of solidarity, nor the dip- 
lomatic norms outlined at the Rio de Janeiro 
Conference, but that of offering its collabora- 
tion to the United States in the same measure 
that we have known that it is necessary, with 
the limitations imposed on us by our material 
capacity, in the desire of aiding with efficacy 
the cause which we consider morally as our 
own. We have well supported, but we have 
suffered, the consequences of the conflict in the 
general disorder of our economy, occasioned 
principally by the disturbance of maritime 
transportation. The United States has offered 
us and has given us a coopei-ation which we 
appreciate all the more because we do not fail 

to see the sacrifices, restrictions, and burdens 
which the American people bear with fortitude 
in order to serve humanity and the democratic 
ideal, first as the arsenal of a still-free world, 
afterwards as one of the greatest war organiza- 
tions that mankind has known. 

In Colombia, Mr. President, there are none 
but friends of the United States, and the policy 
of collaboration which the Government has de- 
veloped with this nation has no opponents 
among my fellow countrymen. The mission 
which has been entrusted to me is, therefore, 
that of interpreting the intimate and public 
sentiments of a people and not only the good 
wishes of a cordially friendly government, 
whose chief considers it a fortunate fact for 
both nations that he has been able to express 
to Your Excellency, more than once, in a direct 
manner, his purpose of strengthening the bonds 
which unite Colombia with the United States, 
now in the war, later in a peace which may give 
to the Western Hemisphere — associated in the 
development of common political and economic 
interests — a position of permanent world le- 
fense of the forms of civilization which the 
belligerent American peoples are maintaining 
with the sacrifice of their blood, and for the 
survival of which all are disposed to fight as 
if it were a question of the predominance of a 
national policy. 

For me it is a particular pleasure, Mr. Presi- 
dent, to join in the wishes of the Government 
and the people of Colombia for the prosperity 
of the United States and for Your Excellency's 
personal happiness. 

The President's reply to the remarks of 
Seiior Don Alberto Lleras follows : 

Mr. Ambassador : 

It is with great pleasure that I receive from 
you today the lettei's whereby His Excellency 
the President of the Republic of Colombia 
accredits you as Ambassador Extraordinary 
and Plenipotentiary near the Government of 
the United States. 

I also accept the letters of recall of j-our dis- 
tinguished predecessor for whom I have such 
high regard and whose residence here will al- 
ways be remembered with real appreciation. 



As you, j\Ir. Anibassadoi', enter upon your 
new duties in the midst of a war brought by 
aggressor nations upon the freedom-loving 
peoples of the world, I wish to assure you of 
the privilege which I, as well as the other 
officials of the United States Government, will 
always consider it to facilitate the carrying out 
of your responsibilities. 

I have long been impressed by the great sim- 
ilarity in the principles which have guided 
our two democracies and I have admired the 
fervent devotion to the righteous cause of free- 
dom which Colombia has so vigorously mani- 
fested. You have indeed clearly expressed the 
solidarity of purpose of Colombia and the 
United States for the ultimate and certain 
achievement of the final victory of the United 
Nations and a just and enduring peace. 

The disarrangement of economic life caused 
by the war brings serious problems indeed, but 
as we face them together with sacrifice, 
patience, and steadfast coojjeration they will be 

It is with gratitude that I refer on this 
occasion to the invaluable collaboration of 
Colombia so vigorously carried forward under 
the leadership of my personal friend, your 
illustrious President. 

In extending to you a most cordial welcome 
I would ask you to express to His Excellency 
President Lopez my deep appreciation of his 
sincere and friendly sentiments for this coun- 
try and for myself and convey to him my 
warm personal greetings and best wishes for 
the prosperity and happiness of the Colombian 

Ambassador of Costa Rica 

[Released to the press May G] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Ambassador of Costa Kica, SenoV 
Carlos Manuel Escalante, upon the occasion of 
the presentation of his letters of credence, fol- 

Mr. President: 

The designs of destiny have willed that the 
Chief of State should have deemed fit to bestow 
upon me the honor of representing the people 
and the Government of Costa Rica before those 
of Your Excellency in the highest rank of the 
diplomatic hierarchy. The distinction which 
such a charge implies becomes deeper and 
brighter in view of the happy circumstance of 
your presence in the First Magistracy of the 
United States of America, which constitutes 
an indubitable manifestation of Providence, in 
view of the fact that in the face of exception- 
ally complicated jDroblems it placed one of the 
highest human values of the age because of his 
l^rofound vision of the future, because of his 
perfect conception of the facts of the present, 
because of the promptness and sagacity of his 
decisions and, fundamentally, because of the 
pristine origin of his ideas of justice which 
found a fertile field, in a person who, endowed 
by all the gifts of nature, from heredity and 
environment, disciplined them in the most sin- 
cere devotion to the postulates of law as the 
supreme manifestation of the sovereignty of 
the people. 

The promotion of the representations of our 
Republics to the rank of Embassies confirms 
objectively the doctrine of the juridical and 
political equality of nations and coincides with 
the development of events of the deepest uni- 
versal repercussion, the culmination of which 
will, without the slightest doubt, be the estab- 
lishment of an order of things in which like a 
loyally maintained armorial ensign there will 
prevail in international affairs respect for 
agreements, and mutual comprehension, and in 
social and juridical affairs, the positive exer- 
cise of the four freedoms in the emmciation of 
which Your Excellency has wisely known how 
to condense the ideals which move just men in 
the present upheaval of the logical sequence of 
their history. 

I sum up in the foregoing words our concep- 
tion of the common ideal, and I take pleasure 
in declaring that the people and Government 
of Costa Rica are completely in accord with 
your own in their decision to sacrifice in order 

MAY 8. 1943 


to attain such high objectives, and that my dip- 
lomatic activity will have as its inspiration an 
enthusiastic desire to cooperate in the fullness 
of the sentiments of cordiality which your Gov- 
ernment's attitudes have succeeded in awaken- 
ing among your friends and brothers, the Costa 

I therefore take up my office, feeling uplifted 
by the honor which it imidies and fully per- 
suaded of its sense of dignity and sincere col- 
laboration; and in so doing I think it is fitting 
to state that we fully understand the new Amer- 
ican doctrines happily crystallized in the good- 
neighbor policy and that although, because of 
its circumstances, our nation has not been able 
to shed its blood in tlie war it has done and 
will do whatever it is able to do in the support 
of measures of collective security and economic 
jurisdiction and that it has hastened to give 
concrete fonn in institutions of positive law to 
possible technical solutions of the social prob- 
lems of the future. 

In placing in your hands the letters which 
accredit me as Ambassador and the letters of 
recall of one who in the capacity of Minister 
preceded me and was the object of marks of 
deference which call for our gratitude, let me 
be permitted to transmit to you the most cortlial 
greeting of the President of the Republic and 
to express to you our wishes for the greatness 
of the United States and for your personal 
health and happiness. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Senor 
Don Carlos Manuel Escalante follows : 

Mr. Ambassador: 

It is indeed a great pleasure to receive from 
your hands the letters of credence by which the 
Government of Costa Rica accredits you as Am- 
bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 
near the Government of the United States. I 
welcome you as the worthy representative of a 
sister democracy and as one whose qualities we 
personally came to appreciate during your visit 
to Washington last year. 

In elevating our respective missions to the 
grade of Embassy our Governments have given 

renewed expression not only to the friendly re- 
lations which have always prevailed between 
them but also to the nnitual appi'eciation which 
unites the peoples of our two countries. This 
action, moreover, reaflirnis, as you so aptly say, 
the principle of juridical and political equality 
among nations, a principle, I may add, which 
has contributed so significantly toward the de- 
velopment of inter-American solidarity. 

As you undertake your new duties and re- 
sponsibilities as the first Costa Rican Ambassa- 
dor accredited to this Goveriunent, I assure you 
that the officials of this Government will be 
liappy to extend to you their cordial collahora- 
tiou and assistance in all matters regarding 
which you may consult tlicni. 

In receiving the letters of recall of your prede- 
cessor, St>nor Fernandez, may I mention the 
pleasant memories which we retain of his stay 
among us. 

Please convey to your distinguished President 
my cordial regards and best wishes for his con- 
tinued health and well-being and for the welfare 
of the people of Costa Rica. 

Ambassador of the Dominican Republic 

[Released to the press May 4] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Ambassador of the Dominican Re- 
public, Seiior Dr. J. M. Troncoso, upon the 
occasion of the presentation of his letters of 
credence, follows: 

Mr. President: 

I have the honor of placing in your hands the 
autographed letter of His Excellencv the Presi- 
dent of the Dominican Republic which accredits 
me as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipo- 
tentiary before the Government of Your 

I experience a double satisfaction in accom- 
plishing this act by which there are initiated the 
functions of the diplomatic mission of my coun- 
try in this capital within the rank to which it 
has been elevated through the reciprocal agree- 



ment of the two Governments, and wliicli con- 
stitutes not only a symbol of the relations be- 
tween the two peoples, each day closer and more 
friendly, but also constitutes additional evidence 
that the concept of juridical equality of states 
is a profitable reality amongst the American 

Our two countries, united by a sincere friend- 
ship and by a common faith in the same ideals 
of liberty which ins^jired the countries' found- 
ers, find themselves in this difficult period in the 
history of humanity similarly united in a war 
in which we defend those ideals against the 
forces of evil which have been made to serve 
ideologies that do not recognize the value of 
human dignity and which deny mankind's 
search for spiritual perfection. I take advan- 
tage of this opportunity. Mr. President, to reit- 
erate to Your Excellency the sentiment of ad- 
miration and of concord which the Dominican 
people and Government have for the efforts 
which the people and the Government of the 
United States are making in this struggle, just 
as it is the firm determination of the Dominican 
Republic to contribute to it all its resources until 
the obtaining of that victory which now is fore- 
shadowed and which must give to the world 
a lasting peace based upon human fraternity. 

During the time in which I have had the 
privilege of rejjresenting my country before the 
Government of Your Excellency I have always 
found a warm reception and a friendly under- 
standing of my mission, and with this encour- 
agement I feel certain that I will be able to 
continue in that same spirit of cordial friend- 
ship which has built up the relations between 
our two peoi^les on permanent bases. 

It is particularly pleasing to me, Mr. Presi- 
dent, to be the bearer of the wishes which Presi- 
dent Trujillo extends for the greatness and 
prosperity of the United States and for the 
health and personal welfare of Your Excel- 
lency ; to these I add my own. 

The President's reply to the remarks of 
Senor Dr. J. M. Troncoso follows : 

Mr. Ambassador: 

I accept with pleasure the letters by which 
His Excellency the President of the Dominican 
Republic has accredited you as Ambassador 
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary near the 
Government of the United States of America. 

I share with you, Mr. Ambassador, the belief 
that it is particularly appropriate that the 
diplomatic relations between the Dominican 
Republic and the United States should be 
marked at this time by the exchange of Am- 
bassadors. In this act we reaffirm and bring 
into higher relief the wann spirit of friendship 
and cooperation which has long characterized 
the relations between the peoples and Govern- 
ments of our two countries. 

May I assure you that it will be most pleasing 
to me and to the officials of this Government to 
collaborate with you in the future upon the 
same cordial and friendly basis as has marked 
the conduct of the mission in Washington 
which 3'ou have so ably dischai-ged as Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
during the past year and a half. 

Please be so kind as to transmit to His Ex- 
cellency the President of the Dominican Re- 
public, Dr. Rafael Trujillo Molina, my per- 
sonal greetings and best wishes for his well- 
being, and also the aspiration of the Govern- 
ment of the United States for the continued 
prosperity of your country. 

Ambassador of El Salvador 

[Released to the press May 4] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Ambassador of El Salvador, Seiior 
Dr. Don Hector David Castro, upon tlie occasion 
of the presentation of his letters of credence, 
follows : 

Mr. President : 

It is a very honorable privilege for me to pre- 
sent to Your Excellency the letters of credence 
destined to accredit me as Ambassador Extra- 
ordinary and Plenipotentiary for El Salvador. 

MAY 8, 1943 


The recent agreement made between our two 
Governments to raise to the rank of Embassy 
their diplomatic missions in our respective 
countries is itself a sure token of the intention 
which moves them to strengthen the very cordial 
relation of friendship which has united them 
in the past. It is a very difficult and hazardous 
epocli thi'ough wliich the world is now passing; 
and more than ever a true understanding of the 
common interests of the nations of this hemi- 
sphere ap[)ears necessary. From tliis under- 
standing tliere can surely be born a promise 
of stable peace and one of greater happiness for 
the world when the grave present situation 
yields in turn to an epoch of greater normality. 

Our two countries are perfectly imbued with 
tliese feelings, and it is for that reason that the 
relations of our Governments envisage not only 
the gaining of purely material advantages, sucli 
as the increase of their commerce, which they 
naturally do not neglect, but also seek to estab- 
lish in our region of the Christian world a 
spiritual cominunity of interests and of high 
luunan aspirations which may be the guaranty 
of peace and happiness for their countries. 

In changing my official position of Minister 
Plenipotentiary for the character of Ambassa- 
dor E.xtraordinary and Plenipotentiary of El 
Salvador, my firmest purpose, Mr. President, 
will continue to be that of interpreting to Your 
Excellency and to your worthy collaborators 
my Government's feeling of friendship and its 
firm intention to maintain a healthy coopera- 
tion inspired in the interests of our two coun- 
tries. I that Your Excellency permit me 
to express on behalf of His Excellency the 
President of El Salvador his good wishes in- 
spired by the higliest esteem and friendship, to 
which I add very sincere wishes for the pros- 
perity of the people and Government of the 
United States of America. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Seiior 
Dr. Don Hector David Castro follows: 

Mr. Ambassador: 

I am happy to receive the letters which you 
have delivered to me accrediting a'ou as Am- 

bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of 
El Salvador to the United States. 

In raising the diplomatic missions of our 
respective Governments to the rank of Embas- 
sies we are giving recognition to the increas- 
ingly close bonds of friendship, culture, and 
commerce which unite El Salvador and the 
United States. It is particularly fitting that 
we should take this step during so critical a 
period, when our countries are jointly engaged 
in an epochal struggle for the preservation of 
their independence and their institutions. 

I have been much gratified by the reference 
which you have made to the Christian princi- 
ples upon which we shall seek to build a just 
and lasting peace when victory has been 
achieved. It is by these jjrinciples that the 
nations of this hemisphere will be guided in 
developing solutions of the problems which in tlie post-war period. 

In fulfilling your increased responsibilities 
as Ambassador you may be certain that you 
will continue to receive from all the officials 
of this Government the earnest collaboration 
and understanding which they have always 
been haijpy to offer you. 

I ask that you convey to His Excellency 
President Martinez my most cordial personal 
regards and my good wishes for the continued 
well-being of the Salvadoran people. 

Ambassador of Guatemala 

[Rele.Tsed to the press May 4] 

The remarks of the newly a})pointed Ambas- 
sador of Guatemala, Seiior Dr. Don Adrian 
Recinos, upon the occasion of the presentation 
of his letters of credence, follow : 

Mr. President: 

I have the honor to present to you the letters 
of the President of Guatemala accrediting me as 
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotenti- 
ary in the United States. 

In taking the decision to raise the rank of its 
representative in Wasliington my Government 
has been animated of the desire to strengthen 



and increase the friendly relations existing be- 
tween the two countries and to give, at the same 
time, new proof of inter-American solidarity in 
the present circumstances. 

Having enjoyed a long and pleasant residence 
in this country as the representative of Guate- 
mala, I will be very happy if Your Excellency 
continues to lend me in my new capacity your 
most valuable help and cooperation in the ful- 
filment of my mission. 

Please accept, Mr. President, my sincere 
wishes for your personal happiness and for the 
prosperity of the people of the United States. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Seiior 
Dr. Don Adrian Kecinos follows : 

Mr. Ambassador: 

I take great pleasure in receiving from your 
hands the letters of credence by which His Ex- 
cellency President Ubico accredits you as Am- 
bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of 
the Republic of Guatemala near the Govern- 
ment of the United States. 

In raising our respective diplomatic missions 
to the rank of Embassy, our Governments have 
indeed given further expression to the ever- 
close relations of friendship, culture, and com- 
merce which unite them. Your Government 
has given eloquent testimony in the present 
critical epoch to its devotion to the principle 
of inter-American solidarity. 

The honor which your Government has con- 
ferred upon you in naming you its first Am- 
bassador to the United States is a tribute to the 
mission which you have so ably discharged as 
its Minister during the past 15 years. In wish- 
ing you every success in the assumption of your 
new responsibilities, I assure you that the oiR- 
cials of this Goveimment will C(mtinue to col- 
laborate with you with a cordiality befitting 
the good relations which exist between our 

In accepting your personal good wishes, 
please convey to His Excellency President 
Ubico my own best wishes for his continued 
health and well-being and for the welfare of 
the people of Guatemala. 

Ambassador of Haiti 

[Released to the press May 4] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly ap- 
pointed Ambassador of Haiti, Mr. Andre Liau- 
taud, upon the occasion of the presentation of 
his letters of credence, follows : 

Mr. President: 

I have the honor to place in Your Excellency's 
hands the letters accrediting me near your Gov- 
ernment in the capacity of Ambassador Extraor- 
dinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of 

The decision of the Government of His Ex- 
cellency President Elie Lescot, made in com- 
plete agreement with that of Your Excellency, 
to raise to the rank of Embassy the diplomatic 
mission of the Republic of Haiti at Washington, 
acquires a particular significance by reason of 
present events, while at the same time it consti- 
tutes the logical conclusion of the i-elations of 
perfect and sincere friendship which have al- 
ways existed between our two countries. The 
w^ar, which we are forced to wage for the de- 
fense of the essential liberties of man, has, in 
fact, emphasized the importance of the union, 
increasingly close, of the nations of this hemi- 
sphere. It has afforded to the good-neighbor 
policy, so happily inaugurated and practiced 
by Your Excellency's Government, the oppor- 
tunity for a splendid and definitive crystalliza- 
tion. And we have the right to affirm that the 
beneficent harmony which today characterizes 
the relations between the various American 
states will serve tomorrow as an example and an 
inspiration to those who shall, rightly, organize 
the world for peace, and for a lasting peace. 

As regards my country, I am happy to assure 
Your Excellency that it will remain true to its 
tradition. There will be found in the gesture 
of its fighting sons, in 1779, at Savannah, in its 
first President, Alexander Petion, receiving, in 
1815 and 1816, the Illustrious Bolivar and help- 
ing him to renew the struggle for the liberation 
of Latin America, and finally in its present Gov- 
ernment, immediately declaring war on the Axis 
powers after the perfidious attack on Pearl Har- 

MAY S, 194 3 


bor, powerful reasons for identifying itself 
more and more with the Pan American order 
and for cultivating!; particularly the friendship 
which binds it to the great Republic of the 
United States of the North. 

Allow me, Excellency, to add to this assurance 
my best wishes for your personal happiness and 
foi- the happiness of your country. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Mr. 
Andre Liautaud follows: 

Mr. Ambassador: 

It is most gratifying to me to receive from 
your hands the letters by which His Excellency 
President Elie Lescot accredits you as the first 
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotenti- 
ary of the Republic of Haiti to the Government 
of the United States of America. 

The many historical occasions on which the 
people of Haiti have had the happy opportu- 
nity to contribute to the cause of freedom are 
reminders of the increasingly significant rela- 
tionship between j'our country and the United 
States which has culminated in raising to the 
grade of Embassy tiie (.liplomatic missions of 
our Governments at Wa.shington and Poit-au- 

Let me assure you, Mr. Ambassador, of my 
deep satisfaction in receiving you as the first 
Ambassador of Haiti to the United States. 
You have, during your fruitfid service as 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary, not only faithfully interpreted your 
Government's policies but you have also, thanks 
to your ties of education and residence in the 
United States, admirably reflected for your 
Government's benefit the policies of the United 

You may rest assured that in your new and 
greater responsibility you will continue to find 
the officials of this Government responsive to 
Haiti's aspirations and always ready to collab- 
orate in all matters of interest to the good rela- 
tions between our two nations. 

In accepting your friendly personal good 
wishes, I ask you to convex' to His Excellency. 
President Lescot, my best Mishes for his own 

happiness and for the welfare of the people of 
the Republic of Haiti. 

Ambassador of Honduras 

[Ueleasod to the press May 4] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Ambassador of Honduras, Sehor Dr. 
Don Julian R. Caceres, upon the occasion of 
tlie presentation of his letters of credence, 

Mr. President: 

I have the honor to place in Your Excel- 
lency's hands the letters of credence whereby 
His Excellency the President of the Republic 
of Honduras, Doctor and General Tiburcio 
Carias Andino. invests me with the capacity 
of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipo- 
tentiary before the Government over which 
Your Excellency presides in so worthy and dis- 
tinguished a manner. 

The elevation of the diplomatic mission of 
Honduras in the United States to the rank 
of End)assy, in like manner as the elevation of 
your country's mission in mine, all at the noble 
and happy initiative of Your Excellency's 
Govermnent, opens a new era of cordiality in 
the relations between the two Republics. 

A higher investiture in the mutual under- 
standing and in the reciprocal cooperation 
which the two nations maintain gives evidence 
of an even greater strengthening of the bonds 
between the United States and Honduras, be- 
tween the enlightened Government of Your 
Excellency and that of my country, between 
yourself, Excellency, and the President of the 
Honduran nation. 

The two peoples and Governments have, 
without interruption, succeeded in maintaining 
the most cordial harmony in the course of their 
i-elations; and in the appreciation and com- 
prehension of their respective ideals and inter- 
ests never before as now — that is to say, never 
as in the last decade — has there been such hu- 
man and loj'al understanding as that which 
happily exists today. 



Honduras and its Government second with- 
out reservation the doctrine, so aptly pro- 
claimed by Your Excellency, that "those who 
love their liberty and recognize and respect the 
identic rights of their neighbors to be free and 
live in peace must work together for the 
triumph of moral law and principles in order 
that peace, justice, and trust may prevail in 
the world". 

In the community and defense of those ideals 
and principles Honduras has not hesitated to 
pledge its resources, material possessions, and 
even the lives of its sons. The destiny of Hon- 
duras, as its President has declared, is linked 
with the destiny of the United States. Apart 
from the various cultural and commercial fac- 
tors which so effectively operate in the relations 
between the two countries and the factor of 
economic cooperation, of which my country 
has been receiving such eloquent proofs, the 
people of Honduras are learning in terms of 
continental solidarity that their brotliers of the 
United States have been in past history, as 
they are in this fateful hour through which 
humanity is passing, the strongest defenders 
of the security of each and every one of the 
Republics of America because of their ideals of 
liberty and of democracy. 

I invoke the foregoing considerations because 
they come to my aid in carrying forward, 
under the generous auspices of Your Excel- 
lency and with the special assistance which, 
fortunately for me, I have always found among 
the honorable officials of Your Excellency's 
Government, the distinguished and most grat- 
ifying mission which is entrusted to me by my 
Government, namely, that of forwarding the 
broadening by the United States and Honduras 
and their respective Governments, with each 
passing day, of the firm and sincere friendship 
which they so nobly are cultivating in a just 
and loyal comprehension of the good-neighbor 

It is, therefore, a great honor and a singular 
pleasure for me to present myself to Your 
Excellency with the new rank which has been 
conferred upon me and to bring at the same 
time the message of cordial admiration and 

sympathy which, through me. President Carias 
sends to Your Excellency, with the heart-felt 
wishes, shared by me, which he, his Govern- 
ment, and the jjeople of Honduras sincerely 
express for the personal happiness of Your 
Excellency and for the final victory of the 
heroic people of the United States who, with 
the United Nations and the Associated Na- 
tions, are fighting this "war of survival" for 
the most cherished human values. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Seilor 
Dr. Don Julian E. Caceres follows : 

Mr. Ambassador: 

It is indeed a pleasure to receive from your 
hands the letters of credence accrediting you 
in your new capacity as Ambassador Extraor- 
dinary and Plenipotentiary of the Eepublic of 
Honduras near the Government of the United 

The elevation of our respective missions to 
the rank of Embassy is not only a tribute to the 
friendly relations which have always prevailed 
between our countries but is also an expression 
of our common faith in a system of interna- 
tional relations based upon mutual respect and 
friendly collaboration. 

The concern of your Government in the de- 
fense of those moral principles which consti- 
tute the foundations of an international com- 
munity based on j^eace, justice, and confidence 
is most gratifying. This occasion offers an ap- 
propriate opportunity to give renewed expres- 
sion to those principles which have served so 
well in our mutual relations. 

I am gratified to learn from you of your sat- 
isfaction, while Minister, with the cooperation 
of the officials of this Government in the dis- 
charge of your duties. You may be assured, 
Mr. Ambassador, that they will continue to col- 
laborate in the friendliest fashion as befits the 
close bonds uniting our respective countries. 

Please convey to His Excellency President 
Carias my sincere thanks for his cordial greet- 
ing which you have been so kind to bring me 
at this time, and express to him my own best 
wishes for his continued health and well-being. 

MAY 8, 1943 



of N 


[Released to the press May 4] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Ambassador of Nicaragua, Senor Dr. 
Don Leon DeBaylc, upon the occasion of the 
presentation of his letters of credence, follows : 

Mr. President: 

Upon the initiative of Your Excellency's Gov- 
ernment, which was received with the greatest 
of pleasure by the Government of Nicaragua, 
our respective diplomatic missions in Managua 
and Washington have been raised to the rank of 
Embassy. This agreement, which expresses tlie 
high spirit of cordiality and mutual cooperation 
which now characterizes the international rela- 
tions between our two Governments, constitutes 
moreover a new token of the close bonds which 
your great nation wishes to maintain and 
strengthen with the jjeoples of this continent 
under the principles of the good-neighbor pol- 
icy, of which Your Excellency has been the 
architect and enthusiastic protagonist. 

Under such happy auspices it is for me a sin- 
gular honor to place in your hands the letters 
of credence which accredit me as Ambas- 
sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of 
Nicaragua to the United States of America. 
Having held during various years the diplo- 
matic representation of my Government in this 
hospitable country, I take advantage of this ex- 
ceptional opportunity to indicate to Your Ex- 
cellency my most sincere thanks for the benevo- 
lent collaboration which in the fulfilment of my 
mission I have received — at every moment — on 
the part of the officials of your illustrious 

His Excellency the President of Nicaragua. 
General Anastasio Somoza, who recalls his of- 
ficial visit to your country as one of the most 
agreeable experiences of his public life, has spe- 
cially charged me to reiterate to you on this 
occasion the expression of his feeling of admira- 
tion and loyal friendship for the person of Your 
Excellency as well a^ that of his unbreakable 
solidarity with the Government and people of 
the United States in the gigantic struggle in 
which they now find themselves engaged in the 

cause of democracy and the liberty of the world. 
Closelj' as its destiny is linked with that of your 
great nation, the Nicaraguan people has strongly 
identified itself in the war eflfort of the United 
Nations, and I take pleasure in assuring Your 
Excellency that in this task the Government of 
Nicaragua will whole-heartedly persevere until 
final victorj- has been achieved. I ask you. Mr. 
President, to accept the good wishes which in 
the name of my Government, as well as my own, 
I wish to express to you for your personal well- 
being and for the greatest prosperity of your 
people compatible with the hard trials of the 
present war. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Seilor 
Dr. Don Leon DeBayle follows : 

Mr. Ambass^vdor: 

It is a great pleasure to receive from your 
hands the letters by which His Excellency the 
President of Nicaragua accredits you as the first 
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten- 
tiary of your country to the United States. 

The raising of our respective diplomatic mis- 
sions to the rank of Embassy expresses, as you 
have so ably described it, the spirit of cordiality 
and cooperation which characterizes our inter- 
national relations. 

In receiving your new credentials I am happy 
to welcome you in your new position of great 
responsibility as the representative of a nation 
which has given eloquent testimony to its de- 
votion to the principle of continental solidarity, 
and which has contributed so whole-heartedly 
to the war effort. We shall, as you state, per- 
severe until the final victory has been gained. 

I thank you for your kind reference to the 
collaboration which you have received from the 
officials of this Government. You may be very 
certain that they will continue to cooperate with 
you, not only as the Ambassador of a friendly 
country but also because of your personal quali- 
ties, which we so gi'eatly esteem. 

I request that you convey to His Excellency 
General Somoza — whose visit to Washington we 
remember so pleasantly — my cordial wishes for 
his continued well-being, and for the happiness 
and welfare of the Nicaraguan people. 




Mr. Edgar E. Witt, Mr. Charles McLaughlin, 
and Mr. Samuel Marshall Gold took tlieir oaths 
of office on April 5, 1943, as members of the 
American-Mexican Claims Commission, which 
was established pursuant to the provisions of 
the Settlement of Mexican Claims Act of 1942. 
approved December 18, 1942,' to examine and 
render final decisions on certain claims of the 
Government of the LTnited States on behalf of 
American nationals against the Government of 

Mr. Witt has been designated by the Presi- 
dent to serve as chairman of the Commission, 
and Mr. James A. Langston has been appointed 
secretary to the Commission. 

Accompanying President Benes will be the 
Honorable Jaromir Smutny, Chief of the Cabi- 
net, and Dr. Taborsky. private secretary. 



The President of the Republic of Czechoslo- 
vakia, His Excellency Eduard Benes, will arrive 
in Washington May 12 and will go directly to 
the White House. A state dinner will be 
given in his honor that evening by President 

The next day President Benes will visit the 
Capitol, and that night he will attend a dinner 
given by the Secretary of State at the Carlton 
Hotel. On Friday he will visit Mount Vernon 
and Arlington and will be the guest of honor 
at a dinner and reception given by the Minister 
of Czechoslovakia and Madame Hurban. On 
May 19 he will leave for New York and Chicago, 
and on or about the thirtieth, for Canada. 

' Public Law 814, 77th Cong. 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press Ma.v 3] 

Dr. Antonio Castro Leal, Professor of Inter- 
national Law and Mexican Literature of the 
National LTniversity of Mexico, writer, and 
former diplomat, is visiting the United States 
as a guest of the Department of State. 

Dr. Castro Leal is recognized as an author- 
ity on Mexican and Spanish-American litera- 
ture, and while in the United States he plans 
to visit museums and liliraries, with the 
principal object of viewing Mexican manu- 
scripts and art objects preserved here. Dr. 
Castro Leal is particularly interested in 
observing the war scene and the spectacle of 
our war production. 

[Released to tlie press May 3] 

Dr. Raiil Soulcs Baldo, prominent Venezue- 
lan physician and newspaper editor, is at pres- 
ent visiting the United States as a guest of 
the Department of State. 

Dr. Soules Baldo is especially interested in 
the study of tuberculosis and is one of the lead- 
ers of the anti-tuberculosis campaign being 
carried on in Venezuela. He is also interested 
in general jjroblems of ijublic health and social 
service. During his stay in the United States, 
he will visit anti-tubercular institutions in 
Philadelphia, New York, Syracuse, Saranac 
Lake, and Chicago, and hopes to visit several 
large metropolitan newspapers if time permits. 

Treaty Information 


Rights of United Nations Forces in Iraq 

By a (lesputdi dated March 16. 1943 the 
American Le<i:ati()n at Baghdad transmitted to 
the Secretary of State the text of Law No. 24 
of the Government of Iraq, approved March 7, 
1943, in which it is promulgated that the Gov- 
ernment may grant the forces of tlie United 
Nations, for the period of their presence in 
Iraq for purposes of the present war, tlie right 
to enjoy the immunities and privileges pertain- 
ing to judicial and financial matters which are 
enjoyed by British forces under paragraph 2 
of the annex to the Treaty of Alliance between 
Iracj and Great Britain, concluded on Jime 30, 
' 1930. 

By a despatch dated March 22, 1943 the Lega- 
tion reported that Iraqi regulations had been 
issued in accordance with Law No. 24. 

Declaration by United Nations 

On May 5, 1943 the President of Bolivia, His 
Excellency Gen. P^nriciue Penaranda, signed 
the Declaration by United Nations dated Jami- 
ary 1, 1942 (Executive Agreement Series 236). 

The texts of notes exchanged between the 
Ambassador of Bolivia and the Secretary of 
State concerning the adhei-ence by Bolivia to 
the Declaration appear in the Bulletix of May 
1. 1943 under the heading "The War". 


Transfer of Certain Rights to Panama 

A "Joint Resolution authorizing the execu- 
tion of certain obligations under the treaties 
of 1903 and 1936 with Panama, and other com- 
mitments" was approved May 3, 1943.' This 

'Piililic Law -iS. 7Sth Cong. 

joint resolution of Congress authorizes, subject 
to certain conditions, including a reservation 
with respect to responsibility for the public- 
health services of the cities of Panama and 
Colon as specified in the second jniragraph of 
article VII of the convention of November 18, 
1903 between the United States and Panama 
(Treaty Series 431), the transfer to Panannx of 
the right, title, and interest of the United States 
in and to water and sewerage systems installed 
by the United States in the cities of Panama 
and Colon; authorizes the Panama Railroad 
Co. to convey to Panama, subject to certain con- 
ditions, all or part of its right, title, and interest 
in and to so nmch of the lands of the company 
in the cities of Panama and Colon as, in the 
opinion of the Secretary of AVar, are no longer 
needed for the operation of the Panama Rail- 
road or for the operation, maintenance, sanita- 
tion, or defense of the Panama Canal; and ap- 
propriates a sum to enable the making of cer- 
tain payments to Panama and the Export- 
Import Bank in relation to the construction of 
Panama's share of the Chorrera-Rio Hato 
Highway. The treaty of 1930 mentioned in the 
title of the joint resolution is the general treaty 
of friendship and cooperation signed at Wash- 
ington on March 2, 1936 (Treaty Series 945). 


Treaty With China for the Relinquishment 
Of Extraterritorial Rights in China 

On May 4, 1943 the President of the United 
States ratified the treaty between the United 
States of America and the Republic of China 
for the Relinquishment of Extraterritorial 
Rights in China and the Regulation of Related 
Matters, signed at Washington January 11, 
1943, and the accompanying exchange of notes 
signed on the same date.- 

~- Bulletin of JIar. 20, 1943, pp. L'38-2.")0. 





Double Taxation Convention With Sweden 

By a despatch dated March 27, 1943 the Amer- 
ican Legation at Stockholm transmitted to the 
Secretary of State a copy of a Royal Decree 
dated February 12, 1943 (Swedish Statute No. 
44, eflFective March 1, 1943), which introduces a 
new method of collecting the Swedish national 
income and property tax on dividends paid by 
Swedish corporations to certain recipients, 
whereby the tax will be collected in the form 
of a so-called "coupon tax" of 20 percent de- 
ducted from the dividend at the time of pay- 
ment. In the case of individuals residing in the 
United States, however, the coupon tax is lim- 
ited to 10 percent in accordance with the conven- 
tion and protocol for the avoidance of double 
taxation between the United States and Sweden, 
signed March 23, 1939 (Treaty Series 958). 
Subject to the coupon tax are individuals not 
domiciled or permanently residing in Sweden 
and unsettled estates of such individuals, and 
entities having the status of foreign corpora- 
tions according to Swedish national-income and 
property-tax law; provided, however, that the 
dividend is not classifiable as income derived 
from activity carried on in Sweden, or that the 
right to the dividend has been acquired other- 
wise than thi'ough inheritance or bequest and 
the person entitled tliereto has not acquired the 


Workmen's Compensation and Unemployment 
Insurance Agreement With Canada 

By a despatch dated April 20, 1943 the Amer- 
ican Legation at Ottawa transmitted to the 
Secretary of State a copy of an ordinance of 
January 26, 1943 by the Commissioner of the 
Northwest Territories of Canada amending the 
Workmen's Compensation Ordinance of the 
Northwest Territories to give eflfect to the agree- 

ment relating to workmen's compensation and 
unemployment insurance in connection with con- 
struction projects in Canada between the United 
States and Canada, which was effected by ex- 
change of notes signed at Ottawa on November 2 
and 4, 1942 by the American Minister and the 
Canadian Secretary of State for External Af- 
fairs (Executive Agreement Series 279). 

The agreement of November 2 and 4, 1942 was 
approved by an Order in Council of the Govern- 
ment of Canada on November l7, 1942. An 
act of Congress approved December 2, 1942 (56 
Stat. 1035), amending the Longshoremen's and 
Harbor Workers' Compensation Act of March 4, 
1927 (44 Stat. 1424), as amended by the act of 
August 16, 1941 (55 Stat. 622), affects the opera- 
tion of the provisions of the agreement. 


Inter-American Arrangement Concerning Radio- 
Communications (Santiago Revision 1940) 


The American Embassy at Rio de Janeiro 
transmitted to the Secretary of State with 
despatch 10631 of April 1, 1943 a translation 
of Decree-Law No. 5345 of March 25, 1943 
(Diario Ofcial of March 27, 1943) "Approving 
Inter-American Radio-Communications Agree- 
ment signed at Habana in 1937 and revised at 
Santiago de Chile on January 17, 1940". 


By letters dated May 3, 1943 the Secretary 
of State informed the Director General of the 
Pan American Union and the Director of the 
Inter-American Radio Office that the Govern- 
ment of tlie United States has no objection to 
the acceptance of the following reservation 
which the Government of Mexico desires to 
make in its ratification of the arrangement 
(translation) : 

"The Government of Mexico reserves the 
right to not apply part 3 of article 1, with 

MAY 8, 1943 


regard to the assigiuneiit of the band of 3500 
to 4000 kilocycles to amateurs." 

By circular letters dated April 9 and 10, 1943, 
respectively, the Director of the Inter-Ameri- 
can Radio Office informed the Secretary of 
State that tlie Inter-American Radio Office had 
been advised that the Governments of Colom- 
bia, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Nica- 
ragua had accepted the reservation with which 
tiie Government of Mexico desires to ratify the 


Department of State 

The Proclaimed of Certain Blocked Nationals: 
Cumulative Supplement No. 1, May 7, 1943, Contain- 
ing Additions, Amendments, and Deletions Made 
Since Revision V of April 23, 1943. Publication 

. 1932. 27 pp. Free. 

Other Agexcies 

Preliminary Recommendation on Post-War Problems: 
Formulated by the Inter-American Juridical Com- 
mittee and Submitted to the Governments of the 
American Republics by the Governing Board of the 
Pan American Union. (Pan American Union.) 
Nov. 1942. 30 pp. processed. 

Communication from the President of the United 
States transmitting estimates of appropriations, 
for aid, for the fi.scal year 1944, amounting 
to $0,423,629,000, and proposed provisions affect- 
ing said estimates. H. Doc. 179, 78th Cong. 
23 pp. 

Communication from the President of the United 
States transmitting supplemental estimates of ap- 
propriations for the tiscal year 1943 to cover cost 
of additional couiiK'nsatioii granted to certain 
employees of the Federal Government. H. Doc. 
184, 7Sth Cong. 14 pp. 

Communication from the President of the United 
States transmitting supplemental estimate of ap- 
propriation for the Department of State, for the 
fiscal year 1943, amounting to $20,000 [for print- 
ing and binding]. H. Doc. 187, 78th Cong. 2 pp. 

Communication from the President of the United 
States transmitting draft of a proposed provision 
pertaining to the Foreign War Relief Appropria- 
tion for the Fiscal Year 1943, extending its avail- 
ability until June 30. 1944. II. Doe. 188, 78th Cong. 
2 pp. 

Joint Resolution Authorizing the Execution of Certain 
Obligations under the Treaties of 1903 and 1936 
with Panama, and Other Commitments. Ap- 
proved May 3, 1943. [H. J. Res. 14.] Public 
Law 48, 7Sth Cong. 2 pp. 

Extension of Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act : 

H. Rept. 409, 78th Cong., on H. J. Res. 111. 55 pp. 
H. Rept. 409 (pt. 2). 78th Cong., on H. J. Res. 111. 
(Minority views.) 28 pp. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Wasliington, D. C. 
Price, 10 cents - - - - Subscription price. S2.75 a year 







^ rm 



MAY 15, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 203— Publication 1938 



The War Page 

Visit to Wasl)iiip:ton of Prime Minister Churchill of 

Great Brituin 427 

Success of United Nations Militaiy Operations in 

North Africa 427 

Commercial Policy 

Benefits to Agriculture From the Trade-Agi-eements 
Program: Letter From the Secretary of State to the 
Chairman of the House Committee on Ways and 
Means 428 

Statement by the Secretaiy of State in Connection 

With National Foreign Trade Week 430 

American Republics 

Visit to the United States of the President of Bolivia . . 431 
Presentation of Letters of Credence by the Ambassa- 
dor of Panama 431 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 
United States Delegation to the United Nations Confer- 
ence on Food and Agriculture 433 

Cultural Relations 

Distinguished Visitors From Other American Repub- 
lics 435 

Legislation 436 

Publications 436 

Regulations 436 


JUN 18 1943 


The War 



The White House announced on the evening 
of May 11, 1943 the arrival in Washington of 
Prime Minister Winston Churchill, of Great 
Britain, to meet with President Roosevelt, 
whose guest he will be for the duration of his 
visit. The Prime Minister was accompanied by 
British military and naval experts, including 
Gen. Sir Alan Brooke, Chief of the Imperial 
General Staff; Admiral of the Fleet Sir Dudley 
Pound, First Sea Lord ; Air Chief Marshal Sir 
Charles Portal ; Field Marshal Sir Archibald P. 

Wavcll, Commander in Chief of British Forces 
in India ; Admiral Sir James Somerville, Com- 
mander in Chief of the Eastern Fleet ; Air Mar- 
shal Sir Richard Pierse, commanding British 
air officer in India ; Lord Leathers, Minister of 
War Transportation; Lord Cherwell, Paymas- 
ter General and Statistical Officer of the Prime 
Minister; Lt. Gen. Sir Hastings L. Ismay, Chief 
Staff Officer to the Minister of Defense; and 
Brig. Gen. E. I. C. Jacob, Assistant Secretary 
(Military) of the British War Cabinet. 


[ Released to the press by the White House May 9 ] 

The following dispatch was sent to Gen. Henri 
Honore Giraud by President Roosevelt on 
May 9, 1943. 

General Henri Honore Giratjd : 

I express the admiration of the people of 
America in saluting the brilliant contributions 
of the French Forces under your command 

which culminated yesterday in the capture of 
Tunis and Bizerte. Soldiers of France have 
demonstrated that they waited only the oppor- 
tunity to spring back at their Nazi oppressors. 
This precedent, so victoriously established, is 
the beginning of the day when the United 
Nations, working in concert, will restoi-e France 
to its people. 

528477 — 43 


Commercial Policy 


Letter From the Secretary of State to the Chairman of the House 
Committee on Ways and Means 

[Released to the press May 11] 

The following letter was sent by the Honor- 
able Cordell Hull, Secretary of State, to the 
Honorable Robert L. Doughton, Chairman, 
Committee on Ways and Means, House of Repre- 
sentatives : 

Mat 10, 1943. 
My Dear Mr. Doughton : 

You will recall our recent conversation con- 
cerning the benefits of the trade-agreements 
program to American agriculture and your re- 
quest that I set down in writing some of my 
thoughts on this subject. 

There has never been the slightest doubt in 
my mind that American agriculture has as much, 
if not more, to gain from this program of recip- 
rocal trade agreements than has any other major 
group in this country. This is so for two main 
reasons : the fact, so ably set forth by Mr. Ed- 
ward A. O'Neal, President of the Farm Bureau 
Federation, in the recent statement he submit- 
ted to your Committee, that by far the greater 
portion of American agriculture has a direct 
interest in the restoration of foreign markets; 
and the fact that liigh tariffs on industrial prod- 
ucts that farmers need as producers and as con- 
sumers have squeezed American agriculture be- 
tween high costs of things they buy and low 
prices of things they sell, at home and abroad. 
Even those branches of American agriculture 
that have no direct interest in foreign markets 
are harmed by restrictive trade barriers, here and 
abroad, because such barriers not only make the 
home market a poor one but also force other 
farmers, when they lose export markets for their 
customary crops, to turn to such things as dairy 
farming or beef cattle. Even these branches 
of agriculture stand to gain far more from a 
thriving export trade in agricultural and indus- 
trial products wliich helps to raise the buying 

power of the home market than they stand to 
lose by any moderate increase in imports of 
more or less similar products. 

It is inconceivable to me that any farmer who 
remembers what happened to him and to Amer- 
ican agriculture generally in the early 1930's, 
right on the heels of the Hawley-Smoot Tariff 
Act, would continue to put a shred of faith in 
high tariffs on agricultural products or on any- 
thing else. American agriculture as a whole, 
the domestic-market branches as well as the 
great export branches, took a nose dive from 
Avhich it had not recovered when another world 
war came along. Foreign markets lost in the 
early 1930's, because of our own trade barriers 
which cut down foreign jjurchasing power for 
our farm and factory products and the retalia- 
tory and unilateral increase of import barriers 
in foreign countries against our exports of all 
kinds, could not be restored overnight. From 
the start of the trade-agreements program it 
has been an uphill fight, but it has been a worth- 
while fight, particularly from the point of view 
of American agriculture. The program has 
helped to restore foreign markets for our agri- 
cultural exports and, by helping to restore for- 
eign markets and foreign purchasing power for 
our industrial exports as well, it has helped to 
improve the domestic market for all American 

Those who still cling to the notion that Amer- 
ican agriculture will be aided, rather than in- 
jured, by inordinately high tariffs overlook the 
above considerations and such plain facts as the 
following : 

In 1929, when imports and exports of farm 
and other products were moving in large volume 
(exports being stimulated by large loans to for- 
eigners), total tTnited States farm cash income 
amounted to $11,296,000,000. The index of 

MAY 15, 194 3 


prices received by farmers (1935-39=100) was 

In 1932, the second year after the Hawley- 
Smoot Tariff Act raised our barriers against 
innumerable industrial and many agricultural 
products to unprecedented heights, imports 
dropped but so did farm cash income; it plum- 
meted down to $4,743,000,000. The index of 
prices received bj' farmers hit a low of 61. 

By 1939, with gradually increasing foreign 
trade helped along by reciprocal trade agree- 
ments, farm cash income had increased to 
$7,877,000,000 {not including government pay- 
ments). The index of prices was 87, having 
risen to a pre-war high of 114 in 1937, partly 
because of the price-increasing effects of 

In our trade agreements concessions have been 
obtained on nearly three-fourths (73.5 percent) 
of the trade-agreement countries' agricultural 
imports from the ITnited States and on nearly 
one-half (47.7 percent) of trade-agreement 
countries' non-agricultural imports from the 
United States (on the basis of 1937 figures). 

On the average for the two years 1938-1939 
as compared with the average for the two years 
1934-1935, our agi-icultural exports to trade- 
agreement countries increased by 49.9 percent 
whereas our agricultural exports to non-trade- 
agreement countries decreased by 26.4 percent. 

Using the same periods for comparison, our 
dutiable agricultural imports from trade-agree- 
ment countries decreased by 1.8 percent whereas 
such imports from non-trade-agreement coun- 
tries increased by 16.1 percent. 

These facts alone provide sufficient answer to 
those who still try to attract attention by re- 
peating the baseless charge that American agri- 
culture has been '"sold down the river" under the 
trade-agreements program or who seek to propa- 
gate the idea that the trade-agreements progi'am 
runs counter to the farm program. 

With reference to the latter charge, which is 
equally unfounded, I may point out that it was 
generally recognized in 1933 and 1934 that Amer- 
ican agriculture could not be lifted out of the 
morass of unsalable surpluses and ruinously low 

528477—43 2 

prices quickly enough through the effects of the 
trade-agreements program in restoring foreign 
markets for our farm products. It was there- 
fore necessary to adopt various measures to aid 
American agriculture, such as crop loans and 
benefit payments, while the long-range, uphill 
job of reducing the barriers against our expoi-t 
t rade went along. 

The two programs have from the start been 
complementary to each other, both of them in 
the interest of American agriculture. This is 
recognized, I note, in the Report of your Com- 
mittee to accompany H. J. Res. Ill (House Re- 
port Xo. 409, 78th Congress, 1st Session, p. 37). 
Tlie Department of Agriculture, which is pri- 
marily responsible for administering legisla- 
tion designed to aid farmers, plays a prominent 
part in the administration of the Trade Agree- 
ments Act, particularly as regards agricultural 
exports and imports. This participation of the 
Department of Agi-iculture, together witli the 
natural desire of everyone connected with the 
work of preparing for and negotiating trade 
agreements to help American agriculture, not 
harm it, insures on the one hand that no oppor- 
tunity will be overlooked to obtain concessions 
of direct benefit to American agriculture and, on 
the other hand, that no concession will be grant- 
ed on anj' imported agricultural product that 
would have the effect of retarding the progress 
of American agriculture toward its goals, in- 
cluding parity prices. 

Great care has been taken to avoid granting, 
in the first instance, any concession on any agri- 
cultural product of a kind produced in this 
country which could do any real damage to 
American producers. Full opportunity is given 
to am- producer to present his case in writing 
and orally before an agreement is signed, and his 
views receive full consideration. In some cases, 
the existing duties have not been reduced at all, 
but merely bound against increase. In other 
cases, duty reductions have been made but they 
have been too small to have any harmful effects. 
In still other cases, the duty reductions have been 
restricted to certain seasons of the year, in gen- 
eral the winter or early spring months when 



supplies from domestic sources fall far short of 
needs, or have been made to apply only to speci- 
fied quantities in any year. 

Furthermore, as pointed out in the Eeport of 
your Committee, to which I have already re- 
ferred, the agreements provide flexibility for 
dealing with difficulties which might conceiva- 
bly arise in the event of unforeseen develop- 
ments. The Report mentions the clause which 
leaves the way open for quotas on imports of an 
agricultural product if such imports should 
tend to render ineffective any domestic agricul- 
tural program for regulating market supply or 
raising prices to parity levels. What I here 
have in mind particularly are the more general 
"escape" clauses customarily included in agree- 
ments covering any more or less competitive 
products. Tliese broad provisions permitting 
adjustments in case of need afford additional 
assurance that no domestic producer of agi-icul- 
tural or other products need fear that the door 
is closed to adjustments the need for which may 
appear after an agreement has entered into 

Once more, let me emphasize that the trade- 
agreements program is not in conflict with, but 
is complementary to, the domestic farm pro- 
gram. Far from interfering with efforts to 
secure and maintain parity prices for agricul- 

tural products, it is calculated to assist, and in 
fact has assisted, to that end. It ought to be 
clear to anyone that a program which helps to 
re-open and exjDand export outlets for our great 
farm surpluses, as the trade-agreements pro- 
gram has done, must enable the growers of the 
great export crops which are so large a part of 
our total agricultural production, to obtain a 
closer approach to parity prices, for a larger 
amount of output, than would otherwise be 
possible. At the same time, by creating a better 
market at home for farm and other products, 
and in other ways, the program operates to the 
benefit of other branches of agricultiu'e as well. 
Moreover, it operates in a manner calculated to 
reduce, rather than increase, the necessity for 
governmental regulation of production. 

In view of the foregoing, I have no hesita- 
tion whatever in stating that your Committee's 
reaffirmation of its intention that the trade- 
agreements program "shall, as in the past, be 
administered in such a manner as to promote the 
progressive improvement of agriculture's posi- 
tion in the American economy" accords fully 
with my own views in the matter. 

You are, of course, at liberty to use this letter 
in any way you may deem appropriate. 
Sincerely yours, 



[Released to the press May 15] 

The great military operations which have 
taken place during the year that has elapsed 
since the last observance of Foreign Trade Week 
have made clear to the world that the United 
Nations have learned to work together and that 
together their power is irresistible. Much hard 
fighting lies ahead. The winning of the war is 
our most immediate task, and by united effort 
we shall win it. 

Whether the victory will bring a long and 
fruitful peace or merely another uneasy inter- 
lude between ever more destructive wars will 
depend upon whether or not the United Nations, 

having learned to cooperate in war, will continue 
to cooperate through and beyond victory to 
make it possible for men everywhere to raise 
their standards of living in a world secure from 
economic cataclysm and safeguarded against the 
specter of war. The United States is vitally 
interested in the effort to achieve such a world. 

We are a great trading nation. Our pro- 
ducers require many foreign raw materials, and 
they need foreign markets for the products of 
agriculture and industry. Our consumers need 
many foreign articles, both crude and manufac- 
tured. The creation of conditions favorable to 
full production in each country and the mutu- 

MAY 15, 1943 


ally beneficial exchange of goods and services 
between countries is indispensable to our eco- 
nomic well-being and is essential to the achieve- 
ment of a securely peaceful world. 

The trade-agreements program is a major 
contribution of this country to the creation of 
such a world. Its continuance or non-continu- 
ance as an effective instrument of action poses 
some questions which we must ask ourselves now 
and which the world is asking. 

Does the United States intend to continue to 
promote greater cooperation and expansion of 
mutually advantageous international trade, or 
is the economic giant among nations going to 
tiirow its influence in the other direction and 
attempt once again, as after the last war, to 
withdraw into a shell of economic isolation? 

Have we as a nation arrived at the realization 
that we are not only mi this world but are of this 
world; that we cannot live apart from our 
neighbors but in our own self-interest must as- 
sume our fair share of the responsibility for 
making possible a peaceful, secure, and pros- 
l)erous world economy ? 

The resolving of these questions will not 
wait for the conclusion of the war. They are 
before us now. Our answers to them must be 
clear if there is to be confidence in the future. 

For the present most of our foreign commerce 
is directed to the immediate needs of supplying 
our forces and our allies overseas with the ma- 
terials of war. The most efficient serving of 
this immediate objective requires import and 
export controls of various kinds. Govern- 
mental agencies have undertaken to increase and 
speed up the procurement and importation of 
needed materials, and a large part of our export 
trade is carried on under lend-lease. These are 
indispensable war measures. But, when the 
victory has been won, only through the reten- 
tion of the reciprocal-trade-agreements pro- 
gram and through the application of the 
experience gained under it shall we be able to 
make our contribution toward achieving greater 
freedom and greater opportunity for vigorous 
and healthy private commercial activity to play 
its indispensable part in helping to create a bet- 
ter secured and increasingly fruitful world of 

American Republics 


[Released to the press by the White House May 14] 

The recent visit of the President of Bolivia 
as a guest of the President of the United States 
has been the occasion for a cordial exchange of 
views between the two Chief Executives on a 
wide range of subjects of mutual interest. 
Bolivia, as the latest adherent to the Declara- 
tion of the United Nations, is engaged in the 
production of strategic materials, including 
especially tin, tungsten, rubber, and quinine, 
which arc contributing increasingly to the final 
defeat of the Axis powers. 

Matters relating to the prosecution of the war 
as well as problems of the post-war period have 
been given special consideration, particularly so 
far as they affect the long-term economic in- 
terests of the two countries. The President of 
Bolivia and the President of the United States 
have agreed as to the desirability of devising 
methods of intensifying the cooperation be- 
tween their respective countries in order to make 
possible a continuing supply of their products 
and raw materials on a stable and durable basis. 
These matters are currently being discussed by 
officials of the two Governments. 

Finally, the President of Bolivia and the 
President of the United States have reaffirmed 
their faith in the principles for which the United 
Nations are fighting and their complete cer- 
tainty in the final triumph of right and justice 
upon which the peace and prosperity of the in- 
ternational conamunity must be based. 


[Released to the press May 10] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Ambassador of Panama, Seiior Don 
Enrique A. Jimenez, upon the occasion of the 
presentation of his letters of credence, follows : 



Me. President: 

I have the high honor of delivering to Your 
Excellency the letters of credence with which 
His Excellency the President of the Kepublic 
of Panama accredits me as Ambassador Ex- 
traordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America, and 
the letters of recall of my distinguished 

I have accepted this mission from my Gov- 
ernment, a charge which highly honors me, with 
a feeling of the high responsibility which it 
involves and inspired by the confidence which 
the Republic of Panama places in the spirit of 
your good-neighbor policy so wisely sponsored 
and carried on by your administration, which 
emphasizes characteristics of true sympathy, 
evoking the admiration of all the American peo- 
ples, who base their just aspirations on the con- 
tinuation of such high ideals. 

It is the most sincere desire of my Govern- 
ment, Excellency, that the cordial relations 
existing between the Republic of Panama and 
the United States of America continue in the 
warmth of the principles common to our peo- 
ples — peace, justice, work, and freedom — and 
that we go on together forever in the path of 
dignity and mutual respect. 

In these moments, Excellency, when the na- 
tions which love democracy are sacrificing the 
general well-being in behalf of the ideas of 
Washington and Jefferson, patriots who forged 
this free, great, and prosperous land, it is pos- 
sible for us to assure very just and beautiful 
hopes for the future of humanity. 

In my work near Your Excellency's Govern- 
ment I shall strive to maintain between our two 
countries the closest ties of union, harmony, and 
solidarity, and this closer relationship will con- 
stitute the most legitimate pride of my mission. 

Excellency, in the name of His Excellency 
President Ricardo Adolfo de la Guardia, in the 
name of the citizens of Panama, and in my own, 
I present warm and cordial greetings and ex- 
press good wishes for the personal happiness of 
Your Excellency and for the prosperity of this 
great and noble people. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Seiior 
Enrique A. Jimenez follows: 

Mr. Ambassador: 

I am pleased to receive the letters by which 
His Excellency President Ricardo Adolfo de la 
Guardia accredits you as Ambassador Extraor- 
dinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of 
Panama near the Government of the United 
States of America. I accept also the letters of 
recall of your distinguished predecessor, Seiior 
Ernesto Jaen Guardia. 

I am particularly grateful for the kind refer- 
ence you have just made to the spirit of union, 
harmony, and solidarity which so happily char- 
acterizes the close relationships between Panama 
and the United States. On this occasion I 
should like to restate the deep appreciation of 
this GoA'ernment for the determination which 
the Govei-nment and people of Panama have 
shown during the present international crisis to 
lend whole-hearted support not only to the cause 
of continental solidarity but also, as a member 
of the United Nations, to the cause of freedom 
and democracy everywhere. The positive co- 
operative steps which Panama has taken in col- 
laboration with this Government are tangible 
evidence of true and effective friendship. 

The Government of the United States and its 
officials welcome you upon the initiation of your 
important mission to Washington and are pre- 
pared to facilitate your efforts in the perform- 
ance of your duties. I am assured from the 
statements which you have made in accepting 
this mission from your Government that our 
relationships will continue, as you have so well 
expressed it, in an atmosphere of dignity and 
mutual respect. 

I thank you, Mr. Ambassador, for the cordial 
greetings and good wishes which you have 
brought to me on behalf of His Excellency, the 
President of Panama, the Panamanian people, 
and yourself, and I shall be most grateful if in 
turn you will accept my warmest personal greet- 
ings and convey to His Excellency President 
Ricardo Adolfo de la Guardia my sincere best 
wishes for his personal welfare and for the pros- 
perity of the people of Panama. 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 



[Released to the press May 12] 

The President has approved the membership 
of the United States Delegation to the forth- 
coming United Nations Conference on Food and 
Agriculture, which will convene at Hot Springs, 
Va., on May 18, 1943, as indicated in the list 
made public by the Department of State on 
May 12 and printed below. 

The President has also approved the list of 
the officials of the Secretariat of the United 
Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture. 
The list of the Conference Secretariat is also 
printed herein. 

In accordance with established international 
practice, the President of the United States of 
America, as chief of state of the country 
serving as host of the Conference, has desig- 
nated the chairman of the Delegation of the 
United States, the Honorable Marvin Jones, as 
temporary president of the Conference to serve 
until the election of the permanent president. 

In further observance of international prac- 
tice, the President has designated as secretary 
general of the Conference Dr. Warren Kelch- 
ner, Chief of the Division of International Con- 
ferences, Department of State. 

The designation of Mr. Michael J. McDer- 
mott as Chief Press Relations Officer, was an- 
nounced on April 10, 1943. Mr. McDermott 
will have three assistants who are all members 
of the Conference Secretariat: Mr. Harold R. 
Beckley, Superintendent of the Senate Press 
Gallery; Mr. Peter H. De Vries, Director of 
Economic Information, Department of Agricul- 
ture ; and Mr. Wilder Foote. 

Provisions have been made for working press 
accommodations on the hotel grounds. The 
Casino Building, which is a short distance from 
the hotel, will be given over exclusively to rep- 
resentatives of the press and radio. Wire- 
transmission facilities have been installed 
within the Casino. Messrs. McDermott and 

Beckley will maintain headquarters there, and 
one or the other will be in constant touch with 
the correspondents. 

Judge Marvin Jones has personally assured 
the Standing Committee of Correspondents that 
he will cooperate with the newspapermen cov- 
ering the Conference in seeing tliat they are 
given full information about the Conference in 
order that the public may be fully informed. 
Chairman Jones said he planned to meet the 
press daily and that no doubt the chairmen of 
the other delegations will want to make similar 

The first day's general session will be open to 
the press, after which the Conference will re- 
solve itself into executive committees for the 
work of the Conference. The correspondents 
will attend all other open sessions as they are 
held from time to time. Between the public 
sessions, it is hoped that periodic press confer- 
ences will be held by the chairmen of the various 
committees and subcommittees appointed by 
the Conference, whereb}' the press may be kept 
currently informed of the questions being dis- 
cussed by these committees and developments 
toward their solution. Such arrangements are 
being made but, of course, will have to await 
the decision of the Conference as a whole before 
being put into effect. 


The Honorable Marvin Jones, Judge of the United 

States Court of Claims and Assistant to the 

Director of Economic Stabilization; chairman 
The Honorable Paul H. Applebj-, Under Secretary 

of Agriculture 
The Honorable W. L. Clayton, Assistant Secretary 

of Commerce 
Thomas Parran. M.D., Surgeon General, United 

States Public Health Service 
Murray D. Lincoln, Executive Secretary of the Ohio 

Farm Bureau Federation 
Josephine Schain (Miss) 





Emilio G. Collado, Ph.D., Associate Adviser on In- 
ternational Economic Affairs, Department of 

Paul C. Daniels, Assistant Chief, Division of the 
American Republics, Department of State 

R. M. Evans, Member, Board of Governors of the 
Federal Reserve System 

George C. Haas, Director of Research and Statistics, 
Department of the Treasury 

W. H. Sebrell, M.D., Chief, Division of Chemotherapy, 
National Institute of Health, United States Pub- 
lic Health Service 

Louise Stanley, Ph.D., Special Assistant to the Re- 
search Administrator, Agricultural Research Ad- 
ministration. Department of Agriculture 

H. R. Tolley, Chief, Bureau of Agricultural Econom- 
ics, Department of Agriculture 

Leslie A. Wheeler, Director, Office of Foreign Agri- 
cultural Relations, Department of Agriculture 
Admser and Executive Secretary: 

Leroy D. Stinebower, Chief, Division of Economic 
Studies, Department of State 
Special Assistants to the Chairman: 

Theodore C. Achilles, Division of European Affairs, 
Department of State 

Walter Brown, Assistant to the Director of Economic 


Allen T. Bonnell, Ph.D., Senior Economist, Program 
and Requirements Division, Office of Foreign Re- 
lief and Rehabilitation Operations. Department 
of State 

Philip L. Green, Office of Foreign Agricultural Rela- 
tions, Department of Agriculture 

Gove Hambidge, Coordinator, Research Information 
of the Agricultural Research Administration, De- 
partment of Agriculture 

Julius T. Wendzel, Ph.D., Chief Fiscal Analyst, Bu- 
reau of the Budget, Executive Office of the 

Clarke L. Willard, Assistant Chief, Division of In- 
ternational Conferences, Department of State 


The Honorable Marvin Jones, Chairman, Delegation of 
the United States of America 


Secretary General: 

Warren Kelchner, Ph.D., Chief, Division of Interna- 
tional Conferences, Department of State 

Assistant Seci'etary General: 

Ralph H. Allee, Chief, Division of Latin American 
Agriculture, Office of Foreign Agricultural Rela- 
tions, Department of Agriculture 
Chief Press Relations Officer: 
Michael J. McDermott, Chief, Division of Current In- 
formation, Department of State 
Assistant Press Relations Officers: 

Harold R. Beckley, Superintendent, Senate Press 

Peter H. De Vries, Director of Economic Information, 

Department of Agriculture 
Wilder Foote 


Section I. Consumption Levels and Requirements 


Frank G. Boudreau, M.D., Consultant, United States 
Public Health Service 

Assistant Secretary: 

E. F. Penrose, Ph.D., Division of Commercial Policy 

and Agreements, Department of State 

Secretaries of Committees: 

Hazel K. Stiebeling, Ph.D., Assistant Chief, Bureau of 
Human Nutrition and Home Economics, Depart- 
ment of Agriculture 

Harold A. Vogel, Head, Division of Program Analysis 
and Development, Department of Agriculture 

A. W. Palmer, Sc.D., Chairman, Committee on Ferti- 
lizers, Combined Food Board and Combined Raw 
Materials Board, Department of Agriculture 
Assistant Secretary: 

Katherine Bain, M.D., Director, Division of Research 
in Child Development, Department of Labor 

Section II. Expansion of Pboduction and Adaptation 

TO Consumption Needs 

F. F. Elliott, Ph.D., Chief Agricultural Economist, 

Department of Agriculture 
Assistant Secretary: 

Clayton Whipple, Senior Agricultural Economist, De- 
partment of Agriculture 
Secretaries of Committees: 

Bushrod W. Allin, Ph.D., Special Assistant to the 
Chief, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Depart- 
ment of Agriculture 

P. V. Cardon, Assistant Agricultural Research Admin- 
istrator, Department of Agriculture 

M. L. Nichols, D.Sc, Assistant Chief, Research Divi- 
sion, Soil Conservation Service, Department of 

MAY 15, 1943 


Coniaft Taeuber, IMi.D., Principal Social Scientist, 
Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Department 
of Agriculture 

Section III. FAcruTATioN and Impeovement 
OF Distribution 


Howard S. Piquet, Ph.D., Chief, Economics Divi- 
sion, United States Tariff Commission 
Assistant Secretaries: 

Fredericli V. Waugh, Ph.D., Chief, Program Analysis 
and Appraisal Branch, Food Distribution Ad- 
ministration, Department of Agriculture 

Bobert M. Carr, Ph.D., Assistant Chief, Division of 
Commercial Policy and Agreements, Department 
of State 
Secretaries of Committees: 

Frank A. Waring, Ph.D., Director, Resources Divi- 
sion, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American 

F. L. Thomsen, Pli.D., Head, Division of Marketing 
and Transportation Research, Bureau of Agri- 
cultural Economics, Department of Agriculture 

Frederick V. Waugh, Ph.D., Chief, Program Analysis 
and Appraisal Branch, Food Distribution Ad- 
ministration, Department of Agriculture 

Robert M. Carr, Ph.D., Assistant Chief, Division of 
Commercial Policy and Agreements, Department 
of State 
Assistant Secretary: 

Faith M. Williams, Ph.D., Chief, Cost of Living Divi- 
sion, Soil Conservation Service, Department of 

SfxnoN IV. Recommendations foe CoNTtNONo and 


Loyd V. Steere, Agricultural Attach^, American Em- 
bassy, London 
Assistant Secretary: 
Benjamin Gerig, Ph.D., Division of Political Studies. 
Department of State 


Executive Secretary: 

Clarke L. Wiilard, Assistant Chief, Division of In- 
ternational Conferences, Department of State 
Liaison Secretaries: 
George V. Allen, Division of Near Eastern Affairs, De- 
partment of State 
Owen L. Dawson, Former Agricultural Attach^, 
American Embassy, China, Department of State 
Lester DeWitt Mallory, Ph.D., Agricultural Attach^, 
American Embassy, Mexico City 

G. Frederick Ucinh:irdt, Division of European Affairs, 
Department of State 
Protocol Offlcer: 

Raymond D. Muir, Division of Protocol, Department 
of State 
Chief of the Interpreting and Translating Bureau: 
Frederick Paul Farish, Chief of Section, Overseas 
Branch, Office of War Information 
Assistant Chief of the Interpreting and Translating 
Guillermo A. Suro, Chief, Central Translating OfiBce, 
Department of State 
Administrative Secretary: 
Philip P. Williams, Foreign Service Officer, Depart- 
ment of State 
Administrative Assistant to the Secretary Qeneral: 
Parker T. Hart, Foreign Service OflScer, Department 
of State 
Secretary for Documentation: 

Lois Bacon, Ph.D., Agricultural Economist, Office of 
Foreign Agricultural Relations, Department of 
Secretary for Transportation and Special Services: 

M. Hamilton Osborne, Department of State 
Editor of the Journal: 
Virginia B. Angel (Mrs.), Division of Research and 
Publication, Department of State 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press May 14] 

Senor Roberto Garcia Pena, distinguished 
Colombian journalist and editor of El Tiempo 
of Bogota, one of the most influential news- 
papers in South America, is at present visiting 
the United States as a guest of the Department 
of State. 

A brilliant journalist, with an outstanding 
record in his field, Seiior Garcia Pena has had 
a long and successful career as a writer and 

Wliile in the United States he will visit repre- 
sentative newspapers in several States. He is 
also especially interested in observing schools of 



journalism in our universities and the great 
libraries of the United States. 

[Released to the press May 14] 

Dr. Jose Bonilla Atiles, Dean of the Law 
School of the University of Santo Domingo, 
arrived in Washington on Maj' 14 and will tour 
the country as a guest of the Department of 
State. He will visit colleges of law at leading 
universities, and libraries in universities and 
cities in several States. 



As a measure of economy the Foreign Servic& 
List, heretofore printed quarterly, will be is- 
sued only three times a year (January, May, 
and August), beginning with the May 1943 



Joint Resolution Making appropriations to supply 
urgent deficiencies in certain approijriations for the 
fiscal year ending June 30, 1943, and for other pur- 
poses [Department of State : Salaries, Ambassa- 
ilors and Ministers]. Approved May 7, 1&13. 
[H. J. Res. 115.] Public Law 50, 7Sth Cong. 3 pp. 
The German People: Testimony of Mr. Emil Ludwig 
before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of 
Representatives, 78th Cong., 1st sess., on the Ger- 
man people. March 26, 1943. ii, 23 pp. 
Urgent Deficiency Appropriation Bill, Fiscal Year 1943 : 
Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee 
on Appropriations, House of Representatives, 
78th Cong., 1st ses.s. [Department of State, pp. 
106-109.] ii, 204 pp. 
H. Rept. 447, 7Sth Cong., 1st sess., on H. R. 2714. 
(Department of State, jwinting and binding, 1943, 
p. 11; war overtime pay and other compensation 
increases, p. 12.] 13 pp. 

During the week of May 10-15 the Depart- 
ment released : 

Diplomatic List, May 1943. Publication 1934. ii, 110 
pp. Subscription, $1 a year; single copy, lO^f. 

Air Transport Services: Arrangement Between the 
United States of America and Canada Continuing in 
Effect the Arrangement of November 29 and December 
2, 1940 Giving Effect to Article III of the Arrange- 
ment Signed August 18, 1939 — Effected by exchange 
of notes signed at Washington March 4, 1948 ; effec- 
tive March 4, 1943. Executive Agreement Series 314. 
Publication 1931. 2 pp. 5^. 


Admission [into the United States] of agricultural 
workers under .special legislation. May 6, 1943. 
General Order C-39. (Department of Justice, Im- 
migration and Naturalization Service.) 8 Federal 
Register 6013. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 
Price. 10 cents - - . - Subscription price, $2.75 a year 


1 o o — 




■^ rm 


MAY 22, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 204r-PuBLiCATioN 1939 



The War Page 
Address by the Former American Ambassador to 

Japan 439 

Exchange of American and Japanese Nationals . . . 442 

Visit to Washington of the President of Liberia . . . 442 

Commercial Policy 

Renewal of the Trade Agreements Act: 

Statements by the Secretary of State 443 

Statement by Francis B. Saj^re Before the Senate 

Finance Committee 447 

The Trade-Agreements Program and the Post-War 

World: Address by Francis B. Sayre 449 

Agreement With Canada on the Programing of Exports 

to the Oilier American Republics 454 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture: 
Letter From President Roosevelt to the Opening 

Session 455 

Report of the Bermuda Meeting on the Refugee Prob- 
lem 456 


American Mexican Claims Commission 457 

American Republics 

Economic Cooperation With Mexico 457 

Cultural Relations 

Distinguished Visitors From Other American Repub- 

Ucs 458 


JUN 18 1943 


Treaty Information page 


Treaty Between the United States and China for the 
Relinquishment of Extraterritorial Rights in 

China 458 

Treaty Between the United Kingdom and China for 
the Relinquishment of Extraterritorial Rights in 

China 458 

Opium and Other Dangerous Drugs: International 

Convention of 1936 458 

Defense: Agreement With Panama for Lease of Defense 

Sites 459 

Legislation 459 

Publications 459 

The War 


I Released to the press May 21 j 

Less than a year ago I was still within the 
sphere of Japan's militarism. Everywhere I 
saw the si^ecter of oppression, and I confess that 
it is as sad to see voluntary slaves as it is to 
behold men subjected to involuntary servitude 
who no longer have the wish for freedom. 
Japan's conquests cannot extinguisli the capacity 
for free thought among the Chinese, the Malays, 
the Filipinos, and the other conquered i)eople 
of eastern Asia who retain a fresh consciousness 
of what it means to be free. All those people 
have the grim satisfaction of knowing that 
Japan's conquests of them are as transitory as 
the conquest of the sun by the moon in an eclij^se, 
and they can look forward to an early and in- 
evitable rebirth of freedom. Even if the Jap- 
anese curb speech, so that no man dares say a 
single word, free thought persists; no human 
power can penetrate the privacy of the mind, 
and our allies — their lands occupied for the 
time being, their persons subjected to tlie khaki- 
and-red militarism of the Japanese, their wealth 
stolen by omnipresent Japanese exploiter.s — our 
allies can still be free because they remember 

With tlie Japanese themselves it is different. 
The common Japanese people have never been 
free. They have centuries of subjection behind 
them, centuries wherein the common man was 
born to be the creature of his masters, wherein 
ordinary men and women dwelt in a world to 

" Delivered by the Honorable Joseph C. Grew, now 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, to the 
Eighth Annual Executives' Conference of the Institute 
of Paper Chemistry, Appletou, Wis., May 20, 1943. 
529620 — 43 J 

which they themselves — mind you, they them- 
selves — felt they had no right to oppose the ab- 
solute privileges of their masters! It is those 
conmion Japanese men and women whom we 
fight today; we have the sad and paradoxical 
duty of figliting for them, and in their own ulti- 
mate best interest, at the very time that we fight 
against them militarily, economically, psycho- 

As I was leaving Japan, and as I met other 
United Nations people who had visited other 
portions of Japan and the Japanese-occupied 
territories, I found myself reinforced in the be- 
lief, to which I had reluctantly come while in 
Japan, that the Japanese common people were 
fighting to defend their own lack of freedom 
and were unshaken by the sight of the horror, 
the povertj', the uncertainty which vain and 
aggressive war had brought their empire. 

We can't count on the Japanese to arise and 
overthrow the reckless militarism which has 
grown to world-menacing stature, because that 
militarism has identified itself with the oldest 
and best-beloved features of Japanese national 
life. When they began this war the Japanese 
leaders must have had the acumen to see that 
they miglit not win complete victory; those 
leaders must, in many instances, have gone to 
war with the expectation that they would win 
enough to be able to give some of their conquests 
back, to accept a 20- or SO-j-ear peace, and then 
strike again. Or they may have assumed that 
they would conquer all the western Pacific and 
the countries bordering thereon and hold the 
conquered ground until the American people got 
tired of sacrificing and fighting and would 
choose to accept a sugar-coated defeat. But it 




is only the leaders who think thus, and they 
take great care that the common people of Japan 
do not understand the real state of affairs. 

At this very moment the unfree men of Japan 
are fighting for their traditional unfreedom. 
They figlit for the familiar bonds and shackles 
in which they and their ancestors have been 
reared for uncounted generations. They fight 
because their government tells them that 
America is sensual, anarchical, greedy, selfish, 
disunited, and ethically uncivilized. They fight 
us because they have been propagandized for 
hundreds of years by an intellectual and political 
system which left no room for freedom. They 
hold to their ideas, no matter how erroneous 
these may seem to us, with the tenacity of fa- 
natics. Listen to what the Japanese say of us 
today when they speak from a knowledge of 
the English language but not of the United 
States; I quote from the Japan Times atid 
Advertiser of March 25, 1942 : 

"The Americans, though childish and preju- 
diced in many ways, are generally an o^Den- 
hearted and well-intentioned people. They are 
not degenerate or vicious ; they are only primi- 
tive, hence there is hope for them in the future. 
. . . In times of stress they become dangerously 
irresponsible. That such a people, in their war 
against Japan, should pose as the champions of 
civilization and humanity is a travesty upon 
historical fact. For the sake of civilization and 
humanity, it is America which must be chastised 
and disciplined and educated so that her bar- 
barism will cease to menace the rest of the 

This is a very moderate example of what the 
common people of Japan are told and perforce 
believe. You notice that there is no supernatural 
nonsense about superiority in that comment; in- 
stead, there is a very human kind of prejudice, 
the prejudice of ignorance and misinformation. 
History will hold it to the debit account of the 
leaders of Japan that they did not permit the 
free circulation of ideas and handicapped their 
own people with an intolerable burden of lies 
and misunderstanding. 

Nevertheless, while those lies and misunder- 
standings exist — and they have been skillfully 

grafted on ancient patterns of Temoteness and 
pure ignorance of the outside world — the 
Japanese people believe in them. If the Jap- 
anese were unable to reach a decent understand- 
ing of American life in days of peace, what do 
you think they can do in time of war — when the 
only ships crossing the Pacific between us cross 
on errands of death and the only visiting done 
between our peoples is done with the accom- 
paniment of lethal efforts. Someday, somehow, 
our peoples will have another chance to under- 
stand one another; we must seize that chance 
and make the best of it when it comes, in order 
to avert perpetually recurrent war in the Pacif- 
ic. With no militarism or feudal propaganda 
on their side, and with no touch, however faint, 
of arrogance or superiority on ours, we shall be 
able to meet on common ground — the common 
ground of imperishable truth and universal 
human decency. 

In mankind's long rise from primitive, hor- J 
rible, ignorant squalor, from the terrible depths 1 
of primitive superstition and fear, nations have 
come again and again to peaks of high civiliza- 
tion. Other peoples, not once but many times 
in the past, have been obsessed with ideas more 
fantastic, more cruel, and more bestial than 
those infecting the Japanese today, and those 
other peoples have come out of their ignorance 
and superstition and vanity into the light of 
truth and good, simple living. The Japanese 
are not racially bad ; no one is racially bad ; but 
they are badly misled at the present time. We 
cannot talk to them until we have defeated 
them: the Imperial Japanese Government has 
taken good care of that and has tightened the 
traditional Japanese censorship to an unbeliev- 
able degree. In Japan possession of a short- 
wave radio is a serious offense; possession of an 
American newspaper would be nothing short of 
catastrophic for the possessor; and I have no 
doubt that when our bombers start regular rou- 
tine flights over the military objectives of the 
main island of Japan, the Japanese Govern- 
ment will fear the dropping of pamphlets al- 
most as much as they fear the dropping of 
bombs. The Japanese people can be made fi'ee 
by the truth, and Japan's militarists know it 1 

Until that time, however, when by our own 

MAY 22, 1943 


use of force we shall have won the right to talk — 
as free men to men liberated — to the common 
Japanese, we are jjoing to find that they are as 
good fighters for their wrong ideas as we are for 
our good ideas. Here we have no Italians, fight- 
ing for a washed-out dictatorship in which even 
the braggadocio has worn threadbare; no Ger- 
mans, hypnotized by the spellbinding of a fa- 
natic whom their inner conscience still mis- 
trusts; no Hungarians or Rumanians, who fight 
simply because they are hired out as animals by 
rulers who did not have the courage or the 
chance to stand up for their own peoples — you 
face Japanese, men from the Antipodes of the 
North Atlantic world, who fight for things 
which their ancestors have believed in for cen- 
turies, and who do not realize that things which 
were true in far-away centuries of national isola- 
tion, when their homeland was Zipango at 
World's End, are bitterly and terribly untrue at 
this hour, when Japan stands at the aerial cross- 
roads of the world and for good or ill must meet 
the air-borne cargoes of the Pacific! These 
Japanese do not have the feeling so wide-spread 
among our people, that the Morld of national 
states is destined sooner or later to yield to the 
unity predicted by Tennyson, "the Parliament of 
Man, the Federation of the World" ; indeed, this 
sense of undated but unavoidable unity may be 
one of the ideas which challenged the Japanese 
militarists to fight the onrush of political civili- 
zation before it was — from their barbarous and 
insular point of view — too late. 

The Japanese we fight are equipped with a 
cause. Though it is a bad cause they adhere 
to it with a devotion which merits a nobler 
objective. The Japanese have a government ac- 
customed for centuries to exacting absolute obe- 
dience from the common man, which has added 
to the ancient engines of oppression all the sci- 
entific devices of modern propaganda and police. 
The Japanese have a tough, skilled, well-trained 
army and navy of which they may well be proud, 
and they have an air force at which we no longer 
laugh. The Japanese on the home front are 
industrious, frugal, obedient, loyal, and united. 
They have dispensed with elections, with strikes, 
with argument, with all freedom which would 
conceivably interfere with the war. They have 

in effect made their three huge islands of 
Honshu, Shikoku, and Kyushu into three gi- 
gantic military and naval bases, manned by 
more than 70 million working, fighting, human 
beings; these anchored battleships, moored by 
immutable geographj' against the shores of 
Axis, must be silenced one by one. 

What do the Japanese intend to do if we do 
not stop them ? Let me read to you again from 
the Japan Times and Advertiser: 

'"The plain truth is that the contention that 
the United States cannot be invaded is a myth — 
as much a myth as that the ilaginot line could 
not be taken, or that Singapore and Pearl Har- 
bor are impregnable. The United States was 
invaded in 1812, and it will be invaded again. 
We are fighting to create a New Order in 
Greater East Asia, but we see no earthly reason 
win- we would restrict our military activities 
to this sphere. We propose to figlit this war 
until our enemy is crushed even if we have to 
go half the way around the globe to do so;" 

We are the enemy whom the Japanese intend 
to crush. This is the land which they propose 
to invade. There is nothing between us and 
the armed forces of Japan but oiu- own courage, 
our own hard work, our own skill, and the 
fighting capacity of our fellow Americans on 
the high seas and the many far-flung battle 

The war we fight is global. We today have 
the advantage, long possessed by the Axis, of 
fighting one war while our enemies are still 
fichtins: several. We can and will crush Hitler. 
We can and will crush Japan. We can and 
will make the world a safe, decent place for 
common people, of every race and nationality, 
to live, to worship, and to prosper. But we can 
only do this job well if we understand the full 
magnitude of the job ahead of us, if we see the 
enemy as he is, if we do not fool ourselves by 
putting the world out of perspective with vain 
hopes or with foolish overestimation of our own 
powers. In fighting Germany we have the peo- 
ples of Europe and the western world with us ; 
in fighting Japan we have the Chinese and all 
free Asiatics with us, together with our allies 
in this hemisphere and in the Pacific ; in fighting 



them both, we have the blessing and the aid of 
all free men, who realize that these wars are all 
one war: the everlasting struggle of progress 
against resurgent barbarism. We face the crisis 
of the ages. Realizing the magnitude of the en- 
emy, we must accept the highest responsibility 
as the highest honor. To our enemies, let us say : 
Your best will be surpassed, and your violence 
will be met with force greater than it can bring 
to bear. To our friends, let us speak not with 
words but with true help and brave deeds ! 


[Released to the press May 22] 

For the information of the relatives and 
friends of American civilians held in the Far 
East by the Japanese authorities, the Depart- 
ment of State announces that it has received a 
communication from the Japanese Government 
giving reason to hope that a second exchange of 
approximately 1,500 American civilians for an 
equal number of Japanese civilians held in the 
United States may be arranged. The first ex- 
change, involving the same number of civilians, 
took place last summer, the chartered Swedish 
motor vessel GripshoJm being used to transport 
the Japanese from the United States to Lou- 
rengo Marques in Portuguese East Africa, where 
the exchange took place, and the liberated Amer- 
icans, who were received there from Japanese 
vessels, being brought home on the Gripsholm. 
While arrangements were being made for that 
exchange the Department entered into negotia- 
tions with the Japanese Government for a sec- 
ond and further exchanges. It has continuously 
pursued those negotiations in the hope that an 
agreement could be reached mutually acceptable 
to both Governments. In its latest proposal the 
Department suggested that a minimum of three 
more exchanges be agreed on, which would in- 
volve the repatriation of 1,500 on each exchange. 
The reply of the Japanese Government indicates 
that that Government prefers for the time being 

to limit consideration to one exchange, involv- 
ing the repatriation of 1,500 persons on each 
side, and that subsequent exchanges be left for 
future consideration. 

The Japanese Government has expressed its 
desires with respect to the composition of the 
Japanese passenger list for the second exchange. 
The Department is now engaged, with the as- 
sistance of the other Government agencies con- 
cerned, in identifying and locating Japanese for 
inclusion in the passenger list. The work en- 
tails in many cases search throughout the United 
States for Japanese who have been named by the 
Japanese Government for inclusion in the ex- 
change. Some may already have departed from 
the United States. Others cannot be identified 
until the English spellings of their Japanese 
names, by which they are known here, are as- 
certained. However, progress is rapidly being 
made in composing the passenger list. Until 
that task is completed and final and definite ar- 
rangements for the exchange have been made 
with the Japanese Government, the Department 
cannot indicate the date when the exchange may 
be accomplished. 

As in the first exchange, there will be included 
a number of citizens of the other American re- 
publics and of Canada on a proportionate basis 
with citizens of the United States. Similarly, a 
number of Japanese from the other American 
republics and from Canada will be included 
with Japanese from the United States. 


[Iteleaiied to the press May 21] 

His Excellency Edwin Barclay, President of 
the Republic of Liberia, will visit the United 
States as a guest of this Government on the in- 
vitation of President Roosevelt, arriving in 
Washington on May 26. The President of Li- 
beria will spend one night at the White House, 
after which he will leave for the Blair House 
to remain for several days. 

Commercial Policy 

Statements by the Secretary of State ^ 

(Released to the press May 17] 

By this time it sliould be crystal-clear to each 
and every one of us that during the interval 
between the two wars there were committed 
some of the most colossal blunders in the experi- 
ence of the human race. Otherwise the world 
would not be in its present critical position. 

There never was a time, therefore, when it was 
more necessary for every one of us to examine 
and re-examine the nature and causes of man- 
kind's tragic failure in the last two decades to 
build an enduring structure of law, peace, and 
prosperity. None of us who prizes freedom and 
who has at heart our national interest, for the 
sake of whicli we are now jjouring out blood and 
treasure, can permit any preconceived notion, 
however long and strongly held, to stand in the 
way of an understanding of the crushing blun- 
ders of recent years and of resolute eflFort to 
make sure that such blunders will not recur in 
the future. 

This is not the occasion for a thorough and 
comprehensive examination of this all-important 
matter in its entirety. But this is an eminently 
fit occasion for a discussion of one of its essential 
phases: the problem of international economic 
cooperation as an indispensable basis both 
for peace and for prosperity. 

For the past nine years the reciprocal-trade- 
agreements policy has been carried forward by 
cooperative action of the legislative and execu- 
tive branches of the Government. It was orig- 
inally enacted in 1934 and has been, since then, 
twice renewed. The House of Representatives, 
after exhaustive hearings and debate, has just 
voted by an overwhelming non-partisan major- 
ity to renew it again. 

' The statement released to the press on May 17, 
1943, was made on that date before the Senate Fmance 

In the course of the hearings held by the 
House Committee on Ways and Means I made a 
comprehensive statement of the essential con- 
siderations involved in the question which is 
before you. I shall not take your time to reiter- 
ate the points presented in it. But I should 
like, if I may, to dwell upon one or two of these 

In making its decision at this time whether 
or not to renew the Trade Agreements Act the 
Congress is faced with the first significant test 
of this country's basic attitude toward the 
future. The issue is whetlier or not our country 
is determined to cooperate with other peacefully 
inclined nations in economic matters. 

After the last war we, as a nation, faced the 
same issue, and we have paid a terrible price for 
the fact that our answers to some of the ques- 
tions raised by that is.sue were neither clear- 
cut nor consistent. Following the war of 1914- 
18, international economic relations soon fell 
into a pattern of rapidly narrowing nationalism. 
Recovery from the dislocations produced by 
that first world conflict imperatively required 
a revival and growth of international trade. 
Instead, the nations of the world surrounded 
themselves with ever-mounting barriers to an 
exchange of goods across their boundaries. To 
that destructive piling up of trade restrictions 
our country contributed its full share. 

During the decade of the twenties the evil 
effects of trade restrictions were somewhat 
mitigated and disguised by the vast volume of 
international loans. Our country supplied bil- 
lions of dollars in loans, which enabled us to 
maintain our exports on a relatively high level 
while we were putting immense obstacles in the 
path of our imports. 

That unhealthy situation could not continue 
long. And it did not. By the end of the first 




post-war decade the structure of international 
trade became disrupted, and the resultant dis- 
location served as a powerful contributory factor 
to the general economic collapse which de- 
scended on our country and the world. 

In the first bitter days of that profound de- 
pression our country and other countries could 
think of no expedient, except to intensify and 
extend the very course of narrow economic 
nationalism which was so largely responsible for 
the tragic plight in which we found ourselves. 
Trade barriers rose to unprecedented heights. 
The structure of currency and credit was shat- 
tered. Countries resorted to a multiplying 
variety of economic weapons, and all suffered in 

Fortunately for us and for the world, this 
country, after more than a decade of non- 
cooperation with others, at last had the vision 
and the courage to shift gears in the all-impor- 
tant field of commercial policy and to move in 
the opposite direction. That was the historic 
significance of the original enactment of the 
trade-agreements policy. 

In the trade-agreements program we had a 
flexible and easily adjustable instrument for 
dealing with the two great obstacles to a healthy 
development of mutually beneficial international 
trade. The first of those obstacles was the im- 
mense variety of restrictions on imports : exces- 
sive tariffs, quotas, exchange controls, and many 
others. The second was the use of these devices 
in a discriminatory manner. By means of trade 
agreements we sought to eliminate or diminish 
these destructive barriers. The trade-agi'ee- 
ment method enabled us to accomplish the reduc- 
tion of trade barriers in other countries through 
a reciprocal reduction of some of our own tariff 
rates. It enabled us, by the use of the most- 
favored-nation principle, to press for an aban- 
donment of discriminatory practices. Amid the 
growing deterioration of all international rela- 
tions during the years which preceded the out- 
break of the present war, the trade-agreement 
program was the most important single support 
for the hope that the nations might find a way 
toward cooperative action for the establishment 
and maintenance of peaceful international rela- 

As we face the future, the renewal now of the 
Trade Agreements Act will have perhaps an 
even greater historic significance than that of 
its original adoption. 

Our people are fully aware of that fact. For 
months past, in Congress and throughout the 
country, there has been discussion of the post- 
war world and of what should be our part in 
it, a free give-and-take of views and ideas in 
the best American tradition. This is as it should 
be. Only in this way can public opinion crys- 
tallize and the Congress be enabled accurately 
to register that opinion. We must chart the 
general direction of our post-war course, begin 
to make decisions on policies, necessarily leaving 
until later the working out of details in the bet- 
ter knowledge we will then have of specific con- 
ditions. Public opinion has not yet crystallized 
in regard to some aspects of the extent and na- 
ture of our cooperation with other like-minded 
nations with a view to making the world, after 
this war, both fruitful and secure. But it has, 
I feel confident, overwhelmingly reached the 
conclusion that the minimum indication of our 
willingness to cooperate with others in the eco- 
nomic field to the mutual benefit of all would lie 
in the clean-cut extension of the trade-agree- 
ments progi'am. 

That program has served us well in the past 
nine years. There has been an ample demon- 
stration of its usefulness as an effective instru- 
ment for the promotion of mutually beneficial 
trade on a basis of fair dealing and non-dis- 
crimination — the only possible basis of fruit- 
ful international cooperation in the economic 
field. It is thus a practical and tested method 
which the Congress has already endorsed twice 
since its original adoption, each time after an 
exhaustive appraisal of its results. The Con- 
gress is being asked, therefore, in making this 
first decision on post-war policies, not to com- 
mit the country to some new and untried ex- 
periment but to reaffirm a proven program, 
sound in principle and in operation and essen- 
tial for a stable economic, political, and peace 
structure in the post-war years. 

We know from bitter experience that trade 
between countries is the main foundation for 
any and all economic dealings between peoples. 

MAT 22, 1943 


It provides the goods they need and furnishes 
employment for industries suited to each coun- 
try. If it is discouraged by cloudy political 
skies and mistrust, or made impossible by na- 
tional short-sightedness, there is no possible 
sound basis for any of the other economic or 
financial dealings between the countries. 

Without substantial trade our shipping in- 
dustry is certain to decline to small dimensions. 
Without substantial trade any capital invest- 
ment that we may undertake abroad would 
sooner or later end in disappointment and re- 
proach. Without substantial trade there can- 
not be certainty or stability in the monetary 
relations between countries. These will always 
be subject to disturbances and disputes. The 
prospects for maintaining a coordinated inter- 
national monetary system would be dimmed. 
Without substantial international trade the 
future value of gold is certain to be in doubt, for 
countries will not indefinitely accumulate gold 
supplies unless they can freely obtain goods 
therefor. International trade is thus the key 
to all our international economic relations — and 
a powerful factor in our domestic prosperity 
as well. 

The trade-agreements program is the sole 
practicable method by which we can hope to 
restore our post-war foreign trade to a healthy 
basis. It is a method of trade-regulation 
through which obstacles to commerce can be 
removed with fullest regard for the position and 
interest of every branch of our production and 
the general interest of the Nation as a whole. 
Administered as it has been by experienced 
and disinterested officials, with infinite care and 
caution, it is the one method so far devised for 
constructive action in this vitally important 

There is no possible effective alternative for it. 
Our history has shown how strong would be the 
tendency, were the Trade Agreements Act dis- 
carded or crippled, to resort to the position of 
extreme and ruinous trade barriers. Any such 
course by this country at this time would spur 
on all countries in the world, many in greater 
difficulties than we ourselves, to place high bar- 
riers and restrictions about their own covuitries, 

529020^3 2 

provoke them into special arrangements from 
which we would be excluded, and, as a con- 
sequence of these measures, destroy the inter- 
change of needed goods by which all countries 
of the world can gradually repair the damage of 
the war and improve their economic condition. 

In the conduct of our trade with the rest of 
the world and in the administration of the 
Trade Agreements Act, we, of course, take full 
and detailed account of our domestic situation, 
our domestic measures, and the forms of trad- 
ing abroad. The act is flexible enough to per- 
mit all measure of wise adjustment. In fact, 
without the act we could not meet satisfactorily 
the changing conditions which will confront us. 

Without the Trade Agreements Act we would 
be thrown back on the kind of extreme policy 
that culminated in the Tariff Act of 1930. 

It has been suggested that the trade-agree- 
ments program be retained but the agreements 
negotiated under it be made subject to approval 
by the Congress. Let me recall briefly some 
pertinent history. 

During the entire history of this country only 
three reciprocity tariff treaties have been rati- 
fied and made effective. All of these were of a 
special character and were with countries with 
which the United States had particularly close 
political or geographic ties: Canada (1854), 
Hawaii (1875), and Cuba (1902). 

Twenty-two other reciprocity tariff treaties 
have been negotiated by the Executive, 10 under 
the general treaty-making powers and 12 pur- 
suant to the express statutory provision in sec- 
tion 4 of the Tariff Act of 1897, but not a single 
one of these became effective. Seventeen of these 
were either rejected by or failed to come to a vote 
in the Senate, one was rejected by the foreign 
government because of amendments by the Sen- 
ate, one failed to receive Congressional legisla- 
tion necessary to place it in effect, and three 
were withdrawn. 

In contrast to the record of reciprocity trea- 
ties requiring Senate or Senate and Congres- 
sional approval, is the record of executive agree- 
ments negotiated under authority delegated by 
the Congress and not subject to subsequent ap- 
proval by the Senate or Congress, Under the 



McKinley Tariff Act of 1890, 12 reciprocity 
agreements were made effective, and under sec- 
.tion 3 of the Dingley Tariff Act of 1897, 15 such 
lagreements were brought into force. 

In 1933 the United States Tariff Commission, 
after summarizing the reciprocity experiences 
of this country up to that time, concluded : 

■ "The past experiences of the United States 
■with respect to the difficuUy of obtaining recip- 
rocal tariff concessions by means of treaties and 
the greater success in negotiating executive 
agreements under previous authorization by the 
Congress may be significant as a guide to future 
policy regarding methods of tariff bargaining." ^ 

Since the Trade Agreements Act has been in 
operation 30 agreements have been negotiated 
and made effective. One agreement, that with 
Iran, signed on April 8, 1943, has not as yet 
become effective. 

No one in his right senses would dream of 
asking the Congress for an unlimited grant of 
authority to adjust our tariff rates. No Con- 
gress would ever dream of making such a grant 
of power — and no Congress ever has. The 
Trade Agreements Act involves a strictly and 
specifically limited delegation of power, with 
the terms of which you are all familiar. Its 
periodic review by the Congress is a fully effec- 
tive safeguard against the abuse even of these 
limited powers. In the light of the record of 
disastrous experience which I have just recited, 
a demand for Congressional action on trade 
agreements is a demand for the abandonment 
of the whole program without which our coun- 
try's hands will be tied in a field in which it must 
either act or accept overwhelmingly disastrous 

I shall not dwell on other equally important 
reasons why it is imperative that the progi-ara 
be continued in its present form without weak- 
ening change. Many of us, both within and out- 
side the Government, including the almost unan- 
imous voice of the public press, have strongly 
urged such action as an early indication to 
other nations of our post-war intentions. We 

'U. S. Tariff Commission, Tariff Bargaining Under 
Most-Favored-Nation Treaties, p. 13; italics added. 
[Author's note.] 

have all referred to the interest and anxiety with 
which other nations would follow the debates 
in Congress on this question. Developments 
since the introduction of the legislation in the 
House have confirmed this. Reports received 
from country after country, jjarticularly in the 
neighboring American republics, reveal the 
marked attention by government officials, the 
press, and the public to this legislation. The 
universally expressed hope — except in the Axis 
countries — is for the trade-agreements program 
to be extended, both for its practical significance 
and for the reaffirmation of the principles of co- 
operation and fair dealing which it embodies. 

l^lien post-war economic readjustments are 
sought we shall need to be in a position, in our 
own national self-interest, to play our part in 
establishing conditions favorable to mutually 
beneficial trade, full employment, and generally 
to fruitful and friendly relations between the 
peoples of the world. Only through enlarged 
market opportunity abroad and at home shall 
we be able to establish and maintain our peace- 
time economic activity and the employment and 
living standards of our people on anything like 
a satisfactorily high level. 

The experience of the two decades which 
elapsed between the end of the "World War and 
the outbreak of a new war in Europe has brought 
out in sharp relief the validity of two basic prop- 
ositions. The first of these is that our nation, 
and every nation, can enjoy sustained prosperity 
only in a world which is at peace. The second is J 
that a peaceful world is possible only when there 1 
exists for it a solid economic foundation, an 
indispensable jiart of which is active and mu- 
tually beneficial trade among the nations. The 
creation of such a foundation is a primary ob- 
jective of the trade-agreements program, which 
seeks the advancement of our domestic prosper- 
ity and the promotion of world peace. 

These great objectives cannot, of course, be 
accomplished by trade agreements alone. But 
they cannot be accomplished without them. 

[Released to the press May 21] 

The Danaher amendment relates to the fol- 
lowing provision of the existing Trade Agree- 
ments Act : 

MAT 22, 1943 


"Every foreign trade agreement concluded 
pursuant to this Act shall be subject to the 
termination, upon due notice to the foreign 
government concerned, at the end of not more 
than three years from the date upon which the 
agreement comes into force, and if not then 
terminated, shall be subject to termination 
thereafter upon not more than six months' 

The trade-agreements program is a coopera- 
tive undertakinji: between the Congress and 
the executive branch of the Government, hav- 
ing for its purpose the carrying out within 
definite congressional instructions and limita- 
tions of the policy prescribed by Congress. 

Congress, of course, may at any time termi- 
nate any part or all of the authority entrusted 
to the executive department under the existing 
cooperative arrangement necessary for carrying 
out the trade-agreements policy. The sugges- 

tion by some that the Danaher amendment 
would not affect the power of Congress is wholly 
beside the point. Everyone knows that the 
power of Congress would not be affected. The 
real and the dangerous point is that the pro- 
posed amendment would give notice to the 
world that six months after the termination of 
the war it, Congress, may wipe out all the exist- 
ing 29 trade agreements by joint resolution. 
This notice of such possibility or probability 
naturally creates at home and abroad a state of 
doubt and uncertainty as to the future life of all 
trade agreements and, in fact, of the entire 
trade-agreements policy itself. Such destruc- 
tion of the trade agreements would restore auto- 
maticall)' the original rates of the Hawley- 
Smoot Act and head this and other nations away 
from international economic cooperation and 
straiglit back to the narrowest policies of 
economic nationalism, with serious effects upon 
both the domestic and international situations. 

Statement by Francis B. Sayre Before the Senate Finance Committee 


The issue which the present resolution pre- 
sents involves much more, against the back- 
ground of 1943, than did the narrow and often 
sterile tariff debates of the past. 

This country is engaged for the second time 
within 25 years in a devastating World War. 
There is acute need, therefore, for the most 
searching re-examination of every policy of 
Government which affects or may affect either 
the conduct of the war or the prospect for estab- 
lishing a secure peace thereafter. The course 
which we set for ourselves in the field of inter- 
national commerce may affect both. The coun- 
try is entitled therefore to the best non-partisan 
wisdom that can be brought to bear on the cru- 
cial problem of establishing sound policies and 
effective procedures in that field. No narrower 
view is consonant with our responsibility to the 
people of this nation. 

Wlien this war ends the United States will 
face two paramount problems: 

(1) How to make a secure and fruitful peace ; 

(2) How to insure, without undue interfer- 
ence with our free institutions, that evei-y Amer- 
ican who is willing and able to work shall have 
a fair chance to earn a decent living. 

The first problem is obviously international, 
since war is an international affair. The second 
is only slightly less so. The United States is a 
great trading nation and cannot expect to be 
prosperous in a world in which its customers 
and sources of supply are bankrupt. Collabo- 
ration with other nations on both problems is 
therefore a sensible, if not indeed an indis- 
pensable, procedure. 

Fortunately, our own fundamental objectives 
in this field and those of other countries are the 
same. We have common foundations upon 
which to build. All men desire security; all 
desire plenty ; and few who have had a taste of 
individual liberty desire to give it up. 

The two problems — peace and jobs, security 
and economic freedom — are closely related. 



Wise international trade policies are part of the 
underlying solutions of both. 

So far as the problem of unemployment is con- 
cerned, certain facts are obvious. If men re- 
turning from the battlefront and those engaged 
in war industry are to find productive jobs in 
private industry after the war, we must move 
in the direction of enlarged market opportuni- 
ties in the post-war world. As long as people 
live on this earth of differing climates and varied 
natural resources and diversified physical con- 
ditions men will want to exchange the products 
of one area for those of another. People living 
in the great agricultural and food-producing 
areas will want to exchange their food and raw 
materials with those living in industrial areas 
producing factory goods, and vice versa. 
Manifestly, the number of jobs available in each 
group will depend directly upon the extent to 
which it can sell or exchange its product with 
those of other groups. By doubling its sales 
each group doubles its employment and doubles 
its purchasing power. Employment is measured 
by trade. Clearly, the way to increased em- 
ployment is in the direction of opening up the 
channels of trade. This must be done gradually 
and selectively, so that no one will be inundated 
or injured in the process. I know of no other 
practicable way, except the questionable one of 
large and continuing direct expenditures by 
Government, which offers any reasonable hope 
of a solution of the post-war unemployment 

With regard to the second problem — peace — 
it is equally clear that industrial nations under 
twentieth-century conditions to maintain their 
standards of living must maintain access to nec- 
essary raw materials and necessary markets. If 
they are denied access to these they will feel 
forced to fight. If trade barriers erected along 
national frontiers bar them from the raw mate- 
rials and markets they need for the maintenance 
of their populations they will fight to destroy 
those frontiers. Lowered trade barriers and 
freedom from trade discriminations are essen- 
tial parts of the only foundations upon which 
lasting peace can be built. 

Within the confines of a brief statement it is 

impossible to trace the direct and indirect rela- 
tionships between economic maladjustments and 
war; but there is no informed and responsible 
person who denies that the relationship exists. 

The trade-agreements program cannot right 
all the economic maladjustments of this country 
or the world, nor can any other single program. 
But it does embody a method which experience 
has shown to be practicable and highly success- 
ful for increasing trade through international 
cooperation. It is justly regarded in this cotm- 
try and abroad as one of the few existing work- 
ing programs based upon international coopera- 
tion in important economic matters which has 
met with outstanding and striking success. I 
cannot believe that the Congress will decide to 
reject or cripple such a program at the very time 
when the fate of this nation and of all free peo- 
ples hinges on the determination and ability of 
the United Nations to work effectively together 
in the winning of the war and in the winning 
of the peace. 

There can be no real question today that the 
policy of economic cooperation is essential — is a 
necessity — if we are to survive. There can be 
no question that in the commercial field the 
trade-agreements program is the expression and 
embodiment of that policy. The only real issue 
before you is one of method. Does the bill now 
under consideration offer a method which is 
practicable for achieving the desired result ? 

Upon this issue only one thing need be said. 
The experience of the past nine years shows that 
the present method is workable ; the experience 
of the past under other procedures proves them 
to be unworkable. We understand this and we 
must realize that other nations also understand 
it. Of all times this is surely not the occasion to 
make changes simply for the sake of change. 
To make untested changes now will result in the 
creation of doubts in the minds of our allies and 
friends— doubts which, however unfounded, we 
cannot afford. Berlin's radio propaganda has 
already manifested Germany's interest in the 

The program has worked uncommonly well. 
It has been tried in the fire of experience. It 
has produced results. It has brought to Amer- 

MAT 22, 1943 


ica increased trade and increased employment 
without working injury to any branch of Amer- 
ican agriculture or American industry. 

The facts concerning the act, its administra- 
tion, tlie agreements entered into under it, tlic 
tangible and intangible results of those agree- 
ments, and the prospects for the future as far 
as it can be foreseen are fully and well stated in 
the report of the House Committee on Ways and 
Means, which I assume is available to this com- 
mittee. I shall not take the time of the Finance 
Committee to summarize what is there so care- 
fully set down. Of course I am available to the 
committee to furnish any information in my 
power desired by the committee on any matter 
connected with the 2:)rogram. 

One of the most imi)ressive parts of the House 
Committee's report is that which describes the 
all but unanimous sujjport which the long hear- 
ings in the House developed. Americans from 
every section of the country, from both of the 
great parties and from every walk of life, sup- 
port the present measure. Republicans and 
Democrats, manufacturers and labor unions, 
chambers of commerce and farm associations, 
the press in every section of the country, 1,500 
professional economists, disinterested public- 
interest groups of every sort urge favorable ac- 
tion. I know of no recent governmental measure 
or proposal, unless it be lend-lease or legislation 
for the direct prosecution of the war, which has 

received such nearly unanimous and positive 
support. That support is based on the profound 
realization, as I have been suggesting, that prac- 
tical international cooperation is the best hope 
for the future that we have and that this act is 
a necessai-y part of it. 

The House Committee summed up its conclu- 
sions in words which state my views and which 
I ask permission to adopt: 

"On the basis of the foregoing, and of the 
other testimony offered before it, and of its own 
consideration, the committee has concluded that : 

"First. It is desirable to continue in existence 
this tested and sound instrument of interna- 
tional cooperation, in the interest both of unity 
in the war effort, of a secure peace hereafter, and 
of American prosperity ; 

"Second. It is desirable to make the vote as 
large and as bipartisan as possible, in order that 
our allies and the citizens of the United States 
may be assured that international cooperation in 
post-war reconstruction is not a party matter; 

"Third. It is desirable that the extension be 
in the form and for the term that has formerly 
been used, in order that no unnecessary doubts 
may be created. 

"The committee therefore, recommends that 
the bill which the committee has reported pass 
without further amendment, and it bespeaks 
bipartisan support for this proposal." 

Address by Francis B. Sayre '• 

[Released to the press May 17] 

The United States Congi-ess is now engaged 
in considering whether or not it will extend for 
another three-year period the President's au- 
thority to negotiate reciprocal trade agreements 
with foreign countries under the act of 1934. 
This is the first great American referendum on 

' Delivered at the World Trade luncheon, New York, 
N.Y., May 17, 1943, and broadcast over the Blue Net- 
work. Mr. Sayre is Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of State. 

the economic foundations of the peace and is 
therefore of critical importance. The congres- 
sional debates are being followed with intense 
interest by all the United Nations. The result 
will indicate and in large measure will deter- 
mine the commercial policy which the United 
States will follow in the years after the war; 
and what we do will to a large extent determine 
what other coimtries find it possible to do. If 
^he people of the United States really desire a 
more humane world and a more abundant 



economic life after the war, this is the time to 

The Atlantic Charter has laid down the gen- 
eral direction for the future, and the executive 
leaders of the United Nations have endorsed it. 
No territorial aggrandizement for anyone, the 
rights of self-determination and self-govern- 
ment, access on equal terms to trade and raw 
materials, international collaboration in eco- 
nomic matters, a peace which will permit each 
nation to dwell in safety within its own bound- 
aries and make freedom from want and fear 
a possibility, the freedom of the seas, the dis- 
armament of aggressor nations and the easing 
of the burden of armaments for all, a permanent 
international system of general security — these 
are the eight heads of the common program. 
The keystone of the arch is international co- 
operation. Upon that and upon that alone can 
be built a peace that will last. 

The victory of the United Nations, when it 
comes, will be a victory of international co- 
operation over national isolation. We could not 
win the war without the closest kind of coopera- 
tion. And without it we cannot win the peace. 
The period of transition from total war to total 
peace will be a critical one, during which the 
spirit of cooperation now holding the United 
Nations together will be violently threatened by 
powerful centrifugal forces. But that spirit and 
practice of close cooperation, of community of 
planning and effort, must at all costs be con- 
tinued. In peace no less than in war our com- 
mon objectives are impossible without it. 

Furthermore, as must be obvious to all, politi- 
cal cooperation can be built only upon the co- 
hesive forces of economic collaboration. 

If nations are to live together in peace they 
must closely cooperate in the fundamental busi- 
ness of making their populations secure against 
freedom from want. To this end collaboration 
in trade is an absolute essential. The solutions 
of some of our most vital domestic issues hang 
upon national and international trade. Upon 
trade hang problems of production and em- 
ployment, the price of crops, the chance to get 
a job, the means of paying off the mortgage. 
Peace cannot be made lasting except as it is 

built upon close collaboration in the field of 
international trade. 


The two most crucial and fundamental issues 
which, after the war is won, will confront our 
civilization are the problems of unemployment 
and of international security. After the last 
World War the problem of unemployment 
reached the critical stage. In every industrial 
nation during the early 1930's increasing mil- 
lions of men walked the streets, idle and unable 
to find jobs. The specter of want and of hunger 
dogged their footsteps. Today men are em- 
ployed in war; but fundamentally the problem 
of unemployment still remains unsolved. When 
our soldiers return from the battlefields we must 
find a way to give them jobs and security. 

It is obvious that the only way to increase jobs 
without vast outlays in government spending is 
to increase production and trade. Employment 
must depend upon the ability to produce and 
the ability to sell goods. But the ability to 
produce depends in many cases upon the ability 
to get raw materials from distant places; and 
the ability to sell depends upon the ability to 
move the finished product, often to distant mar- 
kets. AVhatever interferes with the acquisition 
of raw materials, wliatever interferes with the 
movement of the finished goods to market, cor- 
respondingly cuts down employment. In other 
words, trade barriers inescapably reduce em- 
ployment and throw men out of jobs. 

This is equally true of domestic trade and of 
international trade. Trade barriers, whether 
at home or abroad, throw men and women out 
of work. 

When trade falls off, production drops, the 
national income is reduced, and the unemploy- 
ment curve goes up. This is not a matter of 
theory but of provable fact. 

Among the most far-sighted provisions of our 
American Constitution is the prohibition against 
trade barriers along State lines, which is implied 
from the grant to Congress of the power to regu- 
late commerce among the States. Before the 
adoption of the Constitution some States levied 
import or transit taxes on goods from other 

MAT 22, 1943 


States, and the results came near to breaking up 
the Union. Undoubtedly this constitutional 
provision and its vigorous enforcement by the 
Supreme Court of the United States have done 
more to build our country to incomparable com- 
merical strength and unity of national purpose 
tlian any other single constitutional provision. 
Without this there is very grave doubt whether 
we would be a single unified nation today. 

The same is true of nations. No great indus- 
trial nation is today, or can possibly be in the 
future, economically independent. The attempt 
by any nation to achieve economic isolation leads 
to poverty and unemployment, both for its own 
people and all others witliin reach of its influ- 

Trade constitutes the veritable lifeblood of 
nations in this interdependent world. Indus- 
trial nations, by selling processed products 
abroad in exchange for foodstuffs and raw ma- 
terials, have made possible the support of vastly 
increased populations. The population of Eu- 
rope, which in 1650 was 100 millions, increased 
to 140 millions in 1750, 2G6 millions in 1850, and 
519 millions in 1933. Tlirough foreign trade 
alone can modern industrial nations procure nec- 
essary food for their peoples, raw materials to 
keep their factories in operation, or the manifold 
goods which make present-day civilization and 
culture possible. Through foreign trade alone 
can they obtain large enough markets to keep 
their specialized industries going. 

Such nations must maintain access to neces- 
sary raw materials and necessary markets. If 
they are denied access to these they will feel 
forced to fight. If trade barriers erected along 
national frontiers bar industrial nations from 
the raw materials and markets they need for the 
maintenance of their populations they will fight 
to destroy those frontiers. If goods can't cross 
national frontiers armies will. Lowered trade 
barriers and freedom from trade discrimina- 
tions are essential parts of the only foundation 
upon which lasting peace can be built. 

As we look ahead into the post-war period two 
broad alternatives face us. One is a world based 
upon economic nationalism and autarchy — the 
kind of world which Hitler was seeking to build 

prior to the outbreak of the second World War. 
The other alternative is a world based upon or- 
ganized international cooperation and inter- 
change of goods. 

One must emphasize that in the world of fact 
and actuality neither of the two alternatives is 
an absolute. No nation today can possibly em- 
bargo every import and export. In spite of all 
his efforts Hitler could not make Germany self- 
sujfficient. He was forced to crj' out, "Germany 
must export or die". On the other hand, neither 
is it possible under modern conditions to elimi- 
nate all trade barriers overnight. No responsi- 
ble statesman, no reputable economist, today 
advocates complete free trade. Such a course, 
suddenly launched upon and pursued, would 
gravely and unnecessarily injure important seg- 
ments of private business and national industry. 
The choice between the two alternatives must be 
a matter of judgment and degree. 

Nevertheless, if we are to obtain our objectives 
America must know and consciously choose the 
direction in which we are to move. The destiny 
of this country, and indeed of the whole world, 
depends upon that choice. 

What is clear and cannot be disproved is that 
the pathway of economic self-sufficiency leads 
as surely as the rising of the sun to growing 
unemployment and industrial breakdown. It 
leads to economic chaos, intei-national conflict, 
and eventual war. On the other hand, the path- 
way of increased international trading leads 
with equal sureness to inci'eased employment 
and heightened standards of living. It leads to 
lessened international strain and conflict. It 
constitutes one of the absolutely necessary foun- 
dations for lasting peace. 

We must not be misled by the common as- 
sumption that the way to increase American 
emi^loj'ment is to shut out the importation of 
foreign competing goods. The embargo policy 
is and always will be injurious to labor, for it 
destroys markets. It rests upon the assumption 
that tariff-subsidized production and employ- 
ment are net gains, and overlooks the fact that 
the resulting restriction of imports reduces for- 
eign purchasing power for the products of nat- 
urally stronger export industries, and so causes 



•reduced operations and lessened employment. 
It rests also upon the false assumption that mar- 
kets are static and fixed. In fact, vre know that 
precisely the opposite is true. Markets rapidly 
expand and contract with available purchasing 
power. The practical way to obtain increased 
markets is to widen the field of trade, to build 
up greater purchasing power and more extensive 
markets both at home and abroad. Evei-y in- 
crease in the sales abroad of American wheat 
or cotton or hog products, or of automobiles or 
other manufactured goods, means more dollars 
in the pockets of American farmers and workers 
producing for export; these producers will be 
buying more clothes and food and consumers' 
goods in every section of the country and thus 
invigorating and enlarging our domestic mar- 
kets. Foreign trade helps labor and helps agri- 
culture because it builds up domestic markets 
for the products of labor and of agriculture as 
well as foreign markets. 

Employment comes through increased trade 
and not by shutting out or severely restricting 
imports. Statistics give clear proof that mill- 
wheels turn and men find jobs, not when foreign 
goods are excluded from American markets but 
when American wealth is created and American 
purchasing power is built up by a trade brisk 
because, unhampered by unreasonable hin- 
drances. The popular cry of 100 percent of the 
American market for the American working- 
man or the American farmer is based upon a 
fundamental fallacy. It ignores the fact that 
only the fringes of American agi-iculture and 
industry have anything whatever to fear from 
foreign competition, that the vast bulk of 
American enterprise, American labor, and 
American consumers suffer when our foreign 
trade is destroyed by our own and other coun- 
tries' tariffs and other barriers and prosper 
when our foreign trade is permitted to thrive. 
Practical experience has proved the embargo 
policy a failure. 

The United States Tariff Commission has 
gathered together an impressive set of figures 
and charts. These disclose, in index numbers, 
the actual history of our foreign trade, our na- 
tional income, and our industrial production 

for a continuous period of 23 years, from 1919 
to 1941 inclusive. They show for the same 
period the total wages paid by industry, the cash 
receipts of farmers (excluding benefit pajmients 
by the Government) and the course of prices of 
farm products. In greater detail they show for 
the same period the income of the livestock in- 
dustry, the prices of beef cattle, the income of 
the dairy industrj^, and the price of butterfat. 

In summary, this incontrovertible evidence 
shows : 

First. Payrolls in industry do not decline 
when imports increase. The opposite is true. 
'Wlien imports decline payrolls decline; and 
when imports increase payrolls increase. Wlien 
imports are highest, factory workers in the 
United States are earning the most money. 
These are the times of increased purchasing 
power and of good demand, both for domestic 
and imported products. 

Second. Farm prices and farmers' income go 
up when foreign trade increases and decline 
when foreign trade declines. This is true 
whether we look at total foreign trade, or at 
imports as a whole, or exports as a whole, or 
at imports of agi'icultural products. It is true 
whether we look at farm prices and farm in- 
come as a whole, or at livestock income and the 
price of cattle, or at dairy income and the price J 
of butterfat. Imports such as enter under the 1 
trade-agreements program do not ruin farmers. 

The truth of the matter, which we all know 
but are apt to forget, is that all the major por- 
tions of our industrial and agi'icultural life are 
sick or well together. Increased purchasing 
power and a consequently sustained large de- 
mand is the necessary condition of increased em- 
ployment and increased prosperity; and these 
come with increased trade, foreign as well as 
domestic. "Workmen, whose greatest threat is 
unemployment, and farmers, whose greatest 
threat in time of peace is falling prices, should 
be among the first and the most diligent sup- 
porters of a program directed to achieving 
increased foreign trade and increased interna- 
tional security. 

MAT 22, 1943 



Our peace program, then, in the field of com- 
merce is to increase the international exchange 
of useful goods and services, to do it by inter- 
national cooperation, and to do it not by destroy- 
ing but by strengthening the democratic method 
of individual enterprise on which our American 
economy is based. That is the method and the 
purpose and the whole objective of the Trade 
Agreements Act. That act does not propose any 
governmental barter, or any governmental 
spending, or any special privilege. It proposes 
rather that two governments, our own and that 
of a friendly foreign country, shall sit down to- 
gether and determine, in the light of the best 
information that either can obtain, what par- 
ticular burdens and restrictions are unneces- 
sarily hampering the flow of mutually bene- 
ficial trade between them, and then that they 
shall give serious study to see whether and to 
what extent and in what way those burdens can 
be lightened without damage to domestic inter- 
ests in either country. If a practical way can 
be found to do so, from these studies comes an 
agreement, reducing the restrictions on both 
sides and promising each to the other complete 
non-discrimination and most-favored-nation 
treatment. The process is not glamorous ; it fol- 
lows no preconceived theories; and it contains 
no diplomatic victories. It requires long and 
detailed study, industry by industry, commodity 
by commodity; and it involves prolonged and 
patient negotiation. But the results, when 
agreement can be reached, are a solid and sub- 
stantial benefit to the people of both countries. 
And the benefits are lasting. The equality-of- 
treatment, often called "the most-favored- 
nation", pledges guarantee that the concessions 
granted on either side will not be vitiated, as 
long as the agreement remains in force, by 
greater concessions subsequently granted to the 
products of some other country. Through these 
pledges the United States has profited enor- 
mously in dollars and cents in lowered foreign 
tariffs for its exports. Under this program the 
United States and all other parties to the pro- 
gram refuse to engage in a process of competi- 

tive discrimination or of any other form of 
economic warfare. That is, it seems to me, the 
only kind of a commercial program between 
nations which in the long run can succeed. 

That it has succeeded up to date, from the 
point of view of the United States, is vouched 
for by the two renewals by the Congress, after 
extended hearings, in 1937 and in 1940, and by 
the impressive body of favorable testimony on 
the part of American industry, labor, agricul- 
ture, and the public that has come forward in 
the present hearings. That our foreign part- 
ners are well pleased is vouched by what they 
say and more impressively by the plain fact that 
though the original term of several of the agree- 
ments has expired no country with whom we 
have an agreement in effect has moved to termi- 
nate it. Instead, new customers are knocking 
at the door and we have made four new agree- 
ments since Pearl Harbor. 


The issue which we now face is no longer 
merely a question of commercial policy. It is 
no longer merely an issue between various spe- 
cial groups and interests within the United 

America is at war. We are fighting for our 
lives. We are fighting also for freedom and 
for a decent world for our children and for our 
children's children. In this fight, more devas- 
tating, more cruel, more terrible than any strug- 
gle which America has ever known, we are all 
one, pursuing common ends. There is no room 
for partisan differences or sectional disputes. 
All of us are Americans. All of us alike seek a 
post-war world free from growing mass unem- 
ployment and free from the destroying fires of 
recurrent and constantly threatening warfare. 
There is only one direction toward which Amer- 
ica can turn to gain these objectives. That is in 
the direction of increased and increasing inter- 
national cooperation and international trade. 
As to this there can be no difference of opinion. 
It is a matter of supreme foreign policy. 

In other words, the trade-agreements program 
must be considered today against an altogether 



different background from that of nine years 
ago. Then it was a question of commercial pol- 
icy, of high tariffs versus low tariffs, of dollars- 
and-cents profit or loss for this sectional group 
or for that. Today we live in a different world. 
Increased foreign trade is now a crucial issue of 
foreign policy. Today we stand at the fork of 
the road with the eyes of all nations upon us. 
Will America, with her matchless power and in- 
comparable strength, the acknowledged leader 
of post-war economic life, now move in the direc- 
tion of economic self-sufficiency regardless of 
the cost to us and to others, the policy which 
Germany pursued and which drove us all into 
the second World War, or will America move in 
the direction of international cooperation and 
increased trade, upon which alone lasting peace 
can be built ? Here is an issue of crucial foreign 
policy upon which there is no room for difference 
of opinion between Republicans and Democrats. 

The vote of Congress upon the present bill 
will be regarded by other nations as the acid test 
of America's future intentions. If we move in 
the direction of economic isolation other nations 
closely watching us today will be forced to move 
accordingly in a desperate effort to get along 
without our help. In that event there can be 
no other outcome but increasing economic strug- 
gle and growing bitterness, lowered national 
standards of living, increasing expenditures for 
armament, and eventually a third world war. 
One thing is sure. It is utterly impossible, and 
will always be impossible, to build international 
cooperation upon economic isolation. 

Once this stubborn reality is realized, the na- 
ture of the economic foundations required for a 
stable peace becomes clear. Today the standards 
of living, if not the very lives, of entire popula- 
tions are dependent upon a steady flow of raw 
materials, foodstuffs, and manufactures at prices 
unenhanced by prohibitive economic barriers, 
and also upon a steady sale of their own exporta- 
ble production in foreign markets for a remuner- 
ative return. 

If we are to have peace we must build for it ; 
and now is the time to lay the foundations. If 
we, allow short-sighted local and sectional de- 
mands for monopolistic privilege to dominate 

our thinking and our action, then no matter 
how ardently we may desire peace we shall not 
obtain it. Economic isolation leads inevitably 
to lowered standards of living and increased un- 
employment, to nation competing against na- 
tion in bitter struggle for shrunken markets, to 
competitive armaments and eventual war. 

If we are to achieve a lasting peace we must 
consciously and courageously move to overcome 
this drift. No nation can make the peace secure 
single-handed. But it can be done through in- 
ternational cooperation. Neither will any single 
measure be sufficient. Lasting peace can be 
achieved only through a combination of 
measures. Not the least of these must be in- 
creased international trade. 

. The bill now before Congress is in very truth 
one of the foundation stones — and a vastly im- 
portant one — -for the coming peace. Future 
Americans will look back upon this question as 
one of the really critical issues of the war. A 
wrong decision will deprive us of the fruits of 
victory — will make impossible the attainment 
of our war objectives. I feel supremely con- 
fident that the members of our Congress will de- 
cide this issue, not as sectional leaders but as 
Americans, true to American traditions, lead- 
ing in the battle for human progress. 


[Released to the press May 22 J 

An agreement has been reached with the Gov- 
ernment of Canada whereby exports from the 
United States and Canada to the other Amer- 
ican republics will be jointly programed. 

Effective June 1, 1943, Canada will participate 
in the decentralized export-control plan, the pur- 
pose of which is to assure that goods exported to 
the other American republics will be utilized to 
the best interest of the war effort and to main- 
tain the essential economy of those countries. 
The procedure provides for the joint program- 

MAT 22, 1943 


ing of exports within the available supply of 
scarce materials and within the available ship- 
ping space. 

The joint progi'aming of exports will follow 
as far as possible the specific requests or recom- 
mendations of the importing countries. Agen- 
cies have already been created in the other Amer- 
ican republics which certify within the avail- 
able supply and shipping tonnage orders for 
goods to be exported from the United States. 
This procedure is now to be extended to exports 
from Canada to those countries. The American 

diplomatic missions and the Canadian represent- 
atives in the other American republics will co- 
operate closely in this action. 

The operational details of integrating this ex- 
port program are being worked out by the De- 
partment of State, the Board of Economic 
Warfare, and Canadian officials. 

It is the underlying policy of both Govern- 
ments that in the operation of the decentraliza- 
tion plan no advantage should be taken by na- 
tionals of either country at the expense of the 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

Letter From President Roosevelt to the Opening Session 

The President sent the following letter to the 
opening session on May 18 of the Food Con- 
ference at Hot Springs, Va. The letter was 
read to the Conference by Judge Marvin Jones, 
chairman of the United States Delegation : 

"In your capacity as chairman of the United 
States delegation, and as temporary chairman 
of the United Nations Conference on Food and 
Agriculture, will you convey to the delegates 
assembled my heartfelt regret that I cannot be 
present in person to welcome them upon this 
historic occasion. Urgent matters in the pros- 
ecution of the war make it impossible for me 
to attend, and until we have won the uncondi- 
tional surrender of our enemies the achieve- 
ment of victory must be pressed above all else. 
Nevertheless, I hope that later I shall be able 
to meet the delegates and express to them per- 
sonally my profound conviction of the impor- 
tance of the task on which they are about to 

"This is the first United Nations conference. 
Together, we are fighting a common enemy. 
Together, also, we are working to build a world 

in which men shall be free to live out their lives 
in peace, prosperity and security. The broad 
objectives for which we work have been stated 
in the Atlantic Charter, the Declaration of 
United Nations, and at the meeting of the 
twenty-one American republics at Rio de 
Janeiro in January 1942. It is the purpose of 
tliis conference to consider how best to further 
these policies in so far as they concern the con- 
sumption, production and distribution of food 
and other agricultural products in the post-war 

"We know that in the world for which we are 
fighting and working the four freedoms must 
be won for all men. We know, too, that each 
freedom is dependent upon the others; that 
freedom from fear, for example, cannot be 
secured without freedom from want. If we are 
to succeed, each nation individually, and all na- 
tions collectively, must undertake these respon- 
sibilities: They must take all necessary steps to 
develop world food production so that it will be 
adequate to meet the essential nutritional needs 
of the world population. And they must see to 



it that no hindi'ances, whether of international 
trade, of transportation or of internal distribu- 
tion, be allowed to prevent any nation or group 
of citizens within a nation from obtaining the 
food necessary for healtli. Society must meet 
in full its obligation to make available to all its 
members at least the minimum adequate nutri- 
tion. The problems with which this conference 
will concern itself are the most fundamental of 
all human problems — for without food and 
clothing life itself is impossible. In this and 
other United Nations conferences we shall be 
extending our collaboration from war problems 
into important new fields. Only by working 
together can we learn to work together, and 
work tojrether we must and will." 


[Released to the press May 19] 

The delegates appointed by the American and 
British Governments to confer at Bermuda upon 
the refugee problem have now terminated their 
discussions and have submitted a report to their 
respective Governments. The two Governments 
have received this and are at present engaged in 
carrying out its recommendations. Throughout 
the discussions at Bermuda, the United States 
and British delegations as well as the two Gov- 
ernments worked in complete harmony and in a 
spirit of mutual cooperation. The report was 
submitted as a joint report and contains no 
divergence of opinion. 

While the details must be regarded as confi- 
dential so long as a knowledge of the recom- 
mendations contained therein would be of aid 
or comfort to our enemies or miglit adversely af- 
fect the refugees whom all are trying to aid, 
certain facts may now be made public. 

The two delegations accomplished the useful 
task of dividing suggestions and proposals for 
the solution of the refugee problem into two 

categories: (1) what was possible under existing 
war conditions and (2) wliat was impossible 
under these same conditions. 

All suggestions were measured by two strict 
criteria. In the first place, nothing could be 
recommended that would interfere with or delay 
the war effort of the United Nations, and, sec- 
ondly, any recommendation submitted must 
be capable of accomplishment under war condi- 

The shipping problem was recognized to be 
of the utmost urgency, and it was agreed that 
any plan looking to the diverting of allied ship- 
ping from the war effort to remove or care for 
refugees would present considerations of a mili- 
tary character which would disclose almost in- 
superable difKculties. It was also agreed that no 
negotiations with Hitler could be undertaken 
since his entire record has left no doubt that he 
would only agi'ee to such solutions as would be 
of direct aid to the Axis war aims. 

The conference was, however, able to recom- 
mend measures both for removing refugees from 
neutral countries and, in those cases where such 
removal was not possible, for giving assurances 
of international cooperation in the future of the 
refugee problem so far as it affected them. 

It also recommended a number of temporary 
I'efugee havens to which refugees could be trans- 
ported and maintained if and when shipping 
should become available. At least one such 
movement has been effected. 

Certain measures of a financial nature to cover 
necessary expenses and a declaration of inten- 
tion to provide for repatriation upon the termi- 
nation of hostilities were also recommended. 

The conference also submitted a plan for an 
expanded and more efficient intergovernmental 
organization with increased authority to meet 
the problems created or likely to arise under war 

Some of these measui-es are now being put into 
effect and others, it is hoped, will soon be possi- 
ble. It is therefore believed that the practical 
results of the recommendations submitted by 
the conference will soon become apparent. 

MAT 22, 1943 




fRelenscd to the press May 20] 

Edwin D. Dickinson, recently appointed Gen- 
eral Counsel of the American Mexican Claims 
Commission, on May 20 was sworn in at the 
Department of State. 

Mr. Dickinson, a recognized authority on in- 
ternational law and author of a number of works 
in that field, received the doctorate in interna- 
tional law at Harvard in 1918 and the profes- 
sional degree in law at Michigan in 1919. He 
has been a professor of law at Michigan, has 
taught law in the summer terms of Columbia, 
Stanford, and Cornell Universities, and was 
Dean of the School of Jurisprudence at the 
University of Califoi-nia, Berkeley, at the time 
of his appointment as Special Assistant to the 
Attorney General in Juno 1941. Mr. Dickinson 
leaves the Dei^artment of Justice to become Gen- 
eral Counsel to the Commission. 

The American Mexican Claims Commission 
consists of Edgar E. Witt, of Texas, chairman; 
Samuel M. Gold, of New York ; and Charles F. 
McLaughlin, of Nebraska. The commissioners 
were recently appointed by the President pur- 
suant to the provisions of the act of Congress 
known as the "Settlement of Mexican Claims 
Act of 1942". 

This act provides for adjudication and awards 
to claimants entitled to participate in the dis- 
tribution of a lump-sum settlement recently' ef- 
fected by the Department of State whereby the 
Republic of Mexico pays 40 million dollars to 
the United States in settlement of claims. Par- 
ticipating claims have originated over a long 
period extending from 18GS to 1940 and include 
claims for the expropriation of lands and mines, 
confiscation or destruction of personal property, 
injuries to individuals, and miscellaneous in- 
stances of alleged denial of justice. Included 
are all claims not heretofore finally adjudicated 
in which the Government of Mexico is alleged 

to have become responsible to the United States 
for injuries to American nationals, excepting 
claims concerning petroleum properties and 
certain claims arising from default of payment 
on Mexican bonds. 

Offices of the Commission occupy the building 
located at 1653 Pennsylvania Ave. NW., Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Regulations relating to claims before the 
American Mexican Claims Commission were 
promulgated by the Commission on May 18, 
1943. They are printed in full in the Federal 
Register of May 19, 1942, page 6535. 

American Republics 


[Released to the press May 10] 

On May 19 President Roosevelt announced the 
appointment of the Honorable Wayne Chatfield 
Taylor, Under Secretary of Commerce, and Mr. 
Harry D. White, Assistant to the Secretary of 
the Treasury, as the experts of this Government 
to serve with the two experts appointed by the 
Mexican Government to formulate a program 
for economic cooperation between the two Gov- 

The api^ointment of these experts is in accord 
with the announcement made on April 29 ^ of 
the agreement reached by President Roosevelt 
and President Avila Camacho during their re- 
ciprocal visits in Mexican and L^nited States ter- 
ritory to have expert economists study the 
disturbances in the balance of international pay- 
ments and the related economic situation of the 
ReiJublic of ' Mexico under the war economy. 
The four members of the joint committee may 
meet either in Mexico City or in Washington, 
and they expect to complete their deliberations 
not later than June 15 of the present year. 

' Btollbtin of May 1, 1943, p. 376. 


The Mexican Government has named as its 
experts on the committee Mr. Valentin K. Gar- 
fias, a well-known mining engineer, and Mr. 
Evaristo Araiza, general manager of the Mon- 
terrev Steel Works. 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press May 20] 

Dr. Vicente Donoso Torres, vice president of 
the National Council of Education of Bolivia, 
has arrived in Washington, as a guest of the 
Department of State, in order to visit public- 
school systems throughout the country. Because 
between 70 and 80 percent of Bolivia's children 
of school age are Indians, Dr. Donoso Torres is 
especially interested in ol)serving Indian schools 
in this country. He also wishes to investigate 
possibilities for exchange professorships be- 
tween Bolivian and United States universities 
and for the training in this country of Bolivian 
school teachers. 

Treaty Information 


Treaty Between the United States and China 
For the Relinquishment of Extraterritorial 
Rights in China 

On May 20, 1943 the Secretary of State, Mr. 
Cordell Hull, and the Chinese Ambassador at 
Washington, Dr. Wei Tao-ming, exchanged 
ratifications of the Treaty between the United 
States of America and the Republic of China 
for the Relinquishment of Extraterritorial 


Rights in China and the Regulation of Related 
Matters, signed at Washington on January 11, 
1943, and an accompanying exchange of notes 
signed on the same date.' 

The treaty and exchange of notes are brought 
into force on the day of the exchange of ratifi- 

Treaty Between the United Kingdom and Cliina 
For the Relinquishment of Extraterritorial 
Rights in China 

On May 20, 1943 representatives of the British 
and Chinese Governments exchanged at Chung- 
king ratifications of the Treaty between the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and North- 
ern Ireland and the Republic of China for the 
Relinquishment of Extraterritorial Rights in 
China and the Regulation of Related Matters 
signed at Chungking January 11, 1943. 


International Convention of 1936 


On May 10, 1943 the x\jnbassador of Colombia 
at Washington transmitted to the Secretary of 
State a copy of the Colombian OflScial Gazette 
25208 of March 22, 1943 which contains the text 
of Law 12 of March 11, 1943 giving approval to 
the Convention for the Suppression of the Illicit 
Traffic in Dangerous Drugs signed at Geneva on 
June 26, 1936. 


Agreement With Canada on the Joint Pro- 
graming of Exports to the Other American 

An announcement regarding an agreement 
with Canada for the joint programing of exports 
from the United States and Canada to the other 
American republics appears in this Bulletin 
under the heading "Commercial Policy". 

' BuiXETiN of Mar. 20, 1943, pp. 238-2.o0. 

MAT 22, 1043 



Agreement With Panama for Lease 
Of Defense Sites 

By a despatch dated May 12, 1943 the Ameri- 
can Embassy at Panama informed the Secretary 
of State that on May 10, 1943 the National As- 
sembly of Panama approved the agreement be- 
tween the United States and Panama which was 
signed at Panama on May 18, 1942, providing 
for the lease to the United States of defense sites 
in Panama,' and that on May 11, 1943 the Na- 
tional Executive Power of Panama signed Pan- 
amanian Law No. 141 by which the agreement 
was approved. 

It is provided in the agreement that it will 
enter into effect when approved by the National 
Executive Power of Panama and the National 
Assembly of Panama. 


Authorizing the Secretary of the Navy To Construct, 
and the President of the United States To Present 
to the People of St. Lawrence, Newfoundland, on 
Behalf of the People of the United States, a Hospital, 
Dispensary, or Other Memorial, for Heroic Services 
to Men of the United States Navy [at the time of the 
wreck of the U.S.S. Pollux and U.S.S. Truxtun near 
St. Lawrence in 1942]. H. Kept. 459, 78th Cong., 1st 
sess., on IIJ. Res. 118. 3 pp. 

Red Cross in Aid of Land and Naval Forces: Hearing 
Before the Committee on Military Affairs, U.S. Sen- 
ate, 78th Cong., 1st sess., on S. 67(j, a bill to amend 
an act entitled "An Act To provide for the use of 
the American National Red Cross in aid of the land 
and naval forces in time of actual or threatened 
war", il, 7 pp. 

Independent Offices Appropriation Bill for 1944 : Hear- 
ings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on 
Appropriations, U.S. Senate, 7Sth Cong., 1st sess., on 
H.R. 1762, a bill making appropriations for the Execu- 
tive office and sundry independent Executive bureaus, 
boards, commissions, and offices for the fiscal year 
ending June 30, 1944. and for other purposes, li, 
396 pp. 

Extending the Authority of tlie President Under Section 
350 of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended. [Covers 
the recommendation of tlie Finance Committee; the 
Trade Agreements Act and its administration ; the 
record before the committee, including the views of 
the Secretary of State ; an analysis of opposition 
arguments; and the committee's conclusions.] S. 
Kept. 258, 78th Cong., 1st sess., on H.J.Res. 111. 
iv, 55 pp. 

Defense Aid (Lend-Lease) Supplemental Appropriation 
Bill, 1943. H. Rept. 464, 78th Cong., 1st sess., on 
H.R. 2753. 16 pp. 


' BmxBTiN of May 23, 1942, p. 448. 

Department of State 

Treaties Submitted to the Senate 1942: Procedure dur- 
ing 1942 on Certain Treaties Submitted to the Senate 
19J3-1942 and Their Status as of December 31, 1942. 
Publication 1894. iv, 12 pp. 100. 

Exciiange of Official Publications: Agreement Between 
the United States of America and Paraguay — Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes signed at Asunci6n 
November 26 and 28, 1942; elTective .Vugust 5, 1042. 
Executive Agreement Series 301. Publication 1926. 
9 pp. 50. 

Otheb Government Agexcies 

Handbook of Emergency War Agencies. March 1943. 
(U.S. Office of War Information.) 143 pp. 200. 

Inter-American Cooperation Through Colleges and Uni- 
versities. (U.S. Office of Education.) Education 
and National Defense Series, no. 14. 34 pp. 15^. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 
Price. 10 cents - - . - Subscription price, $2.75 a year 




MAY 29, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 205— Publication 1943 


The War rage 
Address by the Former American Ambassador to 

Japan 463 

Address by Assistant Secretary Berle 468 

American Nationals in Japanese Custody 472 

Appointment of the President's Personal Representa- 
tive in French West Africa 472 

Visit to the United States of the President of Liberia . 472 

Dissolution of the Commimist International 473 

American Republics 

Economic Cooperation With Mexico 473 

Visit to the United States of Members of the Bohvian 

Labor Ministry 474 

Cultural Relations 

Distinguished Visitors From Other American Re- 
publics 474 

Treaty Information 

Extraterritoriality: Treaty With China Relinquishing 

Extraterritorial Rights in Cliina 475 

Legislation 475 


JUN ..B 1943 

The War 


[Released to the press May 27] 

On the last evening of the Harvard Tercen- 
tenary Celebration, September 18, 1936, a con- 
cert was given in Symphony Hall at M'hieh, for 
the final number, Dr. Koussevitsky played his 
special arrangement of "Fair Harvard". That 
was indeed the dropping of the curtain on one 
of the most impressive academic gatherings in 
the history of our country or of any country. 
I had come all the way from Japan to attend, 
and the inspiration of those memorable three 
days in the lives of many of us can never fade. 
Dr. Koussevitsky began "Fair Harvard" softly 
and slowly, like a hymn ; the second verse surged 
up and out; and the last verse, with the 
Symphony Orchestra and the Tercentenary 
Chorus, composed of 325 Harvard and Radcliffe 
voices, playing and singing fortissimo with all 
their hearts and souls as if to give expression 
to the glory of Harvard and all that Harvard 
stands for, rang out like an exultant march, 
symbolizing the irresistible and inevitable 
triumph of American youth crashing through 
all obstacles to victory. 

Farewell ! Be thy destinies onward and bright ! 

To thy children the lesson still give, 
With Freedom to think, and with patience to bear, 

And for right ever bravely to live. 

"With freedom to think." That phrase repre- 
sents one of the fundamental causes for which 
our nation is fighting today; it represents one of 
the fundamental causes for whose defense Har- 

^ Commencement address delivered by the Honorable 
Joseph C. Grew, now Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of State, to the Harvard Alumni Association, May 27, 

531108 — 13 

vard, in the vanguard of our nation, has girded 
herself for war. That Harvard finds herself in 
that vanguard is due primarily to the traditions 
of tlie university and the essential values of life 
for which the university stands, but it is also 
due in large measure to the enlightened vision 
and the indomitable resolution of the leader who 
sits here beside me. Vision alone would not 
have been enough. In the midst of questioning 
and doubt in many quarters, only strength, de- 
termination, and exalted coui'age, "with firm- 
ness in the right, as God gives us to see the 
right", could have brought the university to the 
outstanding position it holds in our united war 
effort today, and it is to the leadership of the 
president of the university that Harvard owes 
her present proud position as one of the fore- 
most military and naval academies in the United 
States. A friend said to me the other day quite 
simply, "Thank God for Conant", a sentiment 
which our Harvard Alumni Association most 
heartily and most gratefully echoes. 

President Conant, the alumni of Harvard 
note that this is a momentous year of your life. 
We are aware that it includes the attainment of 
your fiftieth birthday and the completion of 
your tenth year as president of this great 

We look back over the decade, and we are 
deeply grateful for the courage, vision, and the 
leadership you have brought to Harvard. We 
look forward with high confidence and affection 
to 3-our continuing service in the days of peace 
which we hope are not too many years ahead. 

It is my great pleasure and privilege to pre- 
sent you on behalf of the Harvard Alumni 



Association this small gift as a token of our 
esteem. The gift, an ashtray dating from 1685 
and an inkstand dating from 1760, bears this 
inscription : 

To James Bryant Coiiant on the occasion of the tenth 
Harvard commencement since his election to office. In 
recognition of his leadership and foresight in a decade 
divided between peace and war; in gratitude for his 
strengthening example as alumnus scientist educator 
and ijatriotic citizen. 

On the reverse are these words from Ralph 
Waldo Emerson : 

The sun set, but set not his hope ; 
Stars rose, his faith was earlier up. 

"With freedom to think." During the past 
10 years I have lived in a country where free 
thought is not tolerated. Indeed, a large and 
important branch of the police force known as 
the "Thought Control Police" was constantly 
on the alert to ferret out so-called "dangerous 
thoughts". If those who were suspected of har- 
boring thoughts which could be interpreted as 
running counter to the policies and measures of 
their totalitarian leaders did not, under third- 
degree methods or worse, see the light and be- 
come regenerated to the satisfaction of the 
authorities, they quite simply remained in prison 
or disappeared. Much the same situation pre- 
vails in the other Axis countries; they, also, are 
enshrouded in a foul miasma of intellectual fog, 
distorted information, untruth and lies, in which 
"freedom to think" is, under dire penalties, pro- 
hibited. Access to the truth is, so far as hu- 
manly possible, denied to the peoples in those 
misguided lands. Freedom to think, freedom 
to seek the truth — for those great principles we 
fight today. 

"With patience to bear." Is not the record 
of our pre-war. relations with our present 
enemies a long, long story of almost superhuman 
patience in the face of continued insults, out- 
rage, and deadly menace? Need I mention, 
among many other provocations, the savage 
treatment of the Jews by the Nazis, the sinking 


of the Panay, the utterly inhuman bombing of 
missions, hospitals, and schools throughout 
China by the Japanese? Need I mention the 
repeated i^romises broken, the perennial assur- 
ances unfulfilled? Yes, we bore with extraor- 
dinary patience, and for many years before 
Pearl Harbor. We and our allies again and 
again showed a willingness to pay the price of 
13eace : to be reasonable when it would have been 
pleasanter to be heroic, to be patient when every 
impulse was toward angry retaliation. 

"And for right ever bravely to live." From 
the earliest days of our pioneering the Amer- 
ican people have lived bravely. When war has 
been forced upon us we have fought bravely. 
Today we fight for our land, our homes, and our 
way of life — that we may live for the right as 
we conceive and always have conceived it. 

Wars are often directly or indirectly traceable 
to economic factors. Elimination of various 
economic inequalities, discriminations, and even 
injustices will go far toward preventing inter- 
national conflicts. But another factor, namely 
an understanding of other peoples and of the 
history, psychology, and resources of other peo- 
ples, if that understanding existed, might often 
act as a preventive of war. In the old days in 
Berlin before 1914 I constantly saw exemplified 
among the German people, and especially among 
the Junker army officers, a complete failure to 
grasp foreign psychology. Their estimates of 
other peoples were always wrong. Would the 
Germans have attacked France in 1914 if they 
had then known that they were to face even- 
tually the combined might of Britain, France, 
and the United States ? 

And what of Japan in 1941? Throughout 
these many years the Japanese people and espe- 
cially the military elements, few of whom have 
ever been abroad, were told that the United 
States was an imperialistic nation determined 
to drive Japan to the wall by reaching out for a 
preponderant position in east Asia and by cut- 
ting Japan off from access to the raw materials 
which she needed for her national security and 

MAT 29, 1943 


welfare. Utterly futile were our efforts to con- 
vey to them the truth : that our country and our 
])eople wished Japan well; that we wanted and 
needed a prosperous Japan, if only because the 
trade of our two countries was largely comple- 
mentary rather than competitive; and that if 
only they would abandon armed aggression and 
the use of force as an instrument of national 
policy we, for our part, would gladly cooperate 
with them in insuring a free flow of trade and 
commerce, access to needed raw materials on 
the basis of equality of opportunity, and such 
other legitimate activities as would conduce to 
their welfare and a rising standard of living. 
Rut they turned a deaf ear. 

Tlie Japanese i-egarded us as a pampered and 
decadent people, dependent upon our daily lux- 
uries and comforts, unwilling and unable to 
make the self-sacrifices and self-denials required 
for successful war. Democracy they considered 
bankrujit. American life and morale were rep- 
resented to them as being undermined by isola- 
tionism, labor troubles, and general disunity. 
How could such a nation and such a disrupted 
people ever become united and fight a successful 

Even today the Japanese people are allowed 
no conception of our mighty war effort, no 
knowle<^lge of our military and naval victories. 
They are allowed no access to the truth. No 
foreign newspapers or magazines, no short-wave 
radio sets are permitted. They are told of a 
continuing series of Japanese successes, few 
Japanese losses, and a long line of American 

But I think that their leaders, who have access 
to the facts, must alreadj- be able to read the 
handwriting on the wall. Those leaders must 
already perceive that democracy, far from being 
bankrupt, is capable of superlative and steadilj^ 
accelerating effort, and that Japan's days as a 
once proud and aggressive nation are to come to 
an end. If only they had better understood the 
psAchologj- and capacities of the American peo- 
ple, if only they had been allowed to know that a 

free people like ourselves can and will achieve 
unity and will fight to victory not only for our 
national safety but for principle and righteous- 
ness and truth. They knew it not. But they 
shall know ! 

And they shall know more. They shall learn 
not only of the stamina and character of the 
American people but of our determination to 
fight and to win for something beyond our mere 
national safety. The willingness of the United 
States to fight for principle is ingrained in the 
fibre of our people. President Roosevelt, in his 
annual mes.sage to the Congress on January 4, 
1939, expressed that eternal verity in better 
words than I could find : 

"Tliere comes a time in the affairs of men when 
they must prepare to defend not their homes 
alone but the tenets of faith and humanity on 
which their churches, their governments, and 
their very civilization are founded. The de- 
fense of religion, of democracy, and of good 
faith among nations is all the same fight. To 
save one we must now make up our minds to 
save all." 

"For right ever bravely to live." It is for 
those fundamental concepts that we fight today. 

A primary axiom of war is to know your 
enemy. Yet how little our people as a whole 
really know or understand the Japanese. We 
fall into the perfectly natural error of trying to 
measure Japanese mentality and psychology 
with western yardsticks ^and thus arrive at 
wrtmg cf)nceptions and false conclusions. It is 
their military machine that teaches the Japanese 
people ruthlessness and barbarism. The hide- 
ous cruelties practised in the course of their cam- 
paigns in Cliina and elsewhere, their bombing 
of defenseless towns and villages, their cold- 
blooded slaughter of civilians are not the spon- 
taneous acts of wild beasts in human form. 
Those Japanese soldiers are controlled by proba- 
bly the most rigid discipline that exists in any 
army in the world. Absolute obedience to com- 
mands is inculcated. They are taught that to 



disobey an officer is to disobey the Emperor. 
Their acts of ruthlessness are a part of a care- 
fully planned strategy, a strategy developed by 
their military leaders in the mistaken belief 
that such acts will gradually undermine and 
eventually break the morale of their enemies. 
It may be assumed that the execution of prison- 
ers taken in the Doolittle raid over Japan was 
carried out with that end in view. Unques- 
tionably they believed that that utterly savage 
act would exert an intimidating effect on the 
American people. How little do we understand 
their character. How little do they understand 
ours. How little do they understand our ca- 
pacity for sustained anger m the face of in- 
famous affront or our unconquerable determina- 
tion once the issue is joined to work, to sacrifice, 
to fight through to victory for the fundamental 
principles of our way of life. But they shall 
know ! 

What I am leading up to is this : Even in our 
own country — and I have been all over our coun- 
try since coming home last summer — I find a 
surprising and ominous lack of understanding 
among our own people of the problems of for- 
eign affairs and of the lives, history, resources, 
habits, and psychologies of foreign nations and 
foreign peoples. Various bodies throughout the 
Nation are doing admirable service in fields 
hitherto inadequately explored in this country, 
but they are only nuclei which should be greatly 
expanded as time goes on. After the war, when 
the liberal arts can once again come into their 
own, all our institutions of learning should in 
my opinion lay far more emphasis than in the 
past on these things, and I earnestly hope that 
here again Harvard may be in the vanguard. 
The ways and means are for the authorities to 
consider. I venture merely to lay down the gen- 
eral principle that in our country, as in every 
country in the world, a goodly knowledge not 
only of foreign psychologies but of the prob- 
lems — all the great problems — that beset foreign 
nations, particularly the Far Eastern nations 
and peoples, is the surest way of avoiding future 

wars. Isolation in our modern world has become 
an anachronism. 

But first of all we must win the war. In a 
jjeace-loving democracy like ours, the wheels of 
war grind slowly ; there is, at the outset, inertia 
and friction. We are not geared in time of peace 
for war; we begin war as novices. We start in 
low gear and j^ainf ully and with many creakings 
of the machine we gradually move to second 
gear. But finally we slip into high gear with the 
comjDonent parts of the mighty machine work- 
ing in unison, developing power as we go, and 
then nothing in the world can stop us, nothing 
in the world ever could stop us as a free people 
fighting not only for our way of life but for prin- 
ciple, righteousness, and truth ; fighting so that 
our institutions of learning and, let us hope, the 
universities and colleges and schools everywhere 
may freely pursue again their search for truth ; 
fighting so that freedom of thought and the lib- 
eral arts shall forever prevail ; fighting so that, 
in the words of Emerson, aptly quoted by Presi- 
dent Conant at the Tercentenary, the scholar 
may freely take up into himself all the ability of 
the time, all the contributions of the past, all the 
hopes of the future. 

We have, I fear, a long, hard road still ahead, 
a road beset with much blood, much sweat, and 
many tears, before final victory can be achieved. 
The moral stimulation that comes to our people 
from successes on the field of battle, whether on 
land or sea or in the air, is good, but the danger 
of complacency is ever present. The Germans 
are hardy fighters, long trained for war ; the Jap- 
anese likewise, and between them they occupy 
today a very large proportion of the surface of 
the earth. 

Japan, in the far-flung areas now under her 
domination, now possesses all, or nearly all, the 
necessities for tremendous national power. We 
are dealing with fanatical warriors of intense 
stamina, staying power, and courage, who wel- 
come death on the field of battle and to whom 
surrender is generally an unthinkable disgrace. 

MAY 29, 1943 


Up until now, I fear, we have barely 
scratched and only slightly damaged their 
potential power. Yes, we have a long and diffi- 
cult road ahead, yet never for a single moment 
have I ever doubted our ultimate victory. 
Achievement of that victory will require the 
constantly progressive development of our own 
national production and power, and the maxi- 
mum effort of every man, woman, and child 
throughout our land — for even the child in 
following his daily curriculum is contributing, 
just as is every student, his share to the war 
effort. Even those who are children today will 
eventually have to take up the burden, if not 
of the war itself then of helping to construct a 
new world. But we cannot rest until that can- 
cer of militarism has been totally excised, 
rendered impotent further to function or to 
grow, and rendered powerless to reproduce 
itself in future. Once that has been accom- 
plished we shall, without any doubt, find 
healthy elements in Japan about which a stable 
edifice can be built, and that misguided nation 
may once again take its place as a respected 
member in the family of nations. 

Meanwhile, Harvard is proudly contributing 
and will continue to contribute her maximum 
share to the war effort of our country, and when 
I speak of Harvard I refer not only to the uni- 
versity itself but also to the great body of the 
Alumni Association. To membership in that 
body, and on behalf of the association, I cor- 
dially welcome you who today have received 
degrees from this university. Yours is the 
privilege, yours is the obligation, throughout 
life, of highly representing Harvard. No 
greater honor has come to me than to have been 
called to preside over this association during 
the past year. To my successor, most wisely 
chosen, the opportunities, the privileges, and 
the responsibilities, and, may I say, the great 
inspiration of the office are now with confidence 
entrusted. No general, leading a mighty army 
of 80,000 picked men, could ever experience the 

well-justified pride that must be felt by any 
president of the Harvard Alumni Association. 
For just as Harvard herself is a powerful driv- 
ing force in the Nation, constantly leavening 
our national life with the finest types of Ameri- 
can manhood, prepared and inspired for service 
by "the herald of light and the bearer of love, 
till the stock of the Puritans die", so the alumni 
of Harvard have with reverence and deep affec- 
tion for their Alma Mater taken up the torch 
handed on to them by the university. Now, 
more than ever before, thej' are called upon to 
be faithful to that trust. 

In closing I venture to read from a letter 
published not long ago in the Reader's Digest. 
Perhaps most of you have already seen it, but it 
cannot be read too often. I only wish that it 
could be learned by heai-t by every American. 
It is called "Testament of Youth", a letter from 
a United States naval aviator, missing since the 
Battle of Midway, to a friend at home : 

"The Fates have been kind to me. Wlien you 
hear people saying harsh things about American 
youth, you will know how wrong they all are. 

"Many of my friends are now dead. To a 
man, each died with a nonchalance that each 
would have denied was courage, but simply 
called a lack of fear and forgot the triumph. 

"Out here between the spaceless sea and sky, 
American youth has found itself, and given of 
itself, so that a spark may catch, burst into 
flame, and burn high. If our country takes 
these sacrifices with indifference it will be the 
cruelest ingratitude the world has ever known. 

"You will, I know, do all in your power to 
help others keep the faith. My luck can't last 
much longer. But the flame goes on and only 
that is important." 

Gentlemen, Harvard and this association will 
see that "the flame goes on", and that in leading 
to victory that flame shall illumine the world 
and shall make men free in their search for 




[Released to the press May 29] 

Only a few short years ago graduation from 
universities and technical schools was a difficult 
and unhappy occasion. The young men and 
women asked anxiously of their elders whether 
there was any place in the world for them; 
whether they were needed or wanted ; whether 
their training was of real use. Their elders 
were not able to give any satisfactory answer. 
Every profession was said to be overcrowded. 
In most lines of endeavor a terrible word was 
used : overproduction. Graduates, who rightly 
combine great realism with high ideals, left their 
schools with a real reason to wonder whether 
their room would not be more welcome than 
their company. 

You have been fortunate in many matters, 
but particularly in this respect. No one today 
will leave you wondering whether you are really 
needed. Instead, there is a great wish that there 
were many, many more of you. No one will 
ask whether your training is i:seful. Everyone 
knows that every bit of it will be put to work 
overnight. No one talks of overproduction. 
Everything that can be produced will be needed, 
and still there will be none too much. Youth 
today has its great hour. 

I think this is not merely the temporary stress 
of war. In recent years your elders, too. have 
been at school — a harder school, which has its 
own severe way of teaching and which imposes 
its lessons. 

It is not likely that we shall talk of overpro- 
duction for some time to come, not even in agri- 
culture. The signs are already out, indeed, that 
for some time to come every means of agricul- 
tural production will be strained to the limit to 
take care of outstanding and pressing obliga- 
tions. This situation will last for some time. 
A single illustration will perhaps serve. 

We are at this moment entering a desperate 
but hopeful stage of this vast World War. We 
do not fight alone ; it is open to question, indeed. 

' Delivered to the graduating class of Utah State 
Agricultural College, Logan, Utah, May 29, 1943. 

whether we could fight alone with real chance 
of final victory. Our allies, notably Britain, 
Russia, China, as well as the other United Na- 
tions, have strained every nerve to check and 
defeat the modern imitators of Genghis Khan. 
Russia alone has had to throw into a fighting 
front 3,000 miles long the flower of her produc- 
tive manhood and womanhood ; she lost tempo- 
rarily a gi^eat part of her most fertile land. She 
will need food to the utmost extent of our trans- 
port : she will need it now, but she will need it 
even more pressingly next year. It is, rightly, 
a part of our obligation to see that food is avail- 
able and that it goes forward. And this is but 
one of many claims which we must meet as a 
necessary and obvious part of winning the war. 
Even after the military defeat of the Axis there 
will be a continuing obligation to work toward 
the necessary clean-up of the greatest mess in 
history ; and supply of food inevitably will be a 
major part of this process. 

This is a single dramatic illustration, but it 
scarcely gives an idea of the real problem. As 
countries are liberated, one by one, the immedi- 
ate problems will not diminish but will grow. 
Every new victory means an increased demand 
for supplies. It cannot be otherwise. 

You are, therefore, fortunate in having 
trained yourselves for direct production. That 
holds equal place with fighting; when the 
fighting stops, it will hold first place. For 
production is the base of all economic life. It 
nnist be the source of supply. It must make 
possible necessary distribution. It alone can 
give value to money and currency. Without 
it, no structure, economic or social, has any 
meaning. Today we think of the battle of 
production as a part of winning the war. It 
will indeed be the principal factor in winning 
the peace. 

Among the lessons which have been learned 
of recent years in the hard school of experience 
has been the lesson that production in any coun- 
try today depends in great measure on inter- 
national understanding. This is because, if 

MAT 29, 1943 

rou disconnect any country from others, pro- 
duction suddenly becomes difficult and is 
rapidly found to be insufficient. We used to 
think that tlie United States was so nearly 
self-sufficient that international matters did 
not mean much to our factory towns and to 
our great farm areas. Many people still felt 
that as late as December 1941. Then one day 
a Japanese fleet cut us off from Malaya and the 
Dutch East Indies; and only a little later a 
surprised country ])e<ran to wonder whether it 
would not be paralyzed for lack of rubber and 
tin — a paralysis which would cut our motor 
traffic to notliiiig, cripple our farm machinery 
and our distribution, and force its effects back 
into the most isolated mountain home. 

I do not think that anyone here who has 
faced the possibility that motor transport 
would stop will say again that this country 
has no interest in foreign affairs. Again, the 
illustration could be carrietl, with less drama, 
into a thousand fields of life. 

Any production, of farm or factory, is most 
effective today if it is part of a general coopera- 
tive process in which substantially all the na- 
tions of the world have a part. Cut any 
country from the main channels of exchange 
and trade, and you condemn great numbers in 
that country to economic misery. 

There is a name for internati<mal economic 
cooperation. That name is commerce. By 
commerce we have exchanged services for 
services, goods for goods, payments against 
payments. The process can be helped from 
time to time by credit. Wien all the lines go 
down, and when we are dealing with ultimates, 
as we are in this war, we cut all the corners; 
we ask all hands to contribute what they can 
to the common cause; and we call the process 
"lend-lease". Today, substantiallj- all the 
United Nations are lend-leasing to each other: 
we to our allies and they to us. 

Wars fortunately do not last forever; and it 
is to be expected that in due time we shall no 
longer need lend-lease and will develop again 
the processes of trade and commerce which 
make your production and mine possible. 


Probably that readjustment will have to be 
assisted by credit. But it nmst be assumed 
that if we are to live at all the international 
process will be reestablished. Certainly if you 
are to lead happy and fruitful lives in agricul- 
ture it must be restored. 

These are elementary and obvious facts. 
Less often do we go behind those facts and see 
what is really needed if this process of inter- 
national agreement is to be maintained. There, 
too, the bitter school of experience has taught 
some lessons. 

Before there can be any soundly based 
international commerce, there must be peace 
and the assurance of peace. No one, in the 
United States certainly, will accept without 
a struggle the idea that we and our children 
will live out our lives in a world perpetually 
at war or perpetually under the threat of war. 
We propose, if we can. to create a situation in 
which peace exists and in which the peace will 
be kept. This is what is meant by President 
Roosevelt's phrase freedom- jram. fear. We 
have learned that peace is not had by wishing. 
We have seen the most peaceful countries in 
the world — Norway, for example — shattered, 
despite the most correct behavior, by a neigh- 
bor from whom she had every right to expect 
gratitude and not enmity. Clearly, more is 
needed than good intentions and good conduct. 

AVe have learned, too, that the United States 
has no God-given immunity from this problem. 
On two occasions during the present war we 
have been in the most desperate national peril. 
The firs-t occasion was in the summer of 1940, 
when the British alone stood against the Axis; 
when Germany planned, and indeed may have 
had within her power, the conquest of Britain. 
In that summer we were not adequately pre- 
pared; and had the German plan of seizing 
Britain. Iceland, and Greenland been carried 
out we should have had war on our own shores. 

The second occasion was last November. An 
American and British expedition was afloat, 
headed for North Africa to invade the Mediter- 
ranean. At that same moment a powerful 
Japanese force was launched against Guadal- 



canal. Fortune blessed our arms and gave us 
victory in both battles. But had the issue been 
different we should have been sorely tried. If 
the Germans had forestalled us on the African 
shoulder and clinched their control of the At- 
lantic, if the Japanese had been able to drive 
us back to the mid-Pacific, we should today have 
been a besieged country. 

The two victories, coming within a few days, 
changed the entire aspect of the war. 

We must never forget that we could not have 
met this double peril alone. Our North African 
force was powerfully supported by the British 
attacking in Libya, by British naval and trans- 
port units, and by British and French armies. 
On the Pacific side we were working in con- 
junction with Australia, were using British 
islands and territories, and could develop our 
position only because we were in partnership 
with Australia, New Zealand, and Britain, who 
held the islands. Together we could block an 
attack in the Pacific and could smash into the 
Axis Mediterranean line. Separately, neither 
would have been able to meet the onslaught. 

Just as the combined effort prevented the 
peace-breaker from being victorious, combined 
effort could and can prevent anyone from daring 
to break the peace. The lesson which we did 
not learn in 1919 is writ for us in letters of fire 
today. Undei'standings with peace-loving na- 
tions must be found to assure that the peace 
will be kept. With assurance of peace the 
energies of this and other countries can be lib- 
erated for the constructive tasks which ought 
to be the crown of modern civilization. This 
has to be said and repeated and repeated again. 
The peace is lost unless it carries with it reason- 
able assurance that it will continue. Unless 
this is done, no businessman can make plans ; no 
serious commerce can be started ; no constructive 
program can be realized; no progressive pro- 
gram stands a chance of success. 

The second essential is the reliance that the 
line of free movement of ideas, goods, and serv- 
ices must be kept open. This is itself a short 
statement of a profound set of conditions. You 
do not get open channels of trade unless you 

have safe routes, adequate transport, and safety 
and certainty of handling. These, in turn, can 
only exist in a world in which standards of 
honesty and fair dealing are not only accepted 
in words but lived up to in dependable practice. 
In other words, the continued transit of goods 
which is needed for the life of every country 
depends at last on a world of honest men, dealing 
fairly with each other. 

National policies must be such that this can 
happen. You cannot expect to have free transit 
of goods if the nations of the world are engaged 
in building higher barriers to trade; if their 
tariff systems are rigged, one against the other, 
in the futile hope of catching a temporary ad- 
vantage; if they have tricks of discriminatory 
practice; if money and banking and interna- 
tional exchange rates are being worked one 
against the other. That is why the present dis- 
cussion in Washington of the Trade Agreements 
Act, the American method of seeking steadily 
to reduce these barriers, is of inestimable im- 
portance, both as a symbol of our willingness 
to work in a fairly organized world and for 
the solid achievements which have been reached 
by applying this method. 

That is why any government intent on win- 
ning the peace as well as the war has to think 
of the problem of monetary stabilization and 
to seek sound ways and means by which money 
shall assist and not retard the flow of goods. 

That is why we have to be working toward 
fair and equitable arrangements for transport, 
by sea and by air ; toward systems of communi- 
cations which will adequately serve the needs of 
a modern world; and a number of similar 

All these matters are a part of the fabric of 
affairs which has enabled this country to be 
productive beyond measure ; which has made it 
2)ossible for the United States to enjoy an 
abundance unknown in previous history. Per- 
haps a minor blessing out of the great sorrow 
of war is the fact that the war has taught us 
our vital interest in this fabric of arrangement 
between nations. These arrangements were al- 
ways present from the beginning of our history ; 

MAT 29, 1943 

but in older days we took no thought of them 
or, more accurately, we took them for granted. 
In the quiet era of the nineteenth century the 
patterns had been set and they were peacefully 
observed. We had sufficient freedom to enter 
these patterns without working toward their 
creation. First, as a small power, we had little 
responsibility for building the pattern; later, 
in our growing strength, we were careful not 
to interrupt it. This great fabric of national 
relations thus existed by general consent; and 
we enjoyed the fruits of it. 

With 1914 that peaceful pattern came to a 
shattering end. It was never fully reestablished, 
though we had the illusion of its existence dur- 
ing the decade of the twenties. We know today 
that the forces were building even then for a 
new and greater catastrophe. One by one, the 
great trade routes were being cut or strangled ; 
in different parts of the world three nations 
ordered their lives with the intent not of keep- 
ing the peace but of breaking it ; of setting up 
a campaign for world-conquest and world- 
plunder on a scale so vast that this country de- 
clined to believe that it was the work of sane 
men. The convulsion of today is the result. 
Winning the peace of tomorrow must mean the 
rebuilding of those conditions under which 
peace and production under freedom can again 
go forward. 

Today no world offers us entry into a ready- 
made system. As the strongest single power, 
the world asks of us what system we will join 
in creating. It is our turn and time to speak. 

Victory, to be complete, must give us the 
structure of a new plateau of peace — not only 
as serving our vital national interest but also 
to meet the dictates of common humanity. It 
is notable that the conditions of such a plateau 
of peace are stated as "freedoms" — freedoms 
under which individuals as well as nations shall 
enjoy the fruit of victory. We know that free- 
dom from fear and want are within the range 
of modern productive equipment. Your agri- 
cultural technique has opened great vistas in 
new products. The technicians in laboratories 
see endless visions to be drawn from the raw 


materials of the earth. The question asked of 
us — a question which will be answered by your 
generation — is whether we are wise enough, 
restrained enough, straight-thinking enough, 
and good enough to make sure that our social 
and political arrangements will permit us to 
benefit from this advance in technique. 

In closing, I dare not omit a statement which 
may seem strange in these days when economics 
and engineering are supposed to be dominant. 
I do not believe in economics or engineering 
or technique by themselves unless they are in- 
formed and directed by a faith which tran- 
scends material things. It has recently become 
usual to sneer at spiritual forces. But the 
hardest boiled technical students of history and 
the men who manage great affairs do not enter 
into that laughter. The anthropologist knows 
that no civilization has lasted more than a few 
years without a dominant faith. The his- 
torian knows that no community, and no em- 
pire, has yet been built except by men who had 
a faith transcending life itself. The diplomat 
knows that national strength is based on na- 
tional morals. The building of Utah in a for- 
bidding wilderness is a living witness. Your 
State was not set up by a colonization com- 
pany. It was made by men of vision and 
passionate spiritual belief. 

In this war we dispose of forces beyond the 
conceptions of history. At the close of it we 
shall have possibilities of production un- 
dreamed of by our fathers. We shall have in 
our hands the tools to make the world as we 
wish it. But what we wish, and what we will 
do, turns on the faith which each of us has. 

We must hold and keep our spiritual life, 
poignantly in the hour of battle, humbly in the 
hour of victory, proudly in the hour of sacri- 
fice, steadily in the long yeai's of reconstruc- 
tion. You, as young men and women, will 
spend your lives in creating the new world. 
It may not be amiss to remember the words of 
the One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Psalm : 
"Except the Lord build the house, they labour 
in vain that build it : excejit the Lord keep the 
city, the watchman waketh but in vain." 




[Released to tbe press May 25] 

Relatives and friends of Americans held as 
iPrisoners of war by the Japanese military 
authorities have inquired of various agencies of 
the Government concerning the prospects for 
their early repatriation, suggesting in most 
cases that Japanese prisoners of war be offered 
in exchange for the Americans. 

There are tliree distinct categories of Ameri- 
can nationals in Japanese custody, namely: 

(1) Prisoners of war, that is, members of 
the American armed forces who have been 
captured by the Japanese armed forces, 

(2) Sanitary and religious personnel cap- 
tured while serving with the armed forces, and 

(3) Civilians in Japan or Japanese-occupied 
or controlled territory, the majority of whom 
have been interned. 

The status of negotiations for an exchange 
of civilian nationals between the United States 
and Japan was discussed in a press release ap- 
pearing in the Bulletin of May 22, 1943, page 

There is no customarily accepted practice 
among nations nor provision of international 
law or conventions for the return or exchange 
during war of able-bodied members of the 
armed forces of one belligerent captured by the 
forces of the opposing belligerents. It is a 
major objective of warfare to deplete as rapidly 
as possible the forces of the enemy, and it has 
so far been deemed inexpedient for military 
reasons to propose the release and return of 
able-bodied prisoners of war. In the circum- 
stances, there is no immediate prospect of ob- 
taining the release and return to the United 
States of able-bodied members of the American 
armed forces taken prisoners of war by the 

The only prisoners of war whose release and 
return to their own country is provided for and 
sanctioned by international agreement and prac- 
tice are the seriously sick and seriously wounded 
who are no longer capable of contributing to 

the enemj' war effort. The release and return 
of such prisoners is provided for in the Geneva 
Prisoners of War Convention of 1929, which 
both Japan and the United States are apply- 
ing in this war. Steps are already under way 
for implementing the relevant provisions of 
that convention. Military operations and the 
difficulties of transportation through military 
zones are the principal obstacles at present in 
the way of such a movement. 

Negotiations are also under way for the re- 
lease and return of such captured sanitary and 
religious personnel as may not be needed to 
care for their compatriots who are prisoners 
of war. 

Every endeavor is being made to obtain the 
release as quickly as possible of those eligible 
therefor, and all feasible steps are being taken 
to provide for the well-being of all our na- 
tionals of whatever category in enemy hands 
until such time as they can be offered an oppor- 
tunity to return to their homes in the United 


(Released to the press May 26] 

The President has appointed Admiral Wil- 
liam Glassford as his Personal Representative, 
witli the rank of Minister, in French West 
Africa. Admiral Glassford will head an Ameri- 
can Mission at Dakar to coordinate and super- 
vise American activities in that area. He will 
leave for his post in the near future. 


[Released to the press May 24] 

His Excellency Edwin Barclay, President of 
the Republic of Liberia, who is expected to 
arrive in Washington at 4:25 p.m., May 26, 

MAT 29, 1943 


will be accompanied to this country by His Ex- 
cellency W. V. S. Tubman, President-elect of 
Liberia, and Capt. Alford Russ, of the Liberian 
Frontier Force. 

In addition to the above, the presidential 
party will include Mr. Walter F. Walker, Consul 
(reneral of Liberia at New York; Brig. Gen. 
Benjamin O. Davis, U.S. Ai-my, military aide; 
Mr. Frederick P. Hibbard, Department of State, 
formerly American Charge at Monrovia, Li- 
beria ; and Mr. Edward W. Nash, Department 
of State. 

President Barclay will proceed to the White 
House, where he will be received by President 
Roosevelt and an official welcoming committee. 
He will be tendered an official dinner at the 
White House on the evening of his arrival and 
will stay at the White House overnight. The 
following day. May 27, he will leave the "V^^lite 
House for Blair House for the remainder of his 
stay in Washington. His program of activities 
in Washington will include visits to the Capitol ; 
Howard Universit}'; Fort Belvoir, Va.; Mount 
Vernon ; and Arlington ; and he will be honored 
at a dimier to be given bj^ the Secretary of State 
and a reception by tlie Liberian Consul General, 
Mr. Walter F. Walker. On Sunday, May 30, 
President Barclay will leave Washington for 
visits to Akron and Columbus, Ohio; Buffalo, 
N.Y. ; and Philadelphia to observe war-industry 
plants, shipyards, and other points of interest. 
He will conclude his official visit upon arrival 
in New York City, on June 4 or 5. 


At his press conference on May 24 the Secre- 
tary of State was asked to comment on the deci- 
sion of the Comintern in the Soviet Union to 
dissolve. The Secretary replied: 

"The dissolution of the Communist Interna- 
tional is welcome news. The elimination of that 
organization from international life and the ces- 
sation of the type of activity in which that or- 
ganization has in the past engaged is certain 

to promote a greater degree of trust among the 
United Nations and to contribute very greatly 
to the whole-hearted cooperation necessary for 
the winning of the war and for successful post- 
war imdertakings." 

American Republics 


[Released to the press May 25] 

The inaugural session of the Mexican - United 
States commission of experts to formulate a pro- 
gram for economic cooperation between the two 
Governments took place on May 25 in the office 
of the Under Secretary of Coumierce, the Hon- 
orable Wayne C. Taylor. The Mexican Ambas- 
sador, His Excellency Francisco Castillo Ndjera, 
attended and opened the inaugural session. 

The Mexican delegates are Mr. Evaristo 
Araiza, general manager of the Monterrey Steel 
Works, Monterrey, Mexico, and Mr. Valentin R. 
Ciarfias, a well-known mining engineer. Repre- 
senting the United States are the Honorable 
Wajnie C. Taylor, Under Secretary of Com- 
merce, and Dr. Harry White, Assistant to the 
Secretary of the Treasury. The secretaries to 
the respective delegations are Dr. Jesus Silva 
Herzog, of the Mexican Ministry of Finance, 
and Dr. Augustus Maffry, of the United States 
Department of Commerce. 

The joint commission, assisted by the techni- 
cal advisers from the interested agencies of their 
respective Governments, will meet from time to 
time from this date on. It is contemplated that 
after a number of sessions here in Washington 
the exjDerts and their advisers will proceed to 
Mexico for a period of time, returning to Wash- 
ington to terminate their work. The 30-day 
period in which the experts are to complete 
their work began from the inaugural session on 
May 25. 




[Released to the press May 28] 

Seiior Kemberto Capriles Rico, Under Secre- 
tary of Labor of Bolivia, and Seiior Gaston Ar- 
duz Eguia, Director General of Social Inves- 
tigations in the Ministry of Labor, have arrived 
in the United States to make a study of labor 
legislation in this country. Their visit, which 
is at the invitation of the Department of State, 
will include a two months' tour of the principal 
mining and agricultural regions and may be ex- 
tended to Canada if they find that they can ac- 
cept the invitation to that effect extended them 
by the International Labor OfBce. 

Three years ago, in 1940, the Government of 
Bolivia charged Seiiores Capriles Rico and Ar- 
duz Eguia with drafting a new labor code, 
which would contain also a project for a social- 
security system. The code was prepared ac- 
cordingly and submitted to the Government in 
1942. This year's session of the Bolivian Con- 
gress is expected to take action on it. 

In 1941 Seiiores Capriles Rico and Arduz 
Eguia published jointly a book on Bolivia's so- 
cial problems, dealing with living and working 
conditions of the country's workers. It is en- 
titled El ProhleTTia Social en Bolivia: Condi- 
ciones de Vida y Trabajo. Discussing these 
problems while in Washington, they made the 
folloM'ing statement: 

"The Bolivian Government is interested in 
implanting a comprehensive system of social 
security in Bolivia. At the present time a com- 
mission made up of the several directors of in- 
dividual employees' group-insurance organiza- 
tions has proposed the legislative bases and a 
project for a law which the Government may 
recommend to the approaching Congress. The 
Government is also interested in organizing the 
inspection and supervision of working con- 

ditions, including health and social-security 

On May 24 the Honorable Frances Perkins, 
Secretary of Labor, gave a luncheon in honor of 
the two distinguished visitors from the Bolivian 
Ministry of Labor. 

Detailed plans for the schedule to be followed 
by Seiiores Capriles Rico and Arduz Eguia are 
being drawn up by the Department of Labor in 
cooperation with related agencies. 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press May 24] 

Seiior J. Marino Inchaustegui, prominent 
writer and historian of the Dominican Republic, 
arrived in Washington on May 24 for a three 
months' visit as a guest of the Department of 
State. He will visit cultural centers and li- 
braries to obtain a knowledge of American 
methods on the basis of which he will be able 
to offer valuable contributions in tlie future to 
the primary and secondary educational systems 
of the Dominican Republic. 

[Released to the press May 24] 

Dr. Alfredo Caballero Escovar, rector of the 
University of the Cauca, at Popayan, Colombia, 
arrived in Washington on May 23 at the invita- 
tion of the Deijartment of State. During his 
two months' stay in the United States he will 
observe leading universities throughout the 

MAT 29, 1943 


Treaty Information 



Treaty With China Relinquishing Extraterri- 
torial Rights in China 

[Released to the press May 24] 

On May 24 the President issued his proclama- 
tion of the American-Chinese treaty relinciuish- 
ing extraterritorial rights in China and the 
accompanying exchange of notes signed at 
Washington January 11, 1943.^ The proclama- 
tion declares that the treaty and exchange of 
notes came into force on May 20, the day of 
the exchange of ratifications of the two Govern- 
ments at Washington. 

' For texts of the treaty and the accompanying notes 
see the Bulletin of Mar. 20, 1943, p. 240. 

Defense Aid (Lend-Lease) Supplemental Appropriation 
Bill, 1943 : 
Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee 
on Appropriations, House of Representatives, 
78th Cong., 1st sess. ii, 193 pp. 
S. Kept. 265, 78th Cong., on H.R. 2753. 4 pp. 

Report to Congress on Lend-Lease Operations : Message 
from the President of the United States transmit- 
ting a report to Congress on lend-lease operations 
for the period ended April 30, 1943. H. Doc. 209, 
78th Cong. 43 pp. 

Reduction of Non-Essential Federal Expenditures : 
Additional Report of the Joint Committee on Re- 
duction of Non-Essential Federal Expenditures, 
Congress of the United States, pursuant to section 
601 of the Revenue Act of 1941. Travel and Com- 
munications in the Federal Government [Depart- 
ment of State, pp. 8. 10]. S. Doc. 57, 78th Cong, 
iv, 10 pp. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 
Price, 10 cents - - - - Subscription price, .$2.73 a year 







^ nn 


JUNE 5, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 206— Publication 1945 


The War Page 

Address by the Under Secretary of State 479 

Address by the Former American Ambassador to Japan. 482 

Address by Herbert H. Lehman 487 

Rehef Operations in Tunisia 492 

Message of President Roosevelt to King George VI of 

Great Britain 493 

Proclaimed List: Cumulative Supplement 2 to Revi- 
sion V 493 

Commercial Policy 

Renewal of the Trade Agreements Act 494 

American Republics 

Visit to the United States of the President of Paraguay . 494 
Near East 

Presentation of Letters of Credence by the Minister 

of Afghanistan 495 

The Foreign Service 

Confirmations 495 

Cultural Relations 

Distinguished Visitors From Other American Repub- 
lics 496 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture: 
Summation of the Results of the Conference by the 
Secretary General 497 


JUL 8 1943 


Treaty Information p^ge 

Claims: Agreement With Canada Relating to Waiver of 
Claims Arising as a Result of Collisions Between 

Vessels of War 500 

Defense: Supplementary Military and Naval Cooper- 
ation Agreement With Cuba 501 

Consular: Convention With Mexico 501 

Economics: Food Production Agreement With Vene- 
zuela 501 

Labor: Shipowners' Liability (Sick and Injured Sea- 
men) Convention, 1936 501 

Telecommunications : 

North American Regional Broadcasting Agreement 
and Inter-American Radiocommunications Con- 
vention 503 

Inter-American Arrangement Concerning Radiocom- 
munications (Santiago Revision 1940) .... 503 
Navigation: International Load Line Convention . . 503 
Strategic Materials: Agreement With the United King- 
dom Relating to the Apportioning of Supplies of 
African Asbestos 503 

Publications 504 

The War 


I Rpleased to the press Maj- 31 ] 

I am deeply appreciative of the privilege you 
have granted ine of delivering this commence- 
ment address to the Xorth Carolina College for 

No citizen of the United States who is af- 
forded the opportunity, in these days, of speak- 
ing to a graduating class of one of our universi- 
ties or colleges can accept that honor without a 
very deep sense of gratitude and without a very 
profound feeling of humility. 

You who ai-e graduating today will in one 
form or another now enter the service of our 
country. You will enter that service at a mo- 
ment when the United States is engaged in the 
greatest struggle of its history: the struggle to 
preserve the liberty and independence of the 
American people, and the battle to make it for- 
ever certain that freedom-loving and peace- 
loving peoples like ourselves can in the world 
of the future live in happiness and in safety. 

We are confronted by the most sinister and 
the most ruthless forces which our modern 
world has known. There is no brutality of 
which they are not capable, no machination, 
however despicable, to which they will not stoop. 
The Axis powers have sought toobliterate from 
this earth everything which to us makes life 
worth living, and to reduce all of humanity 
other than themselves to the status of the slaves 
of a master race. 

There could be nothing more perilous than 
to underestimate the strength remaining to our 
adversaries , nor to believe that we have not still 

1 Delivered by the Honorable Sumner Welles at the 
commencement exercises of the Xorth Carolina College 
for Negroes, Durham, N. C, May 31, 1943. 

532420 — 43 1 

before us many desperately sad and anxious 
days. But we are entitled to derive great hope 
and encouragement from the magnificent vic- 
tories which the United Nations have recently 
inflicted upon their enemies. The beacon liuht 
of our war objective — the unconditional sur- 
render of our foes — burns ever brighter as we 
advance toward it. 

^Millions of young Americans like yourselves, 
with a courage and a devotion which have never 
been surpassed, have dedicated themselves to 
the great cause for which our country and the 
other United Nations stand : the cause of hiunan 

Many of them from every section of this land 
already have laid down their lives for that 

Almost a quarter of a century ago Woodrow 
Wilson spoke these words: "It is our duty to 
take and maintain the safeguards which will 
see to it that the mothers of America and the 
mothers ... of all the other suffering nations 
should never be called upon for this sacrifice 
again. This can be done. It must be done. 
And it will be done." 

For many years these appeared to me to be 
very deeply tragic words. The failures and the 
selfishness and the criminal short-sightedness 
of peoples and of governments throughout the 
world during the decades that spent themselves 
after the end of the last World War, seemed 
to make infinitely remote the possibility of 
achieving the ideal for which President Wilson 
so valiantly fought and for which he died. And 
yet, now that I myself have grown older I can 
see clearly that those words were not tragic. 
They are filled with indomitable faith and with 




prophetic truth. What many of us perhaps 
have not realized sufficiently is that no great 
achievement in human progress has ever yet 
been realized until the sacrifices of men and 
women have paved the way for its realization 
and until the conscience of mankind has refused 
to admit the possibility of any other outcome. 

So has it been in our own history. We are 
wont to speak with devotion of our Constitu- 
tion as the greatest instrument which the hu- 
man brain has conceived. It is. But we do 
not so often remember that in the 150 years of 
our national life our Constitution has been not 
a static but a living thing, continuously adapted 
by the wisdom of our people to their changing 
needs as their material evolution and their spir- 
itual growth have advanced. 

Time and again in our history progress toward 
the great objectives set forth in our Decla- 
ration of Independence has been checked. 
Often we have fallen back. But eventually we 
have moved on ahead. 

And in the new world of the future, which 
you and those of your generation will join in 
building, that same process must take its course. 
My generation has fallen back. Your genera- 
tion must press forward. Without that vision, 
what we term modern civilization cannot 

The long-range problem which confronts us 
all is the achievement, through our victory, of 
permanent peace. 

No one of us can afford to be so blind to his 
own self-interest as to pay any heed to those 
cynics whose voices we occasionally hear ti'ying 
to tell the men and women of this country that 
just because there have always been wars in the 
past there will always be wars in the future; 
that the surest way for us to save our own skins 
is for the United States to "mind its own busi- 
ness", and after this war is over once more to 
pretend that what goes on in the rest of the 
world does not affect every one of us here within 
tlie borders of our own country. 

The people of this country have seen that 
policy tried out, and fail — utterly and misera- 
bly. The mothers and the fathers of today 
realize that if the United States had in reality 

seen clearly what its "business" was during the 
past 20 years, and had in fact "minded" it, by 
taking a hand in putting out the first flames 
which later lighted this world conflagration, 
their sons' would not today be called upon to 
make the supreme sacrifice in the defense of the 
liberty and security of their native land. 

The taxpayers of the United States also 
realize today that this crushing burden of taxa- 
tion imperatively required of them in order that 
we may win the war, and this staggering debt 
which will have to be borne by our country to 
enable the United States to produce the arma- 
ments we require to equip our own armed forces 
and to strengthen the power of our allies, could 
have been avoided if their government had been 
empowered to assume its fair share of respon- 
sibility in the past for keeping peace in the 
world, and for seeing to it, together with the 
governments of other civilized and peace- 
minded nations, that international disputes as 
they arose were promptly settled by pacific 
means, and that militaristic dictatorships bent 
on world-domination were quashed before they 
had the chance to run amok. 

The people of the United States realize today, 
I am convinced, that what we have utterly failed 
to do in the past was, in the truest and most 
practical sense, "to mind our own business". 
They cannot fail to see also that had we been 
willing to play our part in keeping the peace of 
the world since the last World War the cost to 
us in life and treasure would have been but an 
infinitesimal part of the cost required of us 
today so that we can achieve that victory which 
we must gain if the United States is to survive 
as a free nation. 

This long-range problem of post-war policy is 
fundamentally a question of our own self- 

I know that men and women are thinking this 
problem through in every section of this coun- 
try. The more opportunity which is given for 
public discussion of these vital issues, the more 
light which is thrown upon the specific aspects 
of the complexities which are involved, the more 
assurance will there be that the answer to be 
given by our democracy will be a wise one. It 

JUNE 5, 1943 


has always seemed to me that if the American 
people had had more time for study and discus- 
sion of the basic policy at stake in 1919, and if 
the issue itself had not become enmeshed in the 
web of bitter partisan politics, a more realistic 
and a more enlightened course would have been 
followed by this country during the past genera- 

It is my individual view that it would be pre- 
mature at this stage for this Government to at- 
tempt to define with precision and in detail 
any exact plan of international cooperation 
upon which the American people would be ex- 
pected to pass. 

We all of us must agree that certain condi- 
tions are going inevitably to obtain at the con- 
clusion of the war. 

For a number of years, particularly in Eu- 
rope, social and economic conditions will be in 
a state of flux. In some of the presently Axis- 
occupied countries there will be political in- 
stability. Both in these countries as well as 
in the Axis countries millions will be starving 
and other millions must be repatriated to the 
homes from which they have been driven. 
Throughout the world there will be a chaotic, 
and in some areas an anarchic, state of affairs. 

During this perioil — and no one can today 
estimate how long it may be — order will have to 
be maintained by those of the United Nations 
which will have to assume these necessary func- 

It is during that transition period, as well as 
during the remaining period of the war, that 
the opportunity may presumably be afforded to 
the United Nations to undertake the more spe- 
cific elaboration of the form of international 
organization upon which they may jointly de- 

We all of us remember that the agreements 
which in their entirety comprise the inter- 
American understanding upon which Pan 
Americanism rests, and through which the re- 
gional solidarity of the American republics has 
had its being, were not brought into existence 
in a day. They were not achieved by means of 
an initial blueprint. On the contrary, the ob- 
jectives sought were only achieved over a pe- 

riod of many years, and it required an actual 
act of aggression against one of the American 
republics, the United States, to bring about the 
final consummation of the regional understand- 
ing of the Western Hemisphere. 

It may well be that the surest course for the 
United Nations to pursue would be the con- 
struction of an international organization by 
the same method of gradual evolution. By 
permitting sufficient elasticity of operation at 
the outset of the transition period, the practical 
experience undergone by the United Nations 
during the war as well as after the victory is 
won will presumably demonstrate clearly the 
type of organization which will most efficiently 
guarantee the securing of the basic objectives 
which they seek. 

It seems clear though, as a result of the tragic 
lesson which humanity has learned from the 
events of the past 25 years, that any form of 
international organization, in order to function 
successfully, must be premised upon the recog- 
niti(m of a few cardinal principles: 

There must be, through international agree- 
ment, a combination of armed forces made avail- 
able by the powers which are prepared to do so, 
which may be used regionally or on a broader 
scale, and which can and will prevent aggres- 
sion, render international conflict impossible, 
and, in general, see to it that the peace of the 
world is maintained inviolate; 

An international tribunal to which interna- 
tional controversies can be referred and in 
which international confidence can be safely 
placed ; 

An efficient international method for the out- 
lawing of certain kinds of armaments and for 
the inspection of all national armaments; 

The creation of appropriate and practical 
technical organizations to deal with economic 
and financial matters and to advise the members 
of the United Nations thereon, so that autarchic 
commercial and financial policies will not be 
pursued by individual powers and so that the 
post-war period may be an epoch of economic 
cooperation and of rising living standards, 
rather than a time of cut-throat competition and 
of falling living standards for us all ; 


The recognition — not merely in words, but 
in practice, as in the Western Hemisphere — of 
ihe principle of the equal sovereignty of all 
states, whether great or small. And, together 
with this, the establishment of the principle that 
the path must be prepared for the freedom and 
self-government of all peoples who desire their 
liberty, as soon as they are able to assume that 
right ; 

Finally, in the kind of world for which we 
fight, there nnut cease to exist any need for the 
use. of that accursed term "racial or religious 
minority". If the peoples of the earth are fight- 
ing and dying to preserve and to secure the lib- 
erty of 'the individual under law, is it conceiv- 
able that the peoples of the United Nations can 
consent to the reestablishment of any system 
where human beings will still be regarded as 
belonging to such "minorities"? The equality 
of individuals, like tlie equality of peoples, can- 
not in fact be granted by fiat. Equality depends 
on their own achievements and upon their own 
intrinsic worth. But to equality of human 
rights and to equality of opportunity every hu- 
man being is by Divine right entitled. That is 
the essence of our democratic faith. If that 
cornerstone is laid in the foundation of the new 


world of the United Nations, the blot of the 
concept of minorities upon the fabric of our 
civilization will be erased. 

In a cemetery far from here, there was erected 
a monument to the memory of a group of Amer- 
ican fliers who died in the last World War. On 
it were written these words of the Prophet Sam- 
uel : "And in their death they were not divided; 
they were swifter than eagles, they were stronger 
than lions." 

To me those words apply to all the countless 
defenders of the faith which we uphold. United 
in sacrifice for the ideals of freedom for which 
our country and its allies stand, they constitute 
a brotherhood which knows no divisions of faith 
or race. They are joined by the indissoluble 
bonds of their common love of liberty. 

It is to you and to your comrades in arms that 
this sorely stricken world looks with confident 
trust for its redemption. If you of this new 
generation, in all the lands where the love of 
freedom is the supreme value, refuse to permit 
yourselves to be divided in war or in peace, you 
can forge that new world of which mankind has 
so long dreamed: a world which is free from 
war and in which men and women can live out 
their lives in security, in happiness, and in peace. 


[Released to the press June 4] 

It is a genuine pleasure to revisit Kentucky, 
and the occasion is made especially pleasant by 
the circumstances of our meeting today. Uni- 
versity commencements are a part of the ritual 
of our western civilization — a ritual which in 
traditional form embodies those ideals of free- 
dom which our forefathers have transmitted to 
us across dark centuries of turmoil and oppres- 
sion. They are now transmitted by us to our 
posterity. We stand, at moments such as this, 
as custodians of the eteinal verities. We honor 
and commemorate the spiritual, moral, and in- 

' Delivered by tlie Honorable Joseph C. Grew, now 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, at the Uni- 
versity of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky., June 4, 1943. 

tellectual values which our free scholarship and 
free government have given us. 

At this particular commencement, in this par- 
ticular year, the ancient forms and ceremonies 
take on renewed significance. In peacetime the 
induction of you young people into the ranks 
of free scholars would be a happy occasion but 
not one of crucial and portentous significance. 
Today the situation is different: your gradua- 
tion signifies that you proceed at one step from 
the serenity and security of academic life to the 
hazards of living, working, and perhaps fight- 
ing for the safety and the way of life of your 

You are now, by virtue of this ceremony, ad- 
mitted to the world of free men. That world 

JUNE 5, 1943 


is in peril. It is disturbed and impoverished by 
war. It is uj) to you to fight for the good world 
in which you propose to live, and to defeat the 
evil men and evil governments who have con- 
stituted themselves the personal enemies of 
every one of you. 

The fight you face in this war is your fight. 
Some of us older men have tasted the good 
things of life before you were boi-n, and have 
had interesting years of peace in which to do 
work we like and to serve causes which we honor. 
The world which is to come in post-war years 
will find us, sooner or later, through, but you 
will live in the world that is to come. War 
has already disfigured some of your few, lim- 
ited, and prescribed years upon the earth, and 
you have to fight to make your lives worthwhile. 
It may not matter a thousand years from now 
whether this war ends in 1947, or whether it 
carries on — with intermittent and dishonored 
armistices — until 1987; but it will matter to 
you. In the one case j'ou can have the good life 
all men desire, good things and good ways for 
yourselves and those you love ; but in the other 
case you will live your lives as adults under 
strain and stress, haste, poverty, and the threat 
of sudden death. It is your world which lies 
ahead and it is your fight to get through this 
chaos — this wall in time — which bars j^ou from 
the good future which you deserve and can get, 
if you try hard enough to get it. 

I am telling you the straight tnUh, therefore, 
if I warn you that the most important thing 
now in your own private life is the war. Every- 
thing else depends on victory; it is impossible 
to conceive real happiness or security for any 
one of you if we do not win total victory. No 
study you have made thus far can be so impor- 
tant as the study you can and must make of 
this war; no other knowledge can be of higher 
necessity to you than an understanding of the 
struggle in which you now take part. Part of 
the skill is combat; and some of you will have 
to become adept in the use of machines and 
weapons. Part of the needed skill is service, 
immediately behind the combat lines or even 
at the ultimate base of the United Nations — 
and that base is the entire United States. And 

another part, equally important, is the moral 
and political skill of understanding what this 
war is about, what the war is doing to our 
political, social, and economic systems, and 
what kind of post-war world we are fashion- 
ing in the heat of the conflict. 

It is this last series of points, the political 
nature of the war, which I feel best prepared 
to discuss with j'ou today; and, since I come 
to you from many years of service, which cul- 
minated in the enemy capital of Tokyo, I pro- 
pose to talk to j'ou about Japan and the Pacific 
area. I do so not from any desire to iin]ily 
that the area to the west of us is more important 
than other theaters of operations; it is simph' 
that I know the Far East best and am most 
nearly certain of arriving at the truth of things 
with respect to Japan. 

There are three things which I think we 
should all know and remember about the Pacific 
sectors of the war : 

First, the origins of the war within Japan. 

Second, the kind of war we are figlitiiig in 
the Pacific and Asiatic theaters of oiierations 
against Japan. 

Third, the kind of world we are building, wit- 
tingly or not. 

It is important, both during the war and 
afterward, for us to realize that the common 
people of Japan, who support their govern- 
ment body and soul, did not seek this war. 
They do not have for us the long-standing 
hatred which mars the relationships of some 
pairs or groups of western nations. In my many 
years in Japan I found that most of the ordi- 
nar}- men and women of Japan — men and 
women of all social classes and of all regions — 
were friendly toward America. They respected 
our good faith. They honored us for our hu- 
mane, non-aggressive ideals. They showed us 
time and time again a true courtesy and friend- 
liness which in some cases became devoted 
friendship and personal loyalty. Nevertheless, 
they are obedient people, and when their gov- 
ernment fell into the hands of bullies, mur- 
derers, and fanatics the ordinary people of 
Japan continued to give their government the 



same unqualified obedience which they had 
shown their constituted authorities for ages 

These ordinary people are fighting us today. 
They fight us with the grim devotion of which 
they have such a superlative mastery. They do 
not display the irrepressible good humor which 
lies at the heart of China's immense endurance. 
They do not possess the grim, almost reckless 
enterprise which we Americans can put into an 
all-out fight. But they do have a respectfulness, 
a cooperativeness toward one another, an almost 
dreadful anxiety to do what they are told. 
These qualities account for the curious paradox 
that although the Japanese, man for man, may 
well prove to be the hardest enemies whom we 
have to defeat, they promise to be the easiest 
people with whom to make a real peace, pro- 
vided that we liberate them from the braggarts 
and men of blood who now hold Japan in thrall. 

The war which Japan fights today against all 
the free nations of the world was a war which 
was first of all fought and lost by the Japanese 
people in their own country. When I went 
to Japan in 1932, 1 came to a country in which 
the Army had launched a foreign war without 
asking or telling the Parliament, the Cabinet, 
or the people. The occupation of China's north- 
eastern or MancJmrian provinces, and the estab- 
lishment therein of the puppet government 
called "Manchukuo", was a deliberate blow 
against constitutionalism in Japan and was the 
work of militarist radicals who realized that 
every succeeding month of peace was bringing 
the Japanese common jieople closer and closer 
to the realization of the goodness of decent in- 
ternational relationshijis. If the Army had 
not started Japan on a course of aggression, the 
constitutionalist and peaceful forces might have 
dislodged the militarists from pivotal positions 
of political power and might have directed 
Japan's national course down the road of inter- 
national progress, disarmament, and collabora- 
tion. Once the Manchuria invasion had started, 
the Army was able to appeal to the sentiment, 
"My country, right or wrong !", which the Japa- 
nese, least of all peoples in the world, were in 
a position to deny or to disrespect. 

The 10 years I spent in Japan were see-saw 
years. The pendulum was constantly swinging 
between liberalism and extremism. At no time, 
till the tragic weeks just before Pearl Harbor, 
did the situation seem to become utterly hope- 
less. At no time did Japan get on a completely 
even keel and succeed in undoing the evil com- 
mitments of the militarists. The war against 
China and the war against the Japanese people 
were the same campaign, run by the same men 
from the same headquarters; the War Office 
cliques who dreaded the rise of constitutionalism 
and who fought by every means, fair or foul, to 
keep the foreign war going as a means of pro- 
moting the domestic struggle for totalitarian- 
ism, dictatorship, and enslavement. 

Bombings, massacres, robbery, and renewed 
aggression in China were matched by assassina- 
tions, putsches, threats, emergency government, 
and high-handed unconstitutionality in Japan. 
The chauvinistic militarist radicals who terror- 
ized northeastern China terrorized Japan at the 
same time ; Mukden lay under the same pall of 
terror as Tokyo. The uprising of February 26, 
1936 was engineered by younger officers under 
the inspiration of militarist fanatics and secret 
societies, who sought to purge Japan with mvir- 
der — to purge Japan of the leaders who might 
have prevented further aggression and might 
have found some slow, devious, roundabout, but 
ultimately effective waj' of undoing the wrongs 
done to the peoples of the Loochoos, Formosa, 
Korea, and northeastern China. The men who 
finally conquered Japan from within did so be- 
cause they were Japanese themselves and because 
they were able to tiu'n the virtues of Japan 
against Japan. Japan's sti'engths became weak- 
nesses in the face of this aggression from within, 
and the Japanese people fell without much 
articulate protest, without daring to oppose 
righteous violence to wrong violence when the 
show-down came. 

No two nations on the face of the earth differ 
so much as do the Chinese and the Japanese in 
this respect. The great Chinese people have 
never in their long history been made the regi- 
mented automata of ruthless militarism. A 
Chinese and a Japanese are both good, peaceful 

JUNE 5, 1943 

men when they are called up for the Army, but 
the Japanese becomes a drilled fanatic while the 
Chinese keeps his independence as a man, his 
sense of humor, his mistrust of majesty, his 
friendly disrespect for government, and his in- 
destructible determination to remain first and 
last a human being. As the great Chinese 
leader. Sun Yat-sen, expressed it, China has 
suffered from too much freedom and too little 
government; in Japan the precise contrary has 
been the case. By their own fidelity the Japa- 
nese people were undone. The war which now 
wastes their wealth, besmirches their Imperial 
honor, kills their men, and obscures their na- 
tional future is a war which they did not seek 
but which they are powerless — even within the 
privacy of their own minds — to question or to 

You see how hard the Japanese are to reach, 
how little they can be counted on to protect their 
own rights, how much hope there is for peace 
if the United Nations guarantee to the people of 
Japan a government which is Japanese, which 
they can love and respect, and which is burglar- 
proof against the incursions of adventurers and 

The second main point which I should like to 
take up is the nature of our war. In all parts 
of the world we are today fighting in common 
with allies. This makes the war different from a 
mere war between two nations. It keeps the 
war from expressing the selfish or arbitrary poli- 
cies of any single government. It prevents the 
struggle from acquiring a racial tinge. It blurs 
the geographic and economic strategy of each 
single United Nation and nudces the will of the 
group of nations important. As a member of a 
concert of powers, the United States cannot fight 
in the way we wovdd if we fought countrA^ by 
country alone. 

The United Nations character of the war 
changes the strategj'. It turns the war in our 
favor. Japan, alone, won battle after battle 
against the Chinese alone. Japan, alone, over- 
ran Indochina when Indochina was unprotected 
by definite guaranties. In the case of Germany 
the occupied countries fell one by one. The 
enemy, in the years wherein aggression rose to 
world-wide power, had the advantage of using 

532420 — 43 2 


coordinated political, military, and economic 
strategy against the separate national policies 
of the free nations. These policies, however 
well-intentioned, could not amount to more than 
the will and ability of each separate state. The 
crime of Pearl Harbor changed all this. By 
uniting the European and Asiatic wars, by 
creating a single line of belligerency across the 
whole world the Japanese wrecked forever Ger- 
many's chances of winning a local war in Europe 
and their own chances of winning a local war in 
the Far East. Those chances were never bigger 
than a cloud the size of a hand on the horizon, 
but they did exist. The colossal psychological 
and political blunder of Pearl Harbor momen- 
tarily shook the balance of naval power in the 
Pacific but did so at the cost of guaranteeing 
the ruin of both the aggressors. 

I believe that history records few mistakes as 
stupid as the attack on Pearl Harbor. Tech- 
nically brilliant, devilishly well-conceived, 
daringly carried out. Pearl Harbor was the per- 
formance of militarists who did not have the 
rudimentary common sense to realize that they 
were consummating their own inevitable doom ! 

Pearl Harbor left out of account two basic 
points : first, that nothing else could have helped 
awaken the American people as did this fero- 
cious crime. Secondly, it made the scattered 
wars — all of which pointed ultunately to the 
separate and distinct destruction of China, 
Britain, Russia, and the United States, together 
with their allies, one by one — into the United 
Nations war of counterattack. 

Wliat is the difference between separate wars 
and a single one? 

First, there is the point that the free nations 
can fight the common enemy with economy of 
effort. They can pool their armies, their fleets, 
their air forces, their economic resources, their 
political policies; and with the addition of each 
new member to the concert of free nations the 
strength of the whole group is increased. 

As an example of this, let me show you how 
this works in the case of Australian and Amer- 
ican coordination. If we and the Australians 
had attempted to fight two parallel but inde- 
pendent wars against the Japanese, we Ameri- 
cans would have had to send immense quantities 



of food, building supplies for barracks, hangars, 
repair shops, and other necessary structures, 
uniforms, shoes, munitions, and other goods to 
our forces in the southwest Pacific. Everything 
with which General MacArthur fights would 
have had to come from the continental United 

At the same time, the Australians would have 
been hard put to supply themselves with other 
types of inunitions, with heavy machinery, with 
planes, with ordnance, and other goods well 
suited to American production. 

If we had fought independently our combined 
forces would not have exerted a fraction of the 
strength which they exert with proper pooling. 
Lend-lease gives us a chance to apply the 
economies and efficiency of mass-production and 
mass-distribution to the job of a global war. 
We do not ship anything at all to Australia 
which the Australians could produce just as well 
for themselves. We do not even supply General 
MacArthur's men with things which the Aus- 
tralians have in sufficient quantity to supply 
him. Quite simply, our arrangement is this: 
We let the Australians provide all those serv- 
ices which they understand best, and supply 
those goods which they have in abundance; we 
undertake only those things especially suited to 
our ability. All this is accomplished without 
reference to ownership, or nationalities, or flags. 
We simply get the supplies going. 

I submit to you that never before in history 
has there been an alliance of fighting peoples 
which worked so realistically, so well, and with 
such good faith. Next time that you think 
about meat rationing, remember this : Last year 
Australia supplied us Americans alone with 
more beef than we sent to all the allies put 
together. And Australia has only a twentieth 
as many peojDle as do we ! 

Does not this example show you that the 
war we are fighting is a new kind of war ? The 
United Nations have advanced international co- 
operation to new heights. They have done in 
practice many things for which idealists have 
prayed and planned for centuries past. They 
have swept aside the jealousies of aggressive im- 
perialism. They have promulgated a world 
charter from which no dictatorship can hope 

to escape; the four freedoms have become a 
banner in the inexorable march of mankind 
through history. The United Nations, by being 
the United Nations, have demonstrated to the 
world the fact that there is no quantitative up- 
per limit to political and militai-y cooperation 
of free peoples, no ceiling on the size of world- 
wide eood-will. 

This leads to the last main point which I 
should like to put before you, as a condition 
of your present and your future. 

What kind of a world are we building '^ 

We have already built the scaffolding and the 
foundations of a new international system. The 
names and the titles and the formal legal in- 
struments may not have been completed, but 
the basis for a global coalition of free govern- 
ments is there. In the majestic, old-fashioned 
language of the nineteenth-century American 
political theorists, who talked freely of a sov- 
ereign union of sovereign states, it is already 
true that we have a United Nations body which 
takes priority over certain formerly purely na- 
tional rights, and, in the broadest sense, we 
approach the moral sovereignty of mankind. 

It is up to you now to go forth and live for 
that free world, to fight for it, to die for it if 
Providence so decrees. But even more than 
this, it is up to you young people to remember 
the things for which we are fighting. It is up 
to you to keep alive that cooperation between 
men and collaboration between peoples which 
the United Nations system has brought forth. 
This war does not make sense save as we per- 
ceive its moral issue, because it is basically the 
the struggle of free men — on behalf of all men, 
irrespective of race, class, or nationality — to 
rid the world of murderous, arrogant aggres- 
sion and to extinguish the traditions and in- 
stitutions which have made that aggression 

Remember in this hour the people of Japan — 
the people who were your friends, who are now 
your enemies because they were too timid, too 
habituated to unquestioning obedience, too vir- 
tuous as subjects to stand up for their rights and 
yours. The great Chinese and Russian peo- 
ples, our heroic fellow nationals the Filipinos, 
and all the other peoples of the Pacific are al- 

JUNE 5, 1943 


ready our allies and friends. In that theater 
the only enemy any of us has is Japan. We 
must destroy Japanese militarism forever, and 
■we can do this only bj' remembering the demo- 
cratic just peace for which Generalissimo Chi- 
ang has called, which Mr. Churchill has prom- 
ised, and which President Roosevelt and Mr. 
Quezon, speaking for all of us, have guaranteed 
in our joint names. 

You go forth to the commencement of your 

own lives. Fortunate are you that you go, too, 
forth to the commencement of a newer and 
better world. That world is waiting to be made. 
All it needs is jou — your courage, your best in- 
telligence, your skill, your good faith, and your 
persevering effort. I have spoken to you as 
an ambassador from the world at war, but I 
greet you, in closing, as the representatives of 
the future. Yours is that future, and only you 
can make it worthy ! 


[Released to the press May 31 ] 

I consider it an honor to be present here today 
to participate in ceremonies which mark the 
completion of another scholastic year in the his- 
tory of this great college. It is singularly ap- 
propriate for the officials of the Government 
who are attempting to chart some of the prob- 
lems of the post-war era to meet with the college 
men and women who are about to enter the 
turbulent world in which all that we believe in 
and live for is now being tested. The young 
men and women who today are completing their 
studies and moving forward to assume their 
proper role in the society of the world should 
now be informed of the hard facts and the 
demonstrated principles upon which the gov- 
ernments propose to act to resolve order out of 
the world chaos into which our entire generation 
has been plunged. 

You young men and women who today are 
participants in Swarthmore's commencement 
are face to face with history's greatest challenge. 
It is to you that the world is turning for the 
courage and the sacrifices which are necessary 
first to achieve victory and then to create the 
kind of a world worth living in. As never be- 
fore, youth holds the future of the world in its 
hands in these years of great crisis. There is no 
need to speak to the youth of America of the 
necessity for courage and devotion to the prin- 

' Delivered at the commencement exercises of Swarth- 
more College, Swarthmore, Pa., May 31. 1943. Mr. 
Lehman is Director of the Office of Foreign Relief and 
Rehabilitation Operations, Department of State. 

ciples of democracy and right living. The 
young men and women of America are provid- 
ing an historic response to the President's dec- 
laration that "there comes a time in the affairs 
of men when they must prepare to defend not 
their homes alone but the tenets of faith and 
humanity on which their churches, their govern- 
ments, and their very civilizations are founded. 
The defense of religion, of democracy, and of 
good faith among nations is all the same fight. 
To save one, we must now make up our minds 
to save all." 

Make no mistake about it : this is a war to the 
finish. Our President and the Prime Minister 
of Great Britain were not merely making words 
when they set unconditional surrender of the 
Axis as the only terms on which this war can 
end. The Nazis, the Fascists, and the Japa- 
nese — all these are irreconcilable enemies of our 
freedom, of our way of life, and of our nation. 
There can not and there will not be any com- 
promise with these forces of evil, for compro- 
mise would turn back the clock of time to the 
ancient ages when man was condemned to live 
and to die without freedom, without dignity, 
even without hope. 

Yet victory over these forces of evil, no mat- 
ter how complete or how crushing, will not be 
enough in itself. Even in the midst of battle 
we still must pi'eserve the principles and ideals 
which will make possible the reconstruction of 
a world in which may flourish the freedoms and 
the way of life for which we fight. 


Across the breadth of our land, Americans 
are working as never before. And they also 
are thinking as never before, with greater clar- 
ity and deeper perception of what we want to 
salvage out of this greatest struggle of history. 
The student at Swarthmore, the aircraft worker 
on the California production lines, and the steel 
worker in the mills at Birmingham may define 
these objectives in varying terms. But, I be- 
lieve, their ideals for the world toward which 
we all are striving, when totaled up, amount 
to an identic idea : Americans want and are will- 
ing to die to procure a peace that will endure 
and a stable world economy where men may 
live in freedom and security for themselves, 
their families, and the generations who will suc- 
ceed them. This hope of an enduring peace 
and a stable world economy is the sum of what 
President Roosevelt envisaged two and a half 
years ago when he defined the four freedoms. 
Freedom of speech and expression, freedom 
from fear, and freedom of religion are essential 
components of any just and enduring peace. 
Freedom from want is the essential prerequisite 
of a stable world economy. 

The victory wliich must precede such achieve- 
ment of the four freedoms is today being ham- 
mered out by Americans and their allies on 
battle fields which extend from the Mediterra- 
nean to China and from Russia to the islands 
of the Pacific. It is being hammered out by 
the men and women on our farms and on our 
industrial production lines who are producing 
the food by which we must support our fight- 
ing forces and the weapons with which we shall 
overcome the enemy. The issue has been joined 
and we face the future in calm confidence that 
free men will prevail, even though we know 
that before victory can be achieved still greater 
sacrifices must be made in blood and in our 
material resources. 

In the capitals of the free nations which are 
banded together to annihilate the Axis the prep- 
arations are also beginning for the work that 
must be done quickly after the smoke of battle 
clears — the work that must be done quickly and 
with steady and certain hands if a new and better 
world is to be created out of the ashes of the old. 
It well may be that the time is running out for 


preparations for the peace. It would be his- 
tory's greatest tragedy if America and its allies 
were to expend their blood and their substance 
in a soul-shaking effort for complete victory 
only to find that the enduring peace and the 
stable world of which they dream is unattain- 
able because the mechanics of preparation were 
not complete. We are not deluding ourselves 
that the men and women who are proving their 
right to liberty in the agony of this greatest 
of all wars will settle for anything less than 
this lasting peace and stable world of which we 
speak. And so the preparations are going 
forward under leadership of the President, and 
every effort is being made to be ready for the 
day when the order will be given to cease de- 
stroying and the work of helping to establish 
a new world can begin. 

In looking into the future, there is serious 
danger of planning only toward permanent solu- 
tions and of ignoring the means by which such 
solutions can be achieved. There is danger of 
overlooking the hard fact that the peoples of 
the world must be prepared for peace both in 
body and in spirit before we can hope that they 
can participate in creating a mechanism which 
will insure that this world catastrophe will not 
again occur a generation hence. When the guns 
stop firing and peace once again pervades the 
world, the men and women who have suffered 
so much must not be forced to make decisions 
born of desperation, decisions which will 
threaten the ideals for which this war is being 
fought. Any plan for peace and a stable world 
order, no matter how nobly conceived or how 
wisely constructed, can well be foredoomed to 
failure if proposed while starvation, pestilence, 
and suffering engulf most of the world. The 
peace for which we are fighting is too precious 
and its cost too high in blood, in sacrifice, and 
in suffering to be jeopardized in advance by 
refusal or even by hesitancy of any nation to 
do all that is necessary to bind up the wounds 
of the suffering peoples and thus prepare the 
way for universal participation in a lasting 
settlement. Before we can talk of peace and 
a permanent mechanism to secure it, we must 
first make certain that the nations and the 
men, women, and children who make up the 

JUNE 5, 1943 


nations are not driven by starvation and des- 
peration to embrace ideas as horrible as those 
of the Axis which we are seeking to exterminate. 

That is why President Roosevelt declared last 
November that "no one will go hungry or with- 
out the other means of livelihood in any terri- 
tory occupied by the United Nations if it is 
humanly within our powers to make the neces- 
sary supplies available to them." 

That is why the President enunciated as his 
policy the principle that the "United Nations 
forces will bring food for the starving and 
medicine for the sick. Every aid possible will 
be given to restore each of the liberated countries 
to soundness and strength so that each may 
make its full contribution to United Nations 
victory and to the peace which follows." That 
is why there is an Office of Foreign Relief and 
Rehabilitation Operations, assigned to the task 
of helping to bind up the wounds of the world 
as an inescapably necessary first step toward 
the establishment of a secure peace and world 

This war has been flaming in Asia now for 
nearly 6 years. On the continent of Europe it 
has been in progress nearly 4. During this time 
the dictators of the Axis have overrun some 35 
nations and hundreds of islands, the dwelling 
places of some 540 million men and women and 
children. To a greater or to a lesser extent, 
these half-billion humans have fallen victim to 
the ruthless Nazi and Japanese dreams of power 
and world-domination. Although their libera- 
tion has yet to be won, and the great battles by 
which the yoke of slavery will be cast off remain 
yet to be fought, human suffering already hangs 
like a heavy pall over much of the world. This 
suflFering will be intensified by the final battles 
of liberation and the scorched earth which the 
Axis hordes will leave behind them as they are 
beaten back toward their citadels. When this 
war ends, most of these millions will be in need 
of some assistance ; to many of them assistance 
will mean the difference between life and death, 
the difference between right decisions and an 
embittered choice that might spell chaos for 
entire future generations. 

Measured by any standard — whether in de- 
struction of life, destruction of material re- 
sources, in destruction of spiritual values or by 

532420—13 3 

brutality, starvation, and servitude — the toll of 
this war has been without precedent in human 
history. Wlien our liberating armies enter the 
territoi-y from which the Axis has been driven 
they will find that agriculture has been pros- 
trated and in many cases wrecked ; that industry 
has been pillaged ; that material wealth has been 
looted and transported to the Axis countries; 
that housing has been damaged or destroyed, and 
that entire populations have been transported 
across the continents of the world to be sweated 
in slavery. The economic structures of whole 
countries will have been smashed or reshaped to 
serve a vicious order. Medical supplies will have 
been reduced to the vanishing point, and there 
will be few facilities to prevent the spread of 
pestilence from the cities and the concentration 
camps. Millions of people will have been dam- 
aged so deeply in body and spirit that decades 
will hardly suffice to heal up their wounds. 

There is no need to detail here the starvation 
diets to which the peoples of occupied Europe 
and Asia have been reduced by their Axis op- 
pressors. It is sufficient to say that from Norway 
to Greece and across the occupied ai-eas of China 
hunger has been the rule for months or years 
and that starvation is commonplace. There like- 
wise is no need to detail the extent to which the 
Nazis have plundered the resources of the Con- 
tinent for their own enrichment and to 
strengthen their economic system or the extent 
to which they have uprooted 9 million to 10 
million people from their homelands in com- 
pliance with vicious race doctrines and the in- 
creasing industrial demands of the Axis war 
machine. We know that the situation already 
is desperate and that it will have grown even 
more desperate when these peoples have been 
freed and measures of relief and rehabilitation 
can be initiated. 

Never before in the history of the world has 
so massive a problem involving so many mil- 
lions of people been presented to the nations for 
solution. It is to this problem that we are now 
addressing ourselves. Because it already may 
be much later than we think in terms of making 
preparations and provision for the needs of these 
millions, the Governments of the United States 
and of other United Nations are moving for- 
ward. In making our preparations we have set 



for ourselves three basic objectives, against 
which all relief and rehabilitation activities are 
being oriented. These objectives are : 

To supply food and other basic necessities 
of life to peoples in areas liberated from Axis 
control ; 

To help restore those peoples as quickly as 
possible to a condition where they no longer 
need relief but can make their own contribution 
to victory over the Axis and to the relief and 
rehabilitation of other peoples in other areas; 
and, finally, 

To do this job in a manner which will place 
the least possible burden on foodstuffs and other 
materials which are or may be in short supply 
in the United States. 

The guiding rule for relief and rehabilitation 
measures will be extension of assistance on a 
reasonable basis which will not dissipate the 
resources of the United States to the detriment 
of its citizens. We are well aware that under 
conditions of war or even under the conditions 
which will obtain immediately after victoi"y 
there will not be sufficient foodstuffs or mate- 
rials to create new high living standards for the 
millions of people who are in need of our help. 
But we are convinced that within the limita- 
tions of such reasonable operations we can do 
much to stop death by starvation, exposure, and 
pestilence; we can assist millions in repairing 
the damage done to body and spirit; we can 
provide a foundation from which, having be6n 
helped to help themselves, the suffering millions 
can participate in the new world order which 
will emerge from this war. 

In the initial stages which develop after our 
troops have expelled the Axis from territories 
of our allies, the primary problem will be one 
of emergency relief. We must be ready with 
staff, with plans, and with provisions to provide 
food to stop starvation, some clothing and emer- 
gency shelter to stop deaths by exposure, with 
medical personnel and material to prevent the 
pestilence bred of starvation and malnutrition 
from becoming epidemics capable of endanger- 
ing the world. 

Close on the heels of this first operation, we 
must be ready with plans and material to re- 
constitute and revive the agriculture of the lib- 
erated areas. 

Seeds alone, however, will not revive agricul- 
ture. The livestock situation on the continent 
of Europe is so critical that there Ls reason to 
believe that shortages of draft animals to draw 
the plows will have an effect even more crip- 
pling than manpower shortages when the first 
crop of peace is ready to go in the ground. Live- 
stock herds in general have decreased so mate- 
rially that it is estimated that 5 or 6 years will 
be required to restore them to pre-war levels. 
Our statistics from inter-allied committees in 
London show that by 1942 in Nazi-occupied Eu- 
ropean countries, 11 million of a total of 46 mil- 
lion cattle had disappeared; 3 million of 10 
million horses; 12 million of 28 million pigs; 
and 11 million of 35 million sheep. Many of the 
remaining livestock are diseased. There can be 
no question that in the initial period of relief 
no time must be lost in institution of intensive 
programs to get crops into the ground, to utilize 
most effectively the draft animals that still re- 
main, and to begin rebuilding flocks and herds. 

As rapidly as possible some raw materials 
must be provided to the industrial units which 
may have survived the Axis blitz and the sub- 
sequent battles for freedom. This is a step 
essential to the principle of helping people to 
help themselves, for unless the industrial econ- 
omy of the liberated countries can be revived, 
unless their factories produce once again for 
their own people and for other liberated peo- 
ples, their basic economic life will remain mori- 
bund and relief might well be endless. And, 
coincidentally with this step, some goods must 
be placed in commercial channels of the lib- 
erated nations to put lifeblood back into the 
arteries of commerce. Foodstuffs will not begin 
to flow freely into the cities from rural pro- 
duction areas unless commercial machinery 
once more is put in motion by initial provision 
of commercial goods. 

The problem is to conduct operations through 
these four activities on a sound basis so that 
relief measures can flow swiftly and smoothly 

JUNE 5, 1943 



into rehabilitation measures as soon as possible 
after the armies of the United Nations have 
expelled the Axis. Neither the liberated na- 
tions nor their peoples will seek the largesse 
of the world. They will ask merely that they 
be helped to help themselves. The rehabilita- 
tion programs initiated by the United States 
and the other members of the United Nations, 
therefore, should be so devised to enable long- 
range reconstruction to begin as rapidly as pos- 
sible after the human wants of the liberated 
peoples have been met and basic and essential 
steps have been taken to repair damage caused 
to the industrial and economic mechanisms by 
the Axis occupation. The long-range recon- 
struction measures should be conducted on a 
sound commercial basis which will permit ro- 
establishment of international trade and can be 
so conducted if the relief and rehabilitation 
measures are properly developed. 

In our initial operations we are beginning to 
meet the physical needs of the people of North 
Africa. The Office of Foreign Relief and 
Rehabilitation Operations, working through 
American Red Cross personnel in Algeria and 
French Morocco, has been providing daily milk 
rations to 147 thousand children in those two 
areas. Utilizing the services of 4 members of 
the American Friends Service Committee, it 
has provided assistance and the necessities of 
life to numerous refugees as they were released 
from camps in Algeria and French Morocco. In 
Tunisia the OFRRO has been working under 
control of our armed forces in distributing an 
initial 10 thousand tons of supplies in the centers 
of population where assistance was needed. 
These Timisian relief activities were actually 
part of the military operation, conducted under 
the authority of the military whenever and 
wherever the United Nations commanders called 
vipon us to lend a hand. In some respects this 
Tunisian operation may provide a pattern for 
what will be done to bring help to the 150 million 
people who dwell in the so-called ''fringe coun- 
tries" of Europe when the United Nations 
armies land on the Continent to bring the Axis 
to a final accounting. 

It should be obvious that the resources of no 
one nation are sufficient to enable one govern- 

ment or one people to undertake responsibility 
for bringing relief and rehabilitation to all the 
peoples who will need and will have earned as- 
sistance. Great as they are, the resources even 
of the United States would be inadequate for 
this tremendous job. The problem is world- 
embracing in its scope; the solution, therefore, 
demands a world-embracing approach. Fortu- 
nately there is a disposition among the United 
Nations to meet this problem on a concerted 
basis. Under the guidance of the Secretary of 
State, conversations looking toward establish- 
ment of a United Nations relief and rehabili- 
tation organization have made very great prog- 
ress. I hope and I am convinced that ulti- 
mately an arrangement can be agreed upon by 
which the productive resources of all the pro- 
ducer nations will be brought to bear to meet 
the needs of the millions who have been plun- 
dered, starved, and despoiled. Neither military 
necessity nor the historic compassion of Amer- 
icans for those who suffer will permit our gov- 
ernment to wait quietly for completion of 
arrangements for such concerted action. Ac- 
cordingly, at the direction of the President, we 
are proceeding with our own plans, confident 
that if the United States provides leadership 
the other nations of good will will join with us 
in this all-important work. 

The human needs of the millions who have suf- 
fered so much present the United Nations with a 
tremendous and urgent test of the efficacy of 
practical and working democracy which is the 
effective expression of the fundamental and ir- 
revocable rights and dignity of the individual. 
It would be worse than folly, it would be to in- 
vite a world catastrophe for the United Nations 
to conquer the Axis and be unprepared to bring 
succor and assistance to the men, women, and 
children who have kept alive their hope and 
cherished their love of liberty through the years 
of Axis oppression. 

Practical measures for the relief and rehabili- 
tation of the victims of the Axis will offer the 
first post-war proof of the effectiveness of the 
free nations in peace. Proper development of 
such measures is essential if the principles and 
ideals on which we base our aspirations for an 
enduring peace and a stable world economy are 



not to be foredoomed to failure. If the fi-ee 
nations of the -world cannot collaborate to feed 
the starving, clothe the naked, and bind up the 
wounds of the sick, what chance has the world 
for political collaboration to prevent recurrence 
of these world-wide conflicts which twice within 
a generation have brought all mankind to the 
brink of catastrophe ? 

The force of aroused and determined free men 
is now running at the flood toward victory. We 
must see to it that it leads on to more than 
that — that it leads to a new and better world in 
which men once more can live in freedom, in 
security, and in dignity. 


[Released to the press June 1] 

The Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilita- 
tion Operations announced on June 1 that its 
operations in Tunisia now have been centralized 
at field-mission headquarters in the city of 

Members of the OFRRO field mission, assist- 
ing the military detachment which has primary 
responsibility for relief during the initial stages 
of liberation, moved into major cities of Tunisia 
immediately after cessation of military opera- 
tions. Distribution of food and clothing to ci- 
vilian populations of Tunisia was begun in such 
centers as Sousse, Sfax, and Gabes even before 
the final allied victory in Tunisia. 

Mr. Fred K. Hoehler, Chief of Mission for 
OFRRO in North Africa, appointed Mr. E. 
Reeseman Fryer to take charge of Tunisian op- 
erations. Mr. Fryer is assisted by a civilian 
staff of 10 OFRRO field workers, additional 
personnel assigned by the military, and national 
personnel assigned by the local French author- 
ities. Mr. Paul W. Gordon, also a member of 
the OFRRO North African mission, is assist- 
ing Mr. Fryer, supervising activities to assist 
the military in southern Tunisia. 

Mr. Fryer, who has been attached to the 
Tunisian mission since late last winter, was 
formerly deputy director of the War Relocation 
Authority and previously was regional director 
of that agency at San Francisco. Prior to that 
service he was general superintendent of the 

Navajo Office of Indian Affairs at Window Rock, 
Ariz. His home is in San Francisco. 

Prehminary reports from the field indicate 
that plans for distribution of essential supplies 
to distressed civilians in Tunisia were executed 
close on the heels of allied military operations in 
that area. \^1iile Mr. Gordon was cooperating 
with military authorities of the British and 
United States Armies in southern Tunisia and 
Tripolitania, Mr. Hoehler dispatched two teams 
of field men with truck convoys provided by the 
Army into areas where military action had made 
it essential that local supplies of food and cloth- 
ing be supplemented by relief material as a 
matter of military and political necessity. 

Initial reports to Mr. Herbert H. Lehman, Di- 
rector of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation 
Operations, from Mr. Hoehler show that small 
stockpiles of essential food and clothing as- 
sembled by OFRRO in cooperation with the 
military in or near Tunisia were utilized for pri- 
mary civilian needs. This stockpile, which by 
the time of the major military offensive approx- 
imated 10 thousand tons, was comprised of cot- 
ton cloth, condensed and powdered milk, flour, 
sugar, and clothing. 

Hoehler's reports, based on his own surveys 
and those of Mr. Herbert W. Parisius of Elroy, 
Wis., Chief Agricultural Expert on the OFRRO 
North African staff, indicate that prospects for 
supply of civilians in Tunisia are much better 
than had been anticipated prior to the allied vic- 
tory over the Axis forces. 

Mr. Parisius, who is chairman of a committee 
on agricultural production and requirements of 
the North African Economic Board in connec- 
tion with his assignment from Mr. Lehman, re- 
ported that preliminary surveys indicate that 
there may be 30 thousand tons of olive oil avail- 
able in Tunisia, although some parts and repairs 
will be necessary for pressing plants which proc- 
ess this important vegetable oil. Mr. Parisius 
reported that prospects for cereal harvest in 
Tunisia are good. 

The liberation of Tunisia had shifted empha- 
sis of the relief program to that area from Al- 
geria and French Morocco. The Office of For- 
eign Relief and Rehabilitation Operations, how- 
ever, had conducted only relatively few minor 

JUNE 5, 1943 


operations in Algeria and French Morocco, 
chiefly tlie provision, with the cooperation of 
the American Red Cross, of milk rations daily to 
147 thousand children between the ages of 18 
months and 14 years in those two areas. With 
the closing of the school year, this milk program 
was scheduled to be virtually discontinued on 
May 31. Grants of milk will be continued, how- 
ever, through hospitals and clinics to children 
in urgent need of such supplemental ration 
whose pai-ents or guardians are unable to make 
other provisions for them. The OFRRO field 
mission is continuing its work in behalf of the 
inmates of refugee camps and is setting up camps 
to house sick and disabled refugees where they 
will have complete freedom under the care of a 
physician, provisions, and other assistance. The 
rapid release of refugees from internment camps 
during tiie last 60 days is gradually reducing 
the need for the OFRRO program of providing 
for the essential needs of able-bodied refugees. 
During the last G weeks, however, OFRRO field 
representatives visited camps in Algeria and 
French Morocco, distributing food and clothing 
to supplement the supply of the I'esidcnts and 
rendering essential assistance to place refugees 
in jobs as they were i-eleased. The OFRRO has 
been assisted in its work with refugees by the 
American Friends Service Conmiittee, which 
had representatives in the area. 


[Released to the press June 2] 

On Jwne 2 the President sent the following 
telegram to His Majesty George VI of Great 
Britain : 

The White House, June 2, IfHS. 

The occasion of Your Majesty's birthday 
gives me a welcome opportunity to join in your 
country's celebration, and to send you heartiest 
congratulations and good wishes. On behalf of 
the people of the United States, let me also con- 
vey their greetings and good wishes to the peo- 
ple of Britain. 

The Allied victory in North Africa has re- 
cently given the world an unsurpassed demon- 
stration of what can be done when Britain and 
America work together. Unity in friendship 
and purpose has bound together our soldiers on 
land, our sailors at sea and our fliers in the air. 
That same bond unites American and British 
workers in the tasks of production, transport 
and supplj'. I am clear that the spirit which 
has united our people in marching towards vic- 
tory, will direct their efforts after the war 
towards the goal of a just, lasting and fruitful 

Franklin D Roosevelt 


[Released to the press for publication June 5, 9 p.m.] 

The Secretary of State, acting in conjunction 
with the Acting Secretary of the Treasury, the 
Attorncj' General, the Secretary of Commerce, 
the Board of Economic Warfare, and the Co- 
ordinator of Inter- American Affairs, on June 5 
issued Cumulative Supplement 2 to Revision V 
of the Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Na- 
tionals, promulgated April 23, 1943. 

Cumulative Supplement 2 to Revision V 
supersedes Cumulative Supplement 1, dated 
May 7, 1943. 

Part I of Cumulative Supplement 2 contains 
139 additional listings in the other American 
republics and 103 deletions. Part II contains 
130 additional listings outside the American 
republics and 28 deletions. 

The names of a considerable number of im- 
portant companies in Mexico which were for- 
merly Axis-controlled have been deleted in the 
current supplement. These deletions have been 
made possible as a result of the effective action 
of the Mexican Government in nationalizing 
these firms under the Mexican Law Governing 
Enemy Properties and Businesses, of June 11, 
1942. Title to these firms has been vested by the 
Junta de Administracion y Vigilancia and vir- 
tually all pro-Axis personnel has been elimi- 
nated. This deletion action is in accordance 



with the announced policy of the United St.ates 
Government to coordinate its Proclaimed List 
controls with the controls established by other 
governments. Further deletions will be made 
as rapidly as the effectiveness of local control 
laws makes the continued inclusion of particular 
firms in the Proclaimed List no longer necessary. 

American Republics 

Commercial Policy 


[Released to the press June 3] 

The Secretary of State, at his press confer- 
ence on June 3, in reply to a request for a 
comment on the final passage of the renewal 
of the Trade Agreements Act, said : 

"The further extension of the trade-agree- 
ments program by a large non-partisan ma- 
jority of both houses of the Congress is a most 
welcome and far-reaching decision, coming as it 
does at a time when the whole future of our 
nation depends upon our clarity of vision and 
resoluteness of action with resjDect to the mo- 
mentous questions that are before us. 

"The size and character of the affirmative 
vote in the House and in the Senate reflects 
the most important thing a democracy can pos- 
sess: an informed and united public opinion. 
The clean-cut renewal of the trade-agreements 
program has had vigorous and almost unani- 
mous support of the press; of responsible 
spokesmen of American agriculture, business, 
and labor; and of other public-spirited groups 
which have been steadfast in their endorsement 
of the program. It is a splendid manifestation 
of national unity in favor of practical interna- 
tional collaboration now and for the future, an 
encouragement at home and to our allies and 
friends abroad, and a blow to our enemies." 


His Excellency General Higinio Morinigo, 
President of the Republic of Paraguay, will 
visit the United States as a guest of this Gov- 
ernment on the invitation of President Roose- 
velt, arriving in Washington on June 9, 1943. 
The President of Paraguay will spend one night 
at the White House, after which he will leave 
for Blair House to remain for several days. 

President Morinigo will be accompanied by 
the following persons: His Excellency Seiior 
Dr. Don Luis Argana, Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs of Paraguay; His Excellency Senor Dr. 
Don Rogelio Espinoza, Minister of Finance of 
Paraguay ; Lt. Col. Victoriano Benitez Vera ; 
Lt. Col. Manuel Rodriguez; Maj. Eugenio 
Reichert, aide-de-camp to the President of Para- 
guay ; the Plonorable Dr. Jorge Escobar, Under 
Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Paraguay; Lt. 
Comdr. Pedro Meyer, naval aide to the Presi- 
dent of Paraguay; the Honorable Wesley 
Frost, American Ambassador to Paraguay; 
Brig. Gen. Charles L. Mullins, Jr., U.S.A., mili- 
tary aide; and CajDt. Frank Loftin, U.S.N., 
naval aide. 

While in Washington, Pi'esident Morinigo 
will visit the Capitol, Mount Vernon, and Ar- 
lington, and will also go to Annapolis to visit 
the United States Naval Academy. He will be 
entertained as guest of honor at dinners to be 
given by the Secretary of State and the Under 
Secretary of State and at luncheons to be given 
by the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, 
Mr. Nelson Rockefeller, and the Ambassador 
of Paraguay. A special session of the Govern- 
ing Board of the Pan American Union will be 
held on June 10 in his honor, followed by a 
luncheon. On June 13 he will leave Washing- 
ton to visit war industries in Detroit and Buf- 
falo and spend a few days in New York City. 

JUNE 5, 1943 


The Near East 


[Releaseii to tlio press June 4] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly 
appointed Minister of Afghanistan, Abdol 
Hosayn Aziz, upon the occasion of the presenta- 
tion of Iiis letters of credence, follows: 

Mr. President: 

I have the honor to hand to Your Excellency 
the letters of credence by which His Majesty, 
my beloved King, appoints me as his Envoy Ex- 
traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near 
Your Excellency. 

I am highly gratified that this responsible 
duty of being the first Afghan Minister in the 
United States of America has been entrusted in 
me. I can assure Your Excellency that it will 
be mj' constant endeavor to promote, maintain, 
and strengthen the friendly relations and good 
understanding subsisting between our two coun- 
tries. I take this opportunity to convey to 
Your Excellency and to the noble American 
nation the greet ings and good wishes with which 
my august Sovereign has been pleased to charge 

In conclusion allow me to express my sincere 
good wishes for Your Excellency's health and 
the happiness and prosperity of j-our great 

The President's reply to the remarks of Abdol 
Hosayn Aziz follows: 

Mr. Minister : 

It gives me great pleasure to receive from 
you the letters by which your august Sovereign. 
His Majesty Mohamed Zaher, King of Afghan- 
istan, has accredited you as Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United 

That you are the first Minister of Afghanistan 
accredited to the United States makes this occa- 
sion especially memora])lp, and the establishment 
of diplomatic missions in Kabul and Washing- 
ton by our respective Governments marks, I am 
confident, the beginning of an era of understand- 
ing and friendship between our two peoples 
which should contribute much to the well-being 
of both nations. 

I know that those of my countrymen who have 
visited Afghanistan have been deeply impressed 
by the courage and fortitude of the Afghans, by 
their love of freedom and their determination to 
tolerate no acts of aggression against their 
country. You will find. I am sure, Mr. INIinister, 
that the love of freedom upon which we in the 
United States so pride ourselves is similar to 
your own and that there is much in the mutual 
idealism of our two peoples to cement the friend- 
ship now being manifest. 

You may rest assured, Mr. Minister, that in 
the execution of your high mission you will re- 
ceive the sincere cooperation of the officials of 
this Government and my own personal support. 

I shall be grateful if you will convey to your 
Sovereign my deep appreciation of the cordial 
message which j'ou have voiced, my pleasure at 
your arrival in our capital, and warm greetings 
and best wishes for His Majesty's personal hap- 
piness and for the prosperity of Afghanistan. 

The Foreign Service 


On June 3, 1943 the Senate confirmed the 
following nominations : 

Anthony J. Drexel Biddle, Jr., now Am- 
bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to 
Poland, serving concurrentl}' as Envoy Ex- 



traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near 
the Government of Czeclioslovakia, to serve con- 
currently and without additional compensation 
as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipo- 
tentiary of the United States of America 
near the Government of Czechoslovakia, now 
established in London. 

Alexander C. Kirk, now Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Egypt, to 
serve concurrently and without additional com- 
pensation as Ambassador Extraordinary and 
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America 
near the Government of Greece, now established 
in Egypt. 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press June 1] 

Seiior Enrique de Marchena, composer and 
music critic and director of radio station HIN 
at Ciudad Trujillo, Dominican Republic, is 
making a tour of musical and educational cen- 
ters in the United States as a guest of the 
Department of State. He has conferred in 
Washington with Charles Seeger, of the Music 
Division of the Pan American Union, Gilbert 
Chase, of the Music Division of the Library of 
Congress, and will confer also with composers 
and critics and visit schools of music in New 
York, Boston, Rochester, Ann Arbor, Cleve- 
land, Cincinnati, New Orleans, and other cities. 

[Released to the press June 2] 

Dr. Oswaldo E. Cabral, Director of Assist- 
encia Municipal, the municipal social service of 
Santa Catarina, Brazil, has arrived in Wash- 
ington at the invitation of the Department of 
State. He will spend two months touring the 
country with the purpose — as he himself ex- 
presses it — of "getting acquainted with the life 
of the people, seeing the United States in its 
daily life". His itinerary includes, therefore, 
not only universities, museums, and hospitals in 

leading cities, but also numerous informal side 
trips. He is interested especially in the Negro 
and Indian groups in this country. 

Dr. Cabral's tour will include New York, 
Chicago, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Albu- 
querque, Denver, St. Louis, and New Orleans. 

[Released to the press .Tune 2] 

Seilor Roberto DeBayle, mayor of Leon, 
Nicaragua, and brother of the Nicaraguan Am- 
bassador, is in Washington as a guest of the 
Department of State. He will confer with 
Mayor LaGuardia in New York, and with the 
mayors of Chicago, New Orleans, Austin, and 
San Antonio before returning to his country 
in mid-July. In all the cities visited he will 
make a special study of municipal organization 
with a view to putting into effect in Leon the 
best methods and practices observed. 

Seiior DeBayle is a well-known lecturer, and 
a collection of his addresses is soon to be pub- 
lished in book form. He belongs to a family, 
long prominent in Nicaraguan affairs, with 
whom friendship for the United States is tra- 
ditional. Of the good-neighbor policy he said : 
"In Nicaragua, as in all our countries, we used 
to be taught in the schools to say North Amer- 
ica, Central America, and South America, but 
good neighbors are learning to say 'America' 
instead. I believe in the futui'e we will think 
of America without frontiers. In my own 
country the people's idea of the United States 
has been completely transformed by the good- 
neighbor policy, an ideal that produces prac- 
tical benefits." 

[Released to the press June 3] 

Seiior Max Dickmann, Argentine novelist 
and critic, has arrived in Washington as a guest 
of the Department of State. He will spend 
several months in this countrj' studying social 
problems with relation to the contemporary 
novel in the United States. Senor Dickmann 
has done more perhaps than any other one per- 
son to acquaint the Spanish-reading public 
with the work of our novelists. He has trans- 
lated books by John Dos Passos, William Faulk- 

JUNE 5, 1943 


ncr, Erskine Caldwell, and others, and has also 
translated Elmer Rice's The Adding Machine 
and Robert Sherwootl's The Petrified Forest. 

While in this country Seiior Dickmann will 
confer with authors and publishers and will col- 
lect material for a book. He is especially inter- 
ested in housing conditions, labor questions, and 
our educational system. 

(Released to the press June .*!] 

Dr. Plinio Brasil Milano, Delegate of Politi- 
cal and Social Order in the State of Rio Grande 

do Sul, Brazil, arrived in Washington June 2 as 
a guest of the Department of State. Dr. Milano 
has headed the active police campaign of the 
past few years to eliminate the Nazi peril in his 
territory and has acquired prestige through- 
out Brazil for his energetic anti-Axis activity. 
He is a cordial friend of the United States and 
deeply interested in our institutions. 

Wliile in this comitry Dr. Milano will observe 
our police organizations with a view to learning 
new police methods that might be successfully 
adapted to Brazil. 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

Summation of the Results of the Conference by the Secretary General 

lUelensed to the press June 3] 

The Conference met to consider the goal of 
freedom from want in relation to food and 
agriculture. In its resolutions and its reports, 
the Conference has recognized that freedom 
from want means a secure, an adequate, and a 
suitable supply of food for every man. 

All men on earth are consumers of food. 
More than two thirds of them are also pro- 
ducers of it. These two aspects of gaining sub- 
sistence from the soil cannot be separated. Men 
cannot eat more foods and more healthful foods 
unless these foods can be obtained from the land 
or the sea in sufficient quantities. If more and 
better food is to be available for all people, 
producers must know what they are called upon 
to do. They must equally be assured that their 
labors will earn them an adequate livelihood. 

The work of the Conference emphasized the 
fundamental interdependence of the consumer 
and the producer. It recognized that the food 
policy and the agricultural policy of the nations 
must be considered together: it recommended 
that a permanent body should be established to 
deal with the varied problems of food and agri- 
culture, not in isolation but together. 

The work of the Conference also showed that 
the types of food most generally required to 

improve people's diets and health are in many 
cases those produced by methods of farming 
best calculated to maintain the productivity of 
the soil and to increase and make more stable 
the returns to agricultural producers. In short, 
better nutrition means better farming. 

The Conference declared that the goal of 
freedom from want can Ije reached. It did not, 
however, seek to conceal the fact that it will 
be first necessary to win freedom from hunger. 
In the immediate future, the first duty of the 
United Nations will be to win complete victory 
in arms: as their armies liberate territories 
from tyranny their goal will be to bring food 
for the starving. The need to reach freedom 
from hunger before seeking freedom from want 
was understood, and resolutions were adopted 
on this subject. These covered both the plan- 
ning of agricultural production and the adop- 
tion of measures to prevent violent fluctuations 
in prices resulting from the shortages of the 
transition period. 

Many delegates informed the Conference 
about the state of health in their respective 
countries. It was made clear that there was a 
close connection between many prevalent dis- 
eases and deficiency in diets. It was established 



that malnutrition was a leading cause for the 
high level of child mortality. It was apparent 
that in all countries there are large sections of 
the population who do not get adequate and 
suitable food for health; in many countries the 
majority of tlie people are in this situation. 

The Conference has not attempted to lay 
down ideal standards of nutrition for all peo- 
ples. It has recognized that while the ultimate 
objective must be a world in which all people 
are fed in full accordance with the require- 
ments of good health, it will be necessary as a 
practical measure to concentrate on intermedi- 
ate goals whicli can be progressively raised as 
conditions improve (Resolution IX). These 
intermediate goals must diifer from region to 
region according to climate, taste, social habits, 
and other circumstances. These goals are there- 
fore primarily a matter for individual govern- 
ments to determine. 

One of the most important recommendations 
of the Conference is that the governments and 
authorities represented should declare to their 
own people and to one another their intention 
to secure more and better food for the people 
(Resolution III). Various measures which 
might be taken for this purpose were discussed. 
These included education, special provision for 
particular classes of the population, and the 
improvement of the quality of food available 
(see the report of Section I). 

The Conference recognized (Declaration, 
paragraph 3), that a great increase would be 
needed in the production of food if progress is 
to be made toward freedom from want. Sec- 
tion II discussed how this increase could be 
brought about. It was recognized, however, 
that to a varying extent in different countries 
and at different times there would be insufficient 
food of kinds required for health. It might 
therefore be necessary to take measures to see 
that special groups of the population, such as 
young children and pregnant women, who most 
need these foods, obtain at least their minimum 
requirements, even if this means reducing the 
supplies for the rest of the population below 
what they would otherwise consume (Resolution 

In Section II, the Conference considered how 

agricultural production could be increased and 
adapted to yield the supplies most needed by 
consumers. It began its work with the assump- 
tion, wliich was confirmed by the conclusions of 
Section I, that more production was needed if 
the people of the world were to have sufficient 
food for adeqiuite nutrition and that both new 
and existing production would have to be ad- 
justed to secure more of those "protective" 
foods which are most necessary for good health. 

Before discussing methods by which these 
changes could be brought about, the Section 
examined the short-term position immediately 
after the liberation of occupied territories. It 
was generally agreed that this period will be 
one of shortage, the exact incidence and extent 
of these shortages being governed by the cir- 
cumstances in which various territories are 
liberated from the enemy. Dui'ing this period 
the first call will be to reach freedom from 
hunger in areas devastated by the war. Until 
these lands themselves are able to produce a 
harvest, the most urgent demand will be for 
cereals and other foods which maintain human 
energy and satisfy hunger. 

The Conference agreed (Resolution XIII) 
that while shortages lasted there should be co- 
ordinated action by governments both to secure 
increased production and to prevent speculative 
and violent fluctuations in prices. 

The conditions of shortage existing at the end 
of hostilities will be exceptional and it should 
not be too long before the production of the 
basic energy foods is sufficiently restored to 
provide for freedom from hunger. When that 
state is reached it will be necessary to increase 
wherever possible the emphasis on production 
of foods containing first-class protein and other 
protective qualities necessary to good health, 
according to the standards considered by Sec- 
tion I of the Conference. 

There is danger that the heavy demand for 
energy foods which will arise from the imme- 
diate period of shortage may lead, as the short- 
ages are overcome, to overproduction of these 
foods unless governments act with foresight in 
guiding producers to alter their production 
programs in accordance with the long-term re- 
quirements. The actual programs must be 

JUNE 5, 1943 


drawn up to suit the particular circumstances 
of each country, but the Conference agreed 
upon broad general principles which should 
serve as a guide in making these programs in 
all countries. These principles cover not only 
the adjustment of production to fit the long- 
term requirements of a better diet but also 
improvements in the general efficiency of pro- 
duction. The Conference also recommended 
certain particular measures of more general 
application for carrying them out (Resolutions 
XVI to XX). 

In addition, the Conference recommended 
measures (Resolution XXI) for new agricul- 
tiii-al development. It was the opinion of the 
Conference that some parts of the world which 
at present are unproductive could be brought 
into agricidtural production if the appropriate 
measures were applied. At the same time, it 
was recognized that, in some areas of rich 
potentialities, development is impeded by over- 
crowding of farmers on the land. AVhile some- 
thing can be done to increase the productivity 
of these areas by improving methods of farm- 
ing, by drainage and similar measures, it was 
recognized (Resolution XXII) that in some 
cases the development of industry to provide 
employment for agricultural populations or 
emigration to other areas were the only meas- 
ures likely to offer any significant contribution 
to a solution of the problem. 

The Conference recognized that it is useless 
to produce food unless men and nations have 
the means to acquire it for consumption. Free- 
dom from want cannot be achieved unless there 
is a balanced and world-wide expansion of 
economic activity. 

The deliberations of the Conference in Sec- 
tion III, which was set up to investigate the 
improvement of distribution, clearly showed 
that consumers would not be in a position to 
buy the food they needed, and producers of 
food could not be assured of adequate returns, 
unless progress was made through national and 
international action to raise the general level 
of employment in all countries. Moreover, as 
discussions in Section I emphasized, poverty 
is the first cause of malnutrition and hunger. 

The work of Section III established the close 
interdependence between the level of employ- 
ment in all countries, the character and extent 
of industrial development, the management of 
currencies, the direction of national and inter- 
national investment, and the policy adopted by 
the nations toward foreign trade. The Confer- 
ence was not called upon to conduct a detailed 
investigation into the policies which should be 
adopted by the governments of the world in 
order to promote an expansion of economic 
activity: but it declared that freedom from 
want of food could not be fully achieved with- 
out such an expansion and urgently recom- 
mended the governments and authorities rep- 
resented to take action individually, and in 
concert, in order to secure this objective (Res- 
olution XXIV). 

Having drawn attention to the fundamental 
importance, in the approach to freedom from 
want of food, of policies to expand and quicken 
economic activity, the Conference discussed the 
place and functions wliich might be given, 
within the framework of such policies, to inter- 
national arrangements for the control of basic 
staple foodstuffs entering international trade. 
There was agreement that the objects of any 
such arrangements must be to eliminate exces- 
sive short-term movements in the prices of food 
and agricultural commodities, to mitigate gen- 
eral inflationary or deflationary movements, 
and to facilitate adjustments in production 
which may be necessary to prevent economic 
dislocation. The Conference agreed that any 
such arrangements should include the effective 
representation of consumers as well as produc- 
ers. It was not possible for the Conference, 
in the time available, to discuss future inter- 
national commodity arrangements in detail. 
Discussion in Section III was directed to general 
questions of principle affecting the operation 
of such arrangements as might later be made. 
The two questions to which most attention was 
paid were : 

(a) The place which buffer stocks should 
occupy in these arrangements; and 

(b) How far it would be necessary to achieve 
the desired objectives to include within the 



general arrangements agreements for the regu- 
lation of production. 

The Conference agreed that further inter- 
national discussion of these questions ouglit to 
take place with a view to the establishment of 
broad principles to govern the formulation and 
operation of future commodity arrangements. 

There was general agreement that, whatever 
the nature of the arrangements eventually 
made for individual commodities, machinery 
would be needed for coordinating their opera- 
tions in the light of the broad principles to be 
agreed upon (Resolution XXV). 

It became clear at a comparatively early 
stage of the Conference that there was general 
agreement that the nations represented at the 
Conference should establish a permanent organ- 
ization in the field of food and agriculture. It 
was also generally agreed that this organiza- 
tion should act as a center of information and 
advice on both agricultural and nutrition ques- 
tions and that it should maintain a service of 
international statistics. The Conference did 
not, however, attempt to lay down in detail 
what the scope and functions of such an or- 
ganization should be or its i-elation to other 
national or international bodies. It was 
agreed that these questions would have to be 
worked out in detail between representatives 

of the participating governments. Accord- 
ingly, the Conference recommended the estab- 
lishment in Washington of an Interim Com- 
mission, one of the functions of which would 
be to draw up for submission to the govern- 
ments and authorities represented a detailed 
plan for the permanent organization (Resolu- 
tion II). 

The United Nations Conference on Food and 
Agriculture has shown that the governments 
and authorities represented are agreed upon the 
necessity of their taking action individually 
and in concert to achieve freedom from want 
of food. The reports and recommendations of 
the Conference indicate further agreement on 
the methods to be followed. The Conference 
has accordingly recommended that the govern- 
ments and authorities represented should rec- 
ognize their obligation to their own people and 
to one another to raise the levels of nutrition 
and the standards of living of their citizens, 
to improve the efficiency of agricultural i:)roduc- 
tion, and to cooperate one with another for the 
achievement of these ends. The Conference 
resolved that the Interim Commission to be 
established in Washington should pi-epare such 
a declaration or agreement in this sense for 
the consideration of the governments and au- 
thorities represented. 

Treaty Information 


Agreement With Canada Relating to Waiver of 
Claims Arising as a Result of Collisions Be- 
tween Vessels of War 

[Released to the press June 2] 

An agreement between the United States and 
Canada for the waiver of claims arising as a 
result of collisions between United States war- 
ships and ships of the Royal Canadian Navy 
has been effected by an exchange of notes, dated 
May 25 and May 26, 1943, between the Secretary 

of State and the Canadian Minister in Wash- 

Each Government agrees, with a view to 
facilitating the conduct of the war, that when 
a vessel of war of either Government shall 
collide with a vessel of war of the other Govern- 
ment, resulting in damage to either or both of 
such vessels, each Government shall bear all the 
expenses which arise directly or indirectly from 
the damage to its own vessel and neither Gov- 
ernment shall make any claim against the other 
Government on account of such damage or ex- 

JUNE 6, 1943 


The agreement applies in respect of claims 
arising since December 7, 1941 but remaining 
unsettled on the day the agreement entered into 
force, as well as in respect of claims arising on 
or after the day the agreement entered into 
force, namely, IMay 26, 1943. The agreement is 
made effective until the expiration of six months 
from the day either Government gives to the 
other Government written notice of an inten- 
tion to terminate the agreement. 

A waiver of claims in respect of collisions be- 
tween naval vessels of the United States and the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern 
Ireland is embraced in the agreement relating 
to certain problems of marine transportation 
and litigation between the Governments of tlie 
two countries signed on December 4, 1942.' 


Supplementary Military and Naval Cooperation 
Agreement With Cuba 

The American Embassy at Habana has trans- 
mitted to the Secretarj' of State signed texts, 
in English and Spanish, of a supplementary 
agreement for military and naval cooperation 
between the United States and Cuba, signed at 
Habana on February 1, 1943 by Spruille Braden, 
American Ambassador at Habana, and J. A. 
Martinez, Minister of State of Cuba. 

The agreement of February 1, 1943 supple- 
ments the agreement for military and naval co- 
operation between the United States and Cuba, 
which was signed at Habana on June 19, 1942 
(Bulletin of June 20. 1942, p. 553), and the 
supplementary agreement, which was signed at 
Habana on September 7, 1942 (Bxn.LETix of 
Sept. 12, 1942, p. 750). 

Convention With Mexico 

[Released to the press June 2] 

According to information received by the 
Department of State from the American Em- 

' BtJixunN of Jan. 9, 1943, p. 28 ; Executive Agreement 
Series 282. 

bassy at Mexico City, the exchange of ratifica- 
tions of the consular convention between the 
United States and Mexico, which was signed on 
August 12, 1942 in Mexico City by the American 
Ambassador and the Mexican Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, took place at 12 : 30 p.m. on June 1, 
1943 in Mexico City. 

It is provided in article XIV of the conven- 
tion that it shall enter into force on the thirtieth 
day after the day of the exchange of ratifi- 

The convention defines the duties, rights, 
jjrivileges, exemijtioiis, and innnunities of the 
consular officers of each countrj' in the territory 
of the other country. 


Food-Production Agreement With Venezuela 

By a despatch dated ihiy 18, 1943 the Ameri- 
can Embassy at Caracas rejjorted to the Sec- 
retary of State that an agreement between the 
United States and Venezuela relating to the 
development of foodstuffs production in Vene- 
zuela was effected by an exchange of notes, 
signed May 14, 1943, between Joseph Flack, 
American Charge at Caracas, and Dr. C. Parra 
Perez, Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
The agreement is made effective for one year 
and may be extended for an additional year by 
a statement of willingness of the Government 
of Venezuela. The text of the Foreign Minis- 
ter's note in Spanish and a Spanish translation 
of the American Charge's note have been pub- 
lislied in the Venezuelan Gaceta Ofcial 21012 
of May 15, 1943. 


Shipowners' Liability (Sick and Injured Sea- 
men) Convention, 1936 

In a decision by the Supreme Court of the 
United States on April 19, 1943 the Shipowners' 
Liability (Sick and Injured Seamen) Conven- 
tion (Treaty Series 951 ; 54 Stat. 1695), which 
was adopted by the International Labor Con- 
ference at its twenty-first session, Geneva, 
October 24, 1936, was cited. 



The two cases considered in the decision were 
Pedro Agu'dar, petitioner, v. Standard Oil Com- 
pany of New Jersey (no. 454), and Waterman 
Steamship Corporation, petitioner, v. David E. 
Jones (no. 582), in both of which tlie question 
presented was whether a shipowner is liable for 
wages and maintenance and cure to a seaman 
who, having left his vessel on authorized shore 
leave, is injured while traversing the only avail- 
able route between the moored ship and a public 
street. The injury in no. 582 occurred while 
the seaman was departing for his leave. The 
injury in no. 454 occurred when the seaman was 
struck by an automobile while he was returning 
to his ship. In both cases the seamen were in- 
jured while traversing an area between their 
moored ships and the public streets by an ap- 
propriate route. 

The complaint in no. 582 was dismissed in the 
District Court on defendant's motion on the 
gi'ound that at the time of his injury the plain- 
tiff was not ashore on the ship's business. The 
Third Circuit Court of Appeals reversed and 
remanded the case (130 F. 2d 797), holding that 
on the facts stated in the complaint the defend- 
ant was liable for maintenance and cure and 
wages. The complaint in no. 454 was dismissed 
by the District Court, and on appeal that action 
was atlirmed by the Second Circuit Court of 
Appeals (130 F. 2d 154). Both courts acted 
on the ground that in going ashore on personal 
business the plaintiff left the service of the ship 
and therefore no liability for maintenance and 
cure attached. 

The two cases were brought before the Su- 
preme Court on writs of certiorari. In the 
course of its opinion the Court said, in part: 
"The voyage creates not only the need for re- 
laxation ashore, but the necessity that it be 
satisfied in distant and inifamiliar ports. If 
in those surroundings the seaman, without dis- 
qualifying misconduct, contracts disease or 
incurs injury, it is because of the voyage, the 
shipowner's business. The business has sepa- 
rated him from his usual places of association. 
By adding this separation to the restrictions of 
living as well as working aboard, it forges dual 
and unique compulsions for seeking relief wher- 

ever it may be found. In sum, it is the ship's 
business which subjects the seaman to the risks 
attending hours of relaxation in strange sur- 
roundings. Accordingly it is but reasonable 
that the business extend the same protections 
against injury from them as it gives for other 
risks of the employment. . . . 

"There is strong ground . . . for regarding 
the right to maintenance and cure as covering 
injuries received without misconduct while on 
shore leave. Certainly the nature and founda- 
tions of the liability require that it be not nar- 
rowly confined or whittled down by restrictive 
and artificial distinctions defeating its broad 
and beneficial purposes. If leeway is to be given 
in either direction, all the considerations which 
brought the liability into being dictate it should 
be in the sailor's behalf. In this view, the nature 
and purposes of the liability do not permit dis- 
tinctions which allow recovery when the seaman 
becomes ill or is injured while idle aboard . . . 
or when doing some minor errand for the ship 
ashore . . . but deny it when he falls from the 
ladder or gangplank as he leaves the vessel on 
shore leave ... or is returning from it . . . 
Such refinements cut the heart from a protection 
to which they are wholly foreign in aim and 
effect. The sailor departing for or returning 
from shore leave is, sensibly, no more beyond 
the broad protection of his right to maintenance 
and cure than is the seaman quitting the ship on 
being discharged or boarding it on first report- 
ing for duty." 

The Court stated that it could see no signifi- 
cant difference between imposing the liability to 
cai-e for the seaman's injuries received in board- 
ing or quitting the ship and enforcing it for 
injuries incurred on the dock or other premises 
which must be traversed in going from the ves- 
sel to the public streets or returning to it from 
them ; and that, in view of the ground on which 
it rested the decision, it was not necessary to 
consider the Shipowner's Liability Convention 
of 1936 other than to state that it in no way 
altered the conclusion which it reached. 

The Supreme Court affirmed the judgment in 
no. 582 ; in no. 454 it reversed and remanded the 
judgment to the District Court for further pro- 

JUNE 5, 1943 

ceedinos not inconsistent with the Supreme 
Court's opinion. 

The opinion states tliat the Chief Justice 
thought that the judgment in no. 454 should be 
iiflirmed for the reasons stated in tlie opinion of 
the Circuit Court of Appeals (130 F. 2d 154). 
In no. 582 he concurred in the result on the 
ground that the recovery was authorized by the 
Shipowner's Liability Convention, which be- 
came efi'cctive before the date of the respond- 
ent's injury. He was of the o[)inion that 
article 2, clause 1, of the treaty authorizing 
recovery is self-executing and that the excep- 
tions permitted by clause 2 are not operative in 
the absence of congressional legislation giving 
them effect. 

The countries in respect of which ratifica- 
tions of the above-mentioned convention have 
been registered are the United States of 
America, Belgium, and Mexico. 


North American Regional Broadcasting Agree- 
ment and Intcr-Anierican Radiocomniunica- 
tions Convention 


By a note dated May 3, 1943 the director of 
the Inter-American Radio Olfice at Habana, 
Cuba, informed this Government that the coun- 
tries which have stated that they have no ob- 
jection to the adherence by the Government of 
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Northern Ireland in the name of the Bahamas 
to the North American Regional Broadcasting 
Agreement (Treaty Series 962) and to the Inter- 
American Radiocommunications Convention 
(Treaty Series 938), which were signed at Ha- 
bana on December 13, 1937,^ are the United 
States of America, Canada, and Haiti. 

Inter-American Arrangement Concerning Radio- 
communications (Santiago Revision 1940) 


By a note dated May 19, 1943 the director 
of the Inter- American Radio Office at Habana, 

' Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1943, p. 313. 


Cuba, informed this Government of the receipt 
of a note dated April 27, 1943 from the Secre- 
tary of State for External Affairs of Canada 
informing the Inter-American Radio Office that 
by Order-in-Council dated April 22, 1943 the 
Government of Canada has decided to notify the 
Government of Chile, depositary of the arrange- 
ment, of its adiierence to the Inter-American 
Arrangement Concerning Radiocommunica- 
tions signed at Santiago, Chile, on January 26, 
1940,= subject to the following reservation: 

"Canada reserves the right to continue the 
use, for existing domestic services, of the fre- 
quencies 5405 Kc. and 2870 Kc. which are 
Canadian priority channels under Regional 

International Load Line Convention 


By a decree of February 26, 1942 the Govern- 
ment of Uruguay established certain modifica- 
tions of the International Load Line Conven- 
tion, signed at London July 5, 1930 (Treaty 
Series 858), in accordance M'ith a proposal 
made in 1941.^ 

By a despatch dated May 17, 1943 the Amer- 
ican Embassy at ilontevideo transmitted to the 
Secretary of State the text and a translation 
of a decree of May 5, 1943, by which the Gov- 
ernment of Uruguay extends the modifications 
established by the clecree of February 26, 1942 
until six months following the conclusion of 
the present armed conflict. 


Agreement With the United Kingdom Relating 
to the Apportioning of Supplies of African 

By a despatch dated May 5, 1943 the Ameri- 
can Embassy at London reported to the Secre- 

"BuLLuiiN of May 8, 1943, p. 422; Executive Agree- 
ment Series 231. 

' Bulletin of Aug. 9, 1941, p. 114 ; and Oct. 24 1942 
p. 859. 



tary of State that by an exchange of notes, 
signed April 30, 1943, between Anthony Eden, 
British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
and Jolni G. Winant, American Ambassador 
at London, there was effected an agreement 
between the United States and the United King- 
dom approving the principles contained in a 
Memorandum of Understanding between the 
Ministry of Supply of the United Kingdom and 
the Board of Economic Warfare and the Metals 
Reserve Company of the United States, which 
was concluded on January 6, 1943, relating 
to the apportioning of supplies of African 


Department of State 

Principles Applying to the Provision of Aid to the 
Armed Forces of the United States: Supplementary 
Agreement Between the United States of America 
and Belgium — Effected by exchange of notes signed 
at Washington January 30, 1C43. Executive Agree- 
ment Series 313. Ptiblication 1930. 3 pp. 50. 

The Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals : Cu- 
mulative Supplement No. 2, June 4, 1943, Containing 
Additions, Amendments, and Deletions Made Since 
Revision V of April 23, 1943. Publication 1942. 
42 pp. Free. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Docunrents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington. D. C. 
Price, 10 cents . - - - Subscription price, $2.75 a year 







1 r 


J -J- JL 1 

JUNE 12, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 207— Publication 1947 



The War pago 
Use of Poison Gas: Statement by the President .... 507 
Building for Peace in a Shattered World: Address by- 
Francis B. Sayre 507 

Statement by the Secretr.ry of State 513 

French National Council of Liberation 514 

Anniversary of the Signing of the Mutual-Aid Agree- 
ment With the Soviet Union 514 

Mutual-Aid Agreement With Liberia 515 

Intern.\tion.\l Conferences, Commi.-;^ions, Etc. 
United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture: 

Address by the President of the United States . . 5 IS 

American Repurlics 

Recognition of New Government of Argentina .... 520 
The National Library of Peru 520 


Visit to the L^nited States of the President of Czecho- 
slovakia 521 

Cultural Relations 

Distinguished Visitors From Other American Republics . 522 
Distinguished Visitors From China 522 



JUL 8 1943 


Treaty Information 

Economics: Draft Agreement for United Nations Relief ^"se 

and Rehabilitation Administration 523 

Armed Forces: 

Agreement With Brazil Regarding Military Service 
by Nationals of Either Country Residing in the 

Other 528 

Agreement With El Salvador Regarding Military 
Service by Nationals of Either Country Residing 

in the Other 530 

Postal: Agreement Relating to Money Orders, Postal 

Union of the Americas and Spain 345 

Legislation 535 

Publications 535 

The War 


Statement bv the President 

( Released to the press bj- the White House June 8) 

From time to time since the present war began 
there have been reports that one or more of the 
Axis powers were seriously contemphiting use 
of poisonous or noxious gases or other inhumane 
devices of warfare. 

I have been loatli to believe that any nation, 
even our present enemies, could or would be will- 
ing to loose upon mankind such terrible and in- 
liumane weapons. However, evidence that the 
Axis powers are nuiking significant preparations 
indicative of .such an intention is being reported 
with increasing frequency from a variety of 

Use of such weapons has been outlawed by the 
general opinion of civilized mankind. This 
country has not used them, and I hope that we 
never will be compelled to use them. I state 
categorically that we shall under no circum- 
stances resort to the use of such weapons unless 
they are first used by our enemies. 

As President of the United States and as 
Commander in Chief of the American armed 
forces, I want to make clear beyond all doubt 
to any of our enemies contemjjlating a resort 
to such desperate and barbarous methods that 
acts of this nature committed against any one 
of the United Nations will be regarded as hav- 
ing been committed against the United States 
itself and will be treated accordingly. We 
jH-omise to any perpetrators of such crimes full 
and swift retaliation in kind, and I feel obliged 
now to warn the Axis armies and the Axis peo- 
ples, in Europe and in Asia, that the terrible 
consequences of any use of these inhumane meth- 
ods on their part will be brought down swiftly 
and surely upon their own heads. Any use of 
gas by any Axis power, therefore, will imme- 
diately be followed by the fullest possible retali- 
ation upon munition centers, seaports, and other 
military objectives throughout the whole extent 
of the territory' of such Axis countrj'. 

Address by Francis B. Sayre ^ 

[ Released to the press Juno 8] 

It is a thrilling time in which to be alive. 
We are passing, these tremendous days, through 
one of the very great periods of history. It is 
in the days of trial and strain, when burdens 
seemingly intolerable must be borne and prob- 

533C33 — 13 1 

lems apparently insoluble must be successfully 
solved, that men's souls are uplifted and the 
really great pages of history are written. 

' Delivered before the Executives Club of Charlotte, 
X. C. .June S, 1943. Mr. Sayre is Special Assistant to 
the Secretary of State. 




The contrast between our present-day world 
and that of the nineteenth century is striking 
indeed. The nineteenth century was a time of 
ease and prosperity, when men devoted their 
lives to material wealth. The sun shone and 
flowers bloomed ; we dreamed that we were ap- 
l^roaching the day when poverty would be con- 
quered and human want overcome. In Amer- 
ica, as in other western countries, we were ab- 
sorbed in the Herculean labor of building an 
unsurpassed material civilization that seemed 
to us impregnable. 

The mills of the gods giind slowly, but ma- 
terialism and selfishness in the end bear their 
inevitable fruit. America emerged in 1914 
wealthy and powerful beyond her dreams, but 
confronted with three haunting problems: one 
in the field of industry, another in that of eco- 
nomics, and a third in the realm of international 
politics. Because these i^roblems are still un- 
solved, because as long as they remain so they 
threaten to bring our civilization crashing 
about our heads, they must be the vital con- 
cern of every forward-looking man and woman 

The industrial problem came as the very nat- 
ural result of our intensive drive to accumu- 
late material wealth. Human values were 
eclipsed by material ones; labor was treated as 
a commodity and wages in manj' cases driven 
down by the operation of relentless economic 
competition below the poverty level so that a 
substantial portion of workers, even in times of 
national plenty, were receiving less than suf- 
ficient for the basic necessities of life. Capital 
was invested and effort concentrated in what- 
ever enterprise would yield to the investor the 
highest monetary returns, quite regardless of 
public or social considerations or human needs. 
The result was permanent mass unemploy- 
ment — what has been called "the most hide- 
ous of our social evils". There followed grow- 
ing unrest, social maladjustment, ominous fis- 
sures and cracks in the industrial foundations 
of the west. 

In these developments America did not stand 
alone. England, France, Germany, and other 

industrial nations were following the same 
pathway and facing the same darkening 

In the economic field an equally grave prob- 
lem developed. Unless a manufacturer can se- 
cure the raw materials he needs and can get his 
goods to market, he must close his factories. 
Obviously, growing inchistrialization in every 
nation demanded freer access to foreign sources 
of supplies and to overseas markets — in a word, 
fewer barriers to international trade. Yet the 
trend of international trade practices was in 
precisely the opposite direction. Tariifs and 
other trade barriers were pushed up instead of 
down, under the relentless pressure all over the 
world of blocs of producers, intent on gaining 
higher pi'ices for their own goods by excluding 
from the Nation all competing foreign goods. 
With every country thus pushing up its trade 
barriers to ever greater heights, nations were 
forced into an economic nationalism and at- 
tempted self-sufficiency which if unchecked 
threatened to disrupt in time tiie very founda- 
tions of the economic and commercial structure 
of the world. 

In the realm of international politics the un- 
solved problem of competitive armament-build- 
ing hung, like a sword of Damocles, above our 
heads. For over a century man's main reliance 
had been upon guns and battleships and material 
power rather than upon international confi- 
dence and friendship and the buikbng up of 
peace machinery. It was thought tliut i^eace 
could be made secure by lining up the nations of 
the world into two opposing camps, with the 
material strength of each so nearly equal that 
neither would dare to attack the other. Thus 
we headed into the Triple Alliance versus the 
Triple Entente. 

Any system of nicely balanced militai'y al- 
liances is bound to develop sooner or later into a 
race in competitive armament-building, with 
costs mounting in a continually ascending 
spiral. To such a race there can be no relief- 
no end — except war. 

The storm broke in 1914 with the crash of the 
first World War. We tried to guard America J 

JUXE 12, 1943 


against the oncoming disaster ; but the explosive 
gases generated by the unsolved problems ot 
our materialistic civilization were too world- 
embracing to allow a single nation to isolate 
itself or escape untouched. 

War itself does not solve problems. It mul- 
tiplies and intensifies them. ^Vhat the Allied 
victory did achieve was to give to statesman- 
ship an unparalleled opportunity at the con- 
clusion of the war to work out and apply solu- 
tions upon which a stable civilization could be 

Emerging from the war, America found her- 
self in the forefront of a surging army of hu- 
manity looking to her as tlie nation of supreme 
power to lead the world to salvation. But 
America, engrossed in her own aflfairs, had no 
battleflag ready — no clear-cut vision of the goal 
ahead. We turned our backs upon Woodrow 
Wilson and upon the great ideals for which he 
stood. We scrambled back to "normalcy'", 
which meant business as usual, selfishness ram- 
pant, and a general unconcern for humanity 
and the rest of the world. 

America lost the lead that was hers. The 
youth whom she had sent to France on a crusade 
to "make the world safe for democracy'' came 
home to find the ideals for which they had of- 
fered their lives apparently in the scrap heap. 
AVhat else could happen but a tidal wave of dis- 
illusionment and cynicism, sweeping over the 
country and leaving in its wake a sense of frus- 
tration and utter futility. It poisoned our faith 
in the goodness of life and in the destiny of 

Unhappily America's experience was not 
unique. All over the world the same forces of 
materialism and cynicism gained ascendancy. 
Particularly in Central Europe the losses and 
suffering resulting from the first World War 
and the prevailing sense of disillusionment and 
frustration, led to widespread demoralization. 
Capitalizing upon this tragic situation, the Nazi 
group emerged in Germany, the culmination and 
embodiment of stark materialism, ready to sell 
their very souls if they could thereby gain mate- 
rial power. Scorning the principles and teach- 

ings of Christianity and in utter contempt for 
the spiritual values and moral foundations upon 
which alone civilized life can be built, they called 
upon all Germans who believed in sheer brute 
force as the source of greatest power on earth to 
join with them in fighting their way to a posi- 
tion of mastery over the rest of the world. 

During the ensuing years efforts have been 
made by our Govermnent and by other govern- 
ments — in manj' cases constructive and valiant 
efforts — to meet and to overcome the tormenting 
problems of modern civilization. Some prog- 
ress has been nuide. Yet throughout the world 
as a whole the problems still remain unsolved. 

All of us know that a mere military victory, 
important and essential as that clearly is, will 
not of itself bring us a lasting peace. At the 
conclusion of the first World War, because the 
basic problems growing out of a materialistic 
civilization were left unsolved, we gained only 
a short respite between wars and fiiiled to 
achieve lasting peace. Military victory gave us 
our chance, but we lost it. The situation now 
is infinitely more grave. If we lose our chance 
again, our plight will be critical indeed. 

How can we achieve a durable peace? It is 
not a question of what kind of a peace would 
victors like to impose upon the vanquished, but 
in the cold light of experience how can we build 
a peace which is likely to prove enduring and 
which rests upon Christian fundamentals? 

If I read history aright, such a peace must be 
built upon at least four underlying principles — 
first, international cooperation ; second, a recog- 
nition of the supreme value of human person- 
ality and of human rights: third, economic 
freedom ; and fourth, international control and 
supervision of armament-building. 

In the first place, no peace today can possibly 
be lasting unless it is built upon increasingly 
close international cooperation. The present 
world, as a result of modern scientific inven- 
tion and development, has become so closely 
knit together by steamships and cables and 
aeroplanes and radios that in actual fact no 
nation any longer can isolate its activities — or 
indeed even its thoughts. The old conception 



that each sovereign nation is and should be 
completely independent of every other and thus 
free to formulate its policies and engage in 
such activities as it chooses regardless of every 
other nation, was developed at a time when 
ocean transportation was by sailing ships and 
there were no cables or radios. That day is 
jiast. The p6litical, economic, and social poli- 
cies of every nation today have their strong 
effects and dynamic repercussions upon every 
other nation. An unconscionable tariff wall or 
an unfair discrimination may, perhaps on the 
other side of the world, cut off a whole nation 
from its accustomed overseas markets and bring 
its people lengthening breadlines and industrial 
revolution. The adoption by one people of a 
new economic or social philosophy may result 
in thunder and lightning on anotlier continent. 

America is now compelled quite against her 
will to turn aside from the pursuits of peace, to 
undergo the convulsion and tragedy of war, to 
send her men and ships and planes across the 
seven seas — because of what happened in the 
past 10 years in Manchuria, in Ethiopia, in 
Austria, in Czechoslovakia, in Poland, in Nor- 
way, in China, in Indochina, and elsewhere in 
Europe and Aisia. Was there ever a more ter- 
rible object lesson set before our eyes of the 
utter incongruity of the thesis of national isola- 
tionism with the realities of modern life? 

America, under present conditions, even if 
she wanted to, cannot live selfishly apart from 
the rest of the world. No nation in the twen- 
tieth century can possibly live unto itself 

No peace can be lasting unless it is built upon 
these inescapable realities. The political, 
economic, and commercial problems which con- 
vulse the modern world and which generate in- 
ternational frictions and breed poisons have 
come to transcend national and even conti- 
nental boundaries. No nation single-handed 
can solve them. For instance, no nation can 
afford to disarm, no matter how peace-loving 
its people may be, as long as no organized inter- 
national force exists to prevent individual free- 
booters from attacking it. No blockade can 
be made effective unless all concerned partici- 

pate. No nation can safely remove its quota 
restrictions, its exchange controls, and its other 
trade barriers against discriminatory prac- 
tices, dumping tactics, and the like, unless all 
move together in a common frontal attack upon 
all unconscionable trade barriers. The prob- 
lems which make for war are world-wide in 
their scope and can never be solved except by 
concerted thought and organized joint action 
on the part of the world community. 

Two practical conclusions seem to me to fol- 
low. If we are to build for lasting peace, we 
nuist abandon the nineteenth-century concep- 
tion that the road to peace lies through a nicely 
poised Balance of Power. Again and again 
cold experience has taught us that no peace 
dependent upon a Balance of Power lasts. The 
Balance of Power theory rests upon the premise 
of utterly independent nations, owing no ob- 
ligations of any kind to each other; and the 
peace of tlie world under twentieth-century con- 
ditions cannot be made secure except through 
the activity of an organized group, subject to 
common obligations and restraints. Whatever 
may be said in its favor under nineteenth 
century conditions, the Balance of Power 
tlieory is, under twentieth-century conditions, 
the sure way to destruction. 

It further follows that the only way under 
present-day realities to make peace secure is to 
.set up an international organization for the 
keeping of the peace. This does not mean creat- 
ing overnight a world government with sweep- 
ing and general power to invade the domestic 
affairs of sovereign states. It does mean the 
delegation to some international organization 
of certain carefully defined and restricted 
powers. It means also clothing it with sufficient 
force to carry otit effectively those restricted 
and limited powers. Presumably these would 
include among others the power to prevent by 
concerted action international territorial ag- 
gression and thievery, the power to regulate 
and control heavy armament-building in every 
country of the world, the power to administer 
and supervise the government of certain back- 
M'ard and cole aial areas, and the power by con- 
certed action to attack certain discriminatory 

JUXE 12, 1943 


aiul anti-siK-ial prarticcs in the field of inter- 
national trade and finance. The dcjiree of 
powei- acrorded to siicli an orjianization wonld 
natnrnlly <;ro\v witli time as experienee proved 
its worth and its eonipctency. As a matter of 
fact, the stabilization of ]ieace is less dependent 
upon strong-ai'ni methods to repress force than 
upon the constant international regulation and 
adjustment, lonfl before resort to force is im- 
minent, of problems which make for conflict. 

The difficulties of creating such an organiza- 
tion, properly delimiting its sphere of action, 
and clotlung it witli effective ])ower are not to be 
minimized. Hut tliere is no otlier way by 
which indejx'ndeiit states can maintain their 
security and (heir sovereignty. 

The issue of future American participation 
ill sliaping world affairs has come to be too 
ciiuial fur us to allow it to be decided hence- 
fortli upon prejudice or emotion or partisan 
])olitics. There can be no stable ])eace unless 
we Americans i)articipate in tiie buiklmg aiul 
the keeping of it. 

If the peace is to be niaile enduring, it must 
be built also ui)on a .second pi-inciple — the sa- 
credness of the indivitlual iuiman personality. 
Civilization goes forward when the funda- 
mental riglits and interests of human beuigs are 
placed first in the .scale of values, i'eoples do 
not exist to enable governments to attain a place 
in the sun. (Jovernments exist to serve i)eoi)les. 
The reasonable security of one's person and 
one's property, freedom of conscience, freedom 
of speech, the right to dispose of the fruits of 
one's own labor, equality of rights before the 
law, complete independence of thought, and 
reasonable independence of action — -these are 
basic human rights, on the safeguarding ot 
which peace must be built if it is to be made 

The history of civilization is the story of the 
slow but ever-increasing recognition and en- 
forcement of these elemental i-ights of human- 
ity — rights at first accorded only to restricted 
gi'oups, then extended to wider and wider cir- 
cles, and finally covering the great rank and Hie 
of common men and women. The significant 
fact of history is that whenever these human 

rights have been opposed by kings or feudal 
barons or Junkers or government functionaries, 
struggle has ensued. Often it has taken time, 
but always eventual victory has come to the 
common people, and opposing them have 
gone down in the struggle. It nuist always be 
thus, for humanity will not tolerate any other 

Xo arrangement which denies or cripples 
these elemental rights will prove stable and no 
state which permanently thwarts them can 
endure. That is why the Mazi thesis of a pan- 
(ierman master-race, enslaving and suppressing 
the rest of the world, is doomed to failure from 
the outset. That is why no system of imperial- 
ism, if it be built upon the exploitation of human 
beings, whether white oi- lirown or yellow or 
black, can be eiuluring. 

Here we touch the very heart of the difficulty 
of government over alien peoples. The prob- 
lem of colonial government wliich has tormented 
Kurope for over four centuries never will be 
solved until we come to realize that the supreme 
values in the world are human personalities. 
Kvery alien I'ule based u])on mass injustice or 
exploitation contains the seeds of uni'est and 
re\()lntion and makes against international sta- 
bility and lasting peace. The experience of 
Great Britain in the Dominions and of the 
I'nited States in the Philippines throws inter- 
esting light on the effects of a contrary policy. 
It was because for over 40 years America did her 
best, for the benefit of the Filipino people them- 
.selves, to build up education, public sanitation, 
good roads, and higher standards of living, that 
when the crisis came in December 1941, the 
Filipino people were found fighting shoulder 
to shoulder witli the Americans. 

The government of alien peoples carries with 
it distinct responsibilities as well as rights. Pri- 
mary among these is the obligation to prepare, 
educate, and strengthen the dependent people to 
stand alone. 

'We must seek to eliminate not necessarily all 
alien rule but all alien rule based upon exploita- 
tion. Xo peace based upon a colonial policy 
of exploitation can be a stable one. 



A third fundamental upon which lasting peace 
must be built is economic freedom. The re- 
sources of the earth are amply sufficient for the 
needs of all peoples. But if the strong and 
jjowerful set up political barriers or artificial 
trade arrangements which eftectively cut na- 
tions off from the goods and raw materials 
needed for their factories and from the foreign 
markets necessary for the sale of their products, 
obviously men will be robbed of their livelihood 
and nations will be forced, even against their 
will, into economic struggle and warfare. 

A stable peace cannot be built upon an 
economic order which foments struggle and 

Our experience of the 1930's has made certain 
facts indisputably clear. We have learned that 
no industrial nation today can possibly carry on 
without a very large volume of exports and im- 
ports. Hitler did his best to achieve German 
self-sufficiency, but he failed dismally and was 
finally forced to cry out, "Germany must export 
or die." 

Industrial nations must trade to survive. 
Through poignant suffering we learned that ac- 
cumulating trade barriers, choking and stran- 
gling international trade, spelled mounting 
unemployment and increasing hunger and deep- 
ening international hostility. -N o serious states- 
man in this day and generation advocates the 
complete elimination of all tariff walls. But re- 
sponsible statesmen do advocate — and if we are 
to win the objectives for which the democracies 
are fighting they must insist upon — the elim- 
ination after the war of those unconscionable 
trade barriers which inescapably choke the 
flow of international trade and as a result sub- 
stantially depress the standard of living of 
entire peoples. The pre-war system of mount- 
ing and excessive tariffs, of quota restrictions, 
of artificial exchange controls, of government 
monopolies, of bilateralistic trade arrange- 
ments — the whole economic panoply of Hght- 
ing devices to enforce some form or other 
of special privilege or unfair discrimination — 
all these must go if our criterion is to be, not 
the private profit of small pressure groups but- 
tressed with political power but the welfare and 

the advancement of humanity. We must insist 
upon the en joj^nent by all states, great and small, 
victor and vanquished, of access on equal terms 
to the trade and to the raw materials of the world 
which are needed for their economic prosperity. 

Here, again, we cannot afford to underesti- 
mate the difficulties. Many of the most power- 
ful and strongly entrenched lobbies in every im- 
portant capital in the world will fight the 
lowering of trade barriers. Nevertheless, we 
must find the means to unshackle international 
trade or else perish. There is no other possible 
way to build a peace that will last. 

Finally, a stable peace depends upon our find- 
ing some way to effectuate an international 
control of armaments. In fact, this is but a 
phase, albeit one of outstanding importance, of 
the problem of collective security. There can 
be no secure peace as long as any gang of gun- 
men is free to gain control of a nation's govern- 
ment, run up a swastika or a rising sun or some 
other pirate's emblem, turn the country into a 
producing arsenal, and then make war upon 
the rest of mankind. 

In the days before aeroplanes and tanks when 
a nation could withstand attack long enough 
to manufacture weapons adequate for its de- 
fense, international control of armament-build- 
ing may not have been necessary. But today 
with military defense strategy revolutionized 
by the development of aeroplanes and armored 
divisions the whole picture has changed. We 
live in a machine age. War is waged with 
mechanized devices — tanks and flying fortresses 
and intricately planned battleships, which take 
months or years to build and cost a king's ran- 
som. A heavily armed aggressor nation may 
hold all nations, not so armed, at her mercy; 
for the aggressor can by air attack demolish the 
producing factories in other nations long be- 
fore the necessar}^ defense armament can be pro- 
duced. It is only due to the gallantry and heroic 
fighting of Gi'eat Britain, Kussia, and China and 
the other United Nations who resisted the Axis 
advance that our own country has been afforded 
the precious months necessary for the prepara- 
tion of our defense. 

JUNE 12, 1943 


In other words, modern weapons have so 
basically changed the entire problem of military 
defense that today no nation can build up an 
arsenal of heavy armament without vitally 
threatening the security of every other nation. 
Armament-building has become in the world of 
fact a matter of the most profound international 
concern. By the same token, armament-build- 
ing must hencefortli become subject to interna- 
tional supervision and control. Had this been 
the case during the last 10 years, Germany and 
Japan would never have gone to war. 

The achievement of international control 
raises exceedingly complex problems. But 
these are not insoluble. We must and we will 
find the way to solve them. 

As a matter of fact, probably the time has 
never been so propitious as at the conclusion of 
the present war for the setting up of an interna- 
tional limitation and control of armaments. In 
all probability the vast armament of Germany, 
Japan, and Italy will then be smashed. Mili- 
tarism in those countries will be discredited. 
The victorious armaments of the world will then 
be in the hands of lovers of peace and democracy. 
If we are in earnest about building the future 
peace upon secure foundations, the victorious na- 
tions will then have the chance, as nations have 
never had before, to set up an international body 
to take over armament-building plants in the 
enemy countries, to exercise effective control 
over them, and to limit future armament-jiro- 
duction in all countries to a fixed scliedule. 
This means, eventually, international inspection 
and conti"ol over the armament plants of the vic- 
torious as well as of the vanquished nations. 
It also means an international police force if 
such control is to be made effective. 

To achieve enduring peace, we must build 
upon these four fundamentals — organized in- 
ternational cooperation, recognition of the su- 
preme value of human personalities and of hu- 
man rights, economic freedom with equality of 
trading opportunity for all nations, and an 
international control and supervision of arma- 
ment-building. Upon these foundations we 
can build a peace that will put new heart into 
mankind. Men and women are weary of war — 

533633 — 43 2 

weary of injustice and group selfishness and 
the suffering that selfishness always brings. 
Peoples all over the world are eager to go for- 

Today we stand poised at the fork of the 
road. A new world opens up if we will have 
it so. If we have the courage to fight for it 
and the wit to build for it on foundations that 
are sound and true and Christian, we may en- 
ter upon one of the shining and constructive 
eras of human history. 

But make no mistake. The winning of the 
war alone will not bring us a world of freedom 
or a world of brotiicrhood. After the war is 
won the real fight with reaction and selfish priv- 
ilege and "normalcy" will begin ; and if we are 
to win this crucial fight, now is the time, and 
not after that reaction has set in, to think 
through the issues and formulate our program 
and align our forces. Once the war is won, 
most of our bargaining power with our allies 
will be gone. 

Let us not forget that in these tremendous 
days, here and now we can pla}' a part — per- 
haps a leading part — in helping to determine 
what road humanity will travel in the difficult 
years aliead. To do so will demand our wisest 
thought and tireless effort and utter consecra- 
tion. Under God's guidance let us go forward 
witli wisdom and witii faith and without fear. 


In response to a i-equest of a correspondent 
for comment with regard to the third anniver- 
sary of Mussolini's entry into the war and his 
lack of progress since then, the Secretary of 
State, at his press conference on June 10, stated : 

"He has been false to all his people and false 
to every law and rule of organized society, 
while on the other hand, he has been personally 
as loyal as his nature will permit to Hitler and 
Hitlerism and all the infamies which it com- 
prises. The timely end to which he is rapidly 
approaching is but in harmony with the kind 
of operations that he had undertaken to carry 
on during the past three years." 




[Released to the press June 9] 

Acting under instructions from the French 
National Council of Liberation sitting at Al- 
giers, Messrs. Hoppenot and Baudet have for- 
mally informed the Secretary of State of the 
formation of the Council and of the transfer 
to it of all the functions heretofore carried 
on by the elements composing it. 

Secretary Hull replied that, as was well 
known, this Government had continuously 

hoped for the unification of all French resist- 
ants in a common effort against Axis aggres- 
sion wherever it might be found throughout 
the world. He warmly welcomed, therefore, 
the spirit in which the French National Council 
of Liberation had been formed. 

Concluding, the Secretary expressed his deep 
appreciation of the spirit of sacrifice which had 
made the union of true French interests pos- 
sible and added the conviction that the same 
spirit would continue to animate all Frenchmen 
in meeting the problems still to be faced for the 
liberation of continental France. 



[Released to the press June 11] 

An exchange of telegrams between the Sec- 
retary of State and the People's Commissar for 
Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Eepublics follows: 

June 11, 1943. 

On the day of tlie first anniversary of the 
signature of the agreement between the Gov- 
ernments of the Soviet Union and the United 
States of America concerning the principles 
applying to mutunl aid in the prosecution of 
the war against aggression ^ I send to you, to 
the Government of the United States of Amer- 
ica, and to the American people from the So- 
viet Government, the peoples of the Soviet 
Union, and from me personally hearty greet- 
ings and best wishes. 

Already at the time of the conclusion of the 
Agreement of June 11, 1942 its important 
meaning was obvious not only for the strength- 
ening of the military cooperation between the 
Soviet Union and the United States of Amer- 
ica in the war against Hitler Germany but also 
for the sti'engthening of mutual understanding 
and harmony of action between our countries 
in the period following the victorious conclu- 
sion of the war. 

The past year has demonstrated that this 
agreement constitutes one of the cornerstones 
on which rests the military might of the whole 
Anglo-Soviet-American coalition. 

The peoples who have been sul)jected to 
Fascist aggression and now find themselves un- 
der its menace await final victory and rescue 
as a result of our joint mighty blows against 
our hated common enemy. As a result of these 
joint struggles and on the basis of a common 
victory cooperation between the Soviet Union, 
the United States, and Great Britain will grow 
and extend, in the interests of all freedom 
loving peoj)le, into the postwar period as well. 


'Executive Agreement Series 253. 

June 11, 1943. 
I deeply appreciate your kind message on the 
first anniversary of the signature of the agree- 
ment between the Governments of the United 
States and the Soviet Union concerning the 
principles applying to mutual aid in the prose- 
cution of the war against aggression. I fully 
share your views concerning the importance of 
this agreement for the achievement of certain 
victory over our common enemy to which the 
people and the armed forces of the Soviet 

JUNE 12, 1943 


Union have made and are making an immortal 

The agreement is a symbol of our determina- 
tion to stand united in the vast task of accom- 
plishing the utter defeat and destruction of 
the forces of conquest. To that task the peo- 
ples and the armed forces of the United Na- 
tions have brought a spirit of resoluteness and 
sacrifice unequalled in mankind's centurj'-old 
struggle for human rights and human freedom. 

I equally share your confidence that the 
spirit of cooperation between your nation and 
mine and between all the United Nations 
forged on the field of battle will grow even 
stronger after victory has been achieved and 
will make it possible for all of us to cope 
successfully with the enormous task of peace- 
ful reconstruction which will confront us. 



[Released to the press June 8] 

An agreement between the Governments of 
the United States of America and the Republic 
of Liberia on the |)rinciples applying to mutual 
aid in their conunon defense was signed in the 
city of New York on June 8, 1943 by Mr. Henry 
Serrano Villard, Special Representative of the 
United States of America, and Mr. Walter h'. 
Walker, Consul General of Liberia in New 
York. Their Excellencies Edwin Barclay, 
President of Liberia, and William V. S. Tub- 
man, President-elect of Liberia, were present at 
the signing. 

The agreement was negotiated under the au- 
thority of and in conformity witii tlie Lend- 
Lcase Act of Marcii 11, 1911, wliich provides for 
extending aid to any country whose defense is 
determined by the President of the United 
States to be vital to the defense of the United 
States. The provisions of the agreement are 
the same in substantial respects as the provi- 
sions of agreements heretofore entered into by 
the L^nited States with a number of otJier for- 
eign countries under the Lend-Lease Act. 

The agreement is accompanied by an ex- 
change of notes contirming the understanding 
of the two Governments of the relation between 
this agreement and the agreement regarding 
defense areas in Liberia concluded between the 
two Governments at Monrovia on March 31, 

The texts of the agreement and of the ex- 
change of notes follow. 

Text of the Agreement ^ 

AV^hereas the Government of the Republic of 
Liberia is desirous of strengthening its national 
defenses in order that it may be in a position 
to protect its territorial integrity and sovereign 
rights in a world at war ; 

And whereas the President of the United 
States of America has determined, pursuant to 
the Act of Congress of March 11, 1941, that the 
defense of the Republic of Liberia against ag- 
gression is vital to the defense of tlie United 
States of America ; 

And whereas the United States of America 
has extended and is continuing to extend to the 
Republic of Liberia aid in resi.sting aggression; 

And whereas it is expedient that the final de- 
termination of the terms and conditions upon 
which the Government of the Republic of Li- 
beria receives sucli aid antl of the benefits to be 
received by the United States of America in 
return therefor should be deferred until the 
extent of the defense aid is known and until the 
progress of events makes clearer the final terms 
and conditions and benefits which will be in the 
mutual interests of the United States of 
America and the Republic of Liberia and will 
promote the establishment and maintenance of 
world peace; 

' Bulletin of Dec. 5, 1942, p. 979 ; Executive Agree- 
ment Series 275. 

' The text here printed conforms to the signed 



And whereas the Governments of the United 
States of America and the Republic of Liberia 
are mutually desirous of concluding now a pre- 
liminary agreement in regard to the provision 
of defense aid and in regard to certain consid- 
erations which shall be taken into account in 
determining such terms and conditions and the 
making of such an agreement has been in all 
respects duly authorized, and all acts, condi- 
tions and formalities which it may have been 
necessary to perform, fulfil or execute prior to 
the making of such an agreement in conformity 
with the laws either of the United States of 
America or of the Republic of Liberia have been 
performed, fulfilled or executed as required ; 

The undersigned, being duly authorized by 
their respective Governments for that purpose, 
have agreed as follows : 

Article I 

The Government of the United States of 
America will continue to supply the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of Liberia with such de- 
fense articles, defense services, and defense in- 
formation as the President of the United States 
of America shall authorize to be transferred or 

Article II 

The Government of the Republic of Liberia 
will provide to the Government of the United 
States of America such articles, services, facil- 
ities or information as it may be in a position 
to supply. 

Article III 

The Government of the Republic of Liberia 
will not without the consent of the President of 
tlie United States of America transfer title to, 
or possession of, any defense article or defense 
information transferred to it under the Act of 
March 11, 1941 of the Congress of the United 
States of America or permit the use thereof by 
anyone not an officer, employee, or agent of the 
Government of the Republic of Liberia. 

Article IV 

If, as a result of the transfer to the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of Liberia of any defense 
article or defense information, it becomes neces- 
sary for that Government to take any action or 
make any payment in order fully to protect any 
of the rights of a citizen of the United States 
of America who has patent rights in and to any 
such defense article or information, the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of Liberia will take such 
action or make such payment when requested to 
do so by the President of the United States of 

Abticle V 

The Government of the Republic of Liberia 
will return to the United States of America at 
the end of the present emergency, as determined 
by the President of the United States of Amer- 
ica, such defense articles transferred under this 
Agreement as shall not have been destroyed, 
lost or consumed and as shall be determined 
by him to be useful in the defense of the United 
States of America or of the Western Hemisphere 
or to be otherwise of use to the United States 
of America. 

Article VI 

In the final determination of the benefits to 
be provided to the United States of America 
by the Government of the Republic of Liberia 
full cognizance shall be taken of all property, 
services, information, facilities, or other bene- 
fits or considerations provided by the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of Liberia subsequent to 
March 11, 1941, and accepted or acknowledged 
by the President on behalf of the United States 
of America. 

Article VII 

In the final determination of the benefits to 
be provided to the United States of America 
by the Government of the Republic of Liberia 
in return for aid furnished under the Act of 
Congress of March 11, 1941, the terms and con- 
ditions thereof shall be such as not to burden 
commerce between the two countries, but to 

JUNE 12, 1943 

promote mutually advantageous economic rela- 
tions between them and the betterment of 
■world--wide economic relations. To that end, 
they shall include provision for agreed action 
by the United States of America and the Repub- 
lic of Liberia, open to participation by all other 
countries of like mind, directed to the expan- 
sion, by appropriate international and domestic 
measures, of production, employment, and the 
exchange and consumption of goods, which are 
the material foundations of the liberty and wel- 
fare of all peoples; to the elimination of all 
forms of discriminatory treatment in interna- 
tional commerce ; to the reduction of tariffs and 
other trade barriers; and, in general, to the 
attainment of all the economic objectives set 
forth in the Joint Declaration made on August 
14, 1941, by the President of the United States 
of America and the Prime Minister of the 
United Kingdom, known as the Atlantic 

At an early convenient date, conversations 
shall be begun between the two Governments 
with a view to determining, in the light of gov- 
erning economic conditions, the best means of 
attaining the above-stated objectives by their 
own agreed action and of seeking the agreed 
action of other like-minded Governments. 

Article VIII 

This Agreement shall take effect as from this 
day's date. It shall continued in force until a 
date to be agreed upon by the two Governments. 

Signed and sealed in the city of New York 
in duplicate this eighth day of June 1943. 
For the Government of the United States of 
America : 

Henet Serrano Viixard 

Special Representative 
For the Government of the Republic of 
Liberia : 

Walter F. Walker 
Consul General of Liberia in New York 


The Consul General of Liberia to the Special 
Representative of the United States of 

Consulate General of Liberia, 

New York, June 8, 1943. 

I have the honor to refer to the Agreement 
signed in the city of New York on this day, be- 
tween the Government of the United States of 
America and the Government of the Republic 
of Liberia on the principles applying to mutual 
aid under the Lend-Lease Act of the United 
States of America of March 11, 1941, and to set 
forth the understanding of the Government of 
the Republic of Liberia of the relationship be- 
tween this Agreement and the Agreement con- 
cluded between our Governments on March 31, 
1942, as follows : 

The Agreement signed this day states in 
terms of general principles the basis on which 
aid under the Act of March 11, 1941 is to be 
furnished to the Republic of Liberia. 

The provisions of Article V of the Agreement 
of March 31, 1942, and the accompanying letter 
of the same date addressed by the Special Rep- 
resentative of the President of the United 
States of America to the President of Liberia, 
are interpreted as setting forth specific applica- 
tions of the general principles contained in the 
Agreement signed this day, and esi:)ecially of 
Article I, and as enumerating the defense aids 
which the Government of the United States of 
America has undertaken, for the time being, to 
supply the Government of the Republic of Li- 
beria, under the Lend-Lease Act and otherwise. 

If the Government of the United States of 
America concurs in the foregoing, I would sug- 
gest that the present note and your reply to that 
effect be regarded as placing on record the un- 
derstanding of our two Governments in this 

Accept [etc.] 

Walter F. Walker 



The Special Representative of the United 
States of America to the Consul General of 

Department of State, 
New York, June S,l9i3. 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of your note of today's date concerning the I'e- 
hxtionship between the Agreement signed in tlie 
city of New York on this day between the Gov- 
ernment of the Republic of Liberia and the 
Government of the United States of America 

and the Agreement concluded between our 
Governments on March 31, 1942. 

In reply I am glad to inform you that the 
Government of the United States of America 
agrees with the understanding of the Govern- 
ment of the Eepulilic of Liberia as expressed 
in that note. In accordance with the sugges- 
tion contained therein, your note and this re- 
ply will be regarded as placing on record the 
understanding between our two Governments 
in this matter. 

Accept [etc.] Henry Serrano Villard 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 

Address by the President of the United States ^ 

[Released to the press by the White House June 7] 

It gives me great pleasure to welcome to the 
White House you who have served so splendidly 
at the epoch-making United Nations Confer- 
ence on Food and Agriculture. 

I use that word epoch-inahing advisedly. 
The Conference could not have failed to be 
significant because it was the first United Na- 
tions conference. But it has succeeded even 
beyond our hopes; it is truly epoch-making 
because, in reaching unanimity upon complex 
and difficult problems, you have demonstrated 
beyond question that the United Nations really 
are united, not only for the prosecution of the 
war but for the solution of the many and diffi- 
cult problems of peace. This Conference has 
been a living demonstration of the methods by 
which the conversations of nations of like mind 
contemplated by article VII of the mutual- 
aid agreement can and will give practical appli- 
cation to the principles of the Atlantic Charter. 

You have been dealing with agriculture, the 
most basic of all human activities, and with 
food, the most basic of all human needs. Twice 

as many jjeople are employed in work on food 
and agriculture as in work in all other fields 
combined. And all people have, in the literal 
sense of the word, a vital interest in food. 

That a child or adult should get the nourish- 
ment necessary for full health is too important 
a thing to be left to mere chance. 

You have recognized that society must accept 
this responsibility. As you stated in your dec- 
laration : "The primary resjjonsibility lies with 
each nation for seeing that its own people have 
the food needed for health and life ; steps to this 
end are for national determination. But each 
nation can fully achieve its goal only if all work 
together." On behalf of the LTnited States I 
accept this declaration. 

You have gone beyond the general recogni- 
tion of principles to deal in specific terms with 
specific tasks and projects. 

You have examined the needs of all countries 
for food and other agricultural products, both 

' Delivered before the delegates to the Conference 
(wliich was held at Hot Springs, Va., May 18-June 3, 
1943) and broadcast from the East Room of the White 
House, Washington, June 7, 1943. 


JUNE 12, 1943 


as they will exist in the short-run period of re- 
covery from the devastation of war and as they 
will exist over the longer run, when our efi'orts 
can be fully devoted to expanding the produc- 
tion of food so that it will be adequate for 
health the world over. 

You have surveyed with courage and with 
realism the magnitude of these problems and 
have reached unanimous agi'eement that they 
can and must and will be solved. 

It is true that no nation has ever had enough 
food to feed all its people as we now know 
human beings should be fed. But neither have 
nations representing over 80 percent of the 
world's two billion inhabitants ever before been 
joined together to achieve such an aim. Never 
before have they set out to bend their united 
efforts to the development of the world's re- 
sources so that all men might seek to attain 
food they need. 

For the short run you have pointed out steps 
which have to be taken both in increasing sup- 
plies and in maintaining economy of use and 
coordination of distribution. 

In considering our long-range problems you 
have surveyed our knowledge of the inade- 
quacy in the quantity and quality of the diet 
of peoples in all lands. You have pooled our 
knowledge of the means of expanding our out- 
put, of increasing our agricultural efficiency, 
and of adjusting agricultural production to 
consumption needs. In the fields of both pro- 
duction and consumption you have recognized 
the need for the better utilization of the knowl- 
edge we now have and for extending still fur- 
ther the boundaries of our knowledge through 
education and research. 

You have called upon your governments indi- 
vidually and collectively to enlarge and im- 
prove their activities in these fields. 

For the perfection and rapid execution of 
these plans, you have recommended the crea- 
tion of a permanent United Nations organi- 
zation. To facilitate and hasten the creation 
of that organization, and to carry on the work 
you have begun until its creation, you have 
established an Interim Commission. The Gov- 
ernment of the United States is honored that 

you have asked that the Interim Commission 
have its seat in Washington, and will be glad 
to take the preliminary action for the estab- 
lishment of that Commission which you have 
entrusted to it. 

Finally, you have expressed your deep con- 
viction that our goal in this field cannot be 
attained without forward action in other fields 
as well. Increased food-production must be 
accompanied by increased industrial-produc- 
tion and by increased purchasing power. There 
must be measures for dealing with trade bar- 
riers, international exchange stability, and in- 
ternational investment. The better use of nat- 
ural and human resources must be assured to 
improve the living standard and, may I add, 
the better use of these resources without ex- 
ploitation on the part of any nation. Many 
of these questions lie outside the scope of the 
work you have undertaken, but their solution 
is nonetheless essential to its success. They re- 
quire, and shall receive, our united attention. 

In the political field these relationships are 
equally important. And the}' work both ways. 
A sound world agricultural program will de- 
pend upon world political security, while that 
security will in turn be greatly strengthened if 
each country can be assured of the food it needs. 
Freedom from want and freedom from fear go 
iiaiid in hand. 

Our ultimate objective can be simply stated: 
It is to build for ourselves, for all men, a world 
in which each individual human being shall 
have the opportunity to live out his life in 
peace; to work productively, earning at least 
enough for his actual needs and tliose of his 
family; to associate with the friends of his 
choice; to think and worship freely; and to die 
secure in the knowledge that his children and 
their children shall have the same opportu- 

That objective, as men know from long and 
bitter experience, will not be easy to achieve. 
But you and I know also that throughout his- 
tory there has been no more worthwhile, no 
more inspiring, challenge. 

That challenge will be met. 



You have demonstrated beyond question that 
free peoples all over the world can agree upon a 
common course of action and upon common ma- 
chinery for action. You have brought new 
hope to the world that through the establish- 
ment of orderly international procedures for 
the solution of international problems there 
will be attained freedom ivom want and free- 
dom from fear. The United Nations are united 
in the war against fear and want as solidly and 
effectively as they are united on the battle- 
front in this world-wide war against aggres- 


And we are winning by action and unity. 

American Republics 


Recognition of the new Government of 
Argentina, headed by Gen. Pedro P. Ramirez, 
was extended by the Government of the United 
States on June 11, 1943, in a note delivered to 
the Argentine Government by the American 

At the press conference on June 11, the Sec- 
retary of State was asked by a correspondent 
if the recognition carried with it any change 
in relations between the Goverrunent of the 
United States and the Government of Argen- 
tina. The Secretary pointed out that recog- 
nition is one of the usual, ordinary steps taken, 
somewhat of a routine nature, when there is a 
change of government. Asked if he had any 
comment about the new Government in Argen- 
tina, the Secretary replied that he had nothing. 
He added that we had the benefit of their public 
declarations of future policy. 

Questioned as to whether the step was taken 
in concert with the Goveriunent of the United 
Kingdom, the Secretary stated that we acted 
primarily on our own initiative but had con- 
ferred with the other American republics. He 
concluded that we had collaborated only with 

The Secretary was asked if it was to be antic- 

ipated that all the American republics which 
had so far refrained from giving recognition 
would now act together. Mr. Hull again re- 
marked that, while we collaborate, each gov- 
ernment acts on its own individual initiative. 
He added that it was his best impression that 
all the American governments which had not 
previously extended recognition would do so. 
Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Bolivia recog- 
nized the new Argentine Government on June 
9. The remainder of thie American republics 
represented in Buenos Aires, except Ctiba, did 
so on June 10 and 11. Cuba announced recog- 
nition on June 15. 


[Released to the press June 11] 

The American Ambassador to Peru, Mr. R. 
Henry Norweb, presented on June 10 to the 
Foreign Office in Lima the following statement 
on behalf of this Government: 

"The destruction of the National Library of 
Peru and the library of the Lima Geographical 
Society by the recent disastrous fire is a tragic 
loss, not only to Peru but to American culture 
as a whole, for an injury to the cultural re- 
sources of any one American republic affects 
cultural development throughout the continent. 

"The people of the United States sympatliize 
deeply with the Peruvian people in the loss they 
have sustained and are eager to participate to | 
the extent of their ability in the rehabilitation 
of these two great Peruvian centers of learning. 
Individuals, private institutions, and the Gov- 
ernment wish to join forces to provide all pos- 
sible appropriate assistance, including technical 
information as may be desired, and such mate- 
rials as books, maps, catalog cards, and repro- 
ductions of Peruvian manuscripts in the col- 
lections of this country. 

"In order to organize this cooperation most 
effectively, the Secretary of State has appointed 
a national 'Committee To Aid the National 
Library of Peru and the Geographical Society 
of Lima'. The following persons, whose names 
and affiliations indicate the wide and repre- 
sentative basis of the committee, have accepted 
membership : 

JUNE 12, 1943 


Dr. Herbert E. Bolton, Historian and Acting Director 

of the Bancroft Library, University of California 
Mr. Donald Coney, Director, University of Texas 

Mr. Archer M. Huntington, President, Hispanic Society 

of America 
Dr. Waldo G. Leland, Director, American Council of 

Leiirned Societies 
Dr. Archibald MacLeisli, Librarian of Congress 
Mr. Philip Ainsworth Means, Archaeologist and His- 
Mr. Keyes D. Metcalf, President, American Library 

Association and Director of Harvard University 

Mr. W. W. Norton, President, Council on Books In 

Mr. R. Henry Norweb, United States Ambassador to 

Mr. Wallace K. Harrison, Assistant Coordinator of 

Inter-American Affairs 
Mr. Charles A. Thomson, Chief, Division of Cultural 

Relations, Department of State 
Mr. John K. Wright, Director, American Geographical 

Dr. Lawrence Wroth, Director, John Carter Brown 

Dr. Lewis Hanke, of the Hispanic Foundation of the 

Library of Congress ; secretary 

"Through this Committee, the United States 
will endeavor to show in a concrete manner the 
interest felt by the people of this country in 
Peruvian civilization and their desire to co- 
operate in the work that will be undertaken in 
order that the City of the Kings may continue to 
occupy the important position in American 
culture that she has held ever since the estab- 
lishment of the University of San Marcos in 
the sixteenth century." 

The National Library of Peru, the principal 
repository of books in the country, was prac- 
tically all destroyed by fire on May 10. Over 
100,000 bound volumes were lost, together with 
40,000 manuscripts, and many maps and valu- 
able geographical works belonging to the Lima 
Geographical Society, housed in the same 
building, were also destroyed. The JNational 
Archive in an adjoining building was fortu- 
nately saved. 

This irreparable loss has occasioned great 
sorrow throughout Peru. Many individuals, 
institutions, and governments in the Americas 
have come forward to offer assistance. The 

Peruvian Government has set aside five million 
soles for a new building. The Library of Con- 
gress has already offered to donate a photo- 
static copy of the important colonial collection 
of Peruvian manuscripts in its collection to- 
gether with an appropriate number of books. 
It is planned that the National Committee an- 
nounced by the Secretary will work out a defi- 
nite program for other assistance. 



[Released to the press June 12] 

The following exchange of messages took 
place between the President of the Czechoslovak 
Republic and the Secretary of State : 

June 7, 1943. 
My Dear Mr. Secretary : 

I want to thank you and the Department of 
State most sincerely for your cooperation and 
kind hospitality accorded me during my visit 
in the United States. 

In Czechoslovakia, we have always had the 
greatest admiration for your country. During 
the last war, the United States helped the 
Czechoslovak people to win their independence. 
I am happy to have found the same feeling of 
sympathy and the readiness to help our efforts 
in this war. 

Please accept, Mr. Secretary, my deepest grat- 
itude for all your support given our cause by 
you and the Department of State. 
Sincerely yours, 

Eduard Benes 

June 8, 1943. 

I am most appreciative of your courtesy in 
sending me your letter of June 7, 1943 express- 
ing thanks for the cooperation and hospitality 
shown to you by the Department of State. 

You may rest assured that my colleagues and 
I welcomed this opportunity to discuss with you 



the many questions which concern us in our 
mutual efforts to attain the high purposes for 
which we are all striving. 

I desire to take this occasion to express my 
admiration and sympathy for the courageous 
people of Czechoslovakia in their struggle 
against the common enemy. 

Please accept, Excellency, my best wishes for 
a felicitous voyage. 

CoRDELii Hull 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press June 9] 

Dr. Anibal Mesquita Vera, Director General 
of Secondai-y Education in the Republic of 
Paraguay, has arrived in Washington to visit 
schools in this country at the invitation of the 
Department of State. After conferring with 
President Morinigo, of Paraguaj', he will spend 
the summer in visiting our secondary schools, 
especially agricultural high schools and those 
specializing in arts and crafts. Besides having 
supervision of secondary education in his coun- 
try. Dr. Mesquita Vera is professor of chemistry 
in the National University at Asuncion and 
head of the Colegio Nacional de Varones, a 
junior college for boj's, also in the Paraguayan 

Seiiora Maria Emilia Castellanos de Puchet, 
distinguished teacher and educational leader 
from Durazno, Uruguay, is at present visiting 
the United States as a guest of the Department 
of State. Senora de Puchet is Director of the 
Instituto Magisterial in Durazno and President 
of the Asociacion de Maestros. Although here 
primarily to study aspects of vocational guid- 
ance, she is intensely interested in our library 
system as applied to education, and will visit 
libraries throughout the country, as well as 

[Released to tbe press June 11] 

Dr. Raul Andres Orgaz, Argentine writer, 
lawyer, and professor of sociology at the Uni- 
versity of Cijrdoba, is at present visiting the 
United States as a guest of the Department of 
State. Dr. Orgaz is the author of numerous 
books on historical and sociological topics. 

Dr. Orgaz is particularly interested in ob- 
serving the methods, research techniques, and 
teaching of sociology in the United States, and 
will visit educational institutions throughout 
the country. 

[Released to the press June 12] 

Senor Alberto Gerchunoff, distinguished Ar- 
gentine writer and journalist, will arrive in 
Washington on June 14 for a three months' visit 
in the United States as a guest of the Depart- 
ment of State. 

Seiior Gerchunoff is a member of the editorial 
staff of La Nacion of Buenos Aires, one of 
the largest newspapers in the world, renowned 
for its pro-democratic policy. He was also 
founder of El Mitndo, of Buenos Aires, and has 
occupied various editorial positions on other 
newspapers and reviews. 

Sefior Gerchunoff is interested in viewing as- 
pects of life in the United States in wartime, 
and will visit newspapers and schools of jour- 
nalism throughout the country. 


[Released to the press June S] 

Five distinguished Chinese professors left 
Chungking on June 5 to come to the United 
States for a year at the invitation of the Depart- 
ment of State. Their trip has been arranged 
by the Department in connection with its pro- 
gram of cultural relations with China. 

The five professors are : Prof. Yueh-lin Chin, 
philosopher, National Southwest Associated 
University; Prof. Hsiao-tung Fei, sociologist, 
National Yunnan University; Prof. Nai-chen 
Liu, political scientist. National Wuhan Uni- 
versity; Pi'of. Chiao Tsai, physiologist, Na- 
tional Central University; and Prof. Chi-yuen 

JUNE 12, 1943 


Chang, geographer, National University of 

Professor Chin has studied in this country 
and in Enghind and speaks and writes English 
with great facility. He has published articles 
on logic in American and British journals. 
Professor Fei, altliough a young man, has al- 
ready published, in English, a well-known book. 
Peasant Life i7i China. Professor Liu studied 
at the London School of Economics and Poli- 
tical Science and in leading European univer- 
sities. He has written many books in Chinese 
on his specialty, local government. Professor 
Tsai, who held a Rockefeller Fellowship for 
study in England in 1930-31, is the leading 
research physiologist in China and head of the 
Department of Physiology at his university, 

which has actively continued laboratory inves- 
tigations and the publication of results 
throughout the war period. Professor Chang 
is a leading specialist in the geography of 
China and has written many articles and several 
textbooks on the subject. Besides holding lead- 
ing positions in the Chinese scholaidy world, he 
has been a member of the People's Political 
Council since 1939. 

During their stay of approximately one year 
in this country, these men will study recent 
work in their fields of learning, will travel and 
give occasional lectures, and will at all times 
endeavor to build up closer relations between 
American universities and their own institu- 
tions in China. 

Treaty Information 


Draft Agreement for United Nations Relief 
and Rehabilitation .\dministration 

[Released to the press June 11] 

On June 10, 1943 a draft agi-eement for a 
United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Ad- 
ministration was placed by the Department of 
State before the governments of all the United 
Nations and the other nations associated with 
them in this war. These nations were informed 
that the draft agreement had been drawn up in 
consultation with the British Government, tiie 
Soviet Government, and the Chinese Govern- 
ment, and that the draft proposal meets with 
the approval of the four Governments. The 
other Governments were assured, however, that 
the plan is still tentative and that no action 
will be proposed until they all have had an op- 
portunity for full consideration and discussion 
of the suggested line of approach to this all- 
important problem. 

The draft agreement would provide for the 
inunediate establishment of a central United 
Nations agency to assume responsibility for 
the relief and rehabilitation of the victims of 
war. It is hoped tliat preliminary discussions 
among all the United Nations and the nations 
associated with them will sjieedily clear the way 
for a meeting of all these nations at which a 
definite agreement will be reached providing for 
joint action on relief and rehabilitation. No 
definite arrangements, however, have been made 
as yet for a meeting of the United Nations and 
the other nations involved on the subject of this 
draft proposal, and no arrangements will be 
made until all the powers have had an oppor- 
tunity to consider and discuss the draft agree- 
ment fully. 

The following nations, in addition to the 
United States, have signed the United Nations 
Declaration of January 1, 1942 : Great Britain, 
the Soviet Union, China, Australia, Belgium, 
Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Costa Rica, Cuba, 
Czechoslovakia, the Dominican Republic, El 



Salvador, Ethiopia, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, 
Honduras, India, Iraq, Luxembourg, Mexico, 
the Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nor- 
way, Panama, the Philippines, Poland, South 
Africa, and Yugoslavia. 

The nations associated with the United Na- 
tions in this war are: Chile, Colombia, Egypt, 
Ecuador, Iceland, Iran, Liberia, Paraguay, 
Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. 

The draft agreement is also being brought to 
the attention of the appropriate French authori- 

The text of the draft agreement submitted to 
these nations follows : 

Text of Draft Agreement for United Nations 
Relief and Rehahilitation Administration 

The Governments or Authorities whose duly- 
authorized representatives have subscribed 

Being United Nations or being associated 
with the United Nations in this war. 

Being determined that immediately upon the 
liberation of any area by the armed forces of 
the United Nations the population thereof shall 
receive aid and relief from their sufferings, food, 
clothing and shelter, aid in the prevention of 
pestilence and in the recovery of the health of 
the people, and that preparation and arrange- 
ments shall be made for the return of prisoners 
and exiles to their homes, for the resumption of 
agricultural and industrial production and the 
restoration of essential services, to the end that 
peoples once freed may be preserved and re- 
stored to health and strength for the tasks 
and opportunities of building anew, 

Have agreed as follows : 

Article I 

There is hereby established the United 
Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administra- 

1. The Administration shall have power to 
acquire, hold and convey property, to enter into 
contracts and undertake obligations, to desig- 
nate or create agencies and to review the activ- 

ities of agencies so created, to manage under- 
takings and in general to perform any legal 
act appropriate to its objects and purposes. 

2. Subject to the provisions of Article VII, 
the purposes and functions of the Administra- 
tion shall be as follows : 

(a) To plan, coordinate, administer or ar- 
range for the administration of measures for 
the relief of victims of war in any area under 
the control of any of the United Nations through 
the provision of food, fuel, clothing and other 
basic necessities, housing facilities, medical and 
other essential services; and to facilitate in 
areas receiving relief the production and trans- 
portation of these articles and the furnishing of 
these services so far as necessary to the adequate 
provision of relief. The form of activities 
of the Administration within the territory 
of a member government wherein that gov- 
ernment exercises administrative authority and 
the responsibility to be assumed by the member 
government for carrying out measures planned 
by the Administration therein shall be deter- 
mined after consultation with and with the 
consent of the member government. 

(b) To formulate and recommend measures 
for individual or joint action by any or all of 
the member governments for the coordination 
of purchasing, the use of ships and other pro- 
curement activities in the period following the 
cessation of hostilities, with a view to integrat- 
ing the plans and activities of the Administra- 
tion with the total movement of supplies, and 
for the purpose of achieving an equitable dis- 
tribution of available supplies. The Adminis- 
tration may administer such coordination meas- 
ures as the member governments authorize. 

(c) To formulate and recommend for in- 
dividual or joint action by any or all of the 
member governments measures with respect to 
such related matters, arising out of its experi- 
ence in planning and performing the work of 
relief and rehabilitation, as may be proposed 
by any of the member governments and ap- 
proved by unanimous vote of the Central 

JtJNE 12, 1943 


Articxj: II 


The members of the United Nations Relief 
and Rehabilitation Administration shall be the 
governments or authorities signatory hereto 
and such other governments or authorities as 
may upon application for membership be ad- 
mitted thereto by action by the Council or 
between sessions of the Council, by the Central 

Wherever the term "member government" is 
used in this Agreement it shall be construed to 
embrace such authorities as shall have signed 
the Agreement or shall subsequently become 
members of the Administration. 

Article III 


1. Each member government shall name one 
representative, and such alternates as may be 
necessary, upon the Council of the United Na- 
tions Relief and Reliabilitation Administration, 
•which shall be the policy-making body of the 
Administration. The Council shall, for each of 
its sessions, select one of its members to preside 
at the session. 

2. The Council shall be convened in normal 
session not less than twice a year by the Central 
Committee. It may be convened in special 
session whenever the Central Committee shall 
deem necessary, and shall be convened within 
thirty days after retjuest therefor by a majority 
of the members of the Council. 

3. The Central Committee of the Council 
shall consist of the representatives of China, 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the 
United Kingdom, and the United States of 
America, with the Director General presiding. 
Between sessions of the Council it shall exercise 
all the powers and functions thereof. It shall 
invite the participation of the representatives 
of any member government at those of its meet- 
ings at which action of special interest to such 
government is discussed. It shall invite the 
participation of the representative serving as 
Chairman of the Committee on Supplies of the 
Council at those of its meetings at which 

policies affecting the provision of supplies are 

4. The Committee on Supplies of the Council 
shall consist of the members of the Council, or 
their alternates, representing those member 
governments likely to be principal suppliers of 
materials for relief and rehabilitation. The 
members shall be appointed by the Central 
Committee, with the approval of the Council 
if it be in session and otherwise subject to its 
ratification. The Committee on Supplies shall 
consider, formulate and recommend to the Cen- 
tral Committee and the Council policies de- 
signed to assure the provision of required sup- 
plies. The Central Committee shall from time 
to time meet with the Committee on Supplies 
to review policy matters affecting supplies. 

5. The Committee of the Council for Europe 
shall consist of all the members of the Council, 
or their altei'nates, representing member gov- 
ernments of territories witliin the European 
area, and such other members of the Council, 
representing other governments directly con- 
cerned with the problems of relief and rehabili- 
tation in the European area, as shall be ap- 
pointed by the Central Committee, with the 
approval of the Council if it be in session and 
otherwise subject to its ratification. The Com- 
mittee of the Council for the Far East shall 
consist of all the members of the Council, or 
their alternates, representing member govern- 
ments of territories within the Ear Eastern area, 
and such other members of the Council repre- 
senting other governments directly concerned 
with the problems of relief and rehabilitation 
in the Far Eastern area as shall be appointed 
by the Central Committee, with the approval 
of the Council if it be in session and otherwise 
subject to the Council's ratiiication. The re- 
gional committees shall normally meet within 
their respective areas. They shall consider and 
recommend to the Council and the Central Com- 
Committee of tlie Council for Europe shall re- 
habilitation within their respective areas. The 
mittee policies with respect to relief and re- 
place the Inter-Allied Committee on European 
post-war relief established in London on Sep- 
tember 24, 1941 and the records of the latter 


shall be made available to the Committee for 

6. The Council shall establish such other 
standing regional committees as it shall con- 
sider desirable, the functions of such commit- 
tees and the method of appointing their mem- 
bers being identical to that provided in para- 
graph 5 of this Article with respect to the 
Committees of the Council for Europe and for 
the Ear East. 'I'he Council shall also estab- 
lish such other standing committees as it con- 
siders desirable to advise it, and, in intervals 
between sessions of the Council, to advise the 
Central Committee. Eor such teclmical stand- 
ing committees as may be established, in respect 
of particular problems such as nutrition, health, 
agriculture, transport, repatriation, and hnance, 
the members may be members of the Council 
or alternates nominated by them because of 
special competence in their respective tields of 
work. The members shall be appointed by the 
Central Committee, with the approval of the 
Council if it be in session and otherwise subject 
to its ratilication. Sliould a regional commit- 
tee so desire, subcommittees of the technical 
standing committees shall be established by the 
technical committees in consultation with the 
regional committees, to advise the regional 

7. The travel and other expenses of members 
of the Council and of members of its commit- 
tees shall be borne by the governments which 
they represent. 

8. All reports and recommendations of com- 
mittees of the Council shall be transmitted to 
the Director General for distribution to the 
Council and the Central Committee by the sec- 
retariat of the Council established under the 
provisions of Article IV, paragraph 4. 

Article IV 


1. The executive authority of the United Na- 
tions Belief and Rehabilitation Administration 
shall be in the Director (ieneral, who shall be 

appointed by the Council on the nomination by 
unanimous vote of the Central Committee. 
The Director General may be removed by unani- 
mous vote of the Central Committee. 

2. The Director General shall have full 
power and authority for carrying out relief op- 
erations contemplated by Article I, paragraph 
2 (a), within the limits of available resources 
and the broad policies determined by the Coun- 
cil or its Central Committee. Immediately 
upon taking office he shall in conjunction with 
the military and other appropriate authorities 
of the United Nations prepare plans for the 
emergency relief of the civilian population in 
any area occupied by the armed forces of any 
of the United Nations, arrange for the procure- 
ment and assembly of the necessary supplies 
and create or select the emergency organiza- 
tion required for this purpose. In arranging 
for the procurement, transportation, and dis- 
tribution of supplies and services, he and his 
representatives shall consult and collaborate 
with the appropriate authorities of the United 
Nations and shall, wherever practicable, use 
the facilities made available by such authori- 
ties. Foreign voluntary relief agencies may 
not engage in activity in any area receiving re- 
lief from tlie Administration without the con- 
sent and unless subject to the regulation of the 
Director General. The powers and duties of 
the Director General are subject to the limita- 
tions of Article VII. 

3. The Director General shall also be respon- 
sible for the organization and direction of the 
functions contemplated by Article I, para- 
graphs 2 (b) and 2 (c). 

4. The Director General shall appoint such 
Deputy Directors General, officers, expert per- 
sonnel, and staff at his headquarters and else- 
where, including field missions, as he shall find 
necessary, and he may delegate to them such 
of his powers as he may deem appropriate. 
The Director Greneral, or upon his authorization 
the Deputy Directors General, shall supply 
such secretariat and other staff and facilities 


JTIXE 12, 1943 

as shall bo required by the Council and its com- 
mittees, includinji the regional committees and 
subcommittees. Such Deputy Directors General 
as shall be assigned special functions within a 
region shall attend meetings of the regional 
standing committee whenever possible and shall 
keep it advised on the progress of the relief and 
rehabilitation program within the region. 

5. The Director General shall make periodic 
reports to the Central Connnittce and to the 
Council covering the progi-ess of the Adminis- 
tration's activities. The reports shall be made 
public except for such portions as the Central 
Committee may consider it necessary, in the 
interest of the United Nations, to keep confi- 
dential. The Director General shall also ar- 
range to have prepared periodic reports cover- 
ing the activities of the Administration within 
each region and he shall transmit such reports 
with his comments thereon to the Council, the 
Central Committee and the I'espective I'egional 

Article V 


1. Each member government pledges its full 
support to the Administration, within the lim- 
its of its available resources and subject to the 
requirements of its constitutional procedure, 
through contributions of funds, materials, 
equipment, supplies and services, for use in its 
own, adjacent or other areas in need, in order 
to accomplish the purposes of Article I, para- 
graph 2 (a). All such contributions received 
by the Administration shall be accounted for. 

2. The supplies and resources made available 
by the member governments shall be kept in 
review in relation to prospective requirements 
by the Director General, who shall initiate ac- 
tion with the member governments with a view- 
to assuring such additional supplies and re- 
soui'ces as may be required. 

3. All purchases by any of the member gov- 
ernments, made outside their own territories 
during the war for relief or rehabilitation pur- 
poses, shall be made only after consultation 


with the Director General, and shall, so far 
as practicable, be carried out through the ap- 
l^ropriate United Nations agency. 

Article VI 


The Director General shall submit to the 
Council an annual budget, and from time to 
time such supplementary budgets as may be 
recpiired, covering the necessary administra- 
tive expenses of the Administration. Upon ap- 
proval of a budget by the Council the total 
amount approved shall be allocated to the mem- 
ber governments in proportions to be deter- 
mined by the Council. Each member govern- 
ment pledges itself, subject to the requirements 
of its constitutional procedure, to contribute to 
the Administrati(m promptly its share of the 
adnunistrative expenses so determined. 

Article VII 

Notwithstanding any other provision herein 
contained, while hostilities or other military 
necessities exist in anj' area, the Administra- 
tion and its Director General shall not under- 
take activities therein without the consent of 
the military command of that area, and unless 
subject to such control as the command may 
find necessary. The determination that such 
hostilities or military necessities exist in any 
area shall be made by its military commander. 

Article VIII 


The provisions of this agreement may be 
amended by imanimous vote of the Central 
Committee and two-thirds vote of the Council. 

Article IX 


This Agreement shall enter into force with 
respect to each signatory on the date when the 
Agreement is signed by that signatory, unless 
otherwise specified by such signatory. 




Agreement With Brazil Regarding Military 
Service by Nationals of Either Country 
Residing in the Other 

[Released to the press June 8] 

The following notes were exchanged between 
the Department of State and the Brazilian Am- 
bassador at Washington in regard to the appli- 
cation of the Selective Training and Service 
Act of 1940, as amended, to Brazilian citizens 
in the United States, on the basis of rec- 
iprocity : ^ 

The Secretary of State to the Brazilian Ambas- 
sador at Washington 

Depaktment of State, 
Washington, January 23, 19Ji3. 
Excellency : 

I have the honor to refer to conversations 
which have taken place between officers of the 
Brazilian Embassy and of the Department of 
State with respect to the application of the 
United States Selective Training and Service 
Act of 1940, as amended, to Brazilian nationals 
residing in the United States. 

As you are aware, the Act provides that with 
certain excejitions every male citizen of the 
United States and every other male person re- 
siding in the United States between the ages 
of eighteen and sixty-five shall register. The 
Act further provides that, with certain excep- 
tions, registrants within specified age limits 
are liable for active military service in the 
United States armed forces. 

This Government recognizes that from the 
standpoint of morale of the individuals con- 
cerned and the over-all military eifort of the 
countries at war with the Axis Powers, it would 
be desirable to permit certain nationals of co- 

' Agreements on this subject are now in effect with 16 
countries (see the Bulletin of Feb. 20, 1943, p. 175, 
and Mar. 20, 1943, p. 248). 

belligerent countries who have registered or 
who may register under the Selective Training 
and Service Act of 1940, as amended, to enlist 
in the armed forces of their own country, 
should they desire to do so. It will be recalled 
that during the World War this Government 
signed conventions with certain associated pow- 
ers on this subject. The United States Gov- 
ernment believes, however, that under existing 
circumstances the same ends may now be ac- 
complished through administrative action, thus 
obviating the delays incident to the signing 
and ratification of conventions. 

This Government is prepared, therefore, to 
initiate a procedure which will permit aliens 
who have registered under the Selective Train- 
ing and Service Act of 1940, as amended, who 
are nationals of cobelligerent countries and who 
have not declared their intention of becoming 
American citizens to elect to serve in the forces 
of their respective countries, in lieu of service 
in the armed forces of the United States, at any 
time prior to their induction into the armed 
forces of this country. This Government is 
also prepared to afford to nationals of cobel- 
ligerent countries who have not declared their 
intention of becoming American citizens who 
may already be serving in the armed forces of 
the United States an opportunity of electing to 
transfer to the armed forces of their own coun- 
try. The details of the arrangement are to be 
worked out directly between the War Depart- 
ment and the Selective Service System on the 
part of the United States Government and the 
appropriate authorities of the Brazilian Gov- 
ernment. It should be understood, however, 
that in all cases a person exercising an option 
under the arrangement must actually be ac- 
cepted by the military authorities of the coun- 
try of his allegiance before his departure from 
the United States. 

Before the above-mentioned procedure will 
be made effective with respect to a cobelligerent 
country, this Department wishes to receive 

JUXE 12, 1943 

from the diplomatic representative in Washing- 
ton of that country a note stating that his gov- 
ernment desires to avail itself of the procedure 
and in so doing agrees that : 

(a) No threat or compulsion of any nature 
will be exercised by his government to induce 
any person in the United States to enlist in the 
forces of his or any foreign government ; 

(b) Reciprocal treatment will be granted to 
American citizens by liis government; that is, 
prior to induction in the armed forces of his 
government they will be granted the opportu- 
nity of electing to serve in the armed forces of 
the United States in substantially the same 
manner as outlined above. Furthermore, his 
•rovernment sliall agree to inform all American 
citizens serving in its armed forces or former 
American citizens who may have lost their 
citizensliip as a result of having taken an oath 
of allegiance on enlistment in such armed forces 
and wiio are now serving in these forces that 
they may transfer to the armed forces of the 
United States provided they desire to do so and 
provided they are acceptable to the armed forces 
of the United States. The arrangements for 
effecting such transfers are to be worked out by 
the appropriate representatives of the armed 
forces of the respective governments; 

(c) No enlistments will be accepted in the 
United States by his government of American 
citizens subject to registration or of aliens of 
any nationality who have declared their inten- 
tion of becoming American citizens and are 
subject to registration. 

This Government is prepared to make the 
proposed regime effective inmiediately with 
respect to Brazil upon the receipt from you of 
a note stating that your Government desires to 
participate in it and agrees to the stipulations 
set forth in lettered paragraphs (a), (b), and 
(c) above. 

Accept [etc.] 

For the Secretary of State : 

G. HowLAND Shaw 


The Brazilian Ambassador at Washington 
To the Secretary of State 

Embassy of the United 

States of Brazil, 
Washington, April 28, 1943. 
Mr. Secretary of State: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of the note of the '23rd day of January last 
whereby Your Excellency states that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America is 
dis{)osed to initiate a proceeding in favor of 
foreigners registered by virtue of the Selective 
Service Act of 1940 wlio are citizens of cobel- 
ligerent countries and who have not declared 
an intention of becoming naturalized Amer- 
icans, for the exercise of the ojjfion of serving 
in tlie armed forces of their res{)eclive countries 
or of being transferred to them. 

In reply, I have to state to Your Excellency 
that I have received instructions from my Gov- 
ernment in the sense of accepting that there 
should be effected, between Brazil and the 
United States of America, and on the basis of 
reciprocity, the proceeding referred to above 
and to communicate that my Govenunent gives 
the guarantees stilJulated in j)aragraphs (a), 
(b) and (c) of the said note of Januai-y 23, 1943 
with the following reservations: 

1) The Brazilian Government understands 
that the accord must be considered as reciprocal 
under all aspects and that the guarantees re- 
quested of the Brazilian Government in the 
.said note are given, by implication, by the 
Goverimicnt of the United States also, and 

2) The Brazilian Government cannot assume 
the task of informing all the American citizens 
in service in its armed forces, or American 
citizens who may by chance have lost their citi- 
zenship in consequence of having taken an oath 
in the Brazilian forces and who are at present 
serving in those armed forces, that they can be 
transferred to the armed forces of the United 
States if they should so desire and if they be 
accepted by the armed forces of the United 



In like manner, no notification shall be re- 
quired with relation to the Brazilian citizens 
who may by chance be serving in the armed 
forces of the United States or who may be sub- 
ject to military service under the laws of the 
United States. 

The Brazilian Government hopes, however, 
that the Bi-azilian citizens already incorporated 
in or summoned to the army of the United 
States may be able to exercise, by virtue of this 
agreement, the option to serve in the armed 
forces of Brazil. 

I avail [etc.] 

Carlos Martins Pereira e Sousa 

The Secretary of State to the BraziHan A7nha8- 
sador at Washington 

Department of State, 
Washington, May 2^. 1943. 
Excellency : 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of your note no. 152/622.23(22) of April 28, 
1943 in which you state that you have received 
instructions from your Government in the sense 
of accepting that there should be effected be- 
tween Brazil and the United States of America, 
and on the basis of reciprocity, the proceeding 
suggested in the Department's note of January 
23, 1943; you state that your Government gives 
the guarantees stipulated in paragraphs (a), 
(b) and (c) of the Department's note of Jan- 
uary 23, 1943 with the following reservations: 

1) The Brazilian Government understands 
that the accord nuist be considered as reciprocal 
under all aspects and that the guarantees re- 
quested of the Brazilian Government in the 
said note are given, by implication, by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States also, and 

2) The Brazilian Government cannot assume 
the task of informing all the American citizens 
in service in its armed forces, or American 
citizens who may by chance have lost their cit- 
izenship in consequence of having taken an 
oath in the Brazilian forces and who are at 
present serving in those armed forces, that they 
can be transferred to the armed forces of the 
United States if they should so desire and if 

tiiey be accepted by the armed forces of the 
linited States. 

I take pleasure in informing you tliat your 
reply meets with the approval of this Govern- 
ment, and that this Government now considers 
the agreement with Brazil as having become 
effective on April 30. 1943. the date on which 
your note of acknowledgment was received in 
the Dej^artment. The appropriate authorities 
of the United States Government have been in- 
formed accordingly, and 1 may assure you that 
this Government will carry out the agreement in 
the spirit of full cooperation with your Gov- 

It is suggested that all the details incident to 
carrying out this agreement be discussed di- 
rectly by officers of the Embassy with the appro- 
priate officers of the Selective Service System 
and of the War Department. Lieutenant Col- 
onel S. G. Parker, of the Selective Service Sys- 
tem, and Lieutenant Colonel V. L. Sailor, of the 
Recruiting and Induction Section, Adjutant 
General's Office, will be available to discuss 
questions relating to the exercise of the ()i)tion 
prior to induction. The Inter-Allietl Personnel 
Board of the AVar Department, which is headed 
by Major General Guy V. Henry, is the agency 
with which questions relating to the discharge 
of nondeclarant nationals of Brazil who nuiy 
have been serving in the Army of the L'nited 
States on the effective date of the agreement, 
and who desire to transfer to the Brazilian 
forces, may be discussed. 

Accept [etc.] 

Lor the Secretary of State : 

G. Rowland Shaw 

Agreement With El Salvador Regarding Mili- 
tary Service by Nationals of P]ither Country 
Residing in the Other 

[Released to the press June 8] 

The following notes were exchanged between 
the Department of State and the Salvadoran 
Ambassador at Washington in regard to the 
application of the Selective Training and 

JL^'E 12, 1943 


Service Act of 1940. as amended, to Salvadoran 
citizens in the United States, on the basis of 
reci]iro(ity : 

The Secret ari/ of State to the Salvadoran 
Minister at Wanhington 

Departsient of State, 
Washington, April 3, 19Jf3. 

I have the honor to refer to conversations 
which have taken place between officers of the 
Salvadoran Lejration and of the Department 
with respect to tiie ai)plication of the United 
States Selective Training and Service Act of 
1940, as amended, to Salvadoran citizens re- 
siding in the United States. 

As you are aware, the Act provides that with 
certain excei)tions every male citizen of the 
United States and every other male person re- 
siding in the United States between the ages 
of eighteen and sixty-five shall register. The 
Act further provides that, with certain excep- 
tions, registrants within sfiecified age limits are 
liable for active military service in the United 
States armed forces. 

Tiiis Government recognizes that from the 
standpoint of nioi-ale of the individuals con- 
cerned and the overall niiiitary effort of the 
countries at war with the Axis Powers, it would 
be desirable to jiermit certain nationals of co- 
belligerent countries who have registered or 
who may register under the Selective Training 
and Service Act of 1940. as amended, to enlist 
in the armed forces of their own country, should 
they desire to do so. It will be recalled tiiat 
during the World War this Government signed 
conventions with certain associated powers on 
this subject. The United States Government 
believes, however, that under existing circum- 
stances the same ends may now be accomplished 
through administrative action, thus obviating 
the delays incident to the signing and ratifica- 
tion of conventions. 

This Government is prepared, therefore, to 
initiate a procedure which will permit aliens 
who have registered under the Selective Train- 
ing and Service Act of 1940. as amended, who 

are nationals of cobelligerent countries and who 
have not declared their intention of becoming 
American citizens to elect to serve in the forces 
of their respective countries, in lieu of service 
in the armed forces of the T^nited States, at any 
time prior to their induction into the armed 
forces of this country. This Government is also 
prepared to afford to nationals of cobelligerent 
countries who have not declared their intention 
of becoming American citizens who may already 
be serving in the armed forces of the United 
States an opportunity of electing to transfer 
to the armed forces of their own country. The 
details of the arrangement are to be worked 
out directh' between the AVar Department and 
the Selective Service System on the part of the 
United States Government and the appropri- 
ate authorities of the Salvadoran Government. 
It should be understood, however, that in all 
cases a person exercising an option under the 
arrangement must actually be accepted by the 
military autliorities of the country of his alle- 
giance before his departure from the United 

Before tiie above-mentioned procedure will 
be made effective with respect to a cobelligerent 
country, this Department wishes to receive from 
the diplomatic representative in AVashington of 
that country a note stating that his Govern- 
ment desires to avail itself of the procedure and 
in so doing agrees that : 

(a) No eff'oit will be made bj^ his Govern- 
ment to induce any person in the United States 
to enlist in the forces of his or any foreign gov- 
ernment ; 

(b) Reciprocal treatment will be granted to 
American citizens by his Government; that is, 
prior to induction in the armed forces of his 
Government they will be granted the opportu- 
nity of electing to serve in the armed forces of 
the United States in substantially the same 
manner as outlined above. Furthermore, his 
Government shall agree to inform all American 
citizens serving in its armed forces or former 
American citizens who may have lost their citi- 
zenship as a result of having taken an oath 
of allegiance on enlistment in such armed forces 
and who are now serving in those forces that 



they may transfer to the armed forces of the 
United States provided they desire to do so and 
provided they are acceptable to the armed 
forces of the United States. The arrangements 
for effecting such transfers are to be worked 
out by the appropriate representatives of the 
armed forces of the respective governments; 

(c) No enlistments will be accepted in the 
United States by his Government of American 
citizens subject to registration or of aliens of 
any nationality who have declared their inten- 
tion of becoming American citizens and are 
subject to registration. 

This Government is prepared to make the 
proposed regime effective immediately with re- 
spect to the Kepublic of El Salvador upon the 
receipt from you of a note stating that your 
Government desires to participate in it and 
agrees to the stipulations set forth in lettered 
paragraphs (a), (b), and (c) above. 

Accept [etc.] 

For the Secretary of State : 

G. HowLAND Shaw 

The SakimJoran Amhassador at 'Washington 
To the Secretary of State 

Embassy of El Salvador, 
Washington, May Ih, 10^3. 

I have the honor to refer to Your Excellency's 
kind note of April 3, last, as well as to previous 
conversations that have been held between offi- 
cials of this Salvadoran Diplomatic Mission 
and of the Department of State with respect to 
the application to Salvadoran citizens, resident 
in the United States, of the Selective Training 
and Service Act of the United States of 1940. 

My Government has studied with all atten- 
tion the content of Your Excellency's kind note, 
in which is detailed a proposed arrangement 
which can solve completely the problem of 
transfers of nationals of our respective coun- 
tries to the Army of their own flag, in substitu- 
tion for the service which they might render, or 
are already rendering, in the Army of the 

country in which they reside; and I have re- 
ceived instructions from my Government to ac- 
cept in all its parts the arrangement proposed 
in Your Excellency's kind note. 

The procedure suggested in the said note to 
which I refer rests on the following bases : 

"The Selective Training and Service Act of 
the United States of 1940 provides that, with J 
certain exceptions, every male citizen of the " 
United States and every other male domiciled 
in the United States, between the ages of 18 and 
65, must be registered. The Act provides, fur- 
ther, that, with certain exceptions, males regis- 
tered between certain specified age limits, are 
subject to active military service in the armed 
forces of the United States. 

"The Government of the United States of 
America recognizes that from the point of view 
of the moral situation of the individuals men- 
tioned and the primordial military effort of the 
Nations at war with the Axis Powers, it woidd 
be desirable to permit certain nationals of the 
co-belligerent countries, who are now registered 
or who may be registered under the Selective 
Training and Service Act of 1940, to enlist in 
the armed forces of their own country, if they 
so desire. It will be recalled that during the 
World War the United States Government 
signed conventions with various associated 
Powers on this subject. The United States 
Government believes, nevertheless, that under 
the present circumstances, the same purpose 
may now be attained by administrative action, 
thus avoiding the delays resulting from the 
signing and ratification of conventions. 

"The United States Government is prepared, 
consequently, to initiate a procedure to permit 
aliens who have registered under the Selective 
Training and Service Act of 1940, as amended, 
and who are nationals of co-belligerent countries 
and who have not declared their intention of be- 
coming United States citizens, to choose to serve 
in the forces of their respective countries in- 
stead of serving in the forces of the United 
States, on anj- date anterior to their enrollment 
in the armed forces of the United States. The 
Government of the United States is also pre- 

JUNE 12, 19-13 


pared to offer to nationals of co-belligerent 
countries, who have not declared their intention 
of becoming citizens of the United States and 
who are now serving in the armed forces of the 
ITnited States, an opportunity to elect their 
transfer to the armed forces of their own coun- 
try. The details of the arrangement are to be 
agreed upon directly between the War Depart- 
ment and the Selective Service System, on the 
part of the Government of the United States, 
and the respective Authorities of the Salvadoran 
(iovernnient. It must be understood, neverthe- 
less, that in all cases in which a person 
exercises the option contemplated in this ar- 
rangement, such option must be accepted by the 
Military Authorities of the Government of his 
nationality before his departure from the United 
States is permitted." 

In accordance with the bases which have just 
been copied, Your Excellency informs me, in 
the same note of April 3, that before the above- 
mentioned procedure comes into force between 
our two Governments, the Department of State 
desires to receive from the undersigned, as Dip- 
lomatic Representative of El Salvador in the 
United States, a note declaring that the Govern- 
ment of El Salvador desires to avail itself of 
the same j)roceduie and that, on doing so, it 
agrees to the following: 

"(a) No effort shall be made bj- the Govern- 
ment of El Salvador to induce any person in 
the United States to enlist in its own forces or 
in those of any foreign Government ; 

••(b) Eeciprocal treatment shall be granted 
by the Government of El Salvador to the citi- 
zens of the United States of America, that is, 
prior to the enrollment in the armed forces of 
their Government, _ they shall be offered the 
opportunity to elect service in the armed forces 
of the United States in a manner substantially 
like that above described. Furthermore, the 
Government of El Salvador agrees to iiiform 
all citizens of the United States who are serving 
in its armed forces, as well as former citizens 
of the United States who may have lost their 
nationality as a result of having taken an oath 

of loyalty on enlisting in such armed forces, 
in which they are serving, that they can now 
be transferred to the armed forces of the United 
States, if they so desire and on condition that 
they are acceptable to the armed forces of the 
United States. The arrangements for making 
such transfers are to be made between the cor- 
responding representatives of the armed forces 
of our respective Governments ; 

"(c) The Government of El Salvador shall 
not accept any enlistment in the United States 
of citizens of the Federal Union, subject to reg- 
istration there, nor of aliens of any nationality 
who have declared their intention of becoming 
citizens of the United States and who are sub- 
ject to registration." 

Your Excellency informed me furthermore, 
in the same note of April 3, last, that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States is prepared to 
make the arrangement thus proposed effective 
immediately, with respect to the Republic of 
El Salvador, upon receiving from tlie under- 
signed a note declaring that tlie Government 
of El Salvador desires to participate in it and 
tliat it agrees to the stii)ulatii)ns detailed in the 
paragraphs lettered (a), (b) and (c), given 

In execution of the instructions which I have 
received, I have the honor to inform Your Ex- 
cellency that my Government desires to par- 
ticipate in the Arrangements above detailed and 
that it agrees expressly to the stipulations de- 
tailed in paragi-aphs lettered (a), (b) and (c), 
already copied in this note. 

In connection with the paragraph lettered 
(a), my Government reserves to its legislative 
power the right to extend to aliens the military 
service obligations, which at present are re- 
quired only of Salvadoran citizens. This clari- 
fication is made with a view to legislative 
changes which may be necessitated by the pres- 
ent war situation ; and it is to be noted that the 
same clarification accentuates the reciprocity 
established in the Arrangement. 

I renew [etc.] 

Hector David Castro 



The Secretary of State to the Salvadoran Am- 
bassador at Washington 

Department of State, 
Washington, May 31, 19^3. 
Excellency : 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
Your Excellency's note of May 14, 1943 in which 
you state that your Government desires to enter 
into the agreement proposed in my note of 
April 3, 1943 concerning the services of na- 
tionals of one country in the armed f-orces of 
the other country. You state that you have 
received instructions for your Government to 
accept in all its parts the arrangement pro- 
posed in my note of April 3, 1943 and that your 
Government desires to participate in the ar- 
rangements detailed therein and agrees ex- 
pressly to the stipulations detailed in para- 
graphs (a), (b), and (c) of the note of April 
3, 1943. You also state that in connection with 
the paragraph lettered (a), your Government 
reserves to its legislative power the right to 
extend to aliens the military service obligations, 
which at present are required only of Salva- 
doran citizens. 

1 take pleasure in informing you that this 
agreement is now considered by this Govern- 
ment as having become etfective on May 15, 
1943, the date on which your note under ac- 
knowledgment was received in the Department. 
The appropriate authorities of this Government 
have been informed accordingly, and I may 
assure you that this Government will carry out 
the agreement in the spirit of full cooperation 
with your Government. 

With reference to the penultimate paragraph 
of j'our note under reference, this Government 
has taken note that the Government of El Sal- 
vador reserves its rigiits to extend to aliens in 
El Salvadore the military service obligations 
which at present are required only of Salva- 
doran citizens. 

It is suggested that all the details incident to 
carrying out the agreement be discussed directly 
by officers of the Embassy with the appropriate 
officers in the Selective Service System and the 

War Department. Lieutenant Colonel S. G. 
Parker, of the Selective Service System, and 
Lieutenant Colonel V. L. Sailor, of the Kecruit- 
ing and Induction Section, Adjutant General's 
Office, War Department, will be available to 
discuss questions relating to the exercise of the 
option prior to induction. The Inter-Allied 
rersonnel Board of the War Department, 
which is headed by Major General Guy V. 
Henry, is the agency with which questions re- 
lating to the discharge of nondeclarant na- 
tionals of El Salvador, wlio may have been serv- 
ing in the Army of the United States on the 
effective date of the agreement, and who desire 
to transfer to the Salvadoran forces, may be 
Accept [etc.] 

For the Secretary of State : 

G. HowLAND Shaw 


Agreement With Liberia 

An announcement concerning an agreement 
between the Governments of the United States 
and Liberia on the principles applying to mutual 
aid in their common defense, signed in the city 
of New York on June 8, 1943, appears in this 
Bulletin under the headiii"; "The War". 


Agreement Relating to Money Orders, Postal 
Union of the Americas and Spain 


The American Embassy at Panama trans- 
mitted to the Secretary of State with despatch 
4170 of May 31, 1943 a copy of the Gaceta Ofcial 
of May 26, 1943 which contains the text of Law 
137 of April 30, 1943 by which the National 
Assembly of the Republic of Panama gave its 
formal approval to the Agreement Relating 
to JMoney Orders, signed at the Fourth Congress 
of the Postal Union of the Americas and Spain, 
Panama, December 22, 1936. 

JUXE 12, 194 3 



Joint Resiilution To extend the siiithority of the Presi- 
dent under section 350 of tlie Tariff Act of 1930, as 
amended [extension of Trade Agreements Act]. Ap- 
proved June 7, 1043. [H.J.Kes, lll.j Public Law 
(iO. 7sth Cong. 1 p. 

.\nnual Expense of Inter-American Financial and Eco- 
nomic Advisory Committee. S. Kept. 298, 78th Cong., 
on H.J.Kes. l.j. [Favorable.] 8 pp. 

I'aiticipation by the United States in the Emergency 
-Vdvisory Committee for Political Defense. S. Kept. 
-'ii9, "Sth ConK.. <in H.J.Ites. 1<!. [Favorable.] ."> pp. 

.Markets After the War : An.\pproacli to Their Analysis. 
Prepared Under the Direction of Bureau of Foreign 
and Domestic Commerce of the Department of Com- 
merce. S.Doc. 4l>, 78th Cong, vi, 46 pp. 


Department of State 

Naval .Mission : Ajireement Belween the United States 
of America and the Dondniran Keiiuhlic — -Signed at 
\Vashin;;ton January 2o, 1943: elTective January 25, 
1943. Executive Agreement Series 312. Publica- 
tion 1937. n pp. 50. 

Military Aviation Mi.ssion : Agreement Between the 
United States of America and Chile Renewing the 
Agreement of April 23, 1940 — Effected by exchanges 
of notes signed at Washington Xovemlier 27 and De- 
cember 23, 1942, and April 14, 1943; effective April 
23, 1943. Executive Agreement Series 315. Publi- 
cation 1940. 3 pp. ij0. 

Other Government Agencies 

United States Department of Agriculture and Inter- 
Americau Relations During the First Year of the 
War. (Bureau of Agricultural Economics, De- 
partment of Agriculture.) War Records Project, 
Report 1. Feliiimry 1943. 9 pp., processed. Free 
from Department of Agriculture. 

Documents Pertaining to Foreign Funds Control [Ex- 
ecutive orders and regulations relating to trans- 
actiona in foreign exchange and foreign-owned 
property ; general rulings, general licenses, and 
public circulars under such orders and regulations ; 
proclamations and regulations concerning blocked 
nationals; certain .sections of Trading With the 
Enemy Act and documents relating thereto]. 
(Office of Foreign Funds Control, Treasury De- 
partment.) March 30, 1943, 2, 112 pp. Free 
from Treasury Department. 
Brazil: Introduction to a Neighbor. (Coordinator of 
Inter-American Affairs.) 1943. 2, 32 pp., illus. 
Free from Office of the Coordinator. 
Guatemala: Volcanic But Peaceful. (Coordinator of 
Inter-American Affairs.) 1943. 2, 8 pp., illue. 
Free from Office of the Coordinator. 
The Americas: A Panoramic View. (Pan American 
Union.) 1942. 32 pp., illus. 5^ from the P.A.U. 
Rural Credit in El Salvador. (Pan American Union.) 
Series on Cooperatives, No. 20. February 1943. 
1, 17 pp., processed. 10(? from the P. A. U. 
Club and Study Series of the Pan American Union. 
(Available at the P. A. U.) : 
No. 2. Evolution of the Pan American Movement: 
Vol. 1. Historical Evolution of luter-American Co- 
operation. 1942. 3, 65 pp., processed. 25^. 
Vol. 2. Inter-.\merican Cooperation in the Preser- 
vation of Peace and Defense of the Western 
Hemisphere. 1942. 3. 41 pp., processed. 25^. 
Vol. .3. Inter-American Econonnc Cooperation. 

1942. 3, ')7 pp., i)rocessed. 25(?. 
Vol. 4. Inter-American Cultural Cooperation. 
1942. 3, 54 pp., processed. 25(*. 
No. 3. Literature, Art, Music : 

Vol. 1. Literature of Latin America, 1942. 4, 64 pp., 

processed. 25^. 
Vol. 2. Art of Latin America. 1942. 3, 62 pp., 

illus., processeil. '2'i(*. 
Vol. 3. Music in Latin America. 19-12. 4, 73 pp., 
illus., processed. 25^. 
No. 4. World War, 1939-. [The war and the Ameri- 
cas ; sitecific application of principles of inter- 
American solidarity ; measures for defense of the 
continent.] 1942. 3, 59 pp., map, processed. 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office. Washington, D. C. 
Price. 10 cents - - - - Subscription price, $2.75 a year 




JUNE 19, 1943 
Vol. VIII, No. 208— Publication 1951 


The Wau 

Relief and Rehabilitation: Address by Herbert H. 

Lehman 539 

Entry of Alien Seamen Into the United States .... 543 
Annivei-sarv of the Signing of the Mutual-Aid Agree- 
ment With the Soviet Union' 543 

Cultural Relations 

Visit of North American Publishers to Other American 

Republics 544 

Distinguished Visitors From Other American Re- 

pubUcs 545 


Disturbances in Los Angeles 545 

Treaty Information 

Consular: Convention With Mexico 545 

Legislation 545 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 
United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture: 

Text of the Fmal Act 546 

JUL 8 1943 


The War 

Address by Herbert H. Lehman ' 

(Uelcased fo the press June 18] 

I am honored to appear here tonight to dis- 
cuss witli you soiut' of the problems of the re- 
lief and rehabilitation of victims of war and 
the principles which should govern their solu- 
tion. I was happy to avail myself of your in- 
vitation, since I van deeply convinced that the 
hour has now arrived for urgent national con- 
sideration of such problems and principles. 
The members of j-our distinguished organiza- 
tion can do much to direct national thinking 
toward these massive questions. 

The peace which we all seek must be rooted 
in the first hurried work of rehabilitation and 
reconstruction. The dimensions of this task 
can best be measured by the dimensions of the 
disaster which has overtaken the world. The 
Axis has extended its despotism over the peo- 
ples of some 35 coimtries and hundreds of is- 
lands, the dwelling-places of more than half a 
billion men, women, and children. Almost all 
Europe lies under the dark cloud of Nazi rule; 
Japan has overrun the rich islands of the west- 
ern Pacific and has penetrated deep toward the 
heart of heroic China. In occupied Europe 
and in enslaved Asia the picture is universally 
the same — starving people, impoverished land, 
and nations whose whole economies have been 

Food-condition statistics in the area of Axis 
occupation are treacherous. But official re- 
ports from Europe and Asia leave no doubt that 
hunger is the general rule, that starvation is 
commonplace, and that the area enslaved by the 

535033 — 43 1 

Axis is a breeding-place for all the diseases of 
the body and of the spirit that are born of star- 
vation, suffering, and death. 

Agricultural-production in Europe has 
dropped substantially despite the desperate ef- 
forts of (iermany to make Axis-dominated Eu- 
rope self-supporting. As the months roll on, 
the manpower shortage, the wastage and de- 
terioration of machinery, the neglect of the 
soil, and the increasing disorganization of the 
economy will cut even deeper into total food- 

The once matchless flocks and herds of Eu- 
rope have declined to figures in some cases a 
third below pre-war levels. Horses are dis- 
appearing at a rate that indicates that a short- 
age of draft animals may be a problem even 
more acute than the shortage of manpower in 
the first liarvest of peace. The (x-cupied na- 
tions have been systematically drained of their 
resources, raw materials, and commercial goods 
to serve a vicious new order. Never before has 
the world witnessed so ruthless a despoliation 
of so man}' in so short a time. 

A problem so vast and so world embracing, 
obviously, does not lend itself to piecemeal so- 
lution. The problem is to devise means to 
harness world production, already greatly taxed 
by war needs, to total world want during the 

' Delivered before the Foreign Policy Association, 
New York, N. Y., Juue 17, 1943. Mr. Leliman is Direc- 
tor of the Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation 
Operations, Department of State. 




coming months of tremendous human crisis. 
We must see to it that relief flows smoothly and 
swiftly into measures to remove the need of re- 
lief, and that rehabilitation measures are so de- 
vised as to enable the suffering nations to begin 
their own reconstruction at the earliest possible 
moment. Our objective is to help people to 
help themselves and thereby to help ourselves, 
by making possible a world in which the four 
freedoms can have a chance of realization. 

We have already made important strides to- 
ward meeting these complex problems. Within 
the last few days the Department of State has 
placed before the 43 governments of all the 
United Nations and the other nations asso- 
ciated with us in this war a draft agreement for 
creation of a United Nations Relief and Re- 
habilitation Administration through which the 
productive resources of all the nations of good- 
will may shortly be mobilized to bring succor 
to the victims of war.' The governments of the 
United States, Great Britain, Russia, and China 
already have agreed to this plan, indicating 
their readiness to participate wholeheartedly in 
an historic effort to see to it that no one shall die 
for the lack of bread, protection from the ele- 
ments, or the minimum assistance of modem 

There is fortunately a strong disposition 
among the nations to recognize that this prob- 
lem is without parallel in history and that its 
solution must lie in joint and concerted efforts 
by all nations. It is proposed that each nation 
in making its greatest possible contribution to 
the task, shall within its resources make not 
only a financial contribution but shall con- 
tribute further in the form of supplies, shipping 
and other transportation, personnel and serv- 
ices. It is, as yet, too early to predict what to- 
tal amounts or what proportion any govern- 
ment will be called upon to supply to the joint 
enterprise. There are, however, precedents for 
action in this direction. Under the terms of the 
International Wheat Agreement, for example, 
Canada and the United Kingdom, Australia, 
Argentina, and the United States have under- 

' BtJUurriN of June 12, 1943, p. 523. 

taken to contribute large quantities of wheat for 
use in a major offensive against starvation. 
There ai'e supplies in other areas which, when 
fully drawn upon, will distribute the burden 
of world relief over many countries. At least 
50 percent, and perhaps more, of the total 
cereals required for European relief can readily 
come from areas other than the United States, 
and it should be noted that cereals comprise 
well over half the total tonnage of any table of 
relief food shipments. 

This proposed United Nations Relief and Re- 
habilitation Administration represents a prac- 
tical and realistic approach to a problem of 
great magnitude. America cannot feed the 
world from its own resources alone. Neither 
can Britain nor Russia nor China nor any one 
of the other American republics. Satisfaction 
of the wants of the millions of suffering men, 
women, and children can be accomplished only 
by the concerted action of all the nations whose 
productive resources were fortunately spared 
the fire and destruction of modern warfare. 

The imperative demands of military neces- 
sity will not, however, wait upon international 
conversations or protracted conferences. It 
may well be that in the immediate future our 
fighting commanders will call upon us to move 
in behind a front line in Europe to provide re- 
lief to newly liberated peoples. In anticipa- 
tion of such a possibility, the OlEce of Foreign 
Relief and Rehabilitation Operations is pro- 
ceeding with plans as an American organiza- 
tion, confident that the other nations of good- 
will will step forward to assist and that this 
practical United Nations mechanism will be- 
come a reality. 

The common dislike of the concept of "re- 
lief" on the part both of nations that receive 
and nations that give is certain to have a deep 
influence on the nature of these operations. In 
an era when political stability is dependent upon 
economic stability as never before, no nation 
will casually become a recipient of a dole. 
Similarly, no nation, nor group of nations, will 
casually commit their resources to a tremendous 
relief undertaking without striving to make 
certain that simultaneous measures are insti- 

JXns"E 19, 1943 


tilted to make possible the cessation of relief 
expenditures at the earliest possible moment. 

There should be no basic misconception of 
the idea of relief in the minds of Americans. 
Relief operations in Europe after the war of 
1914-18 by no means entirely took the form of 
gift. Where governments had cash or assets, 
they were required in some cases to pay cash and 
in other cases to pledge assets as security for 
loans. In other instances, governments which 
had no assets which could reasonably be re- 
garded as good security, were nevertheless pi-o- 
vided with relief and required to pay by means 
of loans advanced to them under conditions 
where the commercial .soundness of the credit 
was highly questionable. Most of these loans 
were subsequently defaulted, and our govern- 
ment thus was no better otF than if the loans had 
been outriglit gifts. On the other hand the 
country receiving relief suffered an impairment 
of its credit and was less able to borrow for 
sound projects of reconstruction so long as these 
loans still complicated its finances. Economic 
recovery was thus impaired, and one of the 
forces was put into motion which headed the 
world toward the tragic cycle which led first to a 
gigantic depression, then to the rise of Hitler, 
Mussolini, and the Japanese militarists, and 
finally to global conflagration. 

To avoid the danger of permitting relief to 
cause fundamental economic derangements 
which might generate a third world war, a care- 
ful balance must be maintained between relief 
by outright gift and relief by sale or exchange. 
None of the liberated nations will be seeking the 
charity of this country. But in some instances 
it certainly will be the course of prudence and 
wisdom to advance the goods for relief and re- 
habilitation as outright gifts. To do otherwise 
under some conditions would be to impair the 
credit and economy of the liberated nations and 
thus make it difficult if not impossible for such 
nations to procure essential credit and exchange 
when the initial emergency has passed and the 
time arrives for sound, long-term reconstruc- 
tion. In other instances, however, the liberated 
nations will quickly reestablish governments 
capable, ready, and willing to purchase the 

foodstuffs and goods necessary for relief and 
rehabilitation, and operations of the relief and 
rehabilitation agency can and should proceed 
on a commercial basis. In still other instances, 
the operation undoubtedly must be an admix- 
ture of both procedures. But in all situations, 
the technique of salvage and rehabilitation must 
constantly be oriented toward the objective of 
reconstituting the economy of the recipient na- 
tion. That is the way to put an end to relief. 
That is what we want. That is what the suffer- 
ing peoples of the liberated nations will have 
richly earned. 

For these reasons, the President, pending the 
creation of the United Nations Relief and Re- 
habilitation Administration, has assigned my 
office the task not alone of establishing "soup 
kitchens" and carrying on direct relief, but also 
of assisting war-stricken peoples in reviving 
their own production of essential goods and 
services as rai)idly as possible. In each liber- 
ated area which the President may designate, 
the Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation 
Operations is to distribute relief goods and 
goods to facilitate the production of basic civil- 
ian necessities, whether those goods be given 
away, sold, or bartered. In such way we achieve 
a single supply line to each liberated area and 
avoid inconsistency and confusion in policy and 

Tiie lessons learned in the quarter century 
during which this war was in the making dem- 
onstrate beyond question that the United States 
and the United Nations have no alternative but 
to undertake this task. The motives that impel 
us to this work are readily demonstrable, even 
without reference to the deep moral motives 
which of themselves alone would be a justifica- 
tion for assisting those who are suffering and 

In the initial stages, our activities are so 
closely integrated with the military that relief 
operations actually are conducted by the army 
itself or under its close supervision. The work 
will, of course, be subject to the approval of the 
military commander so long as military opera- 
tions require. The importance of civilian sup- 
ply behind the lines was clearly demonstrated 



by the North African campaign where the pro- 
vision of the essentials of life to civilians in the 
war theater was a military and political neces- 
sity, closely related to the whole campaign 
strategy. What was true in North Africa will 
be equally true, in magnified scope and under 
much more urgent conditions, on the continents 
of Europe and Asia. 

It is not military necessity alone, however, 
that compels us to undertake relief and rehabili- 
tation measures. Millions of people have been 
plundered, despoiled, and starved. Unless the 
United States, in concert with the other United 
Nations, extends a helping hand to these peo- 
ples, we can anticipate with certainty that the 
liberated areas for decades will suffer from dis- 
rupted economies, crushing burdens of unem- 
ployment, shattering inflations, and the internal 
turmoil which adds up to chaos. 

If we have learned anything from the dec- 
ades just behind us it is this: That we cannot, 
even if we would, make ourselves secure in a 
world in which millions of men, women, and 
children are dying of want or by epidemic. Let 
us recognize frankly that freedom from want is 
a basic component of any enduring peace and 
that if America is to have any hope of lasting 
peace and a stable world economy it must help 
see to it that the liberated peoples of the world 
are restored as rapidly as possible to a self- 
sustaining basis. 

That is merely enlightened self-interest. 

We cannot live with security in a world half 
rich, half pauperized. International trade can- 
not flourish or sound economic expansion take 
place in a world tormented by expectations of 
the violence that is born of suffering and misery. 
And the United States, in the period after this 
war, will need the outlets of a total world mar- 
ket unless our economy is to face a terrific con- 
traction in a shattering post-war depression. 
We in America must not lose sight of the fact 
that, once this war has ended, we again will be 
the greatest producers in the world and will 
want world markets for our gi"ain, our cotton, 
our tobacco, and other agricultural staples as 
well as our steel, our automobiles, and the thou- 
sands of products of our mills and factories. 

The relief and rehabilitation of war-stricken 
nations is the necessary first step toward a bal- 
anced economy in which a high level of con- 
sumption will prevent the piling up of those 
great stocks of surplus goods which would 
otherwise be quickly accumulated after this war 
in all the primary producing covmtries. Relief 
and rehabilitation is but the opening phase of 
the post-war era. The long-range reconstruc- 
tion which follows this phase must be conducted 
on the basis of world trade. By emergency re- 
lief and rehabilitation measures now we can 
make it possible for the liberated peoples of 
Europe and Asia to become in succeeding years 
the customers for our goods. Thus by restor- 
ing the basic economic equilibrium of these peo- 
ples we can hope to create demand which will 
provide jobs for the millions of fighting men 
who will be streaming home from our victorious 
armies to take jobs in an industry converting 
back to production for peace. 

The costs of such a program will be great, 
even though they will be diminutive when pro- 
jected against the total costs of this war or the 
total costs of another depression. The outlays 
will represent an investment for a new world 
in which productive facilities will have an op- 
portunity to operate to make possible prosper- 
ous conditions at home and to diminish suffer- 
ing and want abroad. This war right now is 
costing the American taxpayer about a billion 
dollars every three days. The cost in life and 
spiritual value is incalculable. The knowledge 
that America and other United Nations are pre- 
pared to extend relief and rehabilitation to the 
victims of war and to sustain the spirit of 
resistance among the down-trodden people of 
Europe and Asia when the hour of freedom I 
strikes, will help to transform those people into ' 
a cohesive group, ready and willing to cooperate 
in the battle of liberation. Should America's 
readiness to bring relief to the weary peoples of 
Europe and Asia shorten the war by but a week 
or two, the United States will have saved far 
more on war costs than the total outlays which 
can be anticipated in the field of relief and 

JITNE 19, 1943 


The deepest aspiration of the peoples of 
Europe and Asia will be for an opportunity to 
rebuild their own lives toward a system of sta- 
bility and order. Unless they are helped in 
the initial stages to help themselves, this oppor- 
tunity for sound reconstruction may be lost. It 
would be folly for this country and the United 
Nations to pour out their total substance in a 
coni])lete effort for victory and hesitate to ex- 
pend the final dollars which wovdd nuike pos- 
sible the realization of the objectives for wdiich 
they foufiht — the establishment of a stable 
world economy and of a peace that will endure. 

The cry of nations and their peoples for 
assistance in the first hours of liberation will 
present democracy with a supreme test. The 
fate of all United Nations' attempts to insure 
banishment of these global wars may well be 
determined by tiie success of the first joint 
action in relief and rehabilitation administra- 
tion. This work of binding up the wounds of 
those who sutler, of preventing and halting 
death by starvation, exposure, disease, and neg- 
lect, transcends the realm of political alle- 
giances and can give full expression to the high- 
est principles and instincts of all peoples. If 
the nations of the world should fail to work in 
mutual cooperation for these high principles, 
what hope could we hold for political coopera- 
tion to banish war? If it is true that nations 
learn to work together by actually working 
together, then the joint effort of the United 
Nations to help the liberated peoples of the 
world maj' well provide the experience which 
will make possible the more gigantic enterprises 
to come. 

It is given to us, twice within the span of a 
lifetime, to attempt to devise a peace in which 
all men can live in freedom from fear and want. 
We failed last time. We dare not fail again. 


Executive Order 9352, dated June 15, 1943, 
prescribes regulations governing the entry of 
alien seamen into the United States, and, for the 
most part, supersedes and cancels Executive 

Order 8429 of June 5, 1940, entitled "Documents 
Required of Bona Fide Alien Seamen Entering 
the United States". The text of the order is 
printed in the Federal Ii'egister for June 17, 


[Released to the press June 16] 

The following exchange of messages has 
taken place between the President of the United 
States and the President of the Presidium of 
the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics: 

Upon the occasion of the anniversary of the 
signature of the agreement between the Govern- 
ments of the Soviet Union and the United 
States of America concerning the principles 
applying to mutual aid in the prosecution of 
the war against aggression,' I beg you, Mr. 
President, to accept my sincere greetings. A 
year has passed since the conclusion of this 
well-known agreement opening the way to the 
further strengthening of the friendly relations 
between the peoples of our countries who are 
carrying on mortal combat against the common 
enemy — Hitlerite Germany and its accomplices 
in Europe. During this year on the basis of 
this agreement the friendly ties and military 
cooperation between the peoples of our coun- 
tries have been strengthened and reinforced. I 
am profoundly convinced that these ties and 
military cooperation will grow even stronger 
thus assuring further successes in our joint 
struggle and the final victory of the U.S.S.R., 
United States and Great Britain over our com- 
mon enemy and also close cooperation in the 
post-war period together with the peoples of 
the other freedom-loving countries. 

M. Kalinin 

June 14, 1943. 
I sincerely appreciate your courteous mes- 
sage on the anniversary of the signing of the 

^ Executive Agreement Series 253. 



agreement between our two countries concern- 
ing the principles of mutual aid in the prosecu- 
tion of the war against aggression. This agree- 
ment during the past year has already proved 
to be an eifective measure for coordinating our 
joint struggle against the common foe. I am 
confident that the friendship and collaboration 
between our countries reflected in this agree- 
ment will be further strengthened in the de- 
cisive battles to come and in the post-war 
period will find even fuller expression in estab- 
lishing and maintaining in concert with all 
freedom-loving peoples a just and lasting peace. 
Franklin D Roosevelt 

Cultural Relations 


[Released to the press June 14] 

In the latter part of this month five publish- 
ers representing all aspects of book-publishing 
in the United States will make a trip to Mexico, 
Colombia, Peru, Chile, Argentina, and Brazil 
under the auspices of the Department of State 
and the Office of the Coordinator of Inter- 
American Affairs. The publishers who will 
comprise this group were selected in consulta- 
tion with the editor of Publishers'' Weekly and 
others prominent in publishing and inter- 
American affairs. They are ; George P. Brett, 
Jr., President of MacMillan Company; Burr 
L. Chase, President of Silver Burdett Com- 
pany; Robert L. de Graff, President of Pocket 
Books, Incorporated; Malcolm Johnson, Execu- 
tive Vice President of Doubleday Doran; 
James S. Thompson, Executive Vice President 
of McGraw-Hill Company. 

The purposes of this mission are matters of 
public interest, broader even than the field of 
publishing, and to this end the members of the 
group will report their findings in full to the 
Government. This information will then be 
available to interested persons in this coun- 

try. The members of the group will investi- 
gate at first hand obstacles which have pre- 
vented an exchange of publications between the 
United States and the other American repub- 
lics to the extent desired by persons in these 
countries. They will consult with publishers, 
booksellers, government officials who are con- 
cerned with education, cultural, and commer- 
cial relations, librarians, officers of profes- 
sional associations, directors of schools and re- 
search centers, and prominent persons in all 
writing and publishing activities and educa- 
tional circles. 

Prominent publishers from Latin America 
have visited the United States recently, notably 
Dr. Daniel Cosio Villegas, of the Fondo de Cul- 
tura Economica of Mexico City, and Dr. Teo- 
doro Becii, of Editorial Losada of Buenos Aires. 
These publishers, and others, have urged that 
publishers from the United States should visit 
Latin America and discuss mutual problems of 
publishing and marketing. 

This mission has an important relation to the 
immediate war effort, for as President Roose- 
velt has stated, "In this war, we know, books 
are weapons." Many of the scientific and tech- 
nical publications published in this country are 
in urgent demand today in mining and indus- 
trial establisliments in the other American re- 
publics where vital war materials are being 
prepared for delivery to the United Nations. 
Publications on health, vocational education, 
and agriculture are equally impoi'tant and are in 
great demand in all the other American repub- 
lics. The findings of the mission should bear 
fruit in the post-war era also, for the books 
which are weapons in this war will also be 
"weapons for man's freedom". 

Permanent friendly relations between the 
United States and the other American repub- 
lics will rest upon the solid base of a full and 
free exchange of ideas, scientific discoveries, 
and reliable information about life in all the 
Americas. The six weeks' tour scheduled by 
this group of publishers should contribute 
measurably to the broadening and strengthen- 
ing of this base for inter-American relations. 

JUKE 19, 1943 



[Released to the press June 15] 

Seiior Carlos Puyo Delgado, one of Colom- 
bia's leading newspapermen and radio editors, 
arrived at Washington on June 14 as a guest of 
the Department of State. 

He is well acquainted with this country in 
peacetime, having lived here some 16 years 
(1919-35), but he is interested in observing the 
speed-up of our national life under war condi- 
tions and the metliods and extent of war pro- 
duction. While here, he will interview a series 
of representative persons for the newspaper and 
radio audience in Colombia. 

After serving as managing editor of the 
great liberal Bogota daily, El Tiempo, in 1937, 
Seiior Puyo Delgado founded the daily radio 
review, Actualidad Diaria, which he still directs. 

law and the principles of justice and equity 
which the two Governments jointly uphold. 



[Released to the press June 16] 

The Mexican Ambassador called upon the 
Secretary of State on June 15 in order to ex- 
press the concern of his Government at the re- 
cent disturbances in Los Angeles and vicinity. 
The Secretary assured the Ambassador that the 
Department of State had been closely follow- 
ing the situation as it has developed since these 
disturbances first began. He assured the Am- 
bassador that the local authorities, in coopera- 
tion with the military and naval authorities, 
have been doing everything possible to ameli- 
orate the situation. He also stated that full in- 
vestigation of these incidents is being conducted 
by Federal and local authorities. If as a re- 
sult of those investigations it is found that there 
are cases involving Mexican citizens (and none 
have 3'et been found), the resulting claims will 
be expeditiously handled by this Government 
in accordance with principles of international 

535033—43 2 

Treaty Information 

Convention With Mexico 

[Released to the press June 17] 

On June 16, 1943, the President proclaimed 
the consular convention between the United 
States of America and the United Mexican 
States, signed in the city of Mexico on August 
12, 1942,' to be in force on and after July 1, 

The convention defines the duties, rights, 
privileges, exemptions, and immunities of the 
consular officers of each country in the territory 
of the other country. Article XIV of the con- 
vention provides that it shall take effect in all 
its provisions the thirtieth day after the day of 
the exchange of ratifications. The ratifications 
of the two Governments were exchanged in the 
city of Mexico on June 1, 1943.- 


Departments of State, Justice, and Commerce Appro- 
priation Bill, 1&44. S. Rept. 311, 7Sth Cong., on H.R. 
2397. [Reported out with amendments.] 6 pp. 

National War Agencies Appropriation Bill, 1944. H. 
Rept. 556, 78th Cong., on H.R. 2968. [Office of Co- 
ordinator of Inter-Amerlcaa Affairs, pp. 1^-16.] 
3.5 pp. 

Extension of Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act : Hear- 
ings Before the Committee on Finance, United States 
Senate, 78th Cong., 1st sess., on H.J. Res. 111. (Re- 
vised.) May 17, 18, 19, and 22, 1943. iv, 148 pp. 

Defense Aid Supplemental Appropriation Act, 1943. 
Approved June 14, 1943. [H.R. 2753.] Public Law 
70, 7Sth Cong. 2 pp. 

' BtjiiETiN of Aug. 15, 1942, p. 704. 
' Ihid., June 5, 1W3, p. 501. 

International Conferences, Commissions, Etc. 


Text of the Final Act ' 

The Governments of Australia, Belgium, 
Bolivia, Bi'azil, Canada, Chile, China, Colom- 
bia, Costa Kica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Domini- 
can Kepublic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, 
Ethiopia; the French Representatives; the 
Governments of Great Britain, Greece, Guate- 
mala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, India, Iran, 
Iraq, Liberia, Luxembourg, Mexico, Nether- 
lands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Pan- 
ama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippine Common- 
wealth, Poland, Union of South Africa, Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, United States of 
America, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia ; 

Having accepted the invitation extended to 
them by the Government of the United States 
of America to be represented at a United 
Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture; 

Appointed their respective delegates, who 
are listed below by countries in the order of 
alphabetical precedence : 


H. C. Coombs, Director General of Post-War Recon- 
struction ; Chairman of the Delegation 

F. L. McDougall, Economic Adviser to the High 
Commissioner, London 

E. McCarthy, Assistant Secretary, Department of 
Commerce and Agriculture 

J. B. Brigdeu, Financial Counselor, Australian Le- 
gation, Washington 

J. W. Burton, Department nf External Affairs 


Viscount Alain du Pare, Minister Plenipotentiary, 
Commercial Counselor, Belgian Embassy, Wash- 
ington ; Chairman of the Delegation 

L. Borremans, Commercial Adviser of the Ministry 
of Agriculture; Agricultural Attach^, Belgian 
Embassy, London 

Edouard J. Bigwood, Professor of Physiological 
Chemistry and Nutrition of the Faculties of Medi- 
cine and Sciences, University of Brussels; Adviser 
to the Belgian Government 

' All footnotes in the Final Act appear in the 
original. — Editoe. 

Miguel Etchenique, General Representative of the 

Banco Minero de Bolivia in the United States; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
Ren6 Ballivian Calder6n, Commercial Counselor, 

Bolivian Embassy, Washington 
Jorge Alcdzar, Member of the Sociedad Rural Bolivi- 

Enrique Tardio Guzman, Agricultural Engineer 


Joao Carlos Muniz, Ambassador to Ecuador ; Chair- 
man of the Delegation 

Eurico Penteado, Commercial Counselor, Financial 
Attach^, Brazilian Embassy, Washington 

Jos6 Garibaldi Dantas, Superintendent of the Pro- 
duction Financing Committee, Ministry of Finance 

Newton de Castro Belleza, Assistant to the Minister 
of Agriculture ; Director of the National Defense 
Section, Ministry of Agriculture 

Jorge Kafuri, Head of the Price Control Division, 
Office of Brazilian Economic Mobilization 

Walder de Lima Sarmanho, Commercial Counselor, 
Brazilian Embassy, Washington 

Alfeu Domingues da Silva, Agricultural Attach^, 
Brazilian Embassy, Washington 

Paulo Frees da Cruz, Agricultural Attach^, Brazilian 
Embassy, Washington 


G. S. H. Barton, Deputy Minister of Agriculture; 
Chairman of the Delegation 

Georges Bouchard, Assistant Deputy Minister of 

T. W. Grindley, Secretary, Canadian Wheat Board 

H. F. Angus, Special Assistant to the Under Secre- 
tary of State for External Affairs and Chairman 
of the Canadian Food Requirements Committee 

L. B. Pearson, Minister Counselor, Canadian Lega- 
tion, Washington 

D. B. Finn, Deputy Minister of Fisheries 


J. Manuel Casanueva, Director General of Agricul- 
tural Services of the Ministry of Agriculture; 
Chairman of the Delegation 

Carlos Campbell del Campo, Commercial Counselor, 
Chilean Embassy, Washington 

Vicente Izquierdo, Corporation for the Promotion 
of Production 

JUKT: 19, 1943 



Kuo Ping-wen, Vice Minister of Finance; Chairman 
of the Delegation 

HsI Te-mou, General Manager, Central Bank of 

Tsou Ping-wen, High Adviser to the Ministry of 

Liu J. Heng, National Health Administration 

Yang Sbi-Tso. Director, Department of General Af- 
fairs, Ministry of Food 

Cliao Lien-fang, Ministry of Agriculture 

Slien Tsung-han, Ministry of Agriculture 

Lee Kan, Commercial Counselor, Chinese Embassy, 

Yin Kuo-yung, Ministry of Economics 

Chu Chang Keng, National Health Administration 


C^sar Garcia Alvarez, Minister Plenipotentiary, Eco- 
nomic Counselor, Colombian Embassy, Washing- 
ton; Chairman of the Delegation 

Luis Tamayo, Colombian Consul General, New York, 
New York 

Mario Camargo, Representative of the National Fed- 
eration of Coffee Growers of Colombia, New York, 
New York 

J. Rafael Oreamuno, Vice Chairman of the Inter- 
American Development Commission, Washington ; 
Chairman of the Delegation 


Amadeo L6p07, Castro, Secretary of the Presidency ; 
Chairman of the Delegation 

Arturo Maiias y Parajon, Executive Committee of 
the Cuban Sugar Stabilization Institute; Secre- 
tary of the Asociaci6n Nacional de Hacendados of 

F(51ix Hurtado y Galtfis, Under Secretary of Public 

Ramiro Guerra y SAnchez, Honorary Representa- 
tive on the Inter-American Financial and Eco- 
nomic Advisory Committee 

Felipe de Pazos y Roqiie. Commercial Attach^, 
Cuban Embassy, Washington 


Jan V. Hyka, Commercial Counselor, Czechoslovak 
Legation, Washington; Chairman of the Delega- 

Emanuel Sahi'inek, Acting Chief of the Section of 
Agriculture and Economics, Secretariat of the 
Council of Ministers 


J. M. Troncoso, Ambassador to the United States; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
Rafael A. Espaillat, Commercial Attach^, Embassy 

of the Dominican Republic, Washington ; Vice 

Chairman of the Delegation 

Anselmo Copello, Member of the Board of Directors 
of the Banco de Resei-vas 

E. I. Kilbourne, Member of the Board of Directors 
of the Banco de Reservas 

Andres Pastoriza, Deputy to the Congress, and 
Comptroller of Cocoa and Coffee 

J. M. Bonetti Burgos, Deputy to the Congress, and 
Comptroller of Flour 

Harry E. Henneman, former Vice President, Na- 
tional City Bank 


Alfredo Penaherrera Vergara, Sub-secretary of the 

Ministry of Agriculture, Industries, and Mines; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
Gustavo Adolfo Fassio, Ex-President of the Medical 

Surgical Society of Guayas 
Arturo Meneses Pallares, Research Assistant, Office 

of Labor and Social Information, Pan American 

Union, Washington 
Pedro Leopoldo Niinez, Ex-Minister of Public Credit 

and Finances 


Hussein Bey M. Enan, Under Secretary of State, 
Ministry of Agriculture; Chairman of the Dele- 

Hussein Bey Fahmy, Under Secretary of Supplies 


Hector David Castro, Ambassador to the United 

States; Chairman of the Delegation 
Victor C. Barriere, Director General of the Budget 
Miguel Angel Gallardo, Office of the Director Gen- 
eral of Health 


Yilma Deressa, Vice Minister of Finance; Chair- 
man of the Delegation 

Araya Ababa 

Berhanu Tesamma, Secretary to the Governorate of 


Herve Alphand, Inspector of Finance ; Director of 
Economic Affairs of the French National Commit- 
tee; Chairman of the Delegation 

Pierre Bertliault, Member of the Academy of Agri- 
culture of France 

Andr6 Mayer, Vice President of the College~de 
France, Paris; Member of the Academy of Medi- 
cine of France 


Richard Law, Parliamentary Under Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs; Chairman of the 
3. P. R. Maud, Ministry of Food 
J. C. Drummond, Ministry of Food 
R. R. Enfield, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries 
G. L. M. Clauson, Colonial Office 




L. C. Robbins, Economic Secretariat of the War 

Cabinet Offices 
J. H. Magowan, Board of Trade 

Sir Kennetli Lee, Ministries of Production and Supply 
E. Twentyman, British Food Mission 


Cimon P. Diamantopoulos, Ambassador to the United 
States ; Chairman of the Delegation 


Julio Gomez Robles, Under Secretary of Finance; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
Luis Beltranena, Dean of the Faculty of Economic 

Arturo A. Bickford, Mayor of Guatemala City and 

Chief of the Office of Economic and Financial 



Andr^ Liautaud, Ambassador to the United States ; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
Pierre Cliauvet, Chief of the Service of Control 

of Industrial Development, Department of Com- 
^ liierce and National Economy 
Edouard Baker, Agronomist, Department of 



Marcos Carias Reyes, Private Secretary to the Presi- 
dent ; Chairman of the Delegation 
Gregorio Reyes Zelaya, Collector of Customs 
Colonel Jos6 Aiigusto Padilla Vega, Military At- 
taeh4, Honduran Embassy, Washington 


Tlior Thors, Minister to the United States ; Chairman 
of the Delegation 

Olafur Johnson, Director of the Iceland Purchasing 
Commission in New York 

Helgl Thorsteinsson, Director of the Iceland Pur- 
chasing Commission in New York 


Sir Girja Shankar Bajpai, Agent General for India, 

Washington; Chairman of the Delegation 
P. M. Kharegat, Vice Chairman, Imperial Council of 

Agricultural Research 
Sir David Meek, Trade Commissioner, London 
H. S. Malik, Trade Commissioner, New York 
W. R. Aykroyd, Director of the Nutrition Research 

Laboratories, Coonoor, S. India 


Mohammed Shayesteh, Minister to the United 
States; Chairman of the Delegation 

Hossein Navab, Iranian Consul, New York, New York 

Sultan Mahmoud Amerie, Iranian Trade and Eco- 
nomic Commission 

Taghi Nassr, Economic Commissioner in the United 


Ali Jawdat, Minister to the United States; Chair- 
man of the Delegation 


Gabriel L. Dennis, former Secretary of the Treas- 
ury ; Chairman of the Delegation 

Leo Sajous, Director of Public Health and Sanita- 

George A. Dunbar, former District Commissioner 


Hugues Le Gallais, Minister to the United States; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
L(5on Sehaus, Counselor and Secretary General of the 
Luxembourg Government 


Manuel J. Zevada, Under Secretary of National 
Economy; Chairman of the Delegation 

Eduardo Morillo Safa, Assistant Secretary of Agri- 

Luis Padilla Nervo, Aassistant Secretary of Labor 

Manuel Martinez Baez, Assistant Secretary of Public 

Roberto Lopez, Director of the National Bank of 
Foreign Trade 


M. P. L. Steenberghe, President of the Economic, 

Financial, and Shipping Mission of the Kingdom 

of the Netherlands in Washington; Chairman of 

the Delegation 
G. H. C. Hart, Vice President of the Economic, 

Financial, and Shipping Mission and Chairman of 

the Board for the Netherlands Indies, Curagao, and 

Surinam; Vice Chairman of the Delegation 
P. Honig, Member of the Board for the Netherlands 

Indies, Curagao, and Surinam 
L. A. H. Peters, Agricultural Attach^, Netherlands 

Embassy, Washington 
A. H. Philipse, Member of the Economic, Financial, 

and Shipping Mission 
I. Snapper, formerly of Amsterdam University and 

Peiping Union Medical College 


Richard Mitchelson Campbell, Official Secretary, High 
Commissioner's Office, London ; Chairman of the 

George Andrew Duncan, Director, Export Division, 
Marketing Department 

Ernest James Fawcett, Director General of Agricul- 

Leon DeBayle, Ambassador to the United States; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
Guillermo Tunnermann Lopez, Manager, National 

Bank of Nicaragua 

jmSTi: 19, 1943 



Anders Fjelstad, Cabinet Minister of State (without 

Portfoliol ; Chairman of the Delegation 
Hans Ystgaard, Minister of Agriculture 
Karl Evang, Surgeon General, Public Health Services 
Kristian Fivelstad, Commercial Counselor, Norwegian 
Embassy, Washington ; Representative In the 
United States of the Slinistry of Supply and Re- 
Arne Skaug, former Chief of Statistical Division, 
Ministry of Supply and Reconstruction ; Acting 
Manager of the Norwegian Government Disability 
Services, New York, New York 


I{am6n Antonio Vega, Manager of the Banco Agro- 
Pecuario e Industrial ; Chairman of the Delegation 


Pan's E. Men(?ndez, Director of the Central Labora- 
tory, Ministry of Agriculture, Commerce, and In- 
dustry ; Chairman of the Delegation 

Gerardo Klluge, Editor of La Vida Agrlcola, Director 
of the Banco Agrlcola ; Chairman of the Delegation 

Joaquin M. Elizalde, Resident Commissioner of the 

Philippines to the United States; Chairman of the 

Major General Basilio J. Vald^s, Chief of Staff of 

the Philippine Army 
Arturo B. Rotor, Secretary to the President of the 



Wieslaw Domaniewski, Commercial Counselor, Polish 
Embassy, Washington ; Chairman of the Delegation 

Tadeusz Lychowski, Chief, Economic Section, Polish 
Ministry of Commerce, Industry, and Shipping, 

Stefan Krolikowski, Deputy Chief, Agricultural Sec- 
tion, Polish Ministry of Commerce, Industry, and 
Shipping, London 


Andrew T. Brennan, Commercial Counselor, South 
African Legation, Washington; Chairman of the 

Andries P. van der Post, Senior Trade Commissioner 
of the Union of South Africa, London 

Robert Webster, Consul of the Union of South Africa, 
New York, New York 

Johan A. Siegruhn, Commercial Attach^, South Afri- 
can Legation, Washington 

William C. Naud6, Attach<5, South African Legation, 

Alexey D. Krutikov, Deputy People's Commissar for 

Foreign Trade ; Chairman of the Delegation 
Vassili F. Starehenko, Deputy Chairman of the 

Council of People's Commissars of the Ukrainian 

S. S. B. 
Vassili S. Nemchinov, Professor, Director of the 

Timiryazev Agricultural Academy in Moscow 
Dmitri D. Mishustin, Professor, Member of the Col- 
legium of the People's Commissariat of Foreign 

Georgl F. Saksin, Assistant Secretary General of the 

People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs 
Pavel I. Chtchcgoula, Chief, Foodstuffs Division, 

Government Purchasing Commission of the 

U. S. S. R. in the United States 

Marvin Jones, Judge of the United States Court of 

Claims and Assistant to the Director of Economic 

Stabilization; Chairman of the Delegation 
Paul n. Appleby, Under Secretary of Agriculture 
W. L. Clayton, Assistant Secretary of Commerce 
Thomas Parran, Surgeon General, United States 

Public Health Service 
Murray D. Lincoln, Executive Secretary of the Ohio 

Farm Bureau Federation 
Miss Josephine Schaia 

Roberto E. MacEaehen, Minister to Cuba ; Chairman 

of the Delegation 
Francisco G6mez-Haedo, Professor of Political Econ- 
omy, University of Montevideo 


Jos6 Joaquin Gonzalez Gorrondona, President of the 
Import Control Commission ; Chairman of the Dele- 

Rafael Cabrera Malo, Chief of the Nutrition Section, 
Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance 

Roberto Alamo Ibarra, Institute of Immigration and 

Branko Cubrilovic, former Minister of Agriculture; 

Chairman of the Delegation 
Mirko Mermolja, Economic Adviser to the Yugoslav 


Who met at Hot Springs, Virginia, on May 
18, 1943, under the temporary Presidency of 
The Honorable Marvin Jones, Chairman of the 
Delegation of the United States of America. 

The Honorable Henrik de Kauffmann, Dan- 
ish Minister at Washington, attended the ses- 



sions in response to an invitation of the Govern- 
ment of the United States to be present in a per- 
sonal capacity. 

Warren Kelchner, Chief of the Division of 
International Conferences, Department of State 
of the United States, was designated, with the 
approval of the President of the United States, 
as Sscretary General of the Conference, and 
Ealph H. Allee, Chief, Division of Latin Ameri- 
can Agriculture, Office of Foreign Agricultural 
Eelations, United States Department of Agri- 
culture, as Assistant Secretary General. 

The Honorable Marvin Jones, Chairman of 
the Delegation of the United States of America, 
was elected permanent President of the Confer- 
ence at the Plenary Session held on May 18, 1943. 

The Executive Committee of the Conference, 
composed of the Chairman of the Delegations, 
and presided over by the President of the Con- 
ference, constituted a Steering Committee of its 
members composed of the following : 

Marvin Jones (U.S.A.), President of the Confer- 
ence, Chairman 
Jorto Carlos Muniz (Brazil) 
G. S. H. Barton (Canada) 
Kuo Ping-wen (China) 
Richard Law (Great Britain) 
Sir Girja Shankar Bajpai (India) 
Ali Jawdat (Iraq) 
Blanuel J. Zevada (Mexico) 
M. P. L. Steenberghe (Netherlands) 
Alexey D. KrutiUov (U.S.S.R.) 
Branko Cubrilovic (Yugoslavia) 

The following three members of the Execu- 
tive Committee served on the Committee on 
Credentials of the Conference : 

J. Rafael Oreamuno (Costa Rica), Cliairman 
Mohammed Shayesteh (Iran) 
Anders Fjelstad (Norway) 

The Drafting Committee, composed of the 
Chairmen of the Technical Sections and three 
additional members appointed by the President 
of the Conference, was constituted as follows 
under the ex-officio Chairmanship of the Con- 
ference President: 

Joao Carlos Muniz (Brazil) 

G. S. H. Barton (Canada) 

Kuo Ping-wen (China) 

H6ctoi David Castra (El Salvador) 

Richard Law (Great Britain) 
Hugues Le Gallais (Luxembourg) 
Alexey D. Krutikov (U.S.S.R.) 

In accordance with the regulations adopted 
at the opening Plenary Session, held on May 18, 
1943, the Conference was divided into four 
Technical Sections, with Committees, as fol- 


Consumption Levels and Requirements 

Chairman: Kuo Ping-wen (China) 
Vice Chairman: Manuel J. Zevada (Mexico) 
Reporter: W. R. Aykroyd (India) 
Secretary: Frank G. Boudreau (U.S.A.) 
Assistant Secretary: E. F. Penrose (U.S.A.) 

Committee 1 

Chairman: Karl Evang (Norway) 
Vice Chairman: Tsou Ping-wen (China) 
Vice Chairman: Miguel Etehenique (Bolivia) 
Secretary: Hazel K. Stiebeling (U.S.A.) 
Assistant Secretary: Katherine Bain (U.S.A.) 

A. Food 

1. Character and extent of consumption defi- 
ciencies in each country 

2. Causes and consequences of malnutrition 

3. Reasonable national and international goals 
for improved food consumption 

Committee 2 

Cliairman: Roberto E. MacEachen (Uruguay) 
Vice Chairman: Edouard J. Bigwood (Belgium) 
Vice Chairman: J. Manuel Casanueva (Chile) 
Secretary: Harold A. Vogel (U.S.A.) 

A. Food 

4. Measures for improving standards of con- 
sumption (education, etc.) 

Committee 3 

Chairman: Jost'^ Garibaldi Dantas (Brazil) 

Vice Chairman: Cimon P. Diamantopoulos 

Vice Chairman: Gabriel L. Dennis (Liberia) 
Secretary: A. W. Palmer (U.S.A.) 

B. Other essential agricultural products 

1. Pre-war consumption levels in various coun- 
tries as influenced by prosperity or depression 
and by buying power of the population 

2. Reasonable national and international goals 
for Improved consumption with sustained em- 
ployment and expanded industrial activity 

JTTNE 19, 1943 



Expansion of Production and Adaptation to Congump- 
tion Needs 

Chairman: Alexey D. Krutikov (U.S.S.R.) 

Vice Chainium: Sir Girja Sliankar Bajpai (India) 

Reporter: Murray D. Lincoln (U.S.A.) 

Secretary: F. F. Elliott (U.S.A.) 

Assistant Secretary: Clayton Whipple (U.S.A.) 


Chairman: G. S. H. Barton (Canada) 
Vice Chairman: J. M. Troncoso (Dominican Re- 
Vice Chairnuiii: Vilnkit Derussa (Ethiopia) 
Secretary: Bushrod W. Allin (U.S.A.) 

A. Measures for direction of production toward 

commodities, the supply of which should be 

B. Jleasures for sliittlrig production out of com- 

modities in chronic surplus 

Committee 2 

Chairman: H6etor David Castro (El Salvador) 
Vice Chairman: Stefan KrolikowskI (Poland) 
Vice Chuirnuin: Cesar Garcia Alvarez (Colombia) 
Secretary: Pliilip V. Cardon (U.S.A.) 

C. Measures for improving agricultural productivity 

and efficiency 

CoMurmxi 3 

Chnirmiin: .loaiiuln M. Elizalde (Philippine Com- 

Vice Chairnniti: Rf)berto Alamo Ibarra (Vene- 
zuela ) 

Vice Chairman: Paris E. Meu^ndez (Paraguay) 

Secretary: Mark L. Nichols (U.S.A.) 

D. Measures for development and conservation of 

agi'icultural resources 

Committee 4 

khainnan: E. McCarthy (Australia) 

Vice Chairman: Andrd Liautaud (Haiti) 

Vice Chairman: Marcos Carias Reyes (Honduras) 

Secretary: Conrad Taeuber (U.S.A.) 

E. Opportunities for occupational adjustments in 

agricultural populations 


Facilitation and Improvement of Distrihution 

Chairman: Jo3o Carlos Muniz (Brazil) 
Vice Chairman: Branko Cubrllovic (Yugoslavia) 
Reporter: G. H. C. Hart (Netherlands) 
Secretary: Howard &'. Piquet (U.S.A.)